Kalutara M.P. Mr. Tilak Karunaratne's views about the Government's Devolution package

A. " Certainly not. There is absolutely no rift in the UNP on this package. If you study carefully the UNP's manifesto for 1994 General Elections, it very clearly mentioned that the UNP is against a permanent merger of the North & East. We also mentioned that we are for devolution, but not for division. We also said that we will oppose any division on racial or ethnic basis. So, our position is quite clear and, this is the official position of the UNP".

Q. What other options , do you think, are left for the PA Government, to solve these current problems other than offering a reasonable package such as Devolution ?

A. " Devolution is not going to solve these problems because, first you must understand what the problem is or at least whether there is a problem. In my opinion, there is one problem - a terrorist problem only. If there is an ethnic problem then the signal is that the Tamils and the Muslems cannot co-exist peacefully in any part of the country. Take examples of the world's history, take the latest world scenario - Bosnia or Serbia or even Rwanda. My point is that when two ethnic groups are directly in conflict with each other, it will spread to all corners, not only to one single area. In Sri Lanka, except the areas under the control of the LTTE, the signal is that the Tamils, Sinhalese and the Muslems continue to co-exist peacefully - There is no ethnic problem at all. Therefore, to solve this problem, the question of offering a political package does not arise at all. The only way to solve this problem would be to destroy the LTTE and destroy its Leader Prabakaran. Take what happened fifty years ago during the 2nd world war? Then no body talked of a political solution with Hitler, because he was a megalomaniac. Prabakaran, in my opinion comes very closely with Hitler. Therefore, a political solution should not be on the cards at all except a military solution.

Q At the moment the Devolution Package is only a draft proposal & a White Paper has not even been published on it yet. In such circumstances don't you think that everyone, including the Buddhist clergy, are jumping the gun in protesting and making a big noise about it - a typical case of putting the cart before the horse ?

A. " Not at all. In Sinhala there is a saying that when a priest wants to enter a house he first holds out a clay pot into the house before entering, just to see the reaction of the people. If the inmates are aggressive the pot will be crushed, if not the priest will enter. This is the simile I can think of at this moment. What I feel is that the Government is testing the public opinion and political reaction as to how the public reacts to this package at present. Therefore it is not pre-mature. We all have to be very careful and, if by any chance this package is allowed to be implemented, it is going to be the end of The Unitary Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. In its place there will be NINE Independent States. It will be worse than Yugoslavia.

Q. The first 'All-party-conference' was summoned by Mr.J.R. Jayawardena to discuss on devolution In 1984 - i.e. To give power to District development or Provincial Councils with less autonomy. At that time you were also a member of the SLFP. If the SLFP did not boycott the conference & supported the Government of the , at that time , don't you think that the present day conflicts could have been avoided ?

A I was then in the SLFP, not only in 1984 but right up to June 1994. But I can tell you that the stand I took in 1984 is same as the stand I am taking today on this issue. Actually, I don't agree with the contention that if the SLFP were to have agreed to whatever that came out of the all party conference, it would or should have solved this problem because, this conflict cannot be solved by negotiating simply due to the very fact that the LTTE is not prepared to negotiate. I don't think the SLFP, by not agreeing what was proposed to in the 80's, had contributed to the aggravation of this problem today.

Q. Many intellectuals feel that Sri Lanka Government needs a diplomatic but a powerful and an aggressive approach to combat the very well organised LTTE propaganda machinery. In what way can the UNP, now being in the opposition , as a shadow government, contribute to achieve this goal ?

A. I fully agree with that. We need to have a concerted, concentrated, diplomatic effort to educate the world as to what our problem exactly is. Unfortunately, I must even blame the UNP on that count. Both the UNP and the present PA Government are not going on a comprehensive diplomatic offensive. The Sri Lankan High Commissions and Embassies abroad have always been treated as places where politicians could send their friends and relatives either to educate their children or to have a good time. This kind of approach must change, and we must have professional diplomats manning these important out-posts, so that we are in a strong position to deliver the correct message to the world at large and to retaliate the LTTE's false information."

Q. In Sri Lankan politics, the general pattern has been that once in the opposition they all challenge the government in power, but when the same opposition party later comes into power, they tend to become demented miraculously about their past utterings and follow suit. Why is that the same pattern is allowed to continue - government after government, and time after time? Today even at this crucial hour why can't the opposition and the government join hands and work in absolute harmony to achieve a single goal - to save the country and protect its sovereignty. Take Britain & Churchill as an example during the 2nd World War and how they tackled the situation.

A. I am inclined to agree with you on that point. Actually our Sinhalese leaders are responsible for the present predicament. We have had politicians who were prepared to do anything to achieve power . This is what has really caused the alarming situation in Sri Lanka. At least now I know that the UNP is not going to tolerate that in the future. We stand for equal rights for all our citizens. As long as people are citizens of Sri Lanka, we will ensure that all will have equal rights to live and engage in any profitable business or to do a job in any part of the country according to their wishes, irrespective of the fact whether one is Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslem or any other ethnic group. Today what has happened is that the Sinhalese and the Muslems are denied of these rights whereas the Tamils enjoy this facility. Can Sinhalese or Muslems work or engage in business in areas which are presently under control of the LTTE ? "

Q. The former President, Mr. J.R. Jayawardena, the architect of the present Executive Presidential system and the UNP hierarchy were against the abolition of the present system. In various political circles, however, it is said that there is an " understanding" between the UNP and the PA Government on this issue and that President Kumaratunge might not abolish the Executive Presidency and the UNP on their part will support the Devolution package. Is there any basis for such rumour s?

A " Absolutely none. The Government, specifically President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge, in her acceptance speech when she was sworn in as President, categorically mentioned a date before which she would abolish the Executive Presidency. That was 15 July 1995. But she has not spoken a word about it since assuming office . The UNP has very clearly mentioned that they will support the abolition of the Executive Presidency, but the Government wants to delay it. I am absolutely clear that the PA Government will not only wants to delay it but they do not want to implement it at all. They want to continue with the Executive Presidency now that Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge has realised what powers it gives her."

Q. Even now Sri Lanka has a Provincial Council system in operation. What would then be the difference between the present Provincial Council system and the proposed regional Councils, in respect of Devolution ?

A You can't even compare the two. There is so much of a difference that the Provincial Councils and the proposed Association of Regions are poles apart. At present, under the P.C. system, the Central Government has the power to dissolve the provincial council, remove Governors & to enact laws whereas the proposed regions will be enacting their own laws; even though the Defence, Police and Land matters were mentioned in the 13th Amendment they were not devolved. But what they are proposing today is completely a different package to create Nine Independent States. If you are familiar with the International Law, you will then realise that there are three basic criteria for recognising a state as an independent sovereign state. No. 1 - It should have clearly demarcated boundaries. No. 2 - It should have an effective Government and No. 3 - It should have the right and power to negotiate and enter into contracts with foreign governments" .

under the proposed, the so-called Peace Package, all the regions will be having these powers. So there is nothing to prevent them from claiming themselves as Independent Sovereign States. Provisional Councils did not have such powers . For example when Varatharajah Perumal, the then Chief Minister of the merged North and Eastern Province declared UDI ( Unilateral Declaration of Independence) from the Central Government , the Central Government had the power to cance what Perumal was trying to achieve. Under the present package, the Central Government has no power whatsoever - even to dissolve the Regional Government. Not only that, once the land is devolved into the Regional Councils, then the Sinhalese are going to get played out, because the only undeveloped land in the whole country is in the North and the East.

There is another aspect to this, the law and order situation. There is nothing to prevent the police from buying aircraft, acquiring naval crafts and forming a fully co-ordinated armed force for a region. So, if that happens, it will take the form of Bosnia or Serbia, where they will start invading each other's region. You cannot, therefore, compare Regional Councils at all with Provincial Councils. Regional Councils will be sovereign states and will be able to get Aid and grants from outside. This I must say is going to create monsters within Sri Lanka.

Q. It is also being mentioned that the present Devolution Package proposals were submitted as a carrot to please the Tamil groups in Colombo. Is it the case, do you think ?

A. " I don't know whether any carrot would ever please the so-called Tamil groups. In the Sri Lanka parliament there are seventeen MPs from the so-called Tamil parties whose combined votes polled at the last general election were only 12,500. In my case, I had to poll 68,000 votes to get into Parliament. The combined votes poled by these 17 members were only 12,500. How can they represent the Tamils of the N & the East or the Tamils of any other part of the country? It would, therefore, be futile in trying to please them because they cannot deliver anything, they cannot go to most parts of Eastern District, beyond Vavuniya. There is no point in talking or pleasing this so-called Tamil groups. They exist today because they are supporting the Government ; the moment the Government withdraws arms given to the EPDP and PLOT, they will cease to exist , and will be totally annihilated by the LTTE."