January 29th, 2020


I attempted to find a copy of the forensic audit report on the central bank bond scam, but I could not find it, most probably, the speaker of parliament may want to maintain confidentiality on the contents of the report. If it is opened to the public different views would have aroused on the contents as there are experts in Sri Lanka who have more knowledge of bond dealings and its dishonest aspects in the process. We can see that there were considerable points, which related to the deal.  It was eventuated with the knowledge of authorities who had obligation to exercise due care and attention as bank executives when dealing with various transactions and the consent of authorities who made the covering approval or originally authorized the deal had a fidelity to exercise authority on good faith and discretion in term of applicable administrative law of Sri Lanka. The deal was deemed to be cheating and eventuated without good faith that they were doing the right thing. On this basis, the bond scam was a crime against the government or people of Sri Lanka.  Many mistakes happening in day to day banking activities, but they don’t amount to treat as crimes.

The following points are serious in the case and the public need knowing whether the auditor considered the points. Mr. Ajith Nivard Cabral also made public statements on this matter.

  • The borrowing to the government at a higher rate of interest than the decided rate or prevailing rate of the market by the government was cheating and as a result of this action, additional cost incurred to the government and the responsible officers who authorized the deal with knowing the consequences would be guilty on this transaction.
  • The borrowing more than the amount required at a higher rate was also cheating and the bank officers were responding to question about this and without considering the problem, authorized to borrow a large sum of money was dishonesty and what did the government authorities do with such additional money.  This action also amounts to a crime.
  • There was no consultation of the ministers in charge, who were supposed to use borrowed funds and the leader of the cabinet, the president of Sri Lanka on the rate of interest and the volume of borrowing.  The leader of the cabinet should have questioned this abnormal transaction at the cabinet meeting and would have taken remedial actions to indemnify the potential loss to the government at first instance and to prevent a future repeat. The records indicate that borrowing happened twice. It was amount to misleading and misappropriation.
  • The government auditor was responsible to advise the government about the transactions and advise the government to take legal actions against the culprits.  Did the auditor General at that time or after that play the role?  If the auditor general did not play the role it could be treated as his negligence, which could be treated as abetting to commit crimes and the auditor general also would be an accuse of the case.
  • The issuer of Bonds (Central Bank) and an investor of the bonds (EPF managed by the Central Bank) is procedurally wrong according to banking procedures and reflect a conflict of interest.
  • The government procedures rules that the government cannot borrow funds without the approval of the secretary to the treasury and did the central bank as a government-owned organization obtain the approval of the treasury to borrow funds and to issue bonds to the public for the borrowing purpose.  What was the treasury opinion on this matter?

I don’t know whether forensic auditors considered above points when they preparing the audit report. Lateral thinking on the forensic audit report is essential and hiding the report from the public is not appropriate.

The central bank bond scam indicate that the superannuation management in Sri Lanka is in a crisis and my article since the year 2000 indicated that the central bank is a regulatory authority of the financial system of Sri Lanka and the management of superannuation, collecting premiums, insurance, and investments of fund markets playing role, which is subject to regulations of the authority, the central bank.  Sri Lanka regulator has become a market player and it is a disgraceful act in Sri Lanka’s financial system.  Since the year 2000, I have been pointed out this issue and the government or the policy-makers have failed to correct the problem giving the confidence in the financial system of Sri Lanka.

The government needs to separate superannuation management from the central bank and establish a separate organization to do it consolidating all super funds to a single organization.  The proposed organization would be a large corporation, which lifts Sri Lanka’s economy and provide more than 10000 jobs for educated youths. Such a new organization could give a long-term solution to the unemployment problem of university graduates and boost to the construction industry.

The president, Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa should investigate my suggestion and take action to solve the economic issues of the country. 

The proposed new organization to manage super funds in Sri Lanka can open two accounts in Bank of Ceylon and Peoples’ Bank for operation purpose and such action will be a good solution to liquidity problem (Money base problems) in two major government banks and the banks would not need to borrow from outside for liquidity problem.

The central bank of Sri Lanka can freely play its role especially regulation and supervision of banks, non-bank finance companies and other market players such as insurance, merchant banking, stock market dealing and many other market dealings.  The central bank also can supervise the proposed super management organization.  Then the monetary policy will successfully implement in the country and the original purposes of the central could be achieved.  

China coronavirus – Depopulation & Eugenics: Where is the world going?

January 29th, 2020

The world has gone through much. Heterosexual AIDS, Ebola, the H1N1 swine flu and, severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) in 2003. We now have coronavirus. The death toll from the fast spreading virus has not reached 106 with entire villages/towns being cordoned off by the Chinese authorities. So far all deaths have been inside China. There are said to be 1million foreigners working in China and 492,185 international students studying in China. The virus is likely to impact the world tremendously. Countries must now look into their internal systems and relying on self-sustenance as much as possible.

According to Lancet science journal the virus spreading globally is unlikely to be originating from the Wuhan seafood market.

There is much talk of attempts by the global elites with powerful governments and entities of the UN to depopulate the world. Without brushing the concerns as ‘conspiracy theories’ it is good to weigh the views and derive at one’s own conclusions

774 died of SARS about 650 of the deaths occurred just in mainland China and Hong Kong. But the US Centre for Disease Control says over 8000 Americans have died of flu (2019-2020)

UN’s Agenda 21

Agenda 21? The Plan To Depopulate 95% Of The World By 2030

Bill Gates warned in 2018 that new disease could kill 30M people in 6 months

How did Gates predict in 2018 what was likely to happen in 2020?

Jan2020 Johnson & Johnson advised Coronavirus simulation and now stands to gain financially with new vaccine

Ironically John Hopkins Centre for Health Security hosted an event on 18 Oct 2019 – BEFORE the coronavirus outbreak and ran a simulation of EXACTLY what is now unfolding in China & across the world before it actually happened. What a coincidence!

This Event201 was conducted in partnership with World Economic Forum & Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and Johnson & Johnson was asked about the coronavirus vaccine.  

Jan2020 Did Bill Gates & World Economic Forum Predict Coronavirus Outbreak?  

A pandemic simulation exercise for coronavirus took place on 18 Oct 2019 in New York weeks before the first illness from coronavirus was reported in Wuhan, China.

Bill & Melinda Gates did not only partner the program they are actually funding the group who owns the patent of the virus and working on a vaccine for it.

Jan2020 Congress Funding Controversial” Geoengineering Plan B” to Spray Particles in the Sky to Cool Earth

A top climate change scientist for the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration has received $4 million in funding from Congress along with permission to study two highly controversial geoengineering methods in an attempt to cool the Earth. Known as the Stratospheric Controlled Perturbation Experiment (SCoPEx), the experiment will spray calcium carbonate particles high above the earth to mimic the effects of volcanic ash blocking out the sun to produce a cooling effect. The plan was shown in 2019 Environmental Research Letters and echoed what then-CIA director John Brennan said when addressing the Council on Foreign Relations in 2016,  

2019 – Rockefeller, Big Pharma Faces $1 Billion Lawsuit for Intentionally Infecting People With Syphilis

The $1billion lawsuit was approved by US District Judge against John Hopkins University Bristol-Myers Squibb Co (BMY.N) and the Rockefeller Foundation & seeking damages for victims of syphilis during US govt’s experiments in Guatemala during 1940s.

Guatemalan children, orphans and patients from mental hospitals and prisoners were infected with syphilis to test ability of penicillin to treat sexually transmitted diseases.

The experiments were kept secret until Dr. Susan Reverby of Wellesley College uncovered the experiments in 2010 forcing President Obama to apologize.

Johns Hopkins expressed profound sympathy for individuals and families impacted by the deplorable 1940s syphilis study funded and conducted by the U.S. government in Guatemala. We respect the legal process, and we will continue to vigorously defend the lawsuit.”

2017 – Bill Gates: We Must Depopulate Africa To Save Europe

Gates suggested that European nations must work together to reduce the population growth in Africa by committing more in overseas aid

2010 Bill Gates talks about ‘vaccines to reduce population’ by F. William Engdahl

The world today has 6.8 billion people. That’s headed up to about 9 billion. Now if we do a really great job on new vaccines, health care, reproductive health services, we lower that by perhaps 10 or 15 percent.” Said Gates to invitation only guests in California.

Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation is a founding member of the GAVI Alliance (Global Alliance for Vaccinations and Immunization) in partnership with the World Bank, WHO and the vaccine industry. The goal of GAVI is to vaccinate every newborn child in the developing world. The vaccines are accused of making people sicker and susceptible to disease and premature death.

Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, along with David Rockefeller’s Rockefeller Foundation, are the creators of the GMO biotechnology, & finance a project called The Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) headed by former UN chief, Kofi Annan. Monsanto, DuPont, Dow, Syngenta and other major GMO agribusiness giants are reported at the heart of AGRA, using it as a back-door to spread their patented GMO seeds across Africa under the deceptive label, ‘bio-technology,’ Gates and Buffett are major funders of global population reduction programs, as is Turner, whose UN Foundation was created to funnel $1 billion of his tax-free stock option earnings in AOL-Time-Warner into various birth reduction programs in the developing world.

Read more on Gates & Africa –

Depopulation test run? 75% of children who received vaccines in Mexican town now dead or hospitalized

Chemtrails & HAARP

Amy Worthington claims US is suffering from dangerous aerosol and electromagnetic operations conducted by the U.S. government under the guise of national security. Both the Pentagon’s aerosol operations and its limited nuclear wars are deeply interconnected. The military’s aerosol operations have been climate altering to the extreme. Pentagon has been involved for decades in the drastic manipulation of weather, climate and atmospheric conditions. The U.S. used a chemical agent dubbed Olive Oil during Operation Popeye to induce heavy rains in Vietnam 40 years ago. HAARP is not only capable of destabilizing agricultural and ecological systems anywhere on the planet, but its effects can target select regions to affect human physical, mental and emotional responses during non-lethal warfare projects

A CIA chemist, mind control — and the return of psychedelic drugs

Lincoln Center is the new institute to promote use of psychedelic drugs. Sidney Gottlieb CIA chief chemist brought the drug to US in 1950s and attributes to the cultural revolutions of 1960s. In 1968 Congress made mind-altering drugs illegal. But it was Albert Hofmann, the Swiss chemist who accidentally discovered it in 1943.

In September 2019, Johns Hopkins Medicine received $17 million in private and foundation grants to open a Center for Psychedelic and Consciousness Research.

Sidney Gottlieb CIA chief chemist experimented in mind control which later CIA Chief Allen Dulles named MK-ULTRA.

Johan Salk Father of MASS Inoculation”

His 1972 book Survival of the Wisest” justified depopulation claiming man had to regulate & control Mother Nature because though Nature keeps balance through disease & death man needed to step in & increase the pace. Chapter 7 advocates secret mutation through RNA viruses. Read the book and find out and come to terms with how Salk’s polio vaccine sponsored by Rockefeller & Carnegie Mellon Institutes in 1955 was put market inspite of cells from Rhesus monkeys used in research containing Simian Virus 40 a carcinogenic mutation which ended up giving cancer! Now you know why Salk didn’t patent the polio vaccine. Read about it – The Cutter Incident.

GMOs – Planned Sterilization of Humanity? – Peter Koenig (2016)

  • Rats fed GMO diet suffered infertility (Egyptian research)
  • 19 animals fed GMO suffered liver & kidney organ issues (Institute for Responsible Technology)
  • Hamsters/Rats suffered birth defects (early 2000 Russian studies)
  • Mammals eating GMO food cannot reproduce (2013 Russian study)

Sterilization using GMOs was planned since 1960s.

Henry Kissinger said he ‘Who controls the food supply controls the people; who controls the energy can control whole continents; and who controls money can control the world’

He also said ‘Depopulation should be the highest priority of foreign policy towards the Third World.’ – he’s 96years and is one of the key names associated with Bilderbergers, Council of Foreign Relations, Trilateral Commission, British Chatham House, Economic Forum (Davos)!

According to Peter Koenig GMO seeds are for insect resistance or herbicide resistance (glyphosate tolerant – trade name Roundup”) Glyphosate absorbed into food has devastating health effects – cancer, infertility, miscarriage, birth defects.

F. William Engdahl’s 2007 book Seeds of Destruction: The Hidden Agenda of Genetic Manipulation” speaks of food control & depopulation as strategic objectives of GMOs. Kissinger aspired for a less populated Third World enabling US & world elite to have easier & cheaper access to raw materials & ensuring their luxury lives continued unabated.


The Evils of Big Pharma Exposed

The twelve largest drug manufacturers and the eight largest drug delivery companies (or otherwise known as the drug channels companies) that include drug wholesalers, chain pharmacies and pharmacy benefit managers (so called PBM’s) consist in total only 20 ofthe top 500 global corporations in the world.

Depopulation via food and poisonous preservatives and toxins we eat & drink – best to grow homegrown food

Burnet’s solution: The plan to poison S-E Asia

Ebola outbreak in West Africa in 2014 in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone lost more than 10,000 lives. Ebola in the Democratic Republic of Congo occurred in 2016 close to an American laboratory in Uganda near DRC border. The US Department of Defense (DoD) is funding Ebola trials on humans

Khazarian mob using virus fear porn in desperate attempt to keep control over its 200-plus nation states” – is this the reason for coronavirus???

Stephen Hawkins said greed and stupidity will end the human race and sadly because of the greed and stupidity of a handful of evil and sadistic people the rest of the world and all humanity will suffer. Everything in its natural format has got contaminated or diluted so that people can make profit in wrongful ways. Right livelihood is never practiced – a short cut to power, stardom and profit has gotten us to living in a very vulnerable and frightening world.

Shenali D Waduge

දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදය මතවාදයෙන් පැරදවීම: ලිපි මාලා අංක 1

January 28th, 2020

චන්ද්‍රසිරි විජයවික්‍රම, LL.B,. Ph.D.


රට බෙදන ලෙස දෙමළ [නායකයින්] කරණ නහයෙන් ඇඬීම අත්‌හරින්නේ නම්, සිංහල-දෙමළ ජන කොටස් දෙකට තමන්ගේ ප්‍රශ්ණ විසඳා ගැනීමටත්, සහයෝගයෙන් හා ගෞරවාන්‌විතව තවදුරටත් ජීවත්‌වීමටත් හැකිවන්නේය.
අගවිනිසුරු සී ජේ සන්සෝනි, ලංකාණ්ඩුවේ සැසි වාර්‌තා අංක 7, 1980

  1. සිංහල බෞද්‌ධයින්ට මුහුණ දීමට සිදුවූ අභියෝග දෙක

1848 උඩරට දෙවන මිනිස් සංහාරයට පසුව, මතුපිටින් නිසල වුණු ලංකා යටත් විජිතයේ ජීවත්‌වන සිංහල බෞද්‌ධයින්ට මුහුණ දීමට සිදුවූ ප්‍රධාන අභියෝගයක් වූයේ බුද්‌ධාගම කියන්නේ බොරුවක් යනුවෙන් ප්‍රචාරය කරමින් ක්‍රිස්තියානී පූජකවරුන් විසින් ගෙන ගිය මතවාදය ය. මේ වන විට 1815 දී බුද්‌ධාගම රැකීමට සුද්දා දුන් පොරොන්‌දු කඩකර, අමතක කර, බොහෝ කල්‌ය. අසරණවූ ගැමියන් ඔවුන් ගලවා ගැනීමට දියසේන කුමාරයෙක් නොබෝ දිනකදීම පහල වනවා නිසැකයි සිතමින් සුසුම් හෙළුවේය. මෙවන් පසුබිමක, 1842 දී පානදුරේ සිට රත්මලානට වැඩමකල වලානේ ශ්‍රී සිද්‌ධාර්‌ථ හිමිඳුන් විසින් පරම ධම්මචේතිය පිරිවෙන ආරම්භකලේ ධ‌ර්‌මධර, විනයධර සඟපරපුරක් බිහි කර බුද්‌ධ ශාසනය රැකගැනීමේ අභිලාශයෙනි. ප්‍රසිද්‌ධ වාද හතරකින් පසුව 1873 දී පැවැති පානදුරා මහාවාදයෙන් මෙම මිථ්‍යාදෘෂ්ටිකයින් පරාජය කිරීමට පහතරට හාමුදුරුවරුන්ට හැකිවිය. තව දශකයකින් දෙකකින් ලංකාවෙන් බුද්‌ධාගම අතුරු දහන් වෙනවා යයි, පසු කලෙක සිංහල භාෂා පඬිවරයෙකුවූ, බණ්ඩාරනායක-ඔබේසේකර පවුල් වලට අයත්‌වූ ජේම්ස් ද අල්විස් විසින් 1840 ස් ගණන්වල අනාවැකියක්ද පලකර තිබුණේය!

  1. දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදය නමැති දෙවන අභියෝගය

සිංහල බෞද්‌ධයින්ට මුහුණ දීමට සිදුවූ තවත් බලවත් අභියෝගයක්‌වූයේ දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදයය. සිය යටත් විජිත බෙදා පාලනය කිරීමේ ප්‍රතිපත්තියට අනුව යමින් සුද්දන් විසින් 1832 සිට ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක සභාවට ජාතීන් අනුව නියෝජිතයින් නම් කිරීමේ උපක්‍රමයේ පරිණාමය වීමක් වශයෙන්, 1918/23 වනවිට, දකුණු ඉන්‌දියාවේ මැඩ්‍රාස් ප්‍රාන්තයේ ඒ කාලයේ සිදුවූවා මෙන්, දෙමළකම (ටැමිලක්කම්) රැකදෙන ජාත්‍යන්තර සංවිධානයක් සැදිය යුතුය යන මතය කොළඹ වසන පොන්නම්බලම් අරුණාචලම් මහතාටද වැළදීම පුදුමයට කරුණක් නොවේ. ඉංග්‍රීසි ආණඩුකාර මැනිංගේ ශූක්‍ෂම සහයෝගයද ඊට නොමඳව ලැබුණේය. මෙම මතවාදය, විද්‍යාවෙන්, භූගෝල විද්‍යාවෙන් හා ධ‌ර්‌මයෙන් (බෞද්‌ධ රාජ්‍ය පාලන ප්‍රතිපත්ති මත) විසඳිය යුත්තක් බව ඒ කාලයේ රටේ දේශපාලනය කළ ක්‍රිස්තියානී පසුබිමක් තිබූ සිංහල කළු සුද්දන්ට, නොපෙනීම, නොදැනීම, නොවැටහීම හෝ ඒ සඳහා ඕනෑකමක් නොතිබීමද විමතියට කරුණක් නොවේ. අවාසනාවන්ත කාරණය නම් 1956 න් පසුව අගමැති, ජනාධිපතිධූර දැරූ පංචස්කන්‌ධද මේ සම්බන්‌ධයෙන් ක්‍රියාකල ආකාරය ය. පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලකයින් මෙම අභියෝගය අන්තෝ ජටා බහි ජටා අවුලක් කරද්දී රටේ මුරදේවතාවුන් වන හාමුදුරුවරු පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලනය අනුව බෙදී ගොස් සිටීමය.

  1. දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදය මතවාදයෙන් පරාජය කිරිමේ ජනතා තීන්‌දුව

දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදය හා 13 වන සංශොධන මර උගුල සම්බන්‌ධයෙන් ඇති ලිපි ලේඛණ සංඛ්‍යාව අතිවිශාලය. ඕස්ට්‍රේලියාවේ ස්පර් සංවිධානය මේ සඳහා වෙනම වෙබ් අඩවියක් 2009 මැයි 18 ප්‍රභාකරන්ගේ පරාජය තෙක්ම පවත්‌වා ගෙන ගියේය. මෙම මර උගුලෙන් ගැලවීම සම්බන්‌ධයෙන් පසුගිය අවුරුදු 15 ක පමණ කාලයක් තුල මා විසින් ලියන ලද රචනා වලින් සමහරක්, පුවත් පත් ලිපි මාලාවක් වශයෙන් මෙසේ ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නේ, මෑත ඉතිහාසයේ ප්‍රථම වරට, මේ දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදය, මතවාදයෙන්ම පරාජය කළයුතුය යන අදහස දැඩිලෙස විශ්වාස කරණ පුද්ගලයෙක් වන ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතාව රටේ ජනාධිපති වශයෙන් පත්කර ගැනීමට රට වැසියා, විශේෂයෙන් සිංහල බෞද්‌ධ ජනයා, විසින් 2019 නොවැම්බර් 16 දා ගත් තීන්‌දුව නිසාය. මේ යුද්‌ධය නම් කවදාවත් දිණන්න බෑ යන මතවාදය ප්‍රතික්‍ෂේප කල එකම බලයේ සිටි රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරියා ගෝඨාභය යයි ඊළමට පක්‍ෂව ක්‍රියාකල නෝර්වේ නියෝජිත එරික් සොල්හයිම් විසින් ඒ කාලයේදී ප්‍රකාශයක්ද කර තිබුණේය.

  1. යහපාලනකාරයින්ගේ රට කැඩීමේ කූඨ ප්ලෑන චන්දයෙන් ප්‍රතික්‍ෂේපවීම

1918/24 කාලයේ ආරම්භවුණ බෙදුම්වාදි කැසිල්ල, 1987 දී බලහත්කාරයෙන් ඇටවූ 13 වන සංශොධන පෙඩරල් පාලම හා ඉන් පසු වංක ලෙස ගෙනා 2018/19 යහපාලන ව්‍යවස්ථා මගඩිය මඟින් කූඨ ලෙස මස්තක ප්‍රාප්ත වීමට නියමිතව තිබුණි. නොවැම්බර් චන්දයේදී සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා විසින් එම යහපාලන ව්‍යවස්ථාවත්, දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදීන් විසින් නැණ විකලව ගෙනා ඉල්ලිම් 13 ත්, සිංහල ජනයා නොමඟ යන ආකාරයට හැසිරෙමින් අනුමත කලේය. මේ දෙකම ගෝඨාභය විසින් කෙළින්ම ප්‍රතික්‍ෂේප කරණ ලදී. එපමණක් නොව ඔහුගේ රට හදන සෞභාග්‍යයේ දැක්ම ප්‍රතිපත්ති ප්‍රකාශණයේ ගම සමඟ පිළිසඳරක් යන කොටසින් රටට ඉදිරිපත්කලේ ජනමූල සභා, ජනමූල මණ්ඩල හා ජනමූල මධ්‍යස්ථාන යන නව මාවතක් මිස, මේ යුද්‌ධය නම් කවදාවත් දිනන්න බෑ කියූ, කළු සුද්දන්ගේ පරණ 13 ප්ලස් පෙඩරල් පාර නොවේ. එසේ තිබියදීත්, චන්ද කොට්‌ඨාශ මට්ටමින් බලන විට උතුරු-නැඟෙනහිර දෙමළ ජනයා සෑහෙන ප්‍රමාණයක්ද ගෝඨාභයට චන්දය දුන්නේය. එම දෙපලාතේ දෙමළ ජනයා සජිත්ට චන්දය දුන්නේ, 2010 ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී සරත් ෆොන්සේකාට චන්දය දුන් ආකාරයේම අන්දමන්දවූ මනසකින් යයි දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදීන්වන සුමන්තිරන්ලාට නොපෙනේ. ශිවාජිලිංගම්ට හා හිස්බුල්ලාට අත්‌වූ අන්ත පරාදයත්, පොදුවේ යුද හමුදා නිලධාරීන්ට දෙමළ ජනයා දක්‌වන කෘතවේදී බවත්, බිම් මට්ටමින් ඊළම් මතවාදය කොට උඩ යමින් පවතින බවට සංඥාය. මැතිවරණයේදී කාටවත් චන්දය නොදුන් හා චන්දය අපතේ ගිය දෙමළ ජනයා විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක්ද මේ පලාත් දෙකේ සිටී.

  1. ජනව‌ර්‌ග අනුව බලය බෙදීම බෙදුම්වාදයට විසඳුමය යන බටහිර මිථ්‍යාව

ජනාධිපති වශයෙන් ගෝඨාභය කියා සිටියේ සිංහල බෞද්‌ධයෙකු වශයෙන් තමන් රටේ සියළුම ජනව‌ර්‌ගවල ආරක්‍ෂකයා බවත්, තමන්ව බලයට පත් කීරීමට රටේ සංඝයා වහන්සේලා බලවත් කැපකිරීමක් කල බවත් ය. රුවන්වැලි මහාසෑය ඉදිරිපිට මෙසේ කෙළින් කතා කිරීමට ඔහුට ශක්තිය තිබුණේ ඔහු පක්‍ෂ දෙශපාලනය තම වෘත්තිය කරගත් අයෙක් නොවීමය. රටේ එතෙක් මෙතෙක් සිටි අගමැති හා ජනාධිපතිධූර දැරූ පංචස්කන්‌ධ (සමහරවිට ඩී බී විජේතුංග හැර) බෙදුම්වාදයට විරුද්‌ධව දැරුවේ නියාළු දෙබිඩි ප්‍රතිපත්තියකි. බෙදුම්වාදයට විසඳුම බලය බෙදීම යන්න මිථ්‍යාවක් බවත්, දෙමළ, සිංහල හා මුස්ලිම් ජනයාට ලබා දී නැත්තේ ඔවුන්ගේ ජීවන තත්‌වය නඟා සිටුවන ආර්ථික සංවර්‌ධනය බවත් නව ජනාධිපතිවරයා කියා සිටී.

මින් පැහැදිලි වන්නේ, සුමන්තිරන් කියන ආකාරයේ, යළි ආපසු ගන්නට බැරි බලය බෙදීමක්, හෝ සම්බන්‌ධන් කියන ආකාරයේ, ඔක්කොටම එකඟ වන්නට පුළුවන් හොඳම තීන්‌දුවක්, යනාදී වශයෙන් දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදය නමැති ගහ වටේ කොටි වලිගයක් අල්ලාගෙන සිංහල පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලකයා රවුම් ගැසූ යුගය අවසානවී ඇති බවත්, මේ කුළු හරකා අංදෙකෙන් අල්ලා බිම අනින්නට කාලය උදාවී ඇති බව‌ත්‌ය. සිංහල පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලක කළු සුද්දන් විසින්ම වංක ලෙස ඇතිකල සුළු ජාතිකයින්ගේ චන්ද නැතිව නිල් හා කොල පක්‍ෂ දෙකට තනිව ආණ්ඩු පිහිටුවීමට තවදුරටත් නොහැකිය යන මතයද රටේ හාමුදුරුවරුන්ගේ මැදිහත්‌වීමෙන්, පවතින රාමුව යටතේම චන්දයෙන් පරාජයට පත් විය.

  1. පුද්ගලික උවමනා හා පොදු අභිලාශ අතර වෙනස

හිරු නොබසින අධිරාජ්‍යයට දෙයාකාරයකින් හිසරඳවූ හිට්ලර්‌ට හා ගාන්‌ධිට (හා සුබාෂ් චන්ද්‍රබෝෂ්ට) පින් සිදුවන්නට, සුද්දන්ට පෙත්සම් ගසා නිදහස ලබාගත් කොළඹ කළු සුද්දෝ ඉංග්‍රීසි කතාකරණ කොළඹ, හා සිංහල හා දෙමළ කතාකරණ ගම, යන රටවල් දෙකේ විෂමතාවය නැතිකර ගැනීමට අවංකභාවයෙන් ක්‍රියාකළේ නැත. මේ හේතුවෙන් අද වන විට ශීඝ්‍රයෙන් නාය යමින් සිටිනා රටක් ලෙස සැළකෙන ලංකාවේ ඇත්තේ භූමි ප්‍රදේශ වශයෙන් පවතින අසමානාත්‌වයක් (ස්පේෂියල් ඉනික්වලිටි) හා හැමටම සමාන ලෙස අවස්ථා නොලැබීම (ඇක්සස් ටු ඊක්වල් ඔපර්චුනිටි) යන යථා‌ර්‌‌ථය ය. (මෙය ආගම් හෝ භාෂා ප්‍රශ්ණයක් හෝ නොවේ. කොළඹ සිටි විග්නේශ්වරන්ට හෝ ගාල්ලේ සිටි මයිකල් රොබට්ස්ට ලැබුණ දේ වව්නියාවේ වසන දෙමළ/මුස්ලිම් හෝ අඟුණකොළපැලැස්සේ සිංහල ළමයෙකුට නොලැබේ). ජීවිතයේ එදිනෙදා මුහුණ දෙන මෙම භාධක හා අත්දැකීම් බැඳී ඇත්තේ යෙමෙකුගේ පුද්ගලික අවශ්‍යතා (නීඩ්ස්) හා උවමනාවන් (වෝන්ට්ස්) සමඟය.

යම් ජන කොට්‌ඨාශයකට තිබිය හැකි පොදු අභිලාශ (ඇස්පිරේෂන්ස්) මීට අදාල නොවන්නේ එකම ස්ථානයක, භූමි ප්‍රදේශයක, වාසය කරණ ජන කොටස් දෙකකගේ, එකිනෙක හා ගැටිය හැකි ස්වරූපයේ වන පොදු අභිලාශ, ද්‍රව්‍යමය භූමියට (පොලෝ තලයට) බාහිරව, දේශපාලකයින්ගේ මනසේ ක්‍රියාත්‌මක වන සාධාරණවන (රීසනබල්) හෝ නොවන චිත්ත ආවේග වීම නිසාය. කුලහීනයෙක් යැයි යමෙකුට තම ළිදෙන් වතුර බොන්නට නොදෙනා දේශපාලකයාට ඊළමක් සඳහා යයි ඒ කුලහීනයාගේ පවුලේ චන්දය අයැද සිටිය හැක්කේ මේ හේතුවෙනි. 1861-5 සිවිල් යුද්‌ධයේදී ඇමෙරිකාවේ වහල් හිමියන්, දකුණේ වහල් ක්‍රමය රැක ගන්නට උතුරේ ජනාධිපති ඒබ්‍රහම් ලින්කන්ට විරුද්‌ධව යුද්‌ධ කරන්නට එකතු වන ලෙස තම වහළුන්ගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටියා වැනිය!

  1. රටක භූගෝල විද්‍යාවට පටහැනි ලෙස නීති පැනවීමේ ආදිනව

සුද්දන් මොනවා කිව්වත්, කලත්, ඔවුන් ලංකාවේ ඉතිහාසය දැන නොසිටියත්, ලංකාවේ භෞතික භූගෝල විද්‍යාව -කඳු, තැනිතලා, ගංඟා; දේශගුණ කලාප, වර්‌ෂාපතන කලාප; පස් හා වනාන්තර කලාප- කළු සුද්දන් විසින් දැනගත යුතුම වන්නේ, හරියට නීතිය නොදැන සිටීම සමාවට කරුණක් නොවන පරිදිමය. ලංකාවේ හඳුනාගත් කෘෂි-පරිසර කලාප 24 ක් ඇති බව ඔවුන් නොදැන සිටියත්, ලංකාවේ පලාත් නමය ස්වාභාවික නොවන කෘතිම බෙදීමක් බව අවභොධ විය යුතුමය. ඊළම් සිතියමේ මායිම් රේඛාව සිංහලයාගේ දිවි නසා ගැනීමක් වන්නේ මධ්‍යම කඳුකරයේ සිට වටේට ගලනා ලොකු කුඩා ගංඟා 103 ගැන සිතන විටය. සෑම ගඟක් කැපෙන ස්ථානයක්ම අනාගත වතුර යුද්‌ධ බිමක් වන්නේය. 1905 දී පිළියෙල කරන ලද ලංකාවේ වාරි මාර්‌ග සිතියම මෙම භෞතික භූගෝල විද්‍යාව මතට ආදී සිංහලයින් එකතුකල මානව භූගෝල විද්‍යාව පිළිඹිඹු කරලන නිදසුණකි.

ජන සංඛ්‍යා භූගෝල විද්‍යාව අනුව සළකන විට උතුරේ දෙමළ ජනයා නොගැඹුරු මුහුදු පාලමකින් ටැමිල්නාඩ් හා බැඳී ඇත. රට මැද කඳු කපා වැවූ තේවතු වල ඉන්දියන් දෙමළ මලයනාඩු හොල්මනක් පෙනි පෙනී නොපෙනී යයි. ඉතිරි රට පුරාම ඇත්තේ හරියට බිත්තරයක් කළවම් කළා සේ වන සිංහල-දෙමළ-මුස්ලිම් ජන මිශ්‍රණයක්‌ය. වඩ්ඩුකෝඩ්ඩෙයි හා ඔළුවිල් හා චන්ද්‍රිකා ජනාධිපතිගේ 1995 රහස් ව්‍යවස්ථා ප්ලෑන අනුව, දෙමළ හා මුස්ලිම් කියා රට කැඩුවොත් මිශ්‍ර ජනයා ඉන්නා රටට වන්නේ කුමක්ද? සිංහලයාගේ රට කොහේද? දෙමළ නිජබිම ටැමිල්නාඩ්‌ය. මුස්ලිම් ජනයාට මක්කම හා අරාබියාව ඇත. උතුරු නැඟෙනහිර සිංහල බෞද්‌ධ නටබුන් වලට වෙන්නේ කුමක්ද? දැනටමත් 13 වන සංශොධනය යටතේ මඩකලපුවේ සිංහල ජනයාට, රාජ්‍ය භාෂාව යයි කියන සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් එම පලාතේ රජයේ සේවයක් නැත. සිංහල කළු සුද්දන් විසින් උතුර නැඟෙනහිරට 13 ප්ලස් දුන්නොත් කොහොම හිටීද?

රටක භූගෝල විද්‍යාවට පටහැනිවන නීති පැනවිය නොහැකිය යන කියමන (කැනඩා පාර්ලිමේන්තු විවාද, විල්ෆ්රිඩ් ලෝරියර්, 1887), මහා පරිමාණ ව්‍යපෘති ආරම්භකර කරණ ඉල්ලාගෙන කෑම් වලින්ද තහවුරුවේ. මඩවඟුරක පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක් සදාගෙන මුළු කොළඹ ප්‍රදේශයම වැහිවතුරෙන් යටවේ. අධිවේගී මාර්‌ග නිසා ගම්බද ප්‍රදේශවල ජලවහන රටාව අවුල්කර දමා ඇත. වික්ටෝරියා, මොරගහකන්ද යන යෝධ ජලාශ ඇත්තේ හුණුගල් තට්ටු උඩය. මෙය අතිභයානක තත්‌වයකි. ගල්‌ඔය යෝධ ජලාශය වෙනුවට ඊට ඉහළින් කුඩා ජලාශ කීපයක් සැදීම, ගල්‌ඔය ව්‍යාපාරය සඳහා කොපිකල ඇමෙරිකාවේ ටෙනසිවැලි ව්‍යාපාරය අනුගමනය කල ප්‍රතිපත්තියයි. මොරගහකන්දේ සිට උතුරට ජලය ගෙනයාමට සදන නෝත්-සෙන්ට්‍රල් ඇල මඟින් උතුරට ජලය ගෙනයාම ගැන දැනටමත් විග්නේශ්වරන් ඉල්ලිම් ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇත. මේවා ඉදිරියේදී ජිනීවා මානව හිමිකම් ප්‍රශ්ණවනු නිසැකය. වහින කාලයට ජලය මුදා හැරීමත්, නියංකාලයට ජලය මුදා නොහැරීමත් බංගලාදේශය, වාර්ෂිකවම ඉන්‌දියාවට කරණ චෝදනාය.

  1. ඇත්තවශයෙන්ම බලවත් කලයුත්තේ කවුරුන්වද? (මීනින්ෆුල් ඩෙවෙලූෂන්)

හව් කැන් යූ යුනයිට් බයි ඩිවඩින් (බෙදා වෙන් කලාම එකතු වෙන්නේ කෙසේද?) යන ප්‍රශ්ණය විශේෂයෙන්ම මතුවන්නේ රටේ දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදීන් පිටරටවල අධාරයෙන් එය ලබාගන්නට ක්‍රියාකිරීම මේ වනවිට ත්‍රීව්‍රවී තිබීම නිසාය. මෙය ඇමෙරිකාවේ වෙන් වෙන්ව ක්‍රියාකල ජනපද 13, ආරක්‍ෂක, ආර්ථික හේතු මත පෙඩරල් වශයෙන් එකතු වුනාට වඩා වෙනස් සංසිද්‌ධියකි. යම් රටක් දෙකට කඩා, පෙඩරල් නමැති නූලකින් (මකුණු දැළකින්) එය නැවතත් එක රටක් ලෙස බැඳිය හැකියයි සිතීම එක්කෝ මිථ්‍යාවකි නැත්නම් වංචාවකි. පිටරට දෙමළ ජනතාවගේ ඊළම් කතාව ඔවුන්ගේ ඊළඟ පරම්පරාව වනවිට දියවී යනු නිසැකය. එහෙත් ඉන් පෙර පිටරට දේශපාලකයින් හරහා ගෙනයන ව්‍යාපාරයට මුහුණ දියයුතුව ඇත. උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් 2019 දෙසැම්බර් මැතිවරණයේදී බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයේ ප්‍රධාන පක්‍ෂ දෙකම ලංකාව රටවල් දෙකක් විය යුතුය යන මතය එලිකලේ එරට ඉන්නා දෙමළ චන්ද වලට ඇති පෙරේත කමට මිස මානව දයාවක් නිසා නොවේ. එසේ නැත්නම් දෙමළ ජනයාට ලංකාවේදී ඇති නිදහස්, ඒ රටේදීද ඔවුන්ට ලබාදීමට ඒ දේශපාලකයින් සුදානම් විය යුතුය. මේ පෙරේතකම ගෝඨාභය මහතා දිණන තුරුම සිංහල පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලකයින්වද අතරමං කලේය.

භාෂාව හෝ ආගම අනුව ප්‍රදේශ කඩා ජාතිවාදී දේශපාලකයින් අතලොස්සකට බලය ලබාදීම වෙනුවට, ඒ කාලයේ රොබට් බ්ලේක්, හිලරි ක්ලින්ටන්, බැන්කි මූන්, සෝනියා ගාන්‌ධි, මන්මෝහන් සිං, කැනඩාව, ජපානය, යුරෝපා සංගමය වැන්නන් යෝජනාකල යථාකාරී නියම බලය බෙදීමක් (මීනින්ෆුල්) වන්නේ, 2011 දී උගත් පාඩම් හා සංහිඳියා කොමිෂම විසින්ද යෝජනා කල අයුරු බිම් මට්ටමින් ජනයා බලවත් කිරීමය. පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලනයෙන් වියුක්තවූ ජන සභා වලට ගම් මට්ටමින් බලය ලබා දීමය. 1973 දී ස්මෝල් ඊස් බියුටිෆුල් යනුවෙන් ෂූමෑකර් විසින් ප්‍රචලිත කල මෙම සංකල්පය, කර්ක්පැට්‍රික් සේල්ගේ, හියුමන් ස්කේල් නම් පොතට (1980) පසු මේ වනවිට, විමධ්‍යගත අනාගතය යනුවෙන් ව්‍යාප්තවී ඇත. ගෝලීය ලෙස හිතන්න, ගමක් ලෙස හැසිරෙන්න (තින්ක් ග්ලෝබලි, ඇක්ට් ලෝකලි) යන මෙම අදහස අමතක කරමින්, යුරෝපීය ආර්-ටූ-පී මානව අයිතිවාසිකම් මුරකාරයින් හා යම් රටක මහජාතියෙන් සුළුජාතීන්ට වන වෙනස්කම් නැතිකිරීම සඳහා පෙඩරල් තාලයේ නන්-මැජොරිටේරියන් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම විධි යෝජනාකරණ යුරෝපීය මහාචාර්යවරුන්, ලංකාවේ ගම් සභාව හෝ ඉන්දියාවේ පංචයාත් සංකල්පය ගැන අවධානය යොමුකරන්නේ නැත. ඩොනල්ඩ් හොරෝවිට්ස්ගේ ලියවිලි (එත්නික් ග්‍ර‌‌රූප්ස් ඉන් කන්ෆ්ලික්ට්, 1985) මීට කදිම නිදසුණකි. මොහුගේ හා තුවක්කු වෙනුවට මෘදු බලයක් (සොෆ්ට් පවර්) ගැන දේශනාකරණ, ජෝසප් නයි ගේ යෝජනා ක්‍රියාත්මක කර නොකැඩී බේරුණු එක රටක්වත් දැනටලෝකයේ නැත (ලෙබනනය, නයිජීරියාව, සුඩානය, ටයිමෝර්, කොසොවෝ, ස්කොට්ලන්තය?). කලකට පෙර සුද්දා විසින් අවුල්කර ගිය රටවල් දැන් අපේ ඇස්පනාපිටම තව තවත් අවුල් වී විනාශවී යාම ඒවායේ අවසාන ප්‍රතිඵලයය. ලංකාවේ 13 හා 19 සංශොධන හා යහපාලන 2018 ව්‍යවස්ථා මරාලය මෙම විදේශ බලපෑම් වලට උදාහරණය.

1978 ට පසු චන්ද ක්‍රමය වෙනස් කර කොට්‌ඨාශ වෙනුවට පක්‍ෂවල දිස්ත්‍රික් ලැයිස්තු අනුව හා මනාප අනුව නියෝජිතයින් තේරීමද සුළු දේශපාලන කොටස් වලට අවස්ථාවක් ලබාදීමේ විධි විධානයක් විය. මේ අනුව දිස්ත්‍රික් නියෝජනය සඳහා යම් පක්‍ෂයකට වන්ද වලින් සියේට 12.5 ක් වත් තිබිය යුතුය, 1988 දෙසැම්බර් 19 දින, එනම් ජනාධිපතිවරණයට දින දෙකකට පෙර 15 වන සංශොධනය මඟින් මෙය සියේට 5 දක්වා ආර් ප්‍රේමදාස අගමැති විසින් මුස්ලිම් නායක අෂ්‍රොෆ් ගේ ඉල්ලීම මත අඩු කරණ ලදී. මෙම වාසියෙන් ප්‍රයෝජන ගැනීමට මුස්ලිම් අපේක්‍ෂකයින් නොසිටි මුස්ලිම් පක්‍ෂයට, සිංහල අපේක්‍ෂකයින් ලබාදී උදව් කල ආකාරය ගම්පොළ නියෝජනය කල එවකට අගමැති දි මු ජයරත්න මහ උජාරුවෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී කියා සිටියේය. මේ නිසා 15 වන සංශොධනයෙන් දැන් සිදුවී ඇත්තේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ තීරක බලය, ජාතික දේශපාලනය නොව, භාෂාව, ආගම අනුව තේරෙන සුළු ජාතික පක්‍ෂවලට හිමිවීමය. සීමිත චන්දයකින් පත්‌වන නියෝජිතයින් අතලොස්සක්, මහ පක්‍ෂ සන්‌ධාන දෙක මාරුවෙන් මාරුවට අල්ලේ නැටවීමය. 2019 අප්‍රියෙල් 21 පාස්කු ප්‍රහාරය සොෆ්ට් පවර් මගින් රටවල් බකල් කිරීමේ බටහිර නව යටත් විජිතවාදයට කදිම නිදසුනකි.

  1. ගම-වැව-දාගැබ යන ත්‍රිත්‌වය මත පදනම්වූ ජන සභා සංකල්පය

පාසැල්වල සිංහල හා දෙමළ භාෂා ඉගැන්‌වීම, ලංකා ඉතිහාසය, භූගෝල විද්‍යව හා සිංහල සාහිත්‍යය යලි විෂය මාලාවට ඇතුලත් කිරීම, මුළු රට පුරාම එක සිවිල් නීති ක්‍රමයක් ක්‍රියාවට නැංවීම මෙන්ම ලංකාවේ තිරසර සංවර්‌ධන ත්‍රිත්‌වයවූ (මොඩලය) වූ ගම-වැව-දාගැබ සංකල්පය යළි, දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ න්‍යායපත්‍ර වලින් තොරව ක්‍රියාවට නැඟීම, බෙදුම්වාදය දමණය කිරීමේත්, රටේ බොහෝ පරිසර-ආර්ථික-සමාජීය ප්‍රශ්ණ අවම කිරීමේත් සරල මාවතය. 1930 දශකයේදී කළුකොඳයාවේ ප්‍රඥාශෙඛර හිමියන් විසින් ආරම්භ කල දීප ව්‍යාප්ත ග්‍රාම සංවර්‌ධන හා අපරාධ මර්‌දන ව්‍යාපාරය කළු සුද්දන් විසින් අඩපණ කල බව දන්නා අය අද රටේ සිටිනවාද? උන්වහන්සේ ලියූ කාරණා 101 කේ බොහෝදේ අදටද වලංගුය.

ලංකාවේ දැනට ඇති ග්‍රාම සේවා නිලධාරී වසම් 14,021 (ප්‍රේමදාස ජනාධිපතිට කලින් තිබුණේ මේවා 4,000 ක් පමණය!), කුඩා රටක් වන නිව්සීලන්තයේදී මෙන් ස්‌වාභාවික, භූගෝලීය මායිම් සහිතවන ආකාරයට නැවත බෙදීමෙන්, 13 වන සංශොධනයෙන් දැනට ලබා නොදෙන, මීනින්ෆුල් ඩෙවුලූෂන් හෙවත් බෙදුම්වාදී දේශපාලකයින් අතලොස්සක් නොව, නියත වශයෙන් බිම්මට්ටමින් ජනතාව බලවත් කිරීමට අවශ්‍යවන, සිවිල් භූමි ඒකකය ලබා ගත හැකිය. මේවා කීපයක් එකතු කිරීමෙන් බිහිවන ජන සභා ඒකක, 13 සංශොධනය අහෝසි කිරීමෙන් ඇතිවන හිඩැස පුරවන්නේය. මෙහිදී පැහැදිලි නිර්‌ණායකය වන්නේ මතුපිට ජලවහනය හා භූගත ජල ද්‍රෝණිය. උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන්, ඇමෙරිකාවේ සෑම ගංඟා ද්‍රෝණියක් හා සෑම භූගත ජල ද්‍රෝණියක්ම මායිම් කර ආරක්‍ෂා කර ඇත.
ගිනිගත්‌හේනේ පොලිසියේ වහලේ එක පැත්තකට වැටෙන වැහිවතුර කැළණි ගඟටත්, අනිත් පැත්තේ වතුර මහවැලි ගඟටත් යනවා යන්නේ අර්‌ථය නම් මුළු රටේම මෙවැනි ලොකු කුඩා දියබෙත්ම තිබෙන බවය. මේ අනුව ග්‍රාම සේවා වසම් මායිම් කිරීමෙන් දැන් ඇති 14,021 ට වඩා බෙහෙවින් අඩු ඒකක සංඛ්‍යාවක් හඳුනාගත හැකිවන්නේය. මෙසේ මායිම් කිරීමෙන් ලැබෙන ප්‍රයෝජනය නම්, ඒවා එකට එකතු කිරීමෙන්, චන්ද කොට්‌ඨාශ, ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් හා දිස්ත්‍රික් ලේකම් කාර්ර්ය්‍යාල ප්‍රදේශ, ප්‍රාදේශිය සභා ප්‍රදේශ වලටද ස්‌වාභාවික මායිම් ලබා ගත හැකි වීමය. ග්ලෝබල් වෝමින් ලෝකයක හා ගංවතුර-නායයාම් සුලභ ලංකාවක, පරිසරය (ඉකොලොජි/හයිඩ්‍රොලොජි) පදනම් කරගත් මූලික සිවිල් පාලන ඒකක පිහිටුවා ගැනීමට වඩා සුදුසු වෙනත් සංවර්‌ධන මාවතක් තිබේද?

ලංකාවේ තරම් නියෝජිත ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය කෙළෙසුණ රටක් ලෝකයේ නැතිතරම්‌ය. මොවුන් තෝරාගන්නා භූමි ඒකක හඳුනාගැනීම පිණිස ස්ථාපිතකර ඇති නොයෙක් මාදිලියේ සීමා නිර්‌ණ කොමිෂම් දේශපාලන පඹගාල්වල පටලැවී ඇති අයුරු සැවොම දනී. දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂවල න්‍යායපත්‍ර අනුව නොගොස්, විද්‍යාත්‌මක ක්‍රමයක් අනුව මායිම් ලකුණු කරන්නේ නම් ඉන් රටට අත්‌වන සහනය කෙතරම්ද? ඉහතින් පෙන්‌‌වා ඇති පරිදි පරිසරයට අනුකූල ග්‍රාම සේවා වසම් රටේ සිවිල් හා වෙනත් පරිපාලන ජාලාවල මුල්ගල් වන්නේ නම්, සමස්ත දිවයිනේම නොයෙක් දත්ත පරිගණකගත කල හැකි වන්නේය. උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන්, වටු කුරුල්ලන්ගේ බිත්තර එකතු කරණ ඒකක, සුරතල් මාළු හදන ඒකක, කුකුල් කොටු, ඌරු කොටු යනාදී සංඛ්‍යා පෙන්වන ලංකා සිතියම් පිළියෙල කල හැකිය. ඒ ආකාරයටම, ගංවතුරට යටවන ප්‍රදේශ, නායයෑමට ලක්වන ප්‍රදේශ, වී, බඩ ඉරිඟු, තුඹ කරවිල, ඩෙන්ගු, දියවැඩියා, අපරාධ, හොරකම්, පාංශු ඛාදනය මේ ආකාරයේ තොරතුරු සංඛ්‍යා සටහන් වශයෙන් එකතුකර ජන සභා හා ඉන් ඉහල ප්‍රාදේශීය ඒකක හා වශයෙනුත්, ජාතික වශයෙනුත් මධ්‍යගත කල හැකිය. මේ මඟින් රටේ ඕනෑම තැනක ආර්ථික, පරිසර හා සමාජ තොරතුරු ක්‍ෂණයකින් දැනගැනීමට රාජ්‍යපාලන නිලධාරීන්ට, සැළසුම් ආයතනවලට අවකාශ ලැබේ. මෙවැනි තොරතුරු එකතු කිරීමේ ක්‍රමයක් 1930 ස් ගණන් වල ඩඩ්ලි ස්ටෑම්ප් නම් භූගෝල විද්‍යාඥයා බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයේ ක්‍රියාත්මක කලේය. පසුව දිගටම ගෙන ගිය එය හැඳින්‌වුයේ බ්‍රිටිෂ් ලෑන්ඩ් යූස් යුටිලයිශේෂන් සර්වේ කියාය.

වර්‌තමානයේ ලංකාවේ විවිධ ආයතන විසින් එකතුකරණු ලබන දත්ත අනුව සිතන විට මෙම අදහස ක්‍රියාවට නැඟීම ඉතාමත් පහසු දෙයකි. ප්‍රභාකරන් විසින් ග්‍රාම සේවා වසම් මට්ටමෙන් පිළියෙල කල සිතියම් ඒ දවස්‌වල ඔවුන්ගේ වෙබ් අඩවිවල පළවිය. 1978 දී රන්ජන් විජේරත්න මහතා කෘෂිකර්‌ම සංවර්‌ධන හා පර්යේෂණ අමාත්‍යංශයේ ලේකම්ව සිටියදී (ඇමතිවරයෙක් වශයෙන් දේශපාලනයට ඒමට පෙර) මේ ආකාරයට තොරතුරු එකතු කරන්නට වෙනම පර්යේ‌ෂණ ඒකකයක්ද ස්ථාපිත කලේය. ලංකාවේ ඛේදජනක වෘත්තාන්තය නම් යන පාර දැන සිටියත්, පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලනය නම් කෙටි වාසිය සඳහා කෑලෑවේ යමින් රට අනාථ කිරීමය. පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලනයෙන් අන්‌ධ නොවූ නායකයෙක් නොසිටීමය.

  1. මානව හිමිකම් වැදිබණ!

මාදුළුවාවේ සෝභිත හිමියන් විසින් කුමාර් පොන්නම්බලම් සමඟ කල සංවාදයකදී, රටේ සෙසු ජන කොටස් වලට නැති, දෙමළ ජනයාට පමණක් ඇති ප්‍රශ්ණ මොනවාදැයි ප්‍රශ්ණ කළ විට, මඳක් තත්පරවූ කුමාර් කියා සිටියේ, දෙමළ ජනයාට අපේමවූ අභිලාෂ (ඇස්පිරේෂන්ස්) තිබෙනවා යනුය. දැන් කාලයේ විග්නේෂ්වරන්, සුමන්තිරන් මෙන්, කොළඹ හැදීවැඩී සිංහලයින්ටත් වඩා සියළුම වරප්‍රසාද භුක්තිවිඳින මෙවැනි අය, වවුනියාවේ, යාපනේ, මන්නාරමේ, මඩකලපුවේ දෙමළ ජනයාගේ අභිලාශ මොනවාදැයි දන්නවාද, සිතනවාද යන්න අප විසින් බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයේ හා ඇමෙරිකාවේ හා කැනඩාවේ දේශපාලකයින්ගේ අවධානයට යොමු කලයුතුය. වෙනත් වචනවලින් කියතොත්, කුඹුරේ කුරුළු පංගුවක් පවා වෙන්කල සිංහල බෞද්‌ධයින්ට යුරෝපීය මානව හිමිකම් වැදිබණ අනවශ්‍ය බව මූණටම කිවහැකි සිංහල බෞද්‌ධ නායකයෙක් සිටිය යුතුය.

2009 අප්‍රියෙල් මස, ත්‍රිකුණාමළය අසල මුහුදේ නවතා තිබූ ඇමරිකන් නැවකට ප්‍රභාකරන්ව ගලවා ගෙන යාමේ රහස් ප්ලෑන අනුව, ඔහු විසින් ප්‍රාණ ඇපයට අල්ලා ගෙන සිටි ලක්‍ෂ තුනකට ආසන්න දෙමළ ජනයා මුදාගන්නට, ඒ වනවිට වන්නියේ කොටුවී සිටි ඔහු හා සාකච්චා කිරීමට යන්නට අවසර ඉල්ලමින්, බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය හා ප්‍රංශ විදේශ ඇමතිලා දැරූ කූඨ ප්‍රයත්නය ප්‍රතික්‍ෂේප කරමින් ගෝඨාභය විසින් ඔවුන්ට ඇතිකල හීනමානය කෙතරම්ද යත්, ඒ දෙන්නා කෙළින්ම ගොස් නතරවූයේ, එවකට ඇමෙරිකන් විදේශ ලේකම්ව සිටි හිලරි ක්ලින්ටන් හමුවී, නිව්‌යෝර්ක් නගරයේ යූ,එන්.ඕ. බිල්ඩිම ඉදිරිපිට පදිකවේදිකාවේය! මේ අයගේ බොරු නීතියේ ආධිපත්‍ය කතාවට හොඳම පිළිතුර දුන්නේ රංජන් රාමනායකගේ නඩුව, නඩුකාරයා රවටා කල් දැමීමට පොරොන්‌දුවී, අරක්කු භාගයක් ගෙන එන ලෙස ඉල්ලූ උසාවියේ තෝල්ක මුදලිය.

  1. ඇමෙරිකාවේ ශූක්‍ෂම දූරදර්ශී උපාය මා‌ර්‍ග

දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදය අනුව රට කැබලි කිරීමට 1995-2000 කාලයේ චන්ද්‍රිකා විසින් ගෙනා රහස් ප්ලෑන නමැති මළමිනිය, 2018 දී නැවතත් චන්ද්‍රිකා-රනිල්-මංගල-සුමන්තිරන් හා ජයම්පති වික්‍රමරත්න, ලාල් විජේනායක යන මාක්ස්වාදීන් විසින් එම්බාම් කර පියර දවටා ගොඩට ගත්තේය. එහෙත් 2020 ජනවාරි 3 දින රංජන් රාමනායකගේ නිවසින් අසුවූ දුරකතන හඬපටි, තැටි මඟින් යහපාලන මරාල මිනී පෙට්ටියට අන්තිම ඇණය ඔවුන් විසින්ම ගසාගෙන ඇත්තාක් මෙන්, 2018 ව්‍යවස්ථා මගඩිය 2019 ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් අවසාන විය. ඊළමකට ඇමෙරිකාව කැමතිවූයේ ත්‍රිකුණාමළ වරාය ලබාගැනීමටය. ඒ වෙනුවට දැන් ඇත්තේ 2009 දෙසැම්බර් 7 දා (පර්ල් හාබර් ජපන් බෝම්බ ප්‍රහාරය වූ දා) නිකුත් කල ශ්‍රී ලංකා: රිචාටින් යූ‌ එස්‌ ස්ට්‍රැටජි (ශ්‍රී ලංකාව පිළිඹඳ ඇමෙරිකානු මූලෝපාය ප්‍රතිව්‍යුහගත කරණය කිරීම) යටතේ පණ පෙවෙන ඇක්සා, සෝෆා හා බැඳෙන එම්‌සී‌සී (මිලේනියම් චැලේන්ජ් කෝපරේෂන්) ගිවිසුමය. මේ මඟින් සුඩානය හෝ සයිප්‍රසය හෝ මෙන් ත්‍රිකුණාමළයේ සිට කොළඹ දක්‌වා වන ඇමෙරිකන් කොරිඩෝවකින් උතුරු ලංකාවක් හා දකුණු ලංකාවක් බිහිවීමට මඟ පෑදී ඇත. අනුරාධපුරය වැටෙන්නේ උතුරටය. විදුලි දුම්‍‌රිය පාරෙන් අලියෙකුට තබා බල්ලෙකුටවත් අවසර නැතිව උතුරට යා නොහැකිය!

බෙදුම්වාදය, විද්‍යාවෙන්, භූගෝල විද්‍යාවෙන් හා ධ‌ර්‌මයෙන් (බෞද්‌ධ රාජ්‍ය පාලන ප්‍රතිපත්ති) විසඳිය යුත්තක් බව මෙම රචනාවේ ආරම්භයේදී සඳහන් කරන ලදී. ඒ සඳහා වාහනය වන්නේ රටේ මූලික පරිසර ඒකක වන ජන සභා භූමි තලය (මෙම ජන සභා 2019 ගෝඨාභය ප්‍රතිපත්ති ප්‍රකාශණයේ නම් කර තිබෙන්නේ ජනමූල සභා කියාය). මේ දෙස බැලිය හැකි තවත් ආකාරයක් නම් ජන සභා ඒකකයේදී නීතිය, භූගෝල විද්‍යාව හා බුදුදහම යන මිනිස් චිත්ත ධාරා තුන එකිනෙකට බද්‌ධ වන අන්දමය. නීති විද්‍යාවේ (ජුරිස්‌ප්ru‌‌ඩන්ස්) රීසනබල්නස් (සාධාරණ‌ත්‌වය) කියන්නේ බුද්‌ධාගමේ මධ්‍යම ප්‍රතිපදාවය. යම් රටක, ප්‍රදේශයක, ගමක හෝ යම් ස්ථානයකදී යම් දෙයක්, ක්‍රියාවක්, රීසනබල්ද යන්න තීරණය වන්නේ ඒ ස්ථානයේ භූගෝල විද්‍යාවට අනුවය. අරාබි රටවල ඌරු මස් නොකන්නේත්, හින්‌දූන් හරක් මස් නොකන්නේත් ඒ නිසාය. බංගලාදේශයේ මරිජුවානා තහනම් නොවුනත්, මත්පැන් තහනම් වන්නේත්, ඇමෙරිකාවේදී එහි අනිත් පැත්ත වන්නේත් භෞතික හා මානව භූගෝල විද්‍යාවේ වෙනස්කම් හෙවත් පොලෝ තලය මත ඇති විවිධත්‌වය නිසාය. ආහාර අනුභවය සඳහා ඇඟිලි, චොප්ස්ටික්, හැන්ඳ-ගෑරුප්පුව-පිහිය, ගෑරුප්පුව-පිහිය භාවිතාකරණ කලාප ලෝකයේ තිබෙන්නේ ඇයි? මේ විවිධත්‌වය පිළිඹිඹු වන බිම් මට්ටමේ කැටපත ගමය, ජනමූල සභාවය. ගමට ඉංග්‍රීසි, ගමට පරිගණකය, වාරි ශිෂ්ටාචාරය ඩිජිටල් කිරීම යනාදිය මිස, ඇමෙරිකන් මිලේනියම් ලණුකා රට අමාරුවේ නොදැමීමට රටට ආදරය ඇති තරුණ දේශපාලකයින් දුර දිග බැලිය යුතුවෙන්නේ මේ නිසාය.

අවසාන වශයෙන් සඳහන් කල යුතුවන්නේ ලෝක සිතියමේ ඊළම් රටක් බිහිකර ගන්නට දැනට ඇති ලේසිම ස්ථානය ලංකාවේ යයි සිතා සංවිධානාත්මක ලෙස ක්‍රියාකරණ කොටස්, ලංකාවේ හා විදේශ රටවල සිට, ඒ රටවල පූර්‌ණ අනුග්‍රහයද ඇතුව ක්‍රියාකරණ විට, ඉන් සමහර රටවල් ත්‍රිකුණාමළය වරායට කෙළ හලමින් ඉන්නා විට, සංහිඳියා ඇම ඉල්ලාගෙන කමින් අඥාන ලෙස හැසිරීම හරියට පිළිකාවක් සනීප කිරීමට ඊට කෑම දෙනවා වැනි බවය. දකුණේ පලාත් සභා හත විහිළුවකි. නැඟෙනහිර පලාත් සභාව එහි ඉන්නා සිංහල ජනයාට එළිපිටම හිරිහැර කරයි. බෞද්‌ධ පුරාවස්තු වැසිකිළි ගල් ලෙස යොදාගනී. උතුරු පලාත් සභාව මිනිස්කමට නිගාවකි. මිනිසුන් ජඩ නම් සංහිඳියා සංකල්ප පාපිසි පමණකි.

උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් දයාන් ජයතිලකලා වැනි අය උතුම් මධ්‍යස්ථ මහාත්මයෙකු ලෙස වර්‌ණනා කල විග්නේශ්වරන් ගැන සිතන්න. මොහු කොළඹ සිට, සියේට අනූනවයක් සිංහලයින්ට නොලැබෙන තරම් වරප්‍රසාද ලබා ගත්තේය. ඒ කෙතරම්ද යත් ඔහුගේ පුත්තු දෙන්නාම සිංහල ගෑණුන්ට පෙම්කර කසාද බැඳ ගන්නා තරමට සිංහල වූයේය. එහෙත් උතුරේ මහ ඇමතිවූ විගසම ඔහුගේ දුෂ්ඨ මනස එළියට ආවේය. සිංහල ආණ්ඩු දෙමළ මිනිස් සමූල ඝාතනයක් කරණවා යයි මේ පුද්ගලයා කියා සිටී. ආණ්ඩුවෙන් දුන් අරමුදල් පවා ප්‍රයෝජනයට නොගත් මොහු පොලිස් හා ඉඩම් බලතල ඉල්ලමින් පිටරට වල සහයෝගය පතයි! ඔහුට අනුව සිංහලයාට කලින් දෙමළ ජනයා ලංකාවට පැමිණ ඇත. මහාවංශය ප්‍රබන්‌ධයකි. දේවානම් පියතිස්ස, තීසන් නම් දෙමළ රජෙකි. සමහරවිට මොහු නොදන්නා කරුණක් නම්, 1911 ජන සංගණනයට පෙර ලංකාවේ සිටියේ මලබාර් වැසියන් (මලබාර් ඉන්හැබිටන්ස්) මිස ලංකා දෙමළ කියා කොටසක් නොවීමය. ඒ වෙනස කර ගත්තේ ජන සංඛ්‍යා රෙජිස්ට්‍රාර් කන්තෝරුවේ පොන්නම්බලම් අරුණාචලම් සිටි කාලයේදීය.

රොබෝ තාක්ෂණය සදහා වන විශිෂ්ටතා මධ්‍යස්ථානයේ කටයුතු දියුණු කරන්න සෘජුව මැදිහත් වෙනවා – රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය තිලංග සුමතිපාල

January 28th, 2020

ප්‍රවෘත්ති නිවේදනය තාක්ෂණ හා නවෝත්පාදන රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යාංශය

රොබෝ තාක්ෂණය සදහා වන විශිෂ්ටතා මධ්‍යස්ථානයේ අඩුපාඩු සකස් කර   දියුණු මධ්‍යස්ථානයක් බවට පත් කිරීමට ඍජුව මැදිහත් වන බව තාක්ෂණ හා නවෝත්පාදන රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය තිලංග සුමතිපාල මහතා පැවසීය. වත්මන් රජය යටතේ තාක්ෂණ හා නවෝත්පාදන රාජ්‍ය  අමාත්‍යාංශය යටතට පත්කර ඇති මෙම ආයතනයේ නිරීක්ෂණ චාරිකාවකට එක්වෙමින් අමාත්‍යවරයා මේ බව ප්‍රකාශ කළේ  ය. එහි දී වැඩි දුරටත් අදහස් දැක්වූ අමාත්‍යවරයා මෙසේ ද පැවසීය.

දැනට වර්ෂ කීපයකට පෙර රාජ්‍ය හා පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ ව්‍යාපෘතියක් ලෙස ආරම්භ කර ඇති  මේ ආයතනය මේ වන විට අක්‍රීය මට්ටමකයි පවතින්නේ. පසුගිය රජය සමයේ වෙනත් අමාත්‍යාංශයක් යටතේ  ක්‍රියාත්මක වූ මේ ආයතනය දැන් ජනාධිපතිතුමා අපේ අමාත්‍යාංශයේ විෂය පථයට ඇතුළත් කර තිබෙනවා. අපි මේ රොබෝ තාක්ෂණ විශිෂ්ටතා මධ්‍යස්ථානය ඉදිරි අවුරුදු දෙක ඇතුළත උපරිම දියුණු තත්වයකට ගෙන ඒමට ක්‍රියා කරනවා. ඒ හරහා අපේ කර්මාන්ත වලට ඉහළ නිෂ්පාදන ධාරිතාවක් ලබාගැනීමේ හැකියාව ලැබෙනවා. රටේ දේශීය නිෂ්පාදන අඩු මුදලකට, ඉහළ නිමාවකට, ඉහළ කාර්යක්ෂමතාවක් නිෂ්පාදනය කිරීමට රොබෝ තාක්ෂණය යොදා ගැනීම ඉවහල් වෙනවා. මේ ආයතනය නියමු මධ්‍යස්ථානයක් කිරීමයි අපේ අරමුණ. ඒ සඳහා පෞද්ගලිකව මේ පිළිබඳ සොයා බලා  එය දියුණු කිරීමට කටයුතු කරනවා. සෞභාග්‍යයේ දැක්මට අනුව අලුත් තාක්ෂණය මුල්කරගත් රටක් ගොඩනැගීමට නම් අපි මේ තැනට ආයෝජනය කළ යුතුයි.”  යනුවෙන් පැවසීය.

රොබෝ තාක්ෂණය සදහා වන විශිෂ්ටතා මධ්‍යස්ථානය නියමු මධ්‍යස්ථානයක් බවට පත් කිරීමෙන් අනාගතේ දරුවන්ට මේ අංශයට වැඩි වශයෙන් යොමු වීමට පෙළගැසවීමටත්, තරුණ කොටස්වලට දැනුම දියුණු කර ගැනීමට අවස්ථාව  ලබාදීමටත්, විශාල නිෂ්පාදන ධාරිතාවක් අපේක්ෂා කරන කර්මාන්තකරුවන්ට ඊළඟ තාක්ෂණ ස්ථරය වෙත ළඟාවීම සඳහා  මග පෙන්වන වේදිකාවක් නිර්මාණය කිරීමටත් කටයුතු බව ද අමාත්‍යවරයා ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

මෙම අවස්ථාවට අමාත්‍යාංශයේ අතිරේක ලේකම් සමන් පෙරේරා මහතා සහ විද්‍යා, තාක්ෂණ හා නවෝත්පාදන සම්බන්ධීකරණ ලේකම් කාර්යාලයේ නිලධාරීන් පිරිසක් ද එක්ව සිටියහ.

මාධ්‍ය ඒකකය

තාක්ෂණ හා නවෝත්පාදන රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යාංශය


January 28th, 2020


Why do the people of Pakistan observe the 5th February as a Black Day every year; it is a frequently asked questions. The fact of the matter is that it is not only the 5th February, but each and every day in that month is a Black Day because every day of February has a new story of cruelty and brutality to share with us. The cruel judicial murder of Afzal Guru, brutal hanging of Maqbool Bhatt, burning of the innocent passengers of Samjhota Express and above all the Massacre in Gujarat; February always proved very callous.

Maqbool Bhatt was the first victim to February’s brutality. He was one of the most prominent leaders striving for freedom and liberty of the Indian Occupied Kashmir. If today, the movement for the liberation of Kashmir is still alive, it is because of Maqbool Bhatt’s fiery speeches, charismatic guidance and the seed of desire for freedom he sowed in the hearts of Kashmiri youth. He was accused of killing a CID officer Amar Chand and in 1968 was awarded the death sentence by Judge Neelkanth Ganjoo. His punishment could not be acted upon for the next 16 years and ultimately he was hanged in Tihar Jail in New Delhi on 11 February 1984. The Indian authorities were so frightened of the Maqbool Bhatt’s dead body that they buried him in the jail premises.

27th February 2002 was the first day of the Gujarat massacre and  the Muslim community living in that vicinity was the basic target. The bloodshed ended with 1,044 dead, 223 missing and 2,500 injured. According to an official report, 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus were among the dead in the Gujarat Riots. The Concerned Citizens Tribunal Report estimated that as many as 1,926 might have been killed. Other sources estimated death tolls in excess of 2,000. Many brutal killings and rapes were reported on as well as widespread looting and destruction of property. The Chief Minister of Gujarat at that time and the current Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, was accused of initiating the violence. Reports say that police and other government officials were involved in giving instructions to the rioters and providing them lists of Muslim-owned properties. Mr. Modi simply turned a blind eye to whatever was happening there in the streets of Gujarat and his deliberate ignorance added a lot to the loss.

More heart rending and more brutal story is of Samjhauta Express burning. That was somewhere around the midnight on 18 February 2007 when the Samjhauta Express was heading towards Pakistan. Just after the train had passed Diwana near the Indian city of Panipat, bombs already fixed in two carriages started exploding. Both carriages were over-loaded with passengers. Blazing flames of fire engulfed the fast moving train. Some of the passengers lost their lives in an attempt to jump out of the train; others who could not jump out also had to meet the same fate but in a more agonizing way; they were all burnt to ashes alive. There were reports that when the train slowed down, some unknown people were witnessed pouring kerosene oil to the already burning carriages. Most of those who lost their lives in the incident were Pakistanis. India’s National Investigation Agency (NIA) charged eight people in the terrorist attack, including Swami Aseemanand, a Hindu cleric formerly affiliated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) but he was very soon released on bail. Three others charged in the case remained absconding. The alleged mastermind, Sunil Joshi, was killed in 2007 by unknown killers. Overall a Hindu fundamentalist group in India Abhinav Bharat was held responsible for this brutal incident.

Mohammad Afzal Guru was a very popular Kashmiri freedom-fighter. He was blamed of planning and designing the terrorist attack on Indian Parliament in 2001. His confession statement presented before the court became the basis of death penalty sentenced to him. He was executed on 9 February 2013. Guru’s advocate Sushil Kumar later claimed that Guru had written a letter to him in which he had told him that he had made the confessions under compulsion as his family was being threatened. The same thing Guru claimed in his interview with a journalist Vinod K. Jose in 2006. Guru had said that he had been subjected to extreme torture which included electric shocks in private parts and being beaten up for hours along with threats regarding his family after his arrest. During the investigation he was continuously warned that in case of his non-co-operation, his brother would also be fixed in the same case as he was already in the custody of security agencies. Recently, the Indian security agencies have arrested a DSP of J&K police Davinder Singh on charges of having links with the freedom-fighters and doing cooperation with them. Afzal Guru had told in his interview that the same police-officer was the central character behind all that torture inflicted upon him. It is something very astonishing that the same police officer involved in torturing Afzal Guru was awarded National Police Medal for his gallantry a few months back. Now he has been arrested for his links with freedom-fighters.

The story starting from Maqbool Bhatt has reached the recent arrest of DSP Davinder Singh of J&K police. There are so many hidden links among all these incidents which certainly make the situation more complex and more complicated but one thing is very much clear; life for Muslims in India was never a smooth sailing and never would it be. Same is the situation with other minorities too.

State Subsidized Hajj Will Sink Lankan Economy Irrecoverably

January 28th, 2020

Dilrook Kannangara

A basic Hajj pilgrimage including food and necessities costs upwards of $4,500 from Sri Lanka. Almost the entirety of this goes out of Sri Lanka as foreign exchange. 2,850 pilgrims is the existing quota per year as at Hajj 2019.

Registered Hajj Operators – Department of Muslim Religious and Cultural Affairs

If 2,850 persons make the pilgrimage annually, the total cost to Sri Lanka is $789 million over 40 years. (A Muslim is required to perform Hajj during his adult lifetime). The impact of these decisions is not for a year or two, but for the long term.

It includes a basic inflation of 2% and a borrowing cost of 6.75% which is the bond rate at which Sri Lanka borrows in USD. This is an enormous loss to the nation suffering a debt crisis, a forex crisis and a widening import-export gap which must be borrowed.

To put into perspective, this is many times more than the total cost of state sponsored foreign trips of politicians and their relatives at all levels combined.

After repeated requests recently, the number was raised to 3,500 which boosts the cost to $1.036 billion over 40 years. That is an additional $247 million over 40 years the nation will suffer as a result of the 2020 increase.

There is yet another special request by the government of Sri Lanka that is pending to allow an additional 2,000 as a special quota. If it goes through, a whopping $1.628 billion will leave the country in the next 40 years. This is a massive increase of $839 million over 40 years over what would be if 2019 numbers continued. It will sink the Lankan economy irrecoverably as the nation is struggling to repay foreign loans and interest.

Additionally, there is an election promise to subsidize the Hajj pilgrimage so that Muslims who can’t afford it now will be able to make it. In addition to the impact on foreign reserves as calculated above, state subsidies will have a domestic fiscal, monetary and budget impact too.

The above calculations exclude purchases made by Lankan pilgrims in foreign lands. Their purchases also amount to a few hundred million dollars in total over the comparison period.

It will get even worse as future governments will demand further increases to the quota as the Muslim population grows and the demand to increase the percentage of Hajj performers. Assuming an average male life expectancy of 72 years for a Sri Lankan male, the existing quota of 2,850 means only 20% are able to perform Hajj in their lifetime. In order to keep the 20%, this quota must be increased annually by Muslim population growth which is the highest in the island. Further, as politicians have taken up the task of increasing the 20%, it can go up to 14,600 (plus future population growth) one day in the future to help all Muslim men perform Hajj. What politicians have started is a race between them that can ruin the national economy and forex reserves even more.

This is also discriminatory. Government cannot subsidize the pilgrimage of just one creed. How about the Buddhists, Hindus and Christians? They too have foreign pilgrimages that are affordable only for a few. Buddhists must be subsidized in their pilgrimages to India, China, Bhutan, etc. Hindus should also get subsidized pilgrimages to a host of Hindu pilgrimages in India and Nepal. Christians must also get subsidized tour packages to the Holy Land, the Holy Sea and Fatima. Otherwise the move amounts to the violation of the Constitution.

To all political parties, please consider these facts and the long term impact before making election promises. It is not your money. It is the money of taxpayers who are already suffering economic problems.


40 year cost factor for $1 = [{(1+Inflation) to the power 40 years -1} / Inflation]*(1+Inflation)*(1+Interest rate)

40 year cost factor for $1 = (((1.02)^40-1)/0.02)*(1.02)*(1.0675)

40 year cost factor for $1 = 65.77

Total 2019 cost = Persons * Cost per pack

Total 2019 cost =2,850 * $4,500 = $12,825,000

Total 40 years cost = $12.825 million*65.77 = $843 million

Total 2020 cost=3,500*$4,500=$15,750,000

Total 40 years cost = $15.75 million*65.77 = $1,036 million

Total 2020 cost with special 2,000=5,500*$4,500=$24,750,000

Total 40 years cost = $24.75 million*65.77 = $1,628 million

UNP සහ JVP මඩ බලකාය ක්‍රියාත්මකයි – පූජ්‍ය මාගල්කන්දේ සුදත්ත

January 28th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ සහ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ මඩ බලකාය විසින් අයුක්තිය, අසාධාරණත්වයට එරෙහිව ක්‍රියාකරන භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේට එරෙහිව මඩ ප්‍රහාර එල්ල කරන බව නව සිංහල රාවය සංවිධානයේ මහ ලේකම් පූජ්‍ය මාගල්කන්දේ සුදත්ත හිමියන් පවසනවා.

>උන්වහන්සේ මේ බව සඳහන් කළේ, අද කැඳවා තිබූ  ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවකදී.

මේ අතර, රංජන් රාමනායක මන්ත්‍රීවරයා සම්බන්ධ ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවලදී විකාශනය වූ හඬපට සම්බන්ධයෙන් ප්‍රකාශයක් ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා රාවනා බලය සංවිධානයේ කැඳවුම්කරු පූජ්‍ය ඉත්තෑකන්දේ සද්ධාතිස්ස හිමියන් අද කොළඹ අපරාධ කොට්ඨාශය  වෙත කැඳවා තිබුණා.

පිවිතුරු හෙළ උරුමයෙන් චෝදනාවක්

January 28th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

මෑතකදී ඉදිරිපත් වූ  මහ බැංකු බැඳුම්කර වෝහාරික විගණන වාර්තාවේ වංචාවක් සිදුව ඇති බවට සඳහන් නොවන බව පිවිතුරු හෙළ උරුමය පවසනවා.

එහි නායක උදය ගම්මන්පිල මහතා මේ අදහස් පළ කළේ අද පෙරවරුවේ කොළඹ පැවැති ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවට එක්වෙමින්.

පුජ්‍ය ජඹුරේවෙල චන්දරතන හිමියන් රජයෙන් ඉල්ලීමක් කරයි

January 28th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගේ ආහාර වෙනුවෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව වැය කරන මුදල් කැපකර හෝ රජය ආබාධිත රණවිරුවන්ගේ විශ්‍රාම වැටුප් ගැටළුවලට වහා පිළියම් යෙදිය යුතු  බව පුජ්‍ය ජඹුරේවෙල චන්දරතන හිමියන් පවසනවා.

උන්වහන්සේ මේ බව අවධාරණය කළේ අද මහනුවර දී අදහස් දක්වමින්.

රටේ සම්පත් විදේශිකයින්ට විකිණීමට කිසිසේත් ඉඩ නොතබන බව අගමැති කියයි

January 28th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

මෙරට කිසිදු සම්පතක් විදේශිකයන්ට විකිණීමට කිසිසේත් ඉඩ නොතබන බව අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ පවසනවා.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා රේගු මූලස්ථානයේ අද පැවති උත්සවයකට එක්වෙමින් අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා මේ බව කියා සිටියා.

කොරෝනා ආසාදිත චීන කත සුව අතට හැරෙන ලකුණු – තවත් චීන ජාතිකයෙකු අදත් IDH රෝහලට ඇතුළත් කෙරේ

January 28th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවෙන් හමුවූ කොරෝනා වෛරසය ආසාදිත වූ චීන කාන්තාව මේ වනවිට සුව අතට හැරෙමින් පවතින බව අයි.ඩී.එච්. හෙවත් ජාතික බෝවන රෝග විද්‍යායාතනය පවසනවා.

>එහි විශේෂඥ වෛද්‍ය ආනන්ද විජේවික්‍රම කියා සිටියේ තවත් දින දෙකකින් පමණ ඇය රෝහලෙන් පිටත් කර යැවීමේ හැකියාවක් පවතින බවයි.

විශේෂ සංකූලතා නොමැතිවීම හේතුවෙන් ඇයගේ තත්ත්වය යහපත් අතට පත්වෙමින් පවතින බවද ඇය වැඩිදුරටත් සඳහන් කළා

පසුගිය 19 වනදා මෙරට සංචාරයක් සඳහා කොරෝනා වෛරසය මුල්වරට වාර්තාවූ හුබෙයි ප්‍රාන්තයේ සිට දිවයිනට පැමිණ ඇති ඇය කටුනායක, සීගිරිය, මහනුවර, නුවරඑළිය, අහුන්ගල්ල යන ප්‍රදේශවල හෝටල්වල නවාතැන් ගෙන තිබූ බව වාර්තාවනවා.

ඒ අනුව ඇය සංචාරය කළ ප්‍රදේශවල පිහිටි හෝටල් පරීක්ෂාවට ලක් කරන බව සෞඛ්‍ය සේවා අධ්‍යක්‍ෂ ජනරාල් අනිල් ජාසිංහ සඳහන් කළේ

චීනයේ හුබෙයි ප්‍රාන්තයේ සිට මෙරටට පැමිණි 43 හැවිරිදි චීන ජාතික මෙම කාන්තාව තවත් පිරිසක් සමඟ දිවයිනට පැමිණ තිබුණා.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, එම කාන්තාව මෙරටින් පිටව යන අවස්ථාවේදී ඇති වූ උණ රෝගී තත්ත්වයක් හේතුවෙනුයි අංගොඩ අයි.ඞී.එච්. උණ රෝහලට ඇතුළත් කෙරුණේ.

එහිදී ඇයට කොරෝනා වෛරසය වැළදී ඇති බවට තහවුරු කර ගනු ලැබුවා.

මේ වන විට ඇය ජාතික බෝවන රෝග විද්‍යායාතනයේ නිරෝධායනය කර සිටින බවයි සෞඛ්‍ය අමාත්‍යාංශයේ ප්‍රධාන වසංගත රෝග විද්‍යාඥ වෛද්‍ය සුදත් සමරවීර හිරු ප්‍රවෘත්ති අංශයට සදහන් කළේ.

එමෙන්ම, කොරෝනා වෛරසය ආසාදිත වූ චීන කාන්තාවගේ තවත් සාම්පල කිහිපයක් විශේෂ පරීක්ෂාවක් සඳහා විදේශ රටකට යොමු කිරීමට ද කටයුතු කර තිබෙනවා.

කෙසේ නමුත් මේ පිළිබදව අනියත බියක් ඇති කර නොගන්නා ලෙසට ජනතාවට සෞඛ්‍ය අංශ දැනුම් දීමක් සිදුකරනවා.

මේ අතර කොරෝනා වෛරසය වැළඳී ඇති බවට සැකකෙරෙන තවත් චීන ජාතිකයෙකු අද දහවල් අංගොඩ පිහිටි අයි.ඩී.එච්. හෙවත් ජාතික බෝවන රෝග විද්‍යායතනයට ඇතුළත් කර තිබෙනවා.

එහි උසස් නිලධාරියෙකු සඳහන් කළේ අද දහවල් උණ සහ කැස්ස හේතුවෙන් මොහු රෝහල වෙත ප්‍රතිකාර සඳහා පැමිණි බවයි.

මේ අතර කොරෝනා වෛරසය ආසාදනය වී ඇති බවට සැක කරමින් බලපිටිය රෝහලට ප්‍රතිකාර ලබාගැනීමට හෝටල් සේවිකාවක්ද අංගොඩ පිහිටි අයි.ඞී.එච්. හෙවත් ජාතික බෝවන රෝග විද්‍යායතනය වෙත යොමුකර තිබෙනවා.


January 27th, 2020


One way of erasing the Eelam victory was to show that the Sri Lanka army consisted of brutal killers. They killed out of malice. They killed ‘innocent Tamils’ who were simply going about their daily activities.

The army is also accused of political killings. The assassination of Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge (2009), the abduction and torture of journalist Keith Noyahr (2008), the attacks on journalists Upali Tennakoon and Namal Perera were carried out by a military intelligence team operating from the Tripoli Army camp in Slave Island, said the media.

Eelamists pounced on the army killings. University Teachers for Human Rights, Jaffna (UTHRJ) said it had compiled elaborate evidence and information for crimes committed by Army, LTTE and Indian Peace Keeping Force during the Eelam wars. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch pushed for inquiries on such killings. UN Human Rights Council was kept informed.   Here is a list of such killings.


It is alleged that in 1990 Army personnel assembled nearly 200 Tamil civilians, including children, from Sathurukondan and nearby villages in Batticaloa and summarily killed them. This was described as one of the most gruesome incidents in the east. Fr. Miller’s Peace Committee recorded an eyewitness account from the only survivor of the massacre. It is three decades now, reported the media in 2019, but justice has not been done.

1998 /1

Former Army Major Dickson Rajamanthree and an employee of the camp named Priyantha Rajakaruna had assaulted and murdered Gnanasingham Anton Gunasekaram, from Gurunagar area in Jaffna, on September 10 1998, after taking him in for questioning. The judicial autopsy reports revealed that the deceased had suffered 21 cut wounds to the body. Following a lengthy trial, these two were sentenced to death by the Trincomalee High Court .The verdict was delivered by the High Court Judge Manikkavasagar Illancheliyan in 2016.


Colombo High Court, in 2016, imposed two years RI suspended sentence on a retired army officer who had negligently shot an LTTE suspect  who was trying to escape from Pt Pedro camp causing the latter’s death in 1998. The LTTE suspect had tried to escape with his handcuffs on.   A fine of Rs 10,000 was also imposed on the officer. He was ordered to pay compensation of Rs 2,000,000 as compensation to the nearest relative of the deceased, in default of a prison term of 12 month.


R.M.Sunil Ratnayake, a staff sergeant attached to Sri Lanka Army was sentenced to death by the Colombo High Court Trial-at-Bar bench in 2015. He was found to be guilty of murdering eight Tamil civilians at Mirusuvil in Jaffna on December 19, 2000. The   eight civilians were Gnanapalan Raviveeran, Sellamuttu Theivakulasingham, Vilvarajah Pratheepan, Sinniah Vilvarajah, Nadesu Jeyachandran, Kathiran Gnanachandran, Gnanachandran Santhan and Vilvarajah Prasath.

Due to the war, the villagers of Mirusuvil, a village in Jaffna, had abandoned the village and  were living some distance away since Mirusuvil came under fire. They however, kept an eye on their abandoned houses and would visit them periodically, to clean them and to collect whatever produce they could find. The visits were done during the day time and they ensured that they left before dusk.

On December 19, 2000, 8 villagers went back to Mirusuvil to check on their property. They delayed to leave   and were stopped by two soldiers. The villagers were made to kneel and were questioned. One soldier went away and returned with four other soldiers. They had assaulted the 8 villagers. 

The sole witness, Maheswaran said he had been blindfolded with his sarong    and assaulted. He had lost consciousness temporarily. The soldiers had tossed him over a fence and his blindfold had come off. He had run home and reported the matter. His family informed the EPDP.

Meanwhile, Major Sydney de Soyza of the military police in Jaffna had received orders from Brigadier Thoradeniya to inquire into the missing persons. He was told that a Special Operations Unit of the 6th Gajaba Regiment had recently been sent to Mirusuvil. It had reconnaissance unit as well. Major Soyza questioned Maheswaran and recorded his statement.

Maheswaran, his parents, an EPDP representative, the Grama sevaka and military police went to the scene of the crime. Some soldiers came to see what was happening and Maheswaran identified two as his attackers.One was Lance Corporal Ratnayake. The area had been searched on the orders of the Magistrate and the eight bodies found. It was established that those bodies were of the persons who accompanied Maheswaran on December 19 to visit Mirusuvil.

The trial went on for 13 years. 14 persons were charged initially, nine were acquitted and four were discharged. Only one was left. Supreme Court in 2019 affirmed the conviction and death sentence of Ratnayake.Supreme Court concluded that the judges of the Trial-at-Bar were justified in treating witness Maheswaran as a credible witness and acting on his testimony.


On January 2, 2006, five young Tamil men aged 20  were gunned down, near the Gandhi statue at the sea front in Trincomalee. Two other students suffered injuries but survived. The five victims were Manoharan Rajiharan, Yogarajah Hemachandra, Logitharajah Rohan, Thangathurai Sivanantha and Shanmugarajah Gajendran all aged 21.The two injured youths were Yogarajah Poongulalon and Pararajasingham Kokulraj.  They managed to escape by feigning death.

The post-mortem conducted by Trincomalee JMO Dr. Gamini Gunatunga determined that the five had died from gunshot wounds. Three had been shot in the head at close quarters while two died from shots to the chest and abdomen. Some had injuries that were not caused by gunshots.  Trincomalee Magistrate V. Ramakamalan conducted an inquiry and recorded an interim verdict of gunshot injuries. 

D.B.S .Jeyaraj reported that the Gandhi statue roundabout where the Dockyard Road and Fort Frederick Road intersected had an important check point close by, manned by Army, Navy and police personnel. There were three more check posts manned by the Navy within a 100-metre radius.

Almost as if on cue a security force truck trundled in quickly, continued D.B.S. Jeyaraj. The occupants of the truck zoomed in on the seven Tamil youths. They surrounded them and forced them to kneel down. They started checking their ID cards. Thereafter, they began assaulting them. They were then put aboard the truck and repeatedly assaulted.

At this point, some more security personnel on motorcycles and in a land rover arrived. There was excited discussion in Sinhala among the new and old arrivals. The youths could only hear the noise. Suddenly, they were kicked and pushed out of the truck. Even as they fell, they found that the entire area was now pitch dark. The lights in the vicinity had been turned off. The youths were now hit again and forced to kneel down. 

 After some more rounds of assaulting, the youths were forced to kneel down again. Firearms were taken out and brandished. The youths were told they were going to be killed as a warning to the Tigers in Trincomalee. The innocent youths began wailing and pleading. Their pathetic cries were heard far and wide, reported D.B.S. Jeyaraj. 

There were more than a hundred people in the vicinity when all this started happening. But police and Navy personnel cordoned off the area and forced the people consisting of vendors and others relaxing on the beachfront to kneel down or squat or lie prostrate on the ground. Some could however see and hear what was going on. Almost everyone heard the report of the grenade explosion and the subsequent gunfire reports, continued D.B.S.Jeyaraj. 

After playing cat and mouse for a while, the assassins now began firing. Two of the youths were shot behind the ear. One was shot in the back of the head. The other four then scrambled to their feet and made a desperate attempt to escape by running away. They were mowed down by gunfire. They were shot in the chest, abdomen, shoulders and thighs and then collapsed. A little while after the firing was over, a grenade was thrown at the still bodies. It proved a dud and did not explode, concluded D.B.S. Jeyaraj.  

 Tamil Guardian” said the students had been pushed on to the road. They had then been forced to lie face down and shot. Navy personnel had closed off all exits to the beach, no one was allowed in or out. Then, a military jeep rolled  in with 10 to 15 uniformed armed men shouting in Sinhalese. The men, later identified as members of Sri Lanka’s police Special Task Force (STF), proceeded to assault the students with their rifle butts. Suddenly a grenade was thrown and fell near my feet,” said Poongulalon, I ran about 10 metres  and fell down injured.”

Ponnuthurai Yogarajah, the father of Hemachandran  had run to the place. He was  stopped by Sri Lankan troops at a nearby checkpoint. He told UTHR-J that he was struck by military personnel who forced him to the ground. Soon after, masked men, possibly belonging to the STF, arrived and began to beat him.  Lying face down on the ground, he heard gunshots. They were not shots fired upwards, but had the distinct sound of shots fired at the ground,” reported Tamil Guardian”.   

Later at the hospital, three uniformed police officers and six or seven masked men with guns  had  approached  Dr. Kasipillai Manoharan ,father of Rajiharan. They demanded that he sign a statement admitting his son was an LTTE cadre who had been killed in an explosion. An angry Dr Manoharan refused. He left the hospital and later returned with the head of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) in the Trincomalee district Arthur Tveiten who had declared This is murder, these boys have not been killed by explosion, these are gunshot wounds” reported  Tamil Guardian” 

 Tamil Guardian” said that  its account was based on the testimonies collected by Together Against Genocide, UTHR-J and Amnesty International. University Teachers for Human Rights-Jaffna   had compiled elaborate evidence and information pertaining to the case.

 Weeks later, a Tamil trishaw driver and  Tamil photojournalist were   killed by unknown” persons.  The trishaw driver was an eye-witness to the incident and had been prepared to testify in a trial. Subramaniyam Sugirdharajan,  a ‘Sudar Oli’ journalist, had accompanied Dr Manoharan to the mortuary and published incriminating photographs of the victims showing they had been shot dead point blank.  A 20-year-old asylum seeker , now in Christmas Island , who had been a witness to the events that evening,  said he was beaten, imprisoned and eventually forced to leave Sri Lanka .  

According to ‘Tamil Guardian” amidst the mass of vehicles and soldiers that Dr Manoharan could see, one stood out. A grey unmarked pick up vehicle had been sat parked further ahead, watching whilst events were unfolding. Inside sat SP Kapila Jayasekera. I have no doubt that  Kapila Jeyasekera is responsible for killing my son” said Dr Manoharan. Kapila Jayasekera was promoted to DIG in the Ampara district in 2013. (

 Family members of the victims  were  pressurized to keep silent. Dr Manoharan,  said he  received anonymous calls after he testified  at Magistrate Court, that he  and his family will be killed. The  house was pelted with stones. In June 2006  threats intensified, Dr Manoharan  and  his family, fled abroad and the  investigation stalled.

After the inquest, 11 STF had been arrested but were released when it was found that the bullets did not match their authorized firearms. UTHR Jaffna had reported that a witness said he had seen two naval officers arrive by motorbike   carrying  three guns and they gave one of them to STF, before students were killed.

On February 12, 2006, twelve  officers of the Special Task Force (STF)  and an assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) were arrested  in connection with the killings. The CID had cited 36 witnesses.  As the case progressed, it became apparent that the prosecution was finding it difficult to produce credible witnesses. Some of the key witnesses  including the two survivors who were eye-witnesses and the families of the killed students had  left Sri Lanka due continuous threats and consistent harassment.

After protracted hearings, Trincomalee Chief Magistrate M.M. Mohammed Hamza acquitted all thirteen of all charges. The magistrate ruled that  there was insufficient  evidence  to continue the case .

But in 2018, Yahapalana  government said it was planning to seek a fresh trial since it was now possible to  give evidence on Skype, which meant that those abroad could give evidence. We could not proceed with the case as the main witness was overseas and was not in a position to support proceedings. The case is now progressing as new reforms have allowed the use of Skype evidence, Yahapalana said. In 2008 Dr Manoharan  had testified  before the Presidential Commission of Inquiry to look into 16 cases of ‘serious HR violations’. He testified from abroad via video conferencing.

This  killing  has since come to be known as the ‘Trinco five’. The “Trinco 5” case  became a rallying point for human rights activists  The dead boys are remembered at Trincomalee’s beach front at the dawn of every new year.

The Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission appointed former High Court Judge T. Sunderalingam as a special Rapporteur to probe the killings. His report dated March 31, 2006 was not publicized due to some procedural hassles and other issues at the HRC. The official” fate of that report remains a mystery. Subsequently, extracts of the report were quoted by human rights organisations and activists in their writings, said D.B.S. Jeyaraj. 

Trinco 5′  is one of the highest profile killings in Sri Lanka to receive international attention, said critics. The Trinco five massacre is not such a difficult case,” commented James Ross, Human Rights Watch’s Legal and Policy Director.

In 2012 over 700 activists in New York demanded justice for the killings  and condemnation  came from human rights organisations across the world. “Trinco 5” figured at UN Human Rights Council sessions  of 2013 with calls for Sri Lanka to bring the perpetrators to justice.

Two of the parents Dr. Kasipillai Manoharan, the father of Ragihar and Aiyamuttu Shanmugarajah, the father of Gajendran were in Geneva during the UN Human Rights Council sessions in March 2013 and participated in several meetings and conferences held on the sidelines. They pointed out that no action had been taken for seven years. Their impassioned pleas demanding justice for their children made a profound impact in Geneva.

Dr. Manoharan,  attended the UN Human Rights Council annual review meeting in March 2013 to demand justice for the murders. Dr Manoharan, broke down in tears while speaking at  this meeting. Seven years have gone after the brutal killings of the students, but so far justice is not served.”

Speaking at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, Dr Manoharan told member states, With all the pain of losing my son Ragihar, I seek your help and that of the Human Rights Council to move the investigation of the murder of the five young men in Trincomalee to the international level because I have no hope for justice in Sri Lanka”.

The Trinco five” is listed in   the 2014 UN High Commissioner for Human Rights report on Sri Lanka and has been raised repeatedly in international forums. in 2018  There was a tweet by US Ambassador Atul Keshap on the  matter.


 On August 4, 2006,  the bodies of 15  employees of Paris-based Action Contre La Faim (ACF, Action Against Hunger) were discovered lying face down on the front lawn of ACF’s Muttur office. They had bullet wounds to head and neck , showing that  they had been shot at close range, execution style. Bodies of two  staff members were found later in  a car nearby, making a total of 17. The dead consisted of one Muslim  and 16 ethnic Tamils, including 4 women.

ACF said  the  incident had occurred in the midst of the fighting between government forces and the separatist LTTE for control of Muttur. ACF said it had lost contact with its mission in Muttur at around 7am on 4 August 2006, as fighting raged around it.  But ACF staff were not killed by stray bullets. They were deliberately targeted, despite the fact that they were wearing white ACF T-shirts and were not armed. they had been lined up, forced to kneel and each shot in the head. ACF demanded an international inquiry.

The Sri Lankan government  rejected accusations by ACF that the military was responsible for the massacre of 17 aid workers in Muttur. Here is its statement.

The content of the Press Release reportedly issued by ACF on 3 December 2013 contains allegations of a very serious nature implicating the security forces of the country.If the ACF  had in its possession evidence which could bring the perpetrators of the crime to justice, the first thing they should have done was to produce that evidence, not withhold such evidence for almost 7 years.The fact that they did not come up with so called evidence and chose instead to release a public report on the matter, calls to question the motives of the organization in withholding such evidence.

This is another instance of a pattern which has emerged since the end of the conflict where certain organizations level allegations against the Government of Sri Lanka  without providing sufficient details to enable an investigation. These accusations are then repeated in several other documents, by different agencies, thereby forming an opinion which is then propagated, without substantiation.

The Government  of Sri Lanka has  not been provided  with the evidence which is claimed to be in the possession of the authors of these reports.ACF concludes these allegations with a call for an independent international investigation.. The Government remains committed to conduct impartial and comprehensive criminal investigations and domestic inquiries into any complaints and information received, relating to alleged perpetration of crimes by members of the armed forces and the police.”  ( end of statement)

In July 2007, President Mahinda Rajapaksa established the Presidential Commission of Inquiry to investigate 16 major human rights cases, including the ACF case. Families of ACF workers who testified before the Commission reported threats by security force personnel.

The Commission’s full report was not released until September 2015. while stating it had insufficient evidence to determine the perpetrators of the ACF killings, it effectively exonerated the army and navy in the massacre and indicated that LTTE forces or Muslim militia carried them out.

The ACF deaths were publicized by  international  organizations interested in Sri Lanka . Sri Lankan authorities have failed to bring to justice those responsible for the execution-style killing of 17 aid workers 13 years ago, Human Right Watch said. “Thirteen years have not brought the Sri Lankan police any closer to bringing to justice those responsible for the summary execution of 17 aid workers,” said James Ross, legal and policy director at Human Rights Watch. “The ACF case shows the need for the government to seek international judicial assistance to prosecute these and other killings.”

University Teachers for Human Rights (UTHR), released on April 1, 2008,  their “Special Report No 30”, which  dealt exclusively with the massacre of ACF staff. They published detailed findings on the Muttur killings, based on accounts from witnesses and weapons analysis that implicate government security forces present in the area. They allege that two police constables and Sri Lankan naval special forces commandos were directly responsible, and that senior police and justice officials were linked to a cover-up.

UTHR names one member of the Sri Lankan Home Guard, now the Civil Defence Force, and two Police Constables based in the Muttur Police Station as perpetrators, but adds that several Sri Lanka Navy Special Forces were part of the group that entered the ACF compound and remained passive as the ACF staff were murdered.

They  were killed by ‘unidentified attackers, believed to be member of the Sri Lanka security forces’ said Amnesty International .  US embassy said that members of Sri Lanka’s Special Task Force, and the Muslim Home Guard, were the likely perpetrators.


TNA Parliamentarian Nadarajah Raviraj and his police bodyguard, Sergeant Lakshman Lokuwella, were both fatally shot, on November 10, 2006, when their car was passing through Narahenpita in Colombo. Five naval intelligence officers,  were indicted in respect of the shooting and killing  All were acquitted. Attorney General sought a retrial.  He appealed seeking to set aside the High Court order, which acquitted the five naval intelligence officers, The jury was mis-directed and any case couldn’t judge this, the AG  said. Trial process was not appropriate and there were several deficiencies in the summing up of the judge.


The Attorney General, in September 2019, indicted in the Colombo High Court ,former Navy Commander Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda, Rear Admiral D.K.P. Dassanayake and 12 other naval officers with abduction and disappearance of 11 youths, in 2008 and 2009.  They were charged with kidnapping for ransom, illegal detention and murder. This investigation has come under the scrutiny of the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).

The alleged disappearances came to light, in early 2009, soon after the successful conclusion of the war.   Navy Commander Karannagoda initiated an inquiry after receiving representations from a close relative of one of the missing persons. Karannagoda had   made a written complaint to the CID on May 28, 2009, against his personal security officer, following which the CID was able to uncover the Navy’s involvement in the abductions.  Karannagoda had reported the recovery of some national identity cards and other items belonging to the missing persons, from his  security officer’s locker.

The CID initiated a fresh investigation after the change of government in January 2015.The CID recorded statements, from over 50 officers. Several Navy personnel too had given evidence confirming the detention of these youths.

In 2008, 11 youths, Kasthuriarachchilage John alias John, Rajiv Naganathan alias Malli, Pradeep Vishvanathan, Tillakeshwaran Ramalingam, Mohomed Sajith, Jamaldeen Dilan, Amalan Leon, Roshan Leon, Antony Kasthuriarachchi, Thyagaraja Jegan and Mohomed Ali Anver alias Hajiya,  were abducted from Kotahena and other suburbs of Colombo by the navy. The victims were taken into custody, claiming that they had connections with the LTTE.

The first arrests were made on September 17, 2008. An intelligence team had obtained an open warrant and raided a house near the Dehiwela Police Station and arrested, Rajiv Naganathan, Pradeep Vishvanathan, Thilakeshwaran Ramalingam, Mohommed Jilan and Mohommed Saajith. 

The  11 youths were held at the ‘Pittu Bambuwa’ jail, then  at  the Naval camp in Chaitya Road, Colombo Fort  and  finally transferred to ‘Gun Side’, in the Ocean Science Faculty premises of the Naval Command in Trincomalee.

It appeared that a group of naval officers  had carried out the  abductions to extort money.  One of the abducted youths, Rajiv Naganathan had been in contact with his parents. The Navy soldiers guarding these youths had lent them their mobile phones. Rajiv’s mother said a man calling himself Annachchi had kept calling her asking for Rs. 10 million as ransom in order to release Rajiv.  Information on the financial position of this family had been provided by Anver Ali, alias ‘Haajiyar,’ who was in the intelligence service at the time.  Anvar Ali was a resident of Dehiwala. He too disappeared in 2009. The trial is proceeding.


In November 2019, the Colombo Special Trial-at-Bar served indictments on nine army officials over the allegations of ‘kidnapping and conspiring to murder’ journalist Prageeth Eknaligoda between January 25 and 27, 2010. The abduction and suspected murder of Eknaligoda, was a ‘politically motivated’ crime. 

The first complaint of the disappearance of Journalist Eknaligoda was received by the Homagama police on January 25, 2010. Though the investigations had been carried out by both the Homagama police and the Colombo Crime Division, the inquiry did not proceed. Subsequently, the investigation was taken over by the Criminal Investigation Department.

The CID, which has been pursuing the Eknaligoda abduction case since 2015, have reported several instances of destruction of vital evidence pertaining to the crime and obstruction of justice by the Sri Lanka Army to the Homagama Magistrate’s Court, where a Habeas Corpus inquiry was under way.

Prageeth Eknaligoda, a cartoonist, working as a freelance journalist for the website was abducted twice. Ekneligoda was first abducted on August 27, 2009 and released the following day He was thereafter reported missing on January 24, 2010.  It is said that he was abducted by pro-government supporters because he was investigating the alleged use of chemical weapons, by the government of Sri Lanka. He had been a fierce critic of  President Mahinda Rajapaksa .  

Nine years after Eknaligoda disappeared without a trace, investigations have uncovered a gruesome abduction plot allegedly orchestrated by a military intelligence unit operating out of the Giritale Army camp, reported the media in 2019. It appears that former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa had allegedly given the command to abduct and later, kill Eknaligoda.

The elaborate abduction trap set for Prageeth Ekneligoda begins in the year 2001, when the journalist travelled to Madhu, Mannar with a Tamil politician who is today an MP, said the media.  In Madhu, the politician introduced Ekneligoda to an LTTE cadre known as ‘Thavendran’ an alias for Sumathipala Sureshkumar.  This Sureshkumar was a former LTTE who was thereafter recruited by the Sri Lanka army as an intelligence operative. Sureshkumar was instructed by his military intelligence handlers to remain in contact with Eknaligoda.

Sureshkumar In a confession under oath before the Homagama Magistrate, said that he was told that on the orders of Secretary of Defence Gotabaya Rajapaksa, they were to facilitate the abduction of Prageeth Ekneligoda by tricking the journalist into a meeting with an undercover military intelligence operative.

Ekneligoda was kidnapped and brought to Giritale camp on January 24, 2010, from Colombo. He was handed over to Sureshkumar’s military intelligence handler Sergeant Ranbanda. Sgt Ran Banda confessed all, hoping to turn crown witness.

Sgt Ranbanda’s confession helped investigators to pick up the next sequence of the abduction.  Ranbanda had been ordered by his commanding officer to interrogate Eknaligoda about several obscene cartoons he had drawn of President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his brother, the Defence Secretary. Sgt Ranbanda interrogated the journalist, who admitted to being the artist behind the cartoons. The interrogation was observed by two corporals.

An LTTE member, Edirimanasingham Arichchandiran, who was at the Giritale Camp said that Eknaligoda was badly treated. he was kept in cell where he could not ‘satisfy even his sanitary purposes’.

Eknaligoda  was also questioned by others. he was blindfolded most of the time, when interrogated, but on several occasions, the cloth was removed and Eknaligoda was on a position to identify the people who were questioning him, said Ranbanda. Eknaligoda was blindfolded and taken away from Giritale. Sgt Ranbanda told the Magistrate he never saw Ekneligoda again. Thereafter there are no more witnesses who can testify to having seen or heard from the journalist again, reported the media.

CID investigators believe Ekneligoda was murdered in Akkaraipattu, and his body disposed of in Ampara. No trace of Prageeth Ekneligoda has ever been recovered in Giritale or Akkaraipattu by CID sleuths so far.

Four suspects had been arrested in 2015. All four suspects strongly deny having travelled to Akkaraipattu. But investigators have mobile phone records that place them n Akkaraipattu from January 25-26, 2010. The CID has also found records from an obscure army camp in Akkaraipattu which indicated that their vehicle had stopped for refueling inside the camp on January 26, 2010.

According to the prosecution,  the  Eknaligoda abduction was allegedly executed by an MI team operating out of the Giritale army camp. After 2009, the 3rd Army regiment in the Giritale Army Camp  was  given the task of collecting intelligence data and monitoring the terrorist activities in the country. Two military intelligence officials attached to the Giritale Army camp provided matching confessions before a Magistrate which indicated this . The CID has yet to gain access to the two confessions given to the Magistrate.



Two police Special Task Force personnel were  arrested in November 2011 by the CID at the Jaffna Police station over the killing of a 24-year-old man on the afternoon of October 22 at Maniyam Thottam in Ariyalai. The victim Don Bosco, a fisherman had been proceeding on a motorcycle with another man when two armed men who followed them in another motorcycle fired at them and fled. The fatally shot Bosco   died after admission to Jaffna hospital.Soon after people in Jaffna protested stating that it was carried out by the police. The two commandos were summoned to the Jaffna police station.  they were arrested after recording their statements. The suspects denied any involvement in the killing. CID investigators, however have established that it was the two commandos who carried  out the killing, reported the media. ( continued)

China’s vanishing mosques – BBC News

January 27th, 2020

BBC News

China bans Muslim students from attending religious classes

January 27th, 2020

China has banned Muslim children from attending religious classes during winter holidays in Linxia which is home to more than a million Muslims.

Forgiveness brings Peace after Genocidal Killings in Ruwanda

January 27th, 2020

Mahinda Gunasekera

The UN and UNHRC experts tend to advocate a strict form of retributive justice in the case of Sri Lanka with the intent of punishing her apparently misled by the lies and propaganda of the well funded Tamil expat groups hellbent on avenging the defeat of their project to break up Sri Lanka which ended with the defeat of their armed wing called the Liberation Tamil Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009.The LTTE is an internationally designated terrorist group banned by the UNSC and 32 countries including the USA, UK, EU, Canada and India. This they did by overlooking the three decade long history of war crimes and atrocities committed by the Tamil Tigers which resorted to suicide terrorism detonating over 388 human bombs against both the state and civilian targets in addition to carrying out ethnic cleansing massacres, machete attacks, together with planting of bombs in public transit, shopping malls and other public areas.

Sri Lanka’s policy of restorative justice which was harshly criticized by these experts enabled the authorities to successfully rehabilitate over 13,000 surrendering LTTE cadres without probing into the crimes committed by them under the tutelage of their terror outfit by providing them with new life skills before releasing them to society.  This has helped to educate these cadres and heal the burning antagonisms thereby contributing much towards reconciliation of the damaged communities.

A 4 minute video is sent in attachment about seeking Justice and Peace through forgiveness instead of operating a scheme of retributive justice or wielding a big stick against those deemed as offending parties.  It appears that in Ruwanda where over 800,000 people were slaughtered in clashes between the Hutus and Tutsis within a space of about three months, peace has taken hold not through ‘Truth Commissions’ as in South Africa which went on for nearly 16 years without real reconciliation between the conflicting black and white groups, nor through ‘Accountability Proceedings via Hybrid Courts’ involving international judges, prosecutors and investigators, but through FORGIVENESS and a Willingness to drop the events of the hate filled past and move foward in Peace.

In Sri Lanka, where the confronting parties have lived side by side for centuries as members of one nation, it takes a lesser effort to determine the causes of the antagonisms which have arisen as a result of western colonial powers adopting ‘divide rule policies’ which have later given rise to invented histories that cannot be substantiated but put out to mislead foreign powers in order to maintain the dominance gained on account of the largesse extended to the minorities by the colonial rulers. Following independence and the transfer of power to the majority community considered the founding people who have accommodated all other communities that settled in their island homeland along with equal individual rights and freedoms was not acceptable to the minorities that held sway during the period of British colonial rule. They sought to regain their dominance or failing which to break up the country and form a separate state for  their exclusive control through armed force despite settlement of several key issues including those pertaining to linguistic rights and access for higher education.  It is time the minorities abandoned their ideas of division where they fancy controlling a break away region with a hostile border, and come together in a spirit of forgiveness and join the rest of the people as one nation in peace and fraternity.

Mahinda Gunasekera

In or Out?

January 27th, 2020

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The country’s top political figures embroiled in political rivalry, cut across party lines yesterday to attend the farewell party hosted by outgoing Indian High Commissioner Taranjit Singh Sandhu at India House in Colombo.

Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe are seen a cordial discussion with UNP Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa within the frame. The other picture captures PM Rajapaksa with former President Chandrika Kumaratunga.(Pix by Kushan Pathiraja)

India to build Sita temple in Sri Lanka

January 27th, 2020

Courtesy Ada Derana

The Congress government in Madhya Pradesh, India on Monday announced it will build a grand temple of Sita in Sri Lanka, at the place where Sita of ‘Ramayana’ is believed to have withstood trial by fire.

The idea was conceived by India’s previous BJP government under Shivraj Singh Chouhan nearly a decade ago, but the project did not take off. After the change of guard in December 2018, the Congress government claimed no files on the project had been moved by the previous regime.

A delegation led by Law and Religious Affairs Minister P C Sharma recently visited Sri Lanka and met President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Chief Minister Kamal Nath on Monday formally cleared the proposal.

He said a committee comprising officials from MP and Sri Lanka, and members of Mahabodhi Society, will soon be formed for building the temple to ensure its time-bound construction. He said funds for the project will be allocated in the current financial year.

The site of the proposed temple is located on the premises of a Buddhist monastery in Divurumpola in the Central Province of Sri Lanka. Local people believe the ornaments worn by Sita are still buried there.

Source: The Indian Express

Hindus in Sri Lanka not facing persecution like in Pak, Afghan, says India politico

January 27th, 2020

Courtesy Ada Derana

Suresh Joshi, General Secretary of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in India said the Hindus of Sri Lanka are not facing any persecution problems like those in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Bangladesh. 

Talking to newspersons on the sidelines of a flag-hoisting function held at the RSS headquarters in Mahal locality of Nagpur, Joshi said the issue of allowing Tamil Hindus of Sri Lanka into the ambit of Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) was taken up in Tamil Nadu.

However, it is seen that Hindus living in that country are not facing the kind of troubles like those in the three countries covered under CAA,” he said.

Amid protests against CAA and NRC, political parties including Congress, have raised the question of not including the Sri Lankan Tamils into the law. 

As he took questions on the anti-CAA-NRC protests, Joshi said there has been no discrimination against followers of Islam in India. Even Muslims have the chance to get Indian citizenship if they apply through the regular course. Every government has tried to come up with a similar law on citizenship. Why is there a hue and cry only this time,” asked Joshi.

Source: TOI

Sri Lanka’s first coronavirus infected patient

January 27th, 2020

Courtesy Hiru News

The IDH Hospital reports that a patient who was tested for coronavirus has been confirmed as positive for the infection.

This is the first coronavirus infection in Sri Lanka.

It is reported that the patient is a Chinese woman.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බහුතර බලය නොමැතිවීම ගැටළුවක් – අගමැති

January 27th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බහුතර බලය නොමැතිවීම හේතුවෙන් රටට හිතකර අණපනත් අනුමත කර ගැනීමේ නොහැකි තත්ත්වයක් මතුව ඇති බව  අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා පවසනවා.

හෝමාගම මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ විද්‍යාලයේ පැවති උත්සවයක් අමතමින් ඔහු මේබව සඳහන් කළා.

හෝමාගම මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ විද්‍යාලයට වසර 9ක් සපිරීමට සමගාමීව සංවිධාන කර තිබූ අපොස උසස් පෙළ සිසු ඇගයීම් උත්සවය එම විද්‍යාල පරිශ්‍රයේදී පැවැත්වුණේ අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන්.

මේ අතර, ආන්දෝලනයට තුඩුදුන් එම්.සී.සී. ගිවිසුම සම්බන්ධව අධ්‍යයනය කිරීමට පත්කළ විද්වත් කමිටුව ඒ පිළිබඳ මහජන අදහස් විමසීමට තීරණය කර තිබෙනවා.

අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලය විසින් මෙම කමිටුව පත් කරනු ලැබුවේ අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ යෝජනාවක් අනුවයි.

ගිවිසුමේ අන්තර්ගතය සහ ඉන් ඇතිවිය හැකි බලපෑම් සම්බන්ධයෙන් යම් ආයතනයකට සංගමයකට හෝ පුද්ගලයෙකුට සිය අදහස් හා යෝජනා මෙම විද්වත් කමිටුව වෙත ඉදිරිපත් කළ හැකි බව අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය කාර්යාලය නිකුත් කළ නිවේදනයක දැක්වෙනවා.

ඒ අනුව ලබන පෙබරවාරි මස 15 වැනිදාට පෙර අදාළ අදහස් හා යෝජනා එම විද්වත් කමිටුව වෙත ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමේ හැකියාව පවතිනවා.

රාජිතගෙන් මරණ තර්ජන – සුදුවෑන් මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ සිටි දෙදෙනාගෙන් CIDයට පැමිණිලි -පැය පහකට පසු රහස් පොලිසියෙන් පිටව යයි

January 27th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රාජිත සේනාරත්න තමන්ට මරණ තර්ජන සිදුකරන බව පවසමින් සුදුවෑන් මාධ්‍ය හමුවට පෙනී සිටි පුද්ගලයින් දෙදෙනා අද අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට පැමිණිල්ලක් ඉදිරිපත් කළා.

ඔවුන් සඳහන් කළේ මන්ත්‍රීවරයාට සම්බන්ධ බන්ධනාගාරගතව සිටින පාතාල සාමාජිකයෙකු විසින් මෙලෙස මරණ තර්ජන සිදුකරන බවයි.

රාජිත සේනාරත්න සමඟ සුදුවෑන් මාධ්‍ය හමුවට පෙනී සිටි මෙම පුද්ගලයින් දෙදෙනා පසුගිය දා අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන ඇප මත මුදා හැරීමටයි අධිකරණය කටයුතු කළේ.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, තමන් වෙත මරණ තර්ජන සිදුකරන බව පවසමින් ඊට අදාළ හඬ පටයත් රැගෙන සුදුවෑන් මාධ්‍ය හමුවට පෙනී සිටි අතුල සංජීව මදනායක සහ සරත් කුමාර අද අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට පැමිණිල්ලක් ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලැබුවා.

මේ අතර, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රාජිත සේනාරත්න ද අද යළිත්, අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව හමුවේ පෙනී සිටියා.

ඒ මතභේදයට තුඩුදුන් සුදුවෑන් මාධ්‍ය හමුව සම්බන්ධයෙන් ප්‍රකාශයක් ලබාදීමටයි. මන්ත්‍රීවරයා අද පෙරවරු 11.30 ට පමණ අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට පැමිණි අතර පස්වරු 1.30 ට පමණවනතුරු ප්‍රකාශයක් ලබාදී ඉන් පිටව ගිය බවයි හිරු වාර්තාකරු සදහන් කළේ.

මන්ත්‍රීවරයා පසුගිය 14 වනදා ද, සුදුවෑන් මාධ්‍ය හමුව සම්බන්ධයෙන් ප්‍රකාශයක් ලබාදුන්නා. සුදුවෑන් මාධ්‍ය හමුවට අදාළව පසුගිය දෙසැම්බර් 27 වනදා අත්අඩංගුවට ගනු ලැබූ රාජිත සේනාරත්න මන්ත්‍රීවරයා පසුගිය දෙසැම්බර් 30 වැනිදා ඇප මත නිදහස් කෙරුණා.  

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රාජිත සේනාරත්නගේ මරණ තර්ජන ගැන පැමිණිලි කිරීමට පැමිණි, සුදු වෑන් මාධ්‍ය හමුවට පෙනීසිටි දෙදෙනා පැය පහකට පසු රහස් පොලිසියෙන් පිටව ගොස් තිබෙනවා.

ජනාධිපතිට රටේ සියලුදෙනා නිරන්තරයෙන් සහය ලබාදෙන බව අතිපූජ්‍ය කොටුගොඩ ධම්මාවාස නාහිමියන් කියයි

January 27th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

මෙරට සදාචාරය ආරක්ෂා කිරීම වෙනුවෙන් ජනාධිපති ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට රටේ සියලුදෙනා නිරන්තරයෙන් සහය ලබාදෙන බව, අමරපුර මහා නිකායේ උත්තරීතර මහා නායක අග්ගමහා පණ්ඩිත අතිපූජ්‍ය කොටුගොඩ ධම්මාවාස නාහිමියන් පවසනවා.

උන්වහන්සේ සිය ජන්ම දිනය වෙනුවෙන් ඊයේ පැවති ආගමික වැඩසටනකදී මෙම අදහස් පළ කළා

අතිපූජ්‍ය කොටුගොඩ ධම්මාවාස නාහිමියන්ගේ ජන්ම දිනය නිමිත්තෙන් ගල්කිස්ස ධර්මපාලාරාම විහාරස්ථානය වෙත පැමිණි ජනාධිපති ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා නාහිමියන් බැහැ දැක නිදුක් නිරෝගී සුවය ප්‍රාර්ථනා කරමින් ජන්ම දිනය වෙනුවෙන් උන්වහන්සේට සුබ පැතුම් පිරිනැමුවා.

අසාද් සාලිගේ ප්‍රකාශය ගැන පරීක්ෂණයක් කරන්න – රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය රෝහිත අබේගුණවර්ධන

January 27th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

බස්නාහිර හිටපු ආණ්ඩුකාර අසාද් සාලි, අධිකරණ විනිසුරුවන් පිළිබදව පසුගියදා සිදුකළ ප්‍රකාශයක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් වහා පරීක්ෂණයක් සිදුකරන්නැයි ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ, පොලිස්පතිවරයාගෙන් සහ අගවිනිසුරුවරයාගෙන් ඉල්ලීමක් කරනවා.

රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය රෝහිත අබේගුණවර්ධන මෙම ඉල්ලීම සිදුකළේ බත්තරමුල්ල – නෙලූම් මාවත පක්ෂ කාර්යාලයේ අද කැඳවා තිබූ මාධ්‍ය හමුවකට එක්වෙමින්.

එම මාධ්‍ය හමුවට ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ සභාපති මහාචාර්ය ජී.එල්. පීරිස් ද එක්ව සිටියා.

කොරෝනා වෛරස් පරීක්ෂාවට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පහසුකම් පවතින බව සෞඛ්‍ය ඇමතිනිය කියයි

January 27th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

කොරෝනා වෛරසය ආසාදනය වී ඇත්දැයි නිශ්චිත වශයෙන් පරීක්ෂා කිරීම සඳහා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සතුව අවශ්‍ය රසායනාගාර පහසුකම් පවතින බව සෞඛ්‍ය හා දේශීය වෛද්‍ය සේවා අමාත්‍ය පවිත්‍රා වන්නිආරච්චි පවසනවා.

කොළඹ පැවති උත්සවයකින් අනතුරුව මාධ්‍ය වෙත අදහස් දක්වමින් ඇය වැඩිදුරටත් සඳහන් කළේ කොරෝනා වෛරසය පැතිර යාම වැළැක්වීම සඳහා ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ උපදෙස් මත අමාත්‍යාංශය මගින් පත් කළ විශේෂිත කමිටුව ද අද රැස්වන බවයි.

කරන්නාගොඩ සහ දසනායකට එරෙහි නඩු අත්හිටුවන්නැයි දේශපාලන පලිගැනීම ගැන සොයන කොමිසම නීතිපතිට දන්වයි

January 27th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

විමර්ශන අවසන් වන තුරු වසන්ත කරන්නාගොඩ සහ ඩී.කේ.පී දසනායක එරෙහි නඩු අත්හිටුවන්නැයි, දේශපාලන පලිගැනීම ගැන සොයන ජනාධිපති කොමිසම නීතිපතිට දන්වා තිබෙනවා

Gota’s viyathmaga to the future

January 27th, 2020

H. L. D. Mahindapala

Any critical assessment of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa must take into consideration the salient characteristics that make him stand out from the run-of-the-mill politicians who had occupied the peaks of power.

The first notable characteristic is that he is the first head of state to come from the Sri Lankan diaspora. Initially it was a disadvantage tangled in legalities of citizenship. Later it smoothened out and has been an invaluable asset to him. His existential experiences as an expat in America had widened his horizons and opened up new vistas in his thinking and strategizing. He has acted so far as a leader who had seen the future and is bent on taking the nation in that direction. It has all the signs of being influenced by the American efficiency in delivering goods and services. The new breed of intellectuals he had recruited to run his state indicates clearly that he is in a hurry to modernise the sluggish nation and usher it into the 21st century. His first hand knowledge of an advanced nation would hasten him to mix tradition with modernity without deracinating the nation – a critical issue in modernising Afro-Asian countries. 

Second: In no other election before – not even in 1956” which is considered the Great Revolution of the Sinhala-Buddhists — had the minorities ganged up against the majority with such determined force to defeat a candidate of the majority. In 1956 Badiuddeen Mahamood and C. A. S. Marrikkar were staunch lieutenants of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. In that landmark year the contest was essentially between the North and the South with the rural Muslims siding with Bandaranaike. It was mainly the rich, business-oriented Colombian Muslims that voted for Sir. John Kotelawela. As opposed to this the Muslim phalanx ganged up with the Tamils to vote against Gota in 2019. Only a fragmented section of the Indian Tamils joined him. The Muslims in particular threw their lot with Ranil-Sajith combo making the opposition of the minorities a formidable front. The Muslim intellectual, Ali Sabry, was the only outstanding Muslim maverick. An exception to the rule. The Sinhala Marikkar” of our time. And when the final result exploded the post-electoral map defined this division of minority  vs. majority without leaving any grey areas of doubt.

Third: Gota’s expatriate background enables him to talk the talk of the new generation attuned to technology and meritocracy. Mark you, he was in IT industry in America and this gives him the ability to speak the language of IT visionaries shaping the new future. He appears to be a man of the Fourth Revolution who is attempting to break away from the outdated past and make the great leap forward.

For instance, he is not promising farmers any computers like the way Ranil Wickremesinghe did in his election campaigns in the past. Instead Gota is talking of centralising data bases to consolidate information into one coordinated and convenient point to eliminate bureaucratic blocks that lead to corruption and frustrate the public. He is cutting into a dysfunctional system to make state institutions a viable source for the people to use it without time-consuming bureaucratic red tape. Making the bureaucracy a servant of the people is a prime necessity in Afro-Asian countries stuck in the old colonial mode of centralising power in the hands of public servants who assume the role of demi-gods in deciding the fate of helpless citizens.  When  President Ranasinghe Premadasa launched the Gam Udawa” he used it as a force to make  the panjandrums in the bureaucracy to leave their air-conditioned offices and go down to the village level. Gota is making a bid to implement that principle in his own way through modern technology. It is a quiet revolution without much fanfare.

Fourth:  Gota is less of a politician and more of a hands-on administrator seeking pragmatic solutions to the grinding, day-to-day problems faced by the people. This comes not only from his American experience but also from his time in the Army where he had to deliver goods and services to the soldiers fighting to save the nation. Soldiers march on their bellies, as the old saying goes. So do the politicians in power. Both are doomed if the prime necessities are not delivered in time to the places where help is needed most.

Besides, making the state work for the people takes the burden and the blame away from the political masters. Politicians have been paying heavily for the stupidity, lethargy, inefficiency and corruption of the bureaucracy. Example: Easter Sunday attack by the Muslim terrorists. Ranil Wickremesinghe paid dearly for the failure of his hand-picked IGP.

Fifth: His style of governance. It’s a pragmatic approach where he gets down to brass tacks not only to keep the bureaucrats on their toes but also to get to the root of the problems to find out solutions. His approach is not that of cheap populism to win votes. Or of appointing committees to avoid responsibilities and take the easy way out.  His is committed to make the system work. Most leaders have failed because they could not make the system work for the people. 

Sixth: His sound grasp of the ground realities rooted in history. The current system of political bargaining at the highest level before elections is to sell the family silver to the minorities to get their votes in return at the polls. For instance, promises will be extracted by the minorities to get (roughly) (a) five ambassadorships (b) four heads of departments (c) at least two governorships (d) government land in selected areas to strengthen their vote bank (e) funding for the money-making minority projects (f) protection and pardons to their criminals engaged in illegal and criminal activities etc., etc. Gota didn’t have to cut such deals because he was, going it alone. He was banking primarily on the downgraded historical forces to rise and save the nation. It was the forces of hidden history that rushed to crown him with the victory he scored on November 16, 2019. No doubt, the victory was pre-planned with precision long before he launched his final lap in the electoral campaign. But his strategy was based on tapping into the dynamic forces of Sinhala-Buddhist history that was awaiting a new leader. And Gota played that role strategically and delicately without over-stepping the decent boundaries of electoral politics.

Seventh: The Presidential crown was his second great victory. The first was on the banks of Nandikadal in May 2009.  The second victory consolidates the political gains of the first. It points to the fact that arrogant and dictatorial minoritarianism must adjust its unrealistic political agenda aimed at dictating terms to the majority. Gota’s victory has delivered an unmistakeable lesson to all political theorists who concluded that the minorities have the upper hand in determining politics within a divided majority community. Gota’s victory has blasted this political myth. In fact Gota’s victory has stunned the theoretical dodos that were consoling each other with their warped and convoluted psephological mathematics. 

After Gota’s victory it is now clear that minoritarianism cannot avoid the realistic politics of numbers that would help them to co-exist without treading on the toes of the majority. This election is ringing loud bells declaring that there are limits to which the minorities can push the majority. In this election only a limited combination of the majority beat the minority. What would be the fate of the minorities if one fine day the two major parties gang up to corner the minorities? Or what would happen if a popular majority should adopt Modi’s legislation of excluding one particular community? Minorities might react claiming that it would lead to violent extremism. As things stand now it is only a remote possibility. But before they go down that path they must also consider what benefits had they derived from the extremism of Prabhakaranism and Zaharanism. In the case of the Tamils it is the leaders who fomented extremist minoritarianism that were eliminated by the political  children they bred. In the case of the Muslims it is their businesses, mosques and leaders who had to face the brunt of Muslim violence. Ultimately it is people at the ground level who were misled by the minority leaders that had to suffer most.

Minoritarianism, which can be as corrosive as majoritarianism, must know its limits. It has to acknowledge that numbers can play a decisive role in determining the future of peaceful co-existence – the indispensable priority in mapping the destiny of all communities.  Among other critical factors, it is the weight of numbers that won the first and second victories of Gota. For instance, when Prabhakaran put out one boat to sea Gota put out ten. No one can beat that in any war. Political calculations that fail to recognise the power of numbers are doomed to fail sooner or later. 

Eighth : This is perhaps the most significant characteristic of Gota’s electoral victory. It is that November 16 will go down in history as a fine defining moment as great as his first victory on the banks of Nandikadal. No other political leader has had such indelible and illustrious victories, lined up in a row, in the post-independent era. Both victories have rescued the nation’s threatened history. Both will reinforce the historic power of received legacies from the over-determining past. Both victories go beyond meretricious triumphalism to give meaning to the future. Both victories mean that the nation has been saved from two of the deadliest forces – 1. from the North and 2.from the West — that could have easily destroyed the legacies of the historic journey traversed down the ages by our pioneering ancestors. Gota stood up for them all and assured them that they had not journeyed in vain. That is what goes to make great leaders. They make history for generations to remember.

His electoral victory came at a critical time when the nation was teetering on the brink surrendering to the minorities who were boasting that their 30 per cent combined with the Ranil Wickremesinghe’s percentage can make them kings again. Ranil had no qualms about selling the Sinhala-Buddhist heritage to the West and to the minorities to remain in power. He was appeasing both dismissing the angst of the Sinhala-Buddhist who were reeling under the alien pressures of the combined forces of NGOs, the West and the minorities. Ranil was tying ropes of pirith nools round his wrist to protect himself and not the nation

In the presidential campaign the opposition consisting of the minorities ganging up with Sajith Premadasa provoked the majority to react defensively. Their threatening political rhetoric and alliances made it clear to the majority that they had no alternative but to rally behind Gota, the only alternative. The dividing line of them vs. us” was never so clear in other elections as in this one. It was the minority that threw the challenge to the majority driven by Ranil’s divisive and anti-Sinhala-Buddhist  politics. Example:  Mangala Samaraweera’s self-destructive statement This not a Sinhala-Buddhist country” virtually sealed the fate of the UNP. In this background Sajith failed to convince the electorate that he was not Ranil’s puppet. The Gota-led campaign didn’t have to do much to convince the majority that behind Sajith was Ranil’s anti-Sinhala-Buddhist forces. He was still the leader of the Party who was the chief patron of Mangala Samaraweera arbitrarily launching international resolution in Geneva against the soldiers who saved democracy from the Tamil tyranny of Prabhakaran. Ranil and Mangala were a couple married to the ideology of undermining the basic interests of the majority. Besides, Ranil’s appointing Sajith as Parliamentary leader only, retaining the critical and overall policy–making decision of a leader in his manipulative hands, confirmed that he could make Sajith dance to his tune.

But the electorate, including the UNPers, was not in the mood to accept Ranil’s failed leadership. The people were looking for an alternative to Ranil. And they found that alternative in Gota. They saw Sajith merely as a ventriloquist acting as the mouthpiece for Ranil. Rightly or wrongly. the people rejected Sajith because they saw him as Ranil’s puppet. Sajith’s strategy should have been to provide a convincing and radical alternative to Ranil.

In November 2019 the people who were frustrated by the failure of the Yahapalanaya to protect their heritage were demanding their heritage back. In 2015 they voted for Ven. Madulowawe Sobitha and Maithripala Senanayake because these two were presented as credible Sinhala-Buddhist leaders. Yahahapalanaya gained credibility as the protector of the threatened Sinhala-Buddhist heritage under their combined leadership. They emerged as Buddhist leaders who would restore their lost moral kingdom. But after winning Ranil hijacked the state with his 19th Amendment and his FCID and went in the opposite direction to the West and the minorities who were out to cut down the majority. Not until the people knocked him senseless in the last election did Ranil realise that he had alienated the Sinhala-Buddhists.

Most reluctantly Ranil let Sajith contest Gota hoping that, if Sajith wins, he could manipulate him like the way he did Maithripala Sirisena.  But with the ghost of Ranil haunting Sajith he could not win. The electorate had seen how Ranil had hijacked the Yahapalanaya regime. Maithripala Sirisena was putty in his hands initially. Sajith too would have caved in with Ranil manipulating the numbers, particularly the numbers of minority MPs, together with his compliant partner in Parliamentary crimes, Karu Jayasuriya who holds the strategic position of Speaker..

In the election Sajith had to fight not Gota but Ranil ‘s rejected politics. His struggle to project a different / nationalist image did not go down well with the people. In the end, he had nothing to offer except seeni-bolas to boys and tampons to girls. None of them worked.

There is no doubt that in the last election the minority got what they deserved. They asked for it and they got it. They can’t blame anyone else. The defeated forces were deprived of even the usual tactic of crying foul because it was one of the cleanest elections. So they have resorted to the tired old game of scare-mongering. They are projecting the Rajapaksa brothers as the ogres out to destroy democracy, freedom, liberty, human rights – you name it! But the stunts they have pulled so far – the Swiss embassy farce,  Rajitha Senaratne’s bahu-bootha  tele natya, and Ranjan Ramanayake’s tapes – have boomeranged on them.

Rajapaksa brothers are sailing smoothly to the biggest victory in their lives if they win comfortably in the Parliamentary elections. They are on their way to the second historic victory of a combination of brothers. The fist was in Poland. Prime Minister Jaroslaw Aleksander Kaczynski and President Lech Kaczynski are twin brothers who were the first siblings to be the President and the Prime Minister simultaneously.

Both brothers are necessary to complete the mission they began. Gota is giving a new image to the Rajapaksa rule. He is acting cautiously to wipe out the old image and build a people-oriented, trustworthy regime. He has been are acting cautiously to counter the scare-mongering used by NGO-UNP gang to discredit Gota in particular and the Sinhala-Buddhist  forces he represents in general. Gota is signalling that the Rajapaksa brothers have learnt from their mistakes of the past to move forward into the future.  The opposition bowlers are making a desperate bid to force the batsman at the crease to make mistakes. Gota is bound to make mistakes. He  did not score his victories in the past without making mistakes. But he has shown the capacity to bounce back from his mistakes.

One positive sign is that the coming Parliamentary election has all the signs of the people willing to give him the legislative strength he needs to lead the nation to a higher moral and material ground. Then he will have all the opportunity he needs to make good the promises he  made to the nation. He is now on his third mission to save nation. It is going to be  his  Third War. His primary mission is to lift the nation from the depths to  which it has fallen and lead it to the great heights expected by the people who voted for him.  

The people who were promised the purity of a moral heaven by the Yahapalana-ya-kos were let down mercilessly, disgracefully. Gota can’t do that again. Gota has to stand by the people who trusted him. If he does  that the people who trusted him will undoubtedly stand  by him. He has to do it because he  is the last hope for the nation to come out of the moral and material mess left behind by the immoral vandals who promised a pure Yahapalana-yak.

Every bad thing must come to an end and it is Gota’s chance to do it.

වසර 58කට පෙර සිදුවූ අසාර්ථක රාජ්‍ය-විරෝධී කුමන්ත්‍රණය

January 27th, 2020

ජානක පෙරේරා විසිනි

 බ්රිතාන් පාලනයෙන් නිදහස ලැබීමෙන් පසු ලංකාවේ සිදුවූ ප්රථම අසාර්ථක රාජ් විරෝධී කුමන්ත්රණය සිදුවී මෙම ජනවාරි 27 දාට වසර 58කි. මෙරට නීත්යානුකූල රජයක් පෙරලා දැමීම්ට ගත පළමු උත්සාහයයි.

කුමන්ත්රණ කරුවන් වුයේ ඉහල නිලයන් දැරූ යුද හමුදා සහ පොලිස් නිලධාරීන් පිරිසකිඑවකට ලංකාවේ ත්රිවිධ හමුදාවන් අදට වඩා බෙහෙවින් කුඩා විය. හමුදාපති  වරුන්ගේ ඉහලම නිලයන් වුයේ මේජ ජෙනරල් (යුද හමුදාව) රිය අද්මිරල් (නාවික හමුදාව) සහ එයා වයිස් මාෂල් (ගුවන් හමුදාව). 

වසර 1962 ජනවාරි 27දා දහවල් 12 පමණ එවකට රහස් පොලිසිය භාර නියෝජ් පොලිස්පති එස්.. දිසානායක මහතාට මහතාට එවන් කුමන්ත්රණයක් පිලිබඳ සැක සිතීමට තුඩු දෙන තොරතුරක් ලැබී තුබුනි. පිළිබඳ එවකට සිටි පොලිස්පතිව සිටි වෝල්ට අබේකෝන් මහතාට සහ අගමැතිනි සිරිමා බණ්ඩාරනායක මහත්මියට දැන්වීමට පෙර මෙහි ඇත්ත නැත්ත කුමක්දැයි ස්ථිර වශයෙන්ම දැනගැනීමට දිසානායක මහතාට අවශ් විය.

එදින සවස 5.15 පමණ කොළඹ ඔරියන්ට් සමාජ ශාලාවේ සිටි පොලිස්පති අබේකෝන් මහතාටද මේ ගැන ඉඟියක් ලැබී තිබුනි. එය ඔහුට දැනගන්නට ලැබුනේ එවකට ශ්රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ ලේක්ම්වරයෙකුව සිටි මෙරට ප්රධාන පෙලේ අධ්යාපනඥයකු වූ පී එස්.කුලරත්න මහතාගෙනිකුලරත්න මහතාගේ දියණිය වූ මායා විවාහ වී සිටියේ එවකට කොළඹ නගරය භාර පොලිස් අධිකාරීව සිටි ස්ටැන්ලි සේනානායක මහතා සමගය. ප්රධාන කුමන්ත්රණ කරුවෙකු  වූ  නියෝජ් පොලිස්පති සී.සී. දිසානායක රජය පෙරලා දැමීමට සේනානායක මහතාගේ සහාය ලබා ගැනීමට තැත් කල නමුත් ඊට තමා තුල ඇති විරුද්ධත්වය මතුපිටින් නොපෙන්වූ සේනානායක මහතා ගැන සිය බිරිඳ වූ මායාට දැන්වීය. ඇය එය වහාම මොහොතේ අම්බලන්ගොඩ සිටි සිය පියාට දුරකථනයෙන් දැන්වූවාය. කුමන්ත්රණය දියත් කිරීමට සැලසුම් කර තිබුනේ එදින රාත්රියේය. (සී.සී. දිසානායක සහ එස්.. දිසානායක දෙසොහොයුරන් වූ නමුත් යම් හේතුවක් නිසා දෙදෙනා සිටියේ අමනපයෙනි) 

කුමන්ත්රණය ගැන සියලු තොරතුරු වහාම තහවුරු කරගෙන තමන්ට දන්වන ලෙස පොලිස්පතිවරයා එස්.. දිසානායක මහතාට උපදෙස් දුන්නේයඑදින රාත්රී 7.00 පමණ එවකට මුදල් ඇමතිව සිටි ෆිලික්ස් ඩයස් බණ්ඩාරනායක මහතා මේ ගැන දැනගත් වහාම පොලිස්පතිවරයා සිය නිවසට කැඳවා  එස්.. දිසානායක මහතා සමග අගමැතිනිය හමුවන ලෙසට පැවසීය.

ඔවුන්ගෙන් සම්පූර්ණ විස්තර දැනගත් ඇය බම්බලපිටිය ඩිපෝ පොලිසියට  (වත්මන් පොලිස් ක්ෂේත් බලකා මූලස්ථානය) සීල් තබා එතැනින් කිසිදු අවි ආයුධ හෝ වාහන හෝ  කිසිම කටයුත්තක් සඳහා පොලිස් භටයන් ගෙනයාම තහනම් කරන ලෙසට අණ දුන්නාය. එමෙන්ම කොළඹ කොටුව පොලිස් මූලස්ථානයේ ගුවන් විදුලි පණිවුඩ සහ ටෙලිටයිප් යන්ත් කාමරයටද සීල් තබන ලෙසටද ඇගෙන් අණ ලැබින.

ඉන්පසු ඇය ත්රිවිධ හමුදාපතීන් අරලියගහ මන්දිරයට කැඳ  වූවාය. මුලින්ම පැමිණියේ වැඩබලන නාවික හමුදාපතිව සිටි කොමදෝරු රාජන් කදිරගාමර් මහතාය (ඔහුගේ බාලම සොහොයුරා වුයේ පසු කලෙක විදේශ ඇමති වූ ලක්ෂ්මන්  කදිරගාමර්ය).  අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේ ආරක්ෂාවට නාවික හමුදා භට පිරිසක් යොදවන ලෙසට රාජන් කදිරගාමර්ට අණ ලැබින. එවකට යුද හමුදාපතිව සිටි මේජ ජෙනරල්  වින්ස්ටන් විජේකෝන් මහතා, ගුවන් හමුදාපති එයා වයිස් මාෂල් ජේ. එල්. බාක මහතා සහ රාජන් කදිරගාමර් මහතා යන තිදෙනම පවසා සිටියේ තමන් කුමන්ත්රණය ගැන කිසිවක් නොදන්නා බවයි.   (බ්රිතාන් රාජකීය ගුවන් හමුදා නිලධාරියෙකු වූ බාක මහතා රාජකීය ලංකා ගුවන් හමුදාපති ලෙස අනුයුක්ත කරනු ලැබ සිටියේය)

අගමැතිනියගේ උපදෙස් පරිදි පොලිස්පති අබේකෝන් මහතා තමාගේ අනුමැතියෙන් තොරව සාමාන් රාජකාරි පිළිවෙතින් බැහැර වූ කිසිම අණක් ක්රියාත්මක නොකරන ලෙසට දිවයිනේ සියලුම පොලිස්ථානවලට දැන්වීයසාමාන් රාජකාරි පිළිවෙතින් බැහැරව සී. සී. දිසානායක මහතා වෙතින් එවැනි අණ ලැබූ කොළඹ කොට්ටාශයේ සහ බස්නාහිර පළාතේ පොලිස් අධිකාරී වරුන් සහ සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරී වරුන් රැසක් අරලියගහ මන්දිරයට කැඳවන ලදහ.

අගමැතිනිය ඇතුළු කැබිනට් ඇමතිවරුන්, පොලිස්පති සහ ත්රිවිධ හමුදපතීන් සමග කෙරුනු සාකච්චාවකින් පසු කුමන්ත්රණකරුවන් අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට තීරණය කෙරුනි. එදිනම මැදියම් රැයෙන් සුළු වෙලාවකට පසු සී. සී. දිසානායක මහතා ඔහුගේ නිවසේදීම අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්නාලදී.  පසුදා අලුයම 4.00 පමණ සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරී (රථ වාහන) බී. ජෝන්පිල්ලේ ඔහුගේ නිවසේ දී අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනින. දෙදෙනාම වැලිකඩ බන්ධනාගාරයේ රඳවන ලදහ.

අත්අඩංගුවට පත් අනෙක් සැකකරුවන් වුයේ  පොලිස් අධිකාරී (බටහිර කොළඹ) එල්.සී එස්. ජිරසිංහ, කර්නල් මොරිස් මෙල් (ස්වෙච්චා බලකායේ අණදෙන නිලධාරී), කර්නල් එෆ්.සී. සේරම් (ස්වෙච්චා බලකායේ නියෝජ් අණදෙන නිලධාරී). හිටපු නියෝජ් පොලිස්පති සිඩ්නි සොයිසා, ලුතිනන් කර්නල් බී.ආර්. ජෙසුදාසන්  (ස්වෙච්චා සංඥා බලකායේ අණදෙන නිලධාරී) ලුතිනන් කර්නල් ඩබ්ලිව්. ඒබ්රහම් (තුන්වැනි ක්ෂේත් කාලතුවක්කු රෙජිමේන්තුවේ අණදෙන නිලධාරී), මේජ් බී. අයි. ලෝයලා (තුන්වැනි ක්ෂේත් කාලතුවක්කු රෙජිමේන්තු නිලධාරී) මේජ් ඩබ්ලිව්. ජී. වයිට් (තුන්වැනි ක්ෂේත් කාලතුවක්කු රෙජිමේන්තු නිලධාරී) මේජ් එල්. පී. ජෝසෆ් (සන්නද්ධ බලකාය),  ලුතිනන් කර්නල්  ජේ.එච්.වී. අල්විස්  (ස්වෙච්චා ඉංජිනේරු බලකායේ අණදෙන නිලධාරී). කපිතාන් ජේ .ආර්. ෆීලික්ස්  (ස්වෙච්චා බලකා මූලස්ථානයේ මාණ්ඩලික නිලධාරී), පොලිස් අධිකාරී වී . පෙරේරා, ඩග්ලස් ලියනගේ (ඉඩම් සංවර්ධන නියෝජ් අධ්යක්ෂ), සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරී ටී.වී. විජේසිංහ, ලුතිනන් කර්නල් නොයෙල් මතායෙස්, (විදුලි සහ යාන්ත්රික ඉංජිනේරු බලකායේ අණදෙන නිලධාරී) කපිතාන් ඩී.. වීරසිංහ (තුන්වැනි ක්ෂේත් රෙජිමේන්තුව) කපිතාන් .ජේ බී අන්ගි  (තුන්වැනි ක්ෂේත් රෙජිමේන්තුව), පොලිස් අධිකාරී ඩේවිඩ් තම්බයියා, සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරී කොලින් වැන්ඩ්රීසන් (ඩිපෝ පොලිසියකපිතාන්  එන්.එස්. ජයකොඩි (තුන්වැනි ක්ෂේත් රෙජිමේන්තුව) , අනුර සිල්වා, පොලිස් අධිකාරී  ඩබ්ලිව්..සී. ජෙබනේසන් (කොළඹ අපරාධ අංශය),  උප පොලිස් පරීක්ෂක සිරි චන්ද් (පොලිස් අභ්යාස විද්යාලය). හිටපු  පොලිස් අධිකාරී ආර්. . කිටෝ, හිටපු  සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරී ලයනල් ගුණතිලක. මේජ  වී.ජී.එච්.ගුණසේකර ( ස්වෙච්චා ) සහ ඔසී කොරෙයාය .

පසුව අත්අඩංගුවට පත් තවත් සැක කරුවෙකු වුයේ හිටපු නාවික හමුදාපති රොයිස් මෙල් මහතාය (ඔහු මොරිස් මෙල් ගේ සොහොයුරෙකි).  කුමන්ත්රණය සැලසුම් කිරීමේදී ඔහු සැලකිය යුතු කාර්යභාරයක් ඉටු කලේය.  රොයිස් මෙල් මෙරට නාවික හමුදාවට පත්වුනු ප්රථම ලංකික සහ ප්රථම සිංහල නාවික හමුදාපතිවරයා වියවසර 1955 දී කොමදෝරුවරයෙකු ලෙස නාවික හමුදාපති පත් පදවියට වුනු ඔහු 1959 දී රිය අද්මිරාල් නිලයට උසස් කරනු ලැබීය. ත්රිකුණාමලයේ බ්රිතාන් රාජකීය නාවික හමුදා කඳවුරු මෙරට රජයට පවරා ගනු ලැබුවේ ඔහු නාවික හමුදාපතිව සිටි කාලයේදීය. එවකට අගමැතිවරයා වූයේ එස්. ඩබ්ලිව්. ආර්. ඩී. බණ්ඩාරනායක මහතාය.

වසර 1960 දී පෙරදිග සංචාරයක යෙදුනු අප නාවික හමුදාවේ නැව්  කිහිපයක් නැවත මෙරරටට පැමිණියාට පසු සෝදිසියකට ලක් කිරීමේදී නීති විරෝධී ලෙස ගෙන්වන ලෙස භාණ්ඩ රැසක් හසු විය. පිළිබඳව සැකයට පාත්රවුවන් අතර රොයිස් මෙල් විය. එහි ප්රතිපලයක් වශයෙන් රිය අද්මිරාල් මෙල් ඇතුළු නාවික නිලධාරීන් කිහිප දෙනෙකු 1961 දී අනිවාර්ය ලෙස විශ්රාම ගන්වනු ලැබූහ.

රාජන් කදිරගාමර් නාවික හමුදාපති ලෙස පත්වුයේ ඉන් පසුවය.              

කුමන්ත්රණය ක්රියාත්මක කිරීමට නියමත වූ 1962 ජනවාරි 27 දින අගමැතිනිය කතරගම යාමට සුදානම්ව සිටියාය. කුමන්ත්රණයේ යුද හමුදා කටයුතු භාරව සිටියේ කර්නල් මොරිස් මෙල් සහ කර්නල් එෆ්. සී. සේරම්ය (ඔහු එස්. ඩබ්ලිව් ආර්. ඩී. බණ්ඩාරනායක මහතාගේ ඥාති  සොහොයුරෙකි ). පොලිස් කටයුතු භාර කුමන්ත්රණ කරුවන් වුයේ සී සී. දිසානායක සහ සිඩ්නි සොයිසාය. ඊට අමතරව යුද හමුදා සහ පොලිස් කටයුතු සම්බන්ධීකරණය කිරීමද සොයිසාට භාර විය.

රජයේ ඇමතිවරුන්, ආරක්ෂක සහ විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්යංශයේ ස්ථිර ලේකම්, පොලිස්පති. රහස් පොලිසිය භාර නියෝජ් පොලිස්පති, රහස් පොලිසිය භාර  පොලිස් අධිකාරී, ඇතැම් වාමාංශික දේශපාලන පක්ෂ නායකයන් සහ වැඩබලන නාවික හමුදාපති ඇතුළු පිරිසක් අත්අඩංගුවට කුමන්ත්රණ කරුවෝ සූදානමින් සිටියහ. අනෙක් හමුදාපතිවරු එදින රාත්රියේ ඔවුන්ගේ නිවෙස් වලම කොටුකර තැබීම කුමන්ත්රණ කරුවන්ගේ අදහස විය

මැදියම් රැය පසුවුනු වහාම කොළඹ නගරය තුල ඇඳිරි නීතිය ප්රකාශ කර ගැන ජනතාවට දැනුම් දීමට ශබ්ද විකාශන යන්ත් සවි කල පොලිස් රථ මගින් ජනතාවට දැනුම් දීමට නියමිත වියකොළඹ කොටුවේ මධ්යම විදුලි පණිවුඩ කාර්යාලය සහ අනෙකුත්  විදුලි පණිවුඩ හුවමාරු ක්රියාවිරහිත කිරීමටත්, පුවත්පත් කාර්යාල ගොඩනැගිලි. කොළඹ පොලිස් මූලස්ථානය, රහස් පොලිස් දෙපාර්තමේන්තු ගොඩනැගිල්ල ඇතුළු අනෙක් වැදගත් ස්ථාන සිය  ගැනීමත් කුමන්ත්රණ කරුවන්ගේ අදහස වී තිබුනි. සිය අරමුණ සාර්ථක කරගැනීමට නගරයේ ඇතැම් තැන්වල සන්නාහ සන්නද්ධ රථ නවත්වා තබා පනාගොඩ යුද හමුදා කඳවුරේ  සෙබළුන් එදින රාත්රියේ කොළඹට පැමිණීම කෙසේ හෝ වැලක්වීමට කුමන්ත්රණ කරුවන්ට වුවමනා විය.   

ගුවන්විදුලි පණිවුඩ හුවමාරු යන්ත්  සවිකළ යුද හමුදා රථ කිරුලපන පාලම, කැළණි පාලම් දෙක ඇතුළු ස්ථාන කිහිපයකම රඳවා තැබීමත් අවිගත් පොලිස් යතුරුපැදිකරුවන් එදින රාත්රී 11 සිට ටොරින්ටන් (නිදහස්) චතුරශ්රයේ රඳවා තැබීමත් කුමන්ත්රණයේ සැලසුමට අයත් විය. හමුදා නිලධාරීන් ගේ  ප්රයෝජනය සඳහා කලින් දින ලේක් පාරේ සිට එචිලන් චතුරශ්රය දක්වා විශේෂ දුරකථන කම්බියක් අදින ලදී.    

දිනවල යාපනයේ රාජකාරිවල නියැලී සිටි කර්නල් රිචඩ් උඩුගම (පසුව යුද හමුදාපති) ගේ ලුනාවේ නිවස කුමන්ත්රණ කරුවන්ගේ අවධානයට ලක් වුයේ ඔහු  රාජකාරි නිමවා නැවත එහි පැමිණ හැකිය යන සැකයෙනි. පනාගොඩ හමුදා කඳවුරේ නිලධාරීන් මෙන්ම උඩුගම මහතාද රජයට පක්ෂපාති බව කුමන්ත්රණ කරුවෝ දැන සිටියහසන්නාහ සන්නද්ධ රථ බලකායේ අණ දෙන නිලධාරී කර්නල් සේපාල ආටිගල (පසු කලෙක යුද                                                                                                                                                                                                    හමුදාපති) කුමන්ත්රණයට හරස් වීම වැලැක්වීම සඳහාද පියවර ගැනීමට තීරණය විය.  

ජනවාරි 27දා රාත්රී කුමන්ත්රණයට ක්රියාකාරීව සහභාගී වන සැම දෙනෙක්ම හොඳින් සන්නද්ධ විය යුතු විය. ඔවුන්ට ලබාදීමට නියමිත වූ අවි අතර ස්ටර්ලිං සබ්මැෂින් තුවක්කුස්ටෙන් සබ්මැෂින් තුවක්කු ලැන්කැස්ටර් සබ්මැෂින් තුවක්කු බ්රේන් වර්ගයේ මැෂින් තුවක්කු සහ 303 රයිෆල් වූ අතර ඒවාට සරිලන වෙඩි උණ්ඩ සපයා දීමටද සැලසුම් කර තිබුණි. (එවකට අද මෙන් අපේ පොලිසියට හෝ හමුදාවන්ට  T56 ස්වයංක්රීය තුවක්කු නොවීය)  

අවසන් කුමන්ත්රණ නඩු විභාගය 1963 ජුනි 3 සිට දින 324ක් පැවති අතර අත්අඩංගුවට පත්වූ චුදිතයන් 24 දෙනාගෙන් 11 දෙනෙක් වැරදි කරුවන් බවට ඔප්පු විය. ඔවුන් අතර මොරිස් මෙල්, රොයිස් මෙල්, ඩග්ලස් ලියනගේ, සිඩ්නි සොයිසාඩබ්ලිව්. ඒබ්රහම් බී. අයි. ලෝයලා ඩබ්ලිව්. ජී. වයිට් නොයෙල් මතායෙස්, එන්.එස්. ජයකොඩි ඩේවිඩ් තම්බයියා ජේ .ආර්. ෆීලික්ස්  සහ ඩබ්ලිව්. ඒබ්රහම් වියඔවුන් සැම දෙනාටම දස වසර බැගින් සිර දඬුවම් නියම වූ අතර ඔවුන්ගේ සියලු දේපල රාජසන්තක කිරීමටද නියම විය. ඒබ්රහම් පසුව 1964 දී සිර ගෙදර දී මිය ගියේය. මෙය සිය දිවි හානි කරගැනීමක් ලෙසද වාර්තා විය.

එහෙත් එවකට පවතී සෝල්බරි ආණ්ඩුක්රම  ව්යවස්ථාවට අනුව විත්තිකරුවන්ට එංගලන්තයේ ප්රිවි කවුන්සලයට අභියාචනයක් ඉදිරිපත් කල හැකි විය

ප්රිවි කවුන්සලය මගින් 1965 දෙසැම්බර් 21 වන දා දෙන ලද තීන්දුවට අනුව කුමන්ත්රණ සැකකරුවනට විරුද්ධව නීතිමය පියවර ගැනීමට හඳුන්වාදෙන ලද 1962 විශේෂ ආඥා පනත ව්යවස්ථා විරෝධී විය අනුව විත්ති කරුවන් සියලු දෙනාම නිදහස් වූ නමුත් එය නිදොස් කොට නිදහස් කිරීමක් නොවීය.  

 කුමන්ත්රණයෙන් පසු ඊට තුඩු දුන් පසුබිම ත්රිවිධ හමුදාවන් තුල විශාල වෙනසක් ඇතිකිරීමට රජය පෙළඹ වීයමේ පසුබිම කුමක්ද?  

ඕනෑම නිදහස් රටක ත්රිවිධ හමුදාවන් තුලින් එරට ජන සංයුතිය නියෝජනය විය යුතුය. එහෙත් වසර 130කට වඩා පවතී බ්රිතාන් පාලනයේ ප්රතිපලයක් වසහයෙන් ලංකාවේ සිදුවුයේ එහි අනෙක් පැත්තය. කුමන්ත්රණයෙන් පසු ඊට තුඩු දුන් පසුබිම ත්රිවිධ හමුදාවන් තුල විශාල වෙනසක් ඇතිකිරීමට රජය පෙළඹ වීය

මේ පසුබිම කුමක්ද?   ඕනෑම නිදහස් රටක ත්රිවිධ හමුදාවන් තුලින් එරට ජන සංයුතිය නියෝජනය විය යුතුය.  එහෙත් වසර 130කට වඩා පවතී බ්රිතාන් පාලනයේ ප්රතිපලයක් වසහයෙන් ලංකාවේ සිදුවුයේ එහි අනෙක් පැත්තය. එනම් ත්රිවිධ හමුදාවල ඉහල නිලයන් දැරූ වැඩි දෙනා මෙරට සිංහල වැඩි ජනතාවගේ අභිප්රායයන්, පාරම්පරික සංස්කෘතිය සහ ඉතිහාසය තේරුම් නොගත් හෝ ගැන තැකීමක් නොකල, යටත් විජිත මානසිකත්වයෙන් යුතු, බටහිරට ආවඩනසංකර මධ්යම පන්තිකයෝ වුහ. වසර 1956 දී සිදුවූ දේශපාලන පෙරලියට තුඩු දුන් කරුණු වල යථාර්තය (එහි අඩුපාඩු කුමක් වුවත්) ඔවුන්ට වටහා ගත නොහැකි විය.   

සිරිමා බණ්ඩාරනායක රජය සමාජවාදී රටවල් සමග කිට්ටු සබඳකම් පැවැත්වීමද ඔවුනට රිස්සුවේ නැත.   එවකට යුද හමුවේ ඉහල නිලයන් දැරූ පිරිසෙන් පහෙන් තුනක් කිතුනුවන් වූ අතර කුමන්ත්රණයට හවුල් වූ හැම දෙනාම පාහේ අබෞද්ධයෝ වූහ. කුමන්ත්රණ කරුවන් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයට ලැදි වු නමුත් කුමන්ත්රණයට එම පක්ෂයේ සම්බන්ධයක් තිබු බවක් හෙලි නොවීය.

කුමන්ත්රණකරුවන්ගේ අවාසියට සිටි තව කරුණක් වුයේ ඔවුන්ට විරුද්ධව ක්රියා කල නියෝජ්ය පොලිස්පති එස්.. දිසානායක මහතා (පසු කලෙක පොලිස්පති) සහ ඇමති ෆිලික්ස් ඩයස් බණ්ඩාරනායක මහතා යන දෙදෙනාම අබෞද්ධයන් වුවද ඔවුන් නීත්යානුකූල රජයට ද්රෝහී නොවීමය

(මෙම ලිපියට ප්රධාන වශයෙන් පදනම් වු මූලාශ් අතර කුමන්ත්රණය අසාර්ථක වීමෙන් පසු ඇමති ෆිලික්ස් ඩයස් බණ්ඩාරනායක මහතා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී කල කතාවද වෙයි)                                                                                                               


January 27th, 2020


When I look at opinions, readings and human behavior regarding the concept of modernization it seems that policymakers in Sri Lanka are in a difficult situation without a clear understanding of how it should be adapted to the society of Sri Lanka.  Not only in a theoretical sense but also in practical application modernization has become a difficult, gigantic, complex, critical and essential task. In the past, many viewed that Sri Lankans have been misunderstood modernization and many young absorbed negative message or changes as modernization in relation to many areas.  From different points of view and practical necessity, modernization defines as an essential task and a process of adapting to the future environment and to change the existing environment.  However, it is observed that the risk level of the modernization process is quite significant and the assessment of risk level should be a vital condition as modernization might be misinterpreted and represented by different persons.

I had an opportunity to watch a video on an intended or already published book (Hathe Ape Potha) on the internet on sex education.  The video showed a discussion among policymakers, and the specific publication intended as an apparatus for educators in the primary context of education in the country. When I was watching the videotape, I had a feeling that modernization in the education field has been misunderstood by some policymakers and it is mixed with either politics in the country or with ideological fallacies of a small group of so-called educated personnel. There is a vital problem in the country on how should people guide to be adapted to modernization. The other significant problem observed was the communication of modernization in the electronic and free media era is giving the right message to the mass community.

What is the meaning of modernization? It is a dynamic term that encompasses a broader spectrum of views. I researched a variety of points of view published on modernization and adapting to it and found that many scholars expressed homogeneous views but expressing views using different terms different points of view. Irwin (1975) expressed that modernization as a construct plays an important role in theories of social change”  This definition attempts to relate the modernization to social change and if anything that is not related to social change but is a significant theory that will make change in scientific or religious fields could not consider or dictate as a modernization?  The modernization is a process that observes at present and not an assumption which might occur in the future.  The understanding of the term modernization relating to the idea of Irwin’s concerns with theoretical speculation and conceptual definitions of the phenomenon than empirical references.  However, the term modernization is understood by Sri Lankans generally referring to practical changes in society they are living and they can observe it is effective in the society. The negative effect of the understanding of Sri Lankans seems that positive and negative consequences of change are considering or taking into practice as modernization.  Is its right way of practical understanding of modernization? What is the role of academics and educated professionals to scrutinize the society educating the right practice?

Benson (1971) referred to a total transformation and universal pattern that integrated with assumptions of modernization theory, which encourage the attempt to relate to each other, the different types of changes within and between levels.  There is no problem with the idea of Benson (1971) regarding the assumptions of modernization theory because modernization could refer to a total transformation and a universal pattern. The practical experience is that the transformation and universal pattern might relate to each other despite the opinion he expressed, it is difficult to clearly understand the point modernization is a process which relates to the past and could modernization begin with new inventions without relating to the past.  For an example, suppose science discovers human in another planet and they arrived in this planet and introduces a method which they use in their planet to generate human and such human will be more intelligent and capable of thinking different way and the practice could be applied in earth with its human. Could the new orientation support a transformation and such a sudden change be regarded as modernization?  

Tipps (1973) viewed modernization as a response to change, which might be a discrete process than a response to change.  If this definition accepts the correct meaning of modernization may be accepted as the right process of modernization expressing various views on sex education in Sri Lanka. In the past, people in Sri Lanka were not motivated to express views on sex education in public, now people talk on the subject and it reflects the change of society and it may regard as modernization of education.  Halpern (1966) pointed out a view that the capacity of the institution to adapt or to control rapid and continuous change is also a significant consideration in modernization.

Calla et al (2006) attempted to look at modernization with an operational point of view to place the locals as a continuum in an order. It is acceptable that modernization needs an operational process and a continuum as an order in society.  For example, sex education and including it to the school curriculum as an assessable component or not could be considered as modernization in the school curriculum in Sri Lanka.

It is observed that broad views expressed in the conference on sex education may have useful to educators and policymakers, however, some points expressed by participants who aligned to political parties or politics in society appeared as brainstorming which directly or indirectly attempting bog down the show to express irrelevant views and divert the main purpose of discussion to irrelevant area. Sometimes, it may have an attempt to justify what they believe or the education policymakers done as the right way of modernization of curriculum in the primary context. Legalization of prostitution and whether Buddhism is a religion or a philosophy or sexual infiltration or enhancements were not points should have been discussed as sex education for grade seven students by the discussion group. Adapting to modernization is a dynamic process but it is not a process that pursuing irrelevant points or going along the wrong way. This is the point that I mentioned before, some people in Sri Lanka misunderstood the modernization giving priority to wrong practices. 

The other vital point is that modernization should work in society as a relevant matter.  Although the incorporation of sex education to the school curriculum is an adapting to the modernization of education the implementation of the curriculum has limits and irrelevant points giving students and misleading students highlighting points that may not accurate or not comprehensible to students could not be considered as adapting to modernization.  The ability of students in grade seven to comprehend points that are involved in science, culture or behavior or philosophy is comparatively lesser than a person who studied in a university and integrated wider experience in social and other activities.  The education psychology guides that students at different levels should be educated comprehendible level of subject matters and adapting modernization would be successful if curriculum and teaching methods of education context are relevant.

Legalization of prostitution is not admissible subject matter for students of grade seven in the primary context the career choice in Sri Lanka would be students’ preference after completing secondary education and no schools in the world train students for a career choice in prostitution. The education process in the world has focused to educate kids in the primary contexts of relevant matters.

The world popular dictionaries define religion is a specific fundamental set of beliefs and practices generally agreed upon by a number of persons or sects and religions involve in devotional and ritual observances and often containing moral code governing the conduct of human affairs  Same dictionaries define that the philosophical examination of the themes and concepts involved in religious traditions as well as the broader philosophical tasks of reflecting on the matters of religions.  Therefore, some define love for wisdom as philosophy.

Religions in Sri Lanka act within the meaning of definition and the definition of philosophy of religion is not relevant to the education level of students in grade seven.  When the government consults irrelevant people in education policymaking it would not be adapting to modernization. Attracting different points of view regarding various matters acceptable and policymakers should be wise enough to make considering appurtenant matters in the brainstorming process.

Adapting to modernization is a hard task in a dynamic society.

High Prices for Vegetables

January 26th, 2020

By Garvin Karunaratne

Immediate action is due to arrest the unduly high prices of vegetables today. 

I enclose a Paper I wrote in 2017 which addresses this aspect in the hope that it will reach one of our new leaders.

Chess and I

January 26th, 2020

by Senaka Weeraratna

“One of the things that first attracted me to chess is that it brings you into contact with intelligent, civilized people”  Magnus Carlsen

“Chess as a sport requires a lot of mental stamina, and this is what that makes it different from a physical sport. Chess players have an unique ability of taking in a lot of information and remembering relevant bits. So, memory and mental stamina are the key attributes. 

You bring to chess facets of your personality and what you are.” Viswanathan Anand

It was by chance that I found myself entering the world of chess. It so happened that I had a young tutor to help me with my studies in Physics and Maths, when I was in the fourth form at Royal College, barely 14 years of age. The year – 1963. The tutor was a student at Ananda College, four years senior to me albeit a close relative. It was my uncle Asoka Weeraratna, a man driven by inexhaustible energy and remarkable vision and foresight, who had persuaded this tutor to take me under his charge and guide me to clear the GCE (Ord.) level exam due the very next year (1964).

One day in 1964, I came across a news item stating that Asoka Thenuwara had won the Ceylon Chess Championship, the youngest to achieve that honour. He was 18 years of age. Asoka Thenuwara was my tutor. My interest in Chess started from that point in time. It was the triggering factor to pursue Chess with the knowledge that I was highly privileged to have the Ceylon Chess Champion as my instructor.

Asoka Thenuwara not only gave me a basic coaching but also introduced me to a group of avid Chess players meeting every Saturday afternoon at a house in Wellawatte (near the railway track) belonging to a retired lawyer. They comprised the small circle of Chess players at that time. I can recall the names of G.A.S. Dissanayake, Vijendra, Ambalavanar among others. To this list must be added the names of Sali Parakrama, Anandan and B.R. de Silva (Accountant). They dominated the Chess scene. The other venue for playing Chess was the YMCA in Fort.

There was no proper focal point for Chess at that time as we have today. Nevertheless, there was a Chess Association of Ceylon, which was in charge of promoting Chess in the country and conducting Chess Tournaments. A major landmark event in the Timeline of Chess in Ceylon was the participation of eight or nine players from Ceylon in a major Chess tournament held in Madras in 1965. All paid for by the Indian sponsor. This was the first time that a team of Chess players from Ceylon had taken part in a major international tournament held overseas.

Jaffna was also a centre of Chess in addition to Colombo. Regular matches were conducted between the Colombo group and the Jaffna group. The National Chess Championship tournament was conducted on the basis of Double Rounds between six or seven players. Each player had to play against the same opponent twice and the one who gathered the most number of points was declared the National Chess Champion. Asoka Thenuwara beat every opponent twice in the two rounds, collected ten points (the maximum number of points possible) to become the National Chess Champion in 1964.

Asoka Thenuwara went on to win the Fritz Kunz Prize for the most outstanding student of Ananda College (not confined only to studies) in 1965. This was the equivalent (in 1965) of the prestigious Dornhorst Memorial Prize for General Merit which has been awarded annually at Royal College, Colombo since 1930 in the memory of Frederick Dornhorst, K.C. In 1994, the Lalith Athulathmudali Memorial Award for the Most Outstanding Royalist was instituted.

Asoka Thenuwara represented Ceylon in Badminton at the GANEFO Games held in Pnom Penh, Cambodia (1966). He won the Lanka Plate for Tennis at the Junior National Tennis Championship held in Colombo.

He entered the University of Ceylon (Peradeniya) in 1965. Having obtained the B.Sc. in Civil Engineering in 1969 he proceeded to UK to obtain a degree in Mining Engineering at the Royal School of Mines, Imperial College, University of London. Thereafter, he proceeded to read for the Ph. D. in Geo – Physics at the Imperial College.  

Chess at Royal College

Dr. C.A. Hewavitarana (brother of Anagarika Dharmapala) founded the Chess Club at Royal College at the beginning of the 20th Century. He organized Chess tournaments in school enlisting the help of the Ceylon Chess Club that was brought into existence by the inputs of Lewis Walker (Mathematics teacher at Royal College) and two other Europeans namely C.A. Wicks (Chemistry lecturer) and J.W. Poulier ( Master of Remove B class at Royal College).

I was a member of the Royal College Chess Team from 1965 – 1967. K.K. Amaradasa (now a lawyer known as Amaradasa Kodikara) captained the College Chess Team from 1965 – 1966. I was appointed Captain of the College Chess Team in 1967.  Mr. M. E. Gunaseelan (Master in Charge) and Mr. R.M.D. Wickremasinghe (Teacher at school) extended support to the team. Royal College played against St. John’s College, Jaffna and the German Cultural Institute in 1965 and won at both encounters. The school provided facilities for playing Chess during the lunch interval and after school.

The Royal College team in 1965 comprised the following: K.K. Amaradasa (Captain), N. Jayanthan, J. Satchithanandan, J. Wickremasinghe and Senaka Weeraratna.

Senaka Weeraratna   

Photo – Royal College Chess Team – 1965

Source – Royal College Magazine 1965 (Third Term)


This article ‘ Chess and I ‘ was published in the Souvenir released on January 05, 2020 to mark the holding of the ’24th Battle of the Kings’ Inter -School’ Chess Championship 2019 at Royal College, Colombo

British Colonials Starved to Death 60 Million-Plus Indians

January 26th, 2020


Hits: 1726

The chronic want of food and water, the lack of sanitation and medical help, the neglect of means of communication, the poverty of educational provision, the all-pervading spirit of depression that I have myself seen to prevail in our villages after over a hundred years of British rule make me despair of its beneficence. — Rabindranath Tagore

If the history of British rule in India were to be condensed to a single fact, it is this: there was no increase in India’s per-capita income from 1757 to 1947.[1]

Churchill, explaining why he defended the stockpiling of food within Britain, while millions died of starvation in Bengal, told his private secretary that the Hindus were a foul race, protected by their mere pullulation from the doom that is their due.”[2]

June 27— During its 190 years of looting and pillaging, the Indian Subcontininent as a whole underwent at least two dozen major famines, which collectively killed millions of Indians throughout the length and breadth of the land. How many millions succumbed to the famines cannot be fully ascertained. However, colonial rulers’ official numbers indicate it could be 60 million deaths. In reality, it could be significantly higher.

British colonial analysts cited droughts as the cause of fallen agricultural production that led to these famines, but that is a lie. British rulers, fighting wars in Europe and elsewhere, and colonizing parts of Africa, were exporting grains from India to keep up their colonial conquests—while famines were raging. People in the famineaffected areas, resembling skeletons covered by skin only, were wandering around, huddling in corners and dying by the millions. The Satanic nature of these British rulers cannot be overstated.

A Systematic Depopulation Policy

Although no accurate census figure is available, in the year 1750 India’s population was close to 155 million. At the time British colonial rule ended in 1947, undivided India’s population reached close to 390 million. In other words, during these 190 years of colonial looting and organized famines, India’s population rose by 240 million. Since 1947, during the next 68-year period, Indian Subcontininent’s population, including those of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, has grown to close to 1.6 billion. Thus, despite poverty and economic depravity in the post-independent Indian Subcontininent, during those 68 years population has grown by almost 1.2 billion.

Records show that during the post-independence period, the Subcontininent has undergone drought conditions in parts of the land from time to time, but there was no famine, although thousands still die in the Subcontininent annually due to the lack of adequate amount of food, a poor food distribution system, and lack of sufficient nourishment. It is also to be noted that before the British colonials’ jackboots got firmly planted in India, famines had occurred but with much less frequency—maybe once in a century.

There was indeed no reason for these famines to occur They occurred only because The Empire engineered them, intending to strengthen the Empire by ruthless looting and adoption of an unstated policy to depopulate India. This, they believed would bring down the Empire’s cost of sustaining India.

Take, for instance, the case of Bengal, which is in the eastern part of the Subcontininent where the British East India Company (HEIC, Honorable East India Company, according to Elizabeth I’s charter) had first planted its jackboots in 1757. The rapacious looters, under the leadership of Robert Clive—a degenerate and opium addict, who blew his brains out in 1774 in the London Berkley Square residence he had procured with the benefits of his looting—got control of what is now West Bengal, Bangladesh, Bihar, and Odisha (earlier, Orissa), in 1765. At the time, historical records indicate India represented close to 25% of the world’s GDP, second only to China, while Britain had a paltry 2%. Bengal was the richest of the Indian provinces.

Following his securing control of Bengal by ousting the Nawab in a devious battle at Plassey (Palashi), Clive placed a puppet on the throne, paid him off, and negotiated an agreement with him for the HEIC to become the sole tax collector, while leaving the nominal responsibility for government to his puppet. That arrangement lasted for a century, as more and more Indian states were bankrupted to facilitate future famines. The tax money went into British coffers, while millions were starved to death in Bengal and Bihar.

Clive, who was made a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1768 and whose statue stands near the British Empire’s evil center, Whitehall, near the Cabinet War Room, had this to say in his defense when the British Parliament, playing fair,” accused him of looting and other abuses in India:

Consider the situation which the Victory of Plassey had placed on me. A great Prince was dependent upon my pleasure; an opulent city lay at my mercy; its richest bankers bid against each other for my smiles; I walked through vaults which were thrown open to me alone, piled on either hand with gold and jewels! By God, Mr. Chairman, at this moment I stand astonished at my own moderation.

However, Clive was not the only murderous British colonial ruler. The British Empire had sent one butcher after another to India, all of whom engineered looting and its consequent depopulation.

By 1770, when the first great famine occurred in Bengal, the province had been looted to the core. What followed was sheer horror. Here is how John Fiske in his American Philosopher in the Unseen World depicted the Bengal famine:

All through the stifling summer of 1770 the people went on dying. The husbandmen sold their cattle; they sold their implements of agriculture; they devoured their seed-grain; they sold their sons and daughters, till at length no buyer of children could be found; they ate the leaves of trees and the grass of the field. . . . The streets were blocked up with promiscuous heaps of the dying and dead. Interment could not do its work quick enough; even the dogs and jackals, the public scavengers of the East, became unable to accomplish their revolting work, and the multitude of mangled and festering corpses at length threatened the existence of the citizens…. [3]

Was there any reason for the famine to occur? Not if the British had not wanted it. Bengal, then, as now, harvested three crops a year. It is located in the delta of the Gangetic plain where water is more than plentiful. Even if drought occurs, it does not destroy all three crops. Moreover, as was prevalent during the Moghul days, and in earlier time, the surplus grain was stored to tide the population over if there were one or two bad crops.

But the looting of grains carried out by Clive, and his gang of bandits and killers, drained grain from Bengal and resulted in 10 million deaths in the great famine, eliminating one-third of Bengal’s population.

It should be noted that Britain’s much-touted industrial revolution began in 1770, the very same year people were dying all over Bengal. The Boston Tea Party that triggered the American Revolution had taken place in 1773. The Boston Tea Party made the Empire realize that its days in America were numbered, and led Britain to concentrate even more on organizing the looting of India.

Why Famines Became So Prevalent During the British Raj Days

The prime reason why these devastating famines took place at a regular intervals, and were allowed to continue for years, was the British Empire’s policy of depopulating its colonies. If these famines had not occurred, India’s population would have reached a billion people long before the Twentieth Century arrived. That, the British Empire saw as a disaster.

To begin with, a larger Indian population would mean larger consumption by the locals, and deprive the British Raj to a greater amount of loot. The logical way to deal with the problem was to develop India’s agricultural infrastructure. But that would not only force Britain to spend more money to run its colonial and bestial empire; it would also develop a healthy population which could rise up to get rid of the abomination called the British Raj. These massive famines also succeeded in weakening the social structure and backbone of the Indians, making rebellions against the colonial forces less likely. In order to perpetuate famines, and thus depopulate the heathen” and dark” Indians, the British imperialists launched a systematic propaganda campaign. They propped up the fraudster Parson Thomas Malthus and promoted his non-scientific gobbledygook, The Essay on Population.” There he claimed:

This natural inequality of the two powers of population and of production in the earth, and that great law of our nature which must constantly keep their effects equal, form the great difficulty that to me appears insurmountable in the way to the perfectibility of society. All other arguments are of slight and subordinate consideration in comparison of this. I see no way by which man can escape from the weight of this law which pervades all animated nature.

Although Malthus was ordained in the Anglican Church, British Empire made him a paid economist” of the British East India Company, which, with the charter from Queen Elizabeth I under its belt, monopolized trade in Asia, colonizing vast tracts of the continent using its well-armed militia fighting under the English flag of St. George.

Malthus was picked up at the Haileybury and Imperial Service College, which was also the recruiting ground of some of the worst colonial criminals. This college was where the makers of British Empire’s murderous policies in India were trained. Some prominent alumni of Haileybury include Sir John Lawrence (Viceroy of India from 1864-68) and Sir Richard Temple (Lt. Governor of Bengal and later, Governor of Bombay presidency).

While Parson Malthus was putting forward his sinister scientific theory” to justify depopulation as a natural and necessary process, The British Empire collected a whole bunch of other economists” who wrote about the necessity of free trade. Free trade played a major role in pushing through the Empire’s genocidal depopulation of India, through the British Raj’s efforts. In fact, free trade is the other side of the Malthus’ population-control coin.

By the time the great famine of 1876 arrived, Britain had already built some railroads in India. The railroads, which were touted as institutional safeguards against famines, were instead used by merchants to ship grain inventories from outlying drought-stricken districts to central depots for hoarding. In addition, free traders’ opposition to price control ushered in a frenzy of grain speculation. As a result, capital was raised to import grains from drought-stricken areas, and further the calamity. The rise of price of grain was spectacularly rapid, and grain was taken from where it was most needed, to be stored in warehouses until the prices rose even higher.

The British Raj knew or should have known. Even if the British rulers did not openly encourage this process, they were fully aware of it, and they were perfectly comfortable in promoting free trade at the expense of millions of lives. This is how Mike Davis described what happened:

The rise [of prices] was so extraordinary, and the available supply, as compared with well-known requirements, so scanty that merchants and dealers, hopeful of enormous future gains, appeared determined to hold their stocks for some indefinite time and not to part with the article which was becoming of such unwonted value. It was apparent to the Government that facilities for moving grain by the rail were rapidly raising prices everywhere, and that the activity of apparent importation and railway transit, did not indicate any addition to the food stocks of the Presidency . …retail trade up-country was almost at a standstill. Either prices were asked which were beyond the means of the multitude to pay, or shops remained entirely closed.

At the time, Lord Lytton, a favorite poet of Queen Victoria who is known as a butcher” to many Indians, was the Viceroy. He wholeheartedly opposed all efforts to stockpile grain to feed the famine-stricken population because that would interfere with market forces. In the autumn of 1876, while the monsoon crop was withering in the fields of southern India, Lytton was absorbed in organizing the immense Imperial Assemblage in Delhi to proclaim Victoria Empress of India.

How did Lytton justify this? He was an avowed admirer and follower of Adam Smith. Author Mike Davis writes that Smith

a century earlier in The Wealth of Nations had asserted (vis-à-vis the terrible Bengal droughtfamine of 1770) that famine has never arisen from any other cause but the violence of government attempting, by improper means, to remedy the inconvenience of dearth, Lytton was implementing what Smith had taught him and other believers of free trade. Smith’s injunction against state attempts to regulate the price of grain during the 1770 famine had been taught for years in the East India Company’s famous college at Haileybury.[4]

Lytton issued strict orders that there is to be no interference of any kind on the part of Government with the object of reducing the price of food,” and in his letters home to the India Office and to politicians of both parties, he denounced ‘humanitarian hysterics’.” By official diktat, India, like Ireland before it, had become a Utilitarian laboratory where millions of lives were gambled, pursuant to dogmatic faith in omnipotent markets overcoming the inconvenience of dearth.”[5]

The Great Famines

Depicting the two dozen famines that killed more than 60 million Indians would require a lot of space, so I limit myself here to those that killed more than one million:

The Bengal Famine of 1770: This catastrophicfamine occurred between 1769 and 1773, and affected the lower Gangetic plain of India. The territory, then ruled by the British East India Company, included modern West Bengal, Bangladesh, and parts of Assam, Orissa, Bihar, and Jharkhand. The famine is supposed to have caused the deaths of an estimated 10 million people, approximately one-third of the population at the time.

The Chalisa Famine of 1783-84: The Chalisa famine affected many parts of North India, especially the Delhi territories, present-day Uttar Pradesh, Eastern Punjab, Rajputana (now named, Rajasthan), and Kashmir, then all ruled by different Indian rulers. The Chalisa was preceded by a famine in the previous year, 1782-83, in South India, including Madras City (now named Chennai) and surrounding areas (under British East India Company rule), and in the extended Kingdom of Mysore. Together, these two famines had taken at least 11 million lives, reports indicate.

The Doji Bara Famine (or Skull Famine) of 1791- 92: This famine caused widespread mortality in Hyderabad, Southern Maratha Kingdom, Deccan, Gujarat, and Marwar (also called Jodhpur region in Rajasthan). The British policy of diverting food to Europe, of pricing the remaining grain out of reach of native Indians, and adopting agriculture policy that destroyed food production, was responsible for this one. The British had surplus supplies of grain, which was not distributed to the very people that had grown it. As a result, about 11 million died between 1789-92 of starvation and accompanying epidemics that followed.

The Upper Doab Famine of 1860-61: The 1860-61 famine occurred in the British-controlled Ganga-Yamuna Doab (two waters, or two rivers) area engulfing large parts of Rohilkhand and Ayodhya, and the Delhi and Hissar divisions of the then-Punjab. Eastern part of the princely state of Rajputana. According to official” British reports, about two million people were killed by this famine.

The Orissa Famine of 1866: Although it affected Orissa the most, this famine affected India’s east coast along the Bay of Bengal stretching down south to Madras, covering a vast area. One million died, according to the British official” version.

The Rajputana famine of 1869: The Rajputana famine of 1869 affected an area of close to 300,000 square miles which belonged mostly to the princely states and the British territory of Ajmer. This famine, according to official” British claim, killed 1.5 million.

The Great Famine of 1876-78: This famine killed untold numbers of Indians in the southern part and raged for about four years. It affected Madras, Mysore, Hyderabad and Bombay (now called, Mumbai). The famine also subsequently visited Central Province (now called, Madhya Pradesh) and parts of undivided Punjab. The death toll from this famine was in the range of 5.5 million people. Some other figures indicate the number of deaths could be as high as 11 million.

Indian famine of 1896-97 and 1899-1900: This one affected Madras, Bombay, Deccan, Bengal, United Provinces (now called, Uttar Pradesh), Central Provinces, Northern and eastern Rajputana, parts of Central India, and Hyderabad: six million reportedly died in British territory during these two famines. The number of deaths occurred in the princely states is not known.

The Bengal Famine of 1943-44: This Churchill-orchestrated famine in Bengal in 1943-1944 killed an estimated 3.5 to 5 million people.

Relief Camps, or Concentration Camps

There were several policy-arrows which Adolf Hitler might have borrowed from the British quiver to kill millions, but one that he borrowed for certain in setting up his death camps, was how the British ran the camps to provide relief” to the starving millions. Anyone who entered these relief camps, did not exit alive.

Take the actions of Viceroy Lytton’s deputy, Richard Temple, another Haileybury product imbued with the doctrine of depopulation as the necessary means to keep the Empire strong and vigorous. Temple was under orders from Lytton to make sure there was no unnecessary” expenditure on relief works.

According to some analysts, Temple’s camps were not very different from Nazi concentration camps. People already half-dead from starvation had to walk hundreds of miles to reach these relief camps. Additionally, he instituted a food ration for starving people working in the camps, which was less than that was given to the inmates of Nazi concentration camps.

The British refused to provide adequate relief for famine victims on the grounds that this would encourage indolence. Sir Richard Temple, who was selected to organize famine relief efforts in 1877, set the food allotment for starving Indians at 16 ounces of rice per day—less than the diet for inmates at the Buchenwald concentration camp for the Jews in Hitler’s Germany. British disinclination to respond with urgency and vigor to food deficits resulted in a succession of about two dozen appalling famines during the British occupation of India. These swept away tens of millions of people. The frequency of famine showed a disconcerting increase in the nineteenth century.[6]

It was deliberate then, and it’s deliberate now.

1. Davis, Mike. Late Victorian Holocausts: El Nino Famines and the Making of the Third World, London, Verso Books, 2001.

2. Madhusree Mukerjee, Churchill’s Secret War: The British Empire and the Ravaging of India during World War II, New York: Basic Books.

3. Davis, op. cit.

4. Ibid.

5. Ibid

6. Bhatia, B.M., Famines in India, A Study in Some Aspects of the Economic History of India, 1860-1945, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1963.

Author: Ramtanu Maitra

Originally published on July 3, 2015 EIR

About the author: Dr Ramtanu Maitra

A specialist on South Asian Affairs who operates out of Washington D.C. Ramtanu Maitra specialises on strategic and infrastructural developmental studies with the focus on South Asia.
He holds a Masters Degree in Structural Engineering and was working as a Senior Project Engineer with the Nuclear Power Services, Secaucus, NJ.
Ramtanu Maitra participated in developing a document, India: An agro-industrial superpower by 2020, in 1981.
He established and published a quarterly journal, Fusion Asia, on science, technology, energy and economics from New Delhi for more than 10 years (1984-1994).
He wrote and published the first feature report on India’s high-energy physics program based in PRL, Ahmedabad. Prepared and published a detailed report on Ganges River Valley Development that was presented at an international conference inaugurated by the late president of India, Shri K.R. Narayanan, then Minister for Planning.
He participated on behalf of Fusion Asia on a feasibility study that also involved the Mitsubishi Research Institute (Tokyo) and the Thai Citizen Forum. Presented papers at a number of international conferences on strategic infrastructures in Bogota, Colombia, Tokyo, Japan, Kolkata, Indore, Madurai, Indore, New Delhi, among other Indian cities.
In 1994, Shri Maitra established New Delhi bureau for Asia Times, a Bangkok-based news daily published simultaneously from Bangkok, Hong Kong, Kuala Lumpur and New York.
Presently, he conducts research, analysis, writing on international economic and strategic developments for publications internationally, including: Foresight (Japan); Aakrosh, Agni, Indian Defense and Technology (India); Asia Times Online (Hong Kong); and Executive Intelligence Review (USA).

Ramtanu Maitra is a regular columnist with the Executive Intelligence Review (EIR), a news weekly published from Washington DC. He writes columns for Asia Times of Hong Kong, Frontier Post of Peshawar and some other newspapers in Asia on South Asian political economy and Asian security. He has written on terrorism in a number of publications in the United States and India.


Original source of the article:

Genocide, the British don’t want you to know about – They systematically starved to death over 60 millions of Eastern Indians!

ජනතාවට වග නොකියන උගත් බුද්ධිමත් මන්ත්‍රීවරු මොකටද? | Dr. sarath werasekara

January 26th, 2020


Forensic Audits part of bond scam cover-up

January 26th, 2020

Courtesy Daily FT

From the time the bond scam was carried out by the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration, that administration under the guidance of the former Prime Minister had been avoiding the law by regularly bringing up various distractions so that the true nature of the scam could be covered-up and the persons responsible could escape punishment. 

Instead of a straight-forward Police investigation and prosecution, which is the most obvious and acceptable method by which all crimes and frauds are dealt with, the administration orchestrated various non-punitive inquiries including private lawyer inquiries, COPE inquiries, and Presidential Commission investigations, etc., so that the perpetrators could evade arrest and carry out their other work without any hindrance. 

In that grand scheme of deception and cover-ups, a direct proposal was made to the Bond Commission by then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, and based on that suggestion, the Bond Commission recommended a Forensic Audit, which has now been purportedly carried out under the authority of the Members of the Monetary Board. 

Unfortunately, however, several Members of the Board were serving in the Monetary Board while the bond scams were carried out with impunity, while others had been involved in covering up the scams to the greatest extent possible. 

As expected, therefore, the purported Forensic Audit Report has been converted into an instrument to sling mud at the ‘pre-2015’ political authorities and Central Bank administration, based on inaccuracies, distortions and downright lies. 

An initial study of the Forensic Audit reports clearly confirms that its main purpose has obviously been to ‘whitewash’ the corrupt Wickremesinghe administration that carried out the bond scam to the greatest extent possible, and to ‘blacken’ the ‘pre-2015’ administration as heavily as possible. 

In the next few days, a more detailed and in-depth analysis of the purported Forensic Audit reports would be carried out in order to apprise the public of the gross inaccuracies, prejudiced statements, and the politically motivated comments. 

In fact, the unprofessional ‘cherry-picking’ of data, seriously flawed analysis, inaccurate findings, deliberate overlooking of material facts, obviously false findings, and blatantly biased conclusions confirm that the purported Forensic Audits were engineered by those vested interests at a staggering cost of over Rs. 300 million to further confuse the public as to the true nature and scope of the bond scam and its repercussions. 

Further, the blatantly politically motivated undertones that are reflected in the purported Forensic Audit reports also confirm the objectives of those persons under whose guidance and insistence these purported Forensic Audits were carried out. That situation is of course best described in the pithy Sinhala saying, fydrdf. wïudf.ka fmak wykjd jf.a”; translated as like asking the robber’s mother about the identity of the robber!” 

The immediate former Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy has himself confirmed that these purported Forensic Audits were carried out under the authority of the Monetary Board”. It is also well-known within the Central Bank that the Member of the Monetary Board Chrisantha Perera, who coordinated the Forensic Audits for the Monetary Board, was a person under whose watch the second bond scam took place since he was a Member of the Monetary Board from March 2015 onwards. Perera was also serving in the Monetary Board while the cover-up was carried out in earnest, to the maximum extent possible. 

The Official Member of the Monetary Board who gave official sanction for the Forensic Audits, Dr. R. H. S. Samaratunga served in the Monetary Board when both scams occurred and while the cover-up was progressing! Hence, it is abundantly clear that the ‘independence’, which is a vital pre-requisite for any credible Forensic Audit, had been hopelessly compromised by the costly and corrupt process followed by the Members of the Monetary Board. 

In that context, steps will soon be taken to professionally refute and deal with the various innuendo and insinuations as reflected in the recent purported forensic audit reports as well as expose those who are responsible for these efforts, as well. 

For the time being, as an initial response to the contents of the purported reports, it can be confirmed that during the period 2006 to 2014, there had definitely not been any fraudulent activity in the issue of Government Bonds, quite unlike those Bond issues that took place in February 2015 and March 2016 due to the Prime Minister and Governor conniving and changing the 18-year-old time-tested system in order to carry out the scam. 

It may also be pertinent to point out that those actions of the Prime Minister and his Governor also caused losses in the region of around a trillion rupees to the country and the economy, as per a former member of Wickremesinghe’s own Cabinet. 

Until such a study is done and a professional public response is articulated, for the time being it would suffice to state that billions of rupees was saved under the ‘pre-2015’ administration through the issuing of Government Bonds in a transparent and scientific manner through a time-tested method, and that huge gains and profits had been recorded through the portfolio investment activities of the Employees Provident Fund. 

In fact, the unrealised profit of the EPF’s share portfolio as at end December 2014 is recorded in its financial statements as being over Rs. 20,000 million, while the realised profit from 2011 to 2014 was a further Rs. 14,580 million. 

The bond scam has already been clearly documented and exposed by many analysts and experts. Sufficient evidence and material are also available to carry out a prosecution of the mastermind of the scam as well those who have been aiding and abetting the crime. 

Those who have actively assisted in the cover-up of the scam have also been clearly identified. All aspects of this extensive and high-powered cover-up and the part of the cover-up that the purported Forensic Audit was designed to play, have already been highlighted in my recent book, The Great Bond Scam Cover-up”. 

A summary of such a book with a few updates would be released to the media within the next two days in both English and Sinhala, so that the true nature of the cover-up could be conveniently grasped by all those interested in bringing the culprits of this scam to justice. 

As already known, the various allegations made by former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his cohorts as well as the insinuations carried in the Bond Commission report had already been shown to be partisan, erroneous or false. That was the reason as to why the Wickremesinghe administration could not press any legal charges against the ‘pre-2015’ Governor or other officials during the near five years that the Wickremesinghe Government was in power. 

Needless to say, when such a detailed response to the purported Forensic Audit is made public, the insinuations and innuendo as set out in the purported Forensic Audit reports would also meet the same fate as that which befell certain erroneous COPE strictures, PM’s vituperative ranting, and the Bond Commission’s unfortunate insinuations, as those, too, would soon be proved as being without a rational basis or foundation. 

In any event, any follow-up decision pertaining to the bond scam prosecutions would have to be made by the Attorney General after weighing the evidence available. 

In that regard, it has already transpired that Speaker Karu Jayasuriya has released these flawed reports against the direct advice of the Attorney General, perhaps to provide some respite to the currently beleaguered former Prime Minister, who is battling his own party rank and file to safeguard his faltering leadership, which is now being directly challenged. It must also be said that it is already abundantly clear from the periodic revelations in the media that the ‘post-2015’ Yahapalanaya leadership had influenced and coerced Police officers, judges, witnesses, court officials and public officials with impunity for their political advantage. 

From all accounts, it is also obvious that it has only been because of such influence that the bond scam perpetrators have been so far able to evade responsibility for their crimes. In that background, the best course of action for the present Government would be to entrust the entire bond scam investigation to the CID, so that a proper and impartial investigation could now be carried out with the goal of bringing the perpetrators to book. 

Therefore, it is strongly urged that the Government immediately establishes several CID Investigation units to thoroughly investigate all aspects of this dastardly crime, so that the perpetrators of this heinous white-collar crime could be brought to book as fast as possible. Needless to say, the entire country is eagerly waiting until that is done. 

Corona Virus: Use face masks, precautionary steps, public urged

January 26th, 2020

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

While claiming that there was no need to panic over the Corona Virus, the Health Ministry has advised the general public to wear face masks as a safety measure.

Meanwhile, CMC Chief Medical Officer Dr Ruwan Wijayamuni also requested all who come to Colombo to wear face masks as a precautionary measure.

He advised to adhere to this method when entering public places, hotels and restaurants in the Colombo city and also to wear a mask to hotel employees and staff.

The Chief Epidemiologist of the Colombo Epidemiology Unit, Dr Sudath Samaraweera has also issued a statement outlining the measures to be taken to prevent contracting the disease.

According to the statement, the new Corona Virus was capable of spreading from one person to another. Public health measures should take to prevent the disease from spreading in Sri Lanka as it has spread to other countries.

Avoid crowded areas, wash hands regularly with soap or with alcohol, cover your mouth and nose with the elbow area when you sneeze. Otherwise use tissues and dispose of them safely, avoid close association with those has fever and cough and if anyone suffering from a fever and cough after arriving from an identified new Corona Virus affected area, seek immediate medical attention,” he said in his statement.

150 Sri Lankan students to be repatriated from China within 48hrs

January 26th, 2020

Courtesy The Daily mirror

Steps had been taken to bring back 150 Sri Lankan students from Chengdu in Sichuan Province, China through a special flight within the next 48 hours, the President’s Media Division said.

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had earlier directed authorities to take necessary steps to repatriate all Sri Lankan students in the Wuhan and Sichuan cities in China.

Accordingly, a special programme has been launched by the Presidential Secretariat, Ministry of Foreign Relations, Ministry of Health, Sri Lanka Embassy in Beijing and SriLankan Airlines.

SL requests to land aircraft in Wuhan to airlift 32 students

On the instructions of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the Sri Lankan Embassy in Beijing has today submitted an application to land a Sri Lankan Airlines aircraft in Wuhan Airport to airlift 32 Sri Lankan students including their family members, the Foreign Relations Ministry said today.

In a statement, the Ministry said the Embassy is closely following up with the Foreign Ministry of China and Foreign Affairs Office of the Wuhan Province to expedite the process of obtaining clearance for the landing of the aircraft, as soon as they are allowed to travel out of their present locations.

“The Ministry, Embassy and Consulate Generals are also working with the Sri Lankan Airlines in seeking to operationalize instructions to bring back all other Sri Lankan students presently in China. It is estimated that presently approximately 860 students remain in China, spread in various city centres throughout the country. Meanwhile, the Embassy in Beijing, Consulate Generals in Guangzhou and Shanghai are in constant touch with the Sri Lankan students in Wuhan and other parts of China to provide information with regard to the precautionary measures to be taken to prevent any infection.

The Mission and posts have not received any information on any Sri Lankans infected by the Coronavirus, ” it said. The Ministry further said, “In order to provide assistance to the Sri Lankan students and professionals living in China who wish to return to Sri Lanka, the Foreign Relations Ministry in collaboration with its Mission in Beijing and Posts in Shanghai and Guangzhou has secured the immediate application of 50% discount on the airfare of Sri Lankan Airlines for its regular flights operating to Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou.

All Sri Lankan citizens who would like to travel to Sri Lanka from China will be able to obtain 50% discount of the marked fare by calling the Sri Lankan Airlines call center on 0094-777771979. The Mission and the Posts are on a 24-hour operation to provide any assistance for Sri Lankans living in China, their parents and relatives. Information can be received from the Mission by calling the hotline on 0086-10-65321861/2. The following officers can also be contacted for queries about the Sri Lankans living in China and their relatives.

The officers can be reached on a 24-hour basis on the following numbers: Mr. Alexi Gunasekera, Minister (Commercial) Mob. 0086 13070138025 Brig. Kalpa Sanjeewa, Minister Counsellor (Defence) Mob. 0086 13051733302 Mrs. Inoka Weerasinghe, Second Secretary Mob. 0086 15116905523 Mrs. Thilini Gunaratne, Second Secretary Mob. 0086 13121722296 Mrs. Manorie Mallikaratchy, the Consul General of Shanghai can be contacted on 0086 13472771702 or Mrs. Geetha Perera, Attaché on 0086 159 0094 6639 to obtain information regarding Sri Lankans living in Shanghai, Anhui, Zhejiang, Jiangsu, and Hunan. Mrs. Priyangika Dharmasena, the Consul General of Guangzhou can be contacted on 0086 18814134670 or Mrs. U.K.G.Roshini, Attaché on 0086 13902301874 for information regarding the Sri Lankans living in Guangdong, Fujian, Hainan, Guangxi, Jiangxi.”

එන්.ජී.ඕ.වලට අවශ්‍ය ආකාරයට මෙරට අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ කිරීමට ඉඩ ලබානොදිය යුතුයි – මැදගොඩ අභයතිස්ස හිමි

January 26th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානවලට අවශ්‍ය ආකාරයට මෙරට අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ කිරීමට කිසිසේත් ඉඩ ලබා නොදිය යුතු බව මහාචාර්ය පූජ්‍ය මැදගොඩ අභයතිස්ස හිමියන් පවසනවා.

උන්වහන්සේ මේ බව සඳහන් කළේ මත්තේගොඩ ප්‍රදේශයේ පැවති උත්සවයකදී.

Ex-CBSL Governor Cabraal on Forensic Report

January 26th, 2020

Courtesy The Island


Former Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), Ajith Nivard Cabraal, has issued the following statement in response to the Forensic Audit report bond issuances:

“In 2015, I went before the DEW Gunasekera COPE Committee and provided details about my relatives in the Banking Sector. I had also provided a clear explanation about my relatives in the banking sector, through a media statement, in 2007,
and it was carried in The Island on 12 August, 2017. (

Hence, there was no need for a Rs.300 million “Forensic Audit” to reveal this.

“In this regard, the real issue is whether the so-called Forensic Audit has uncovered any information that links me to any wrong-doing. In fact, even as the Report grudgingly acknowledges, the answer is a clear NO.”

The Island article published on 12 August, 2017:

Nivard Cabraal clarifies picture on his relations in banking

“Corrupt and ignorant politicians trying to judge us by their standards”

by Ajith Nivard Cabraal

August 12, 2017

Much has been said by certain interested parties about my sister, Siromi Wickramasinghe, being appointed as the Chairman of the HDFC Bank by the previous government. In that regard, I can only say that she was a “fit and proper” person to hold that position, having risen to the rank of a Deputy General Manager of the Hatton National Bank, in an impeccable banking career.

In addition, as I have already informed COPE [Committee on Public Enterprises], there were several other relations who also served on the boards of banks in their own right with honesty and professionalism, as they were qualified, competent, and respected persons in society. For completeness sake, let me list out those who served on the Bank boards, in their own right:

Nihal Fonseka – first cousin – Director and CEO of DFCC Bank;

Amal Cabraal – first cousin- Director of HNB;

Ravi Thambiayah – brother-in-law – Director of DFCC;

Sunil Wijesinha – brother-in-law – Chairman of NDB;

Dhara Wijayatilake – sister-in-law – Director of Sampath Bank;

Shibani Thambiayah – niece – Director of DFCC Vardhana.

Several of my relations serve on Bank boards even now, and in fact, Nihal Fonseka presently serves on the Monetary Board of the Central Bank while Amal Cabraal serves on the Monetary Policy Consultative Committee of the Central Bank and the Board of HNB. In addition, the following relations, Dhara Wijayatilake (Sampath Bank) and Shibani Thambiayah (DFCC Bank) continue to serve on Bank boards, while brother-in-law, Ranel Wijesinha (Bank of Ceylon) and nephew-in-law, Anush Wijesinha (Seylan Bank), have also been appointed to Bank boards during the past two years.

As would be clear, it would be outrageous for anyone to insinuate that any of the above-mentioned relation of mine would have ever been influenced by me, or that they would have attempted to influence me. As a respected and highly professional family, we have all conducted ourselves with dignity, honesty and professionalism, and it is pathetic to see some corrupt and ignorant politicians attempting to judge us by their contemptible standards. 

බැඳුම්කර වෝහාරික විගණන වාර්තාව ගැන පක්ෂ විපක්ෂ අදහස්

January 26th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

ආන්දෝලනාත්මක බැඳුම්කර නිකුතුව සම්බන්ධව ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුව විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කෙරුණු වෝහාරික විගණන වාර්තාව පිළිබඳ පක්ෂ විපක්ෂ දේශපාලනඥයන් අද අදහස් පළ කළා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – Speaker to summon AG following requests by CC

January 26th, 2020

Yohan Perera Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya is to summon Attorney General Dappula de Levera following a decision made by the Constitutional Council (CC) over the directive he had given to arrest High Court Judge Gihan Pilapitiya.

A statement from the Parliament Media Unit said some members of CC were of the opinion that the AG’s directive to arrest a judge would result in people losing their faith in the Sri Lankan Judiciary. 

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – හඬපට හරහා ඇතැම් මහජන නියෝජිතයින්ගේ පිරිහීම නිරූපනය වන බව අගමැති කියයි

January 26th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

ආන්දෝලනාත්මක හඬපට හරහා ඇතැම් මහජන නියෝජිතයින්ගේ පිරිහීම නිරූපනය වන බව අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා පවසනවා.

කළුතර – මතුගම ප්‍රදේශයේ පැවති උත්සවයකදී අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා මේ බව සඳහන් කළා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – පසුගිය රජයේ සැලසුම්සහගත උත්සාහයක් ගැන අස්ගිරි ලේඛකාධිකාරී හිමියන් කියයි

January 26th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

රන්ජන් රාමනායක මන්ත්‍රීවරයාගේ හඬ පට අනුව පසුගිය රජය විසින් මෙරට දෙමුහුන් අධිකරණ ස්ථාපිත කිරීමේ සැලසුම්සහගත උත්සාහයක නිරත වී ඇති බවට සැකයක් මතු වන බව අස්ගිරි පාර්ශවයේ මහා ලේඛකාධිකාරී පූජ්‍ය මැදගම ධම්මානන්ද හිමියන් පවසනවා.

උන්වහන්සේ මේ බව කියා සිටියේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ සභාපති මහාචාර්ය ජී.එල්. පීරිස් තමන් වහන්සේ බැහැ දැකීම සඳහා අද පැමිණි අවස්ථාවේදියි.

මහනුවරට පැමිණි මහාචාර්ය ජී.එල්. පීරිස්, අස්ගිරි පාර්ශවයේ මහනායක අතිපූජ්‍ය වරකාගොඩ ශ්‍රී ඥානරතන නාහිමියන් බැහැදුටුවා.

අනතුරුව ඔහු අස්ගිරි පාර්ශවයේ මහාලේඛකාධිකාරී පූජ්‍ය මැදගම ධම්මානන්ද හිමියන් බැහැදුටුවා.

පසුගිය රජයේ වැරදි වත්මන් ආණ්ඩුවට මත පැටවීමට විපක්ෂය කටයුතු කරනවා – මුරුත්තෙට්ටුවේ ආනන්ද හිමි

January 26th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

රටේ සම්පත් සියල්ල විකුණා දමා රට විනාශ කළ පසුගිය ආණ්ඩුවේ සිටි පිරිස් එහි වගකීම වත්මන් පාලකයින් පිට පැටවීමේ උත්සාහයක නිරත වන බවට නාරාහේන්පිට අභයාරාම විහාරාධිපති පූජ්‍ය මුරුත්තෙට්ටුවේ ආනන්ද හිමියන් චෝදනා කරනවා.

සිය ඡන්ම දිනය නිමිත්තෙන් එම විහාරස්ථානයේ අද (26) පැවති දානමය පිංකමකදී උන්වහන්සේ මේ බව සඳහන් කළ අතර, එම අවස්ථාවට ජනාධිපති ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ සහ අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ද එක්ව සිටියා.

ඉන් අනතුරුව මිරිසවැටිය විහාරාධිපති පූජ්‍ය ඊතලවැටුණුවැවේ ඤාණතිලක හිමියන් ද අනුශාසනාවක් සිදුකළා.

මේ අතර, සුනිත්‍ය බලශක්ති උත්පාදනයට විශ්වාසදායී ජාලයක් ස්ථාපනය කිරීමට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට සහාය වීම සඳහා කටාර් රාජ්‍ය කැමැත්ත පලකර තිබෙනවා.

කටාර් රාජ්‍යයේ බලශක්ති කටයුතු පිළිබඳ රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය සාඩ් ෂෙරීඩා අල් කාබි ජනාධිපති කාර්යාලයේදී අද (26) පෙරවරුවේ ජනාධිපති ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ හමුවූ අවස්ථාවේදීයි මෙම දැනුම් දීම කර ඇත්තේ.

එමෙන්ම, කටාර් රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යවරයා කළ ඉල්ලීමට අනුව බලශක්ති උත්පාදනයට විශ්වාසදායී ජාලයක් ස්ථාපනය කිරීමේ යෝජනාව පිළිබඳ ඉදිරි කටයුතු සඳහා ශ්‍රී ලංකා නියෝජිතයා ලෙස ජනාධිපති ලේකම් ආචාර්ය පී.බී. ජයසුන්දර නම් කර තිබෙනවා.

ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් ගැන, මාගල්කන්දේ හිමියන්ගෙන් පැමිණිල්ලක්

January 26th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් සහ මරණ තර්ජන සම්බන්ධයෙන් නව සිංහල රාවය ජාතික සංවිධානයේ මහලේකම් පූජ්‍ය මගල්කන්දේ සුදත්ත හිමියන් පොලිස් මූලස්ථානයට අද (26) පැමිණිල්ලක් ඉදිරිපත් කළා.

පැමිණිල්ල භාර දීමෙන් පසු උන්වහන්සේ මාධ්‍ය වෙත අදහස් දක්වමින් කියා සිටියේ තමන් කිසිවිටෙකත් සත්‍ය වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටීමට පසුබට නොවන බවයි.

How India Turned Lanka into an Expendable Battleground in a Clash with China

January 25th, 2020

Dilrook Kannangara

A battle fought in own country will bring untold sufferings to own population making the war unpopular. However, a war fought over another country saves own population and the battlefield can be devastated with any weapon that is available. This has been the case with many proxy wars in Iraq, Syria, Libya, Afghanistan, Yemen, etc. that devastated the unfortunate target country. India has turned Lanka into its battlefield in a clash with China.

In January 2020 India positioned BrahMos missile armed Su-30 fighter jets in a Tamil Nadu air base in Thanjavur. It is a highly offensive move aimed at destroying Chinese fishing, cargo and military vessels if war breaks out. Su-30 jets are of Russian origin that are highly agile attack aircraft with an average unfueled range of around 2,000km. BrahMos missile which is a Russian-Indian collaboration is world’s fastest cruise missile. Its air launched version has a range of 400km. One way range of the plane and the total range of the missile puts 1,400km from their base. In other words the weapons combination can strike anywhere within a radius of 1,400km from Thanjavur.  

The planes and missiles are not for the targeting of India’s coastal areas which are defended by cheaper and far more devastating coastal defence systems. Visakhapatnam air force and naval base is for the targeting of any Chinese vessels in the upper parts of Bay of Bengal.

The new Thanjavur base is to target Chinese vessels from Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone!

Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone extends 370km from coast. With a vertical stretch of 417km, the outermost point of Lanka’s EEZ is 1,200km from Thajavur. This puts the entire Lankan EEZ within the striking distance of the new Indian deployment.

The other sea areas the attack radius extend are either not used by any Chinese vessels or come under dedicated and better Indian defences. In short, India will destroy Chinese vessels and suffer counter attacks within the territory and the EEZ of Sri Lanka. As a result Sri Lanka is in the crosshairs of both powers in a confrontation. Since such a clash will be fought outside the territory of both India and China, they will be more willing to pick a fight. It has no devastation on their populations.

In addition to massive collateral damage, Sri Lanka will also suffer the wrath of China and a possible war crimes charge too as its territory and the EEZ are used to launch attacks on Chinese interests. China will probably retaliate which will once again destroy matter within Sri Lanka’s territory and EEZ.

To make matters worse, Sri Lanka recently agreed with India to share maritime surveillance information with India for $50 million. India uses Sri Lanka not only to attack Chinese vessels but also to spy on them. These recent deals with India are on top of already existing anti-China deals Lanka has with USA (ACSA since 2007 and SOFA since 1995). Sri Lanka always allowed and continues to allow overfly for US and Indian military planes.

Step by step, Sri Lanka has moved too far away from its non-aligned and neutrality position. Now it is a military outpost of USA and India over which devastating battles will be fought with China. All three players will generously use firepower as their populations are safe hundreds or thousands of kilometers away. The non-aligned, middle path and neutrality policies as practiced by Colombo have turned Lanka into the proverbial kindhearted woman who is pregnant every day. And the political blame game continues in the backdrop of the new Great Game. Who really cares for Lanka when Lankans themselves don’t care.


January 25th, 2020


The hostage rescue of April 2009   deserves special mention. It is unique. Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera observed that no country in the world has won a separatist war while rescuing 300,000 people. Sri Lanka army’s epic hostage rescue is a feat of heroism and dedication.  Army officers pointed out that the Tamil civilians owed their lives to the bravery of our soldiers.  But Tamil civilians have never acknowledged the efforts made by the army.  

Sri Lanka armed forces took the lead role in this emergency humanitarian effort’. This must be recognized. The civilians were able to escape because of the assistance offered by Security Forces.

The 58 division had meticulously planned the rescue operation which was carried out jointly with the elite army commandos and the Special Forces.  At Puthumathalan, the troops had infiltrated LTTE held positions along about one km long stretch and then fought their way out to clear a path for civilians to escape.  The   civilians had surrendered to the army by walking along the Mullivaikkal road.  The army had made special arrangements to receive them. The 58 Division set up about 40 points to welcome civilians.

The biggest escape came on 21 and 22 April 2009   when the LTTE embankments were opened up and the hostages came streaming out. Before the day was over, army had rescued around 80,000 civilians. By following morning 174,564 more had come in. Hundreds of LTTE cadres had also dropped their weapons and joined the large crowd fleeing across the lagoon.  ‘It was like hitting a ‘meevadaya’, the army said later.

On our television screens, we saw them running eagerly towards the armed forces. We also saw how the soldiers compassionately carried across the hostages who could not walk and helped others who could. 

All those who crossed over to Government controlled areas received immediate care and attention. The army looked after them. As they came in they were given a bottle of water, and immediate medical attention.

The civilians were   then taken to the shelters prepared for them. Reception centres had been established and detailed preparations had been made beforehand. Government schools and institutions in Vavuniya district with large buildings had been taken over.  One LTTEr had met her mother there. 

Gamini Keerawella observed that the government was able to absorb the initial shock of satisfactorily providing shelters, water, medical care, food supply as well as identification and registration of IDPs. This was a gigantic task, he said.  Around 300,000 civilians were rescued altogether.  This figure shows the magnitude of the operation and the logistic support necessary.

 On the whole,   said Gordon Weiss, the vast majority of people who escaped seem to have been received with relative restraint and care by the front-line Sri Lanka Army troops who quickly passed them up the line for tea, rice, and first aid. Thin, bedraggled women clutching children to their breasts and pleading in a foreign tongue, fell at their feet. The front-line soldiers who received the first civilians as they escaped to government lines, those who guarded them in the camps and the civilian and military doctors who provided vital treatment distinguished themselves through their mercy and care.”  

 It remains a credit to many of the front-line SLA soldiers that, despite odd cruel exceptions, they so often seem to have made the effort to draw civilians out from the morass of fighting ahead of them in an attempt to save lives. Soldiers yelled out to civilians, left gaps in their lines while they waved white flags to attract people forward and bodily plucked the wounded from foxholes and bunkers. Troops bravely waded into the lagoon under fire to rescue wounded people threading their way out of the battlefield or to help parents with their children, and gave their rations to civilians as they lay in fields, exhausted in their first moments of safety after years of living under the roar and threat of gunfire” said Gordon Weiss.

This hostage rescue was achieved at tremendous cost to the army.  The army went to the extent of taking losses in a bid to minimize loss of civilian life. Soldiers lost their lives, limbs and eyesight. Military authorities repeatedly stated that the operation was done at the sacrifice of soldiers who died in the process.

At Puthumathalan troops cleared a path for civilians to escape.  This was done at the sacrifice of armed forces who died in the process. Troops assigned to clear civilians rushing to the government held areas had also done so at the risk of their lives. The earth bund behind which the hostages were held was also breached at great sacrifice by the army. Many died in the process.

The navy found that civilians were fleeing the battle zone in fishing crafts as well, off the Mullaitivu coast, There was the danger that the LTTE would also come with them in suicide craft. But the navy at the risk of their lives helped transfer escaping civilians to government held areas.

‘We are being asked how we created a humane soldier’ said Army Commander Ratnayake. ’ It is not military training. It is our culture. In battle, you see the worst and best sides of a person. Our soldiers are well balanced. They can fight battles of high intensity and then turn to gently helping the elderly or feeble.’ He concluded ‘I do not think this is possible for the western soldier. Our soldiers are unique in that respect.’    (Continued)

Is Sri Lanka the “country eating the most amounts of Toxins”, and should it ban Palm Oil?

January 25th, 2020

By Prof. Chandre Dharmawardana

Hon. Chamal Rajapaksa  had stated  on January 14th at Embilipitiya that According to the WHO, Sri Lanka is the country eating the most amount of toxins (ලෝක සෞඛ්‍ය සංවිධානයේ වාර්තාවල් අනුව ලෝකයේ වැඩිම වස විස බුක්තිවිදින රට තමයි ලංකාව)! Meanwhile, an Emeritus Professor of Biochemistry has called for a  ban on Palm Oil (24th January 2020, Island), claiming it to cause cancer. Unfortunately, neither statement is fully justified, but  cause unnecessary public fear
According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), globally over 20%  suffer from chronic hunger. In Africa and Asia,  Yemen  is at 60% and India records a 38% chronic hunger rate.  Sri Lanka, thanks to  modern agriculture, hybrid seeds and irrigation from the Senanayake era, does much better though struggling with food insecurity and malnutrition. Nevertheless, the increasing wealth gap caused by free-market economics has created two classes. The rich, enjoying longer lives are  health conscious,  and want  a choice on food.  They  are  obsessed with the purity of their food, while ignoring their obesity-generating life styles. The impoverished fend with any food that keeps them alive, with NO choice.

The good news is, judging from the reported data, the food available in Sri Lanka even for the impoverished is generally safe to eat, and probably cleaner than from similar South Asian markets. Furthermore, the public must not be fooled by the propaganda of  organic” food  vendors fighting for a bigger market share and eroding the available inexpensive food supply.

The WHO has not said that Sri Lanka leads the world in eating toxic food. The Hon. Chamal Rajapaksa is not the only one  misled into believing that Sri Lanka imports a lot of agrochemicals having huge amounts of arsenic, cadmium and such toxic elements, and that the local food in the market, be it gotukola, spinache, rice, tilaapiya or tea  have  dangerous” amounts of pesticide residues in them. In previous articles, e.g., Daily News, Nov. 7, 2018, entitled  Toxic cocktail of myth and truth

Toxic cocktail of myth and truth

I have pointed out that many – even scientists and medics –  who cry WOLF”  have  mis- applied the toxic thresholds  set out by the WHO and the FAO.  

When a  celebrity figure like Hon. Chamal Rajapaksa, flanked by people like Ven. Omalphe Sobitha states that Sri Lankans lead the world in eating  toxic food, he makes more impact than doctors and scientists. Mr. Rajapaksa was addressing farmers,  and decrying their use of  agrochemicals  held to be poisons”. But no substance is a poison unless certain thresholds are exceeded. Vitamins, in the recommended doses are a blessing, but become poisons if you exceed the daily dose.

The controls needed for optimal and minimal use of agrochemicals in Lanka were destroyed since 1977 by the free market. However, the world-bank data on the use of agrochemicals is very clear that Sri Lanka has a significantly LOW  usage of argochemicals even in spite of the free market.  

Poor health is not correlated with high use of agrochemicals but with poverty. Rich countries can pay for agrochemicals.
(Usage in kg/hectare, source:

Singapore 30,237(?); Qatar, 6755;  Hong Kong, 2704;  New Zealand, 1777;  Malaysia,         1723;   Ireland, 1,247; Columbia (coffee), 660;   Egypt (has CKDu), 650; China, 503;     Vietnam, 430;   Ecuador, 354;    Maldives, 315; Bangladesh, 289;    UK, 253;   Indonesia,     231;    India (has CKDu), 166; Thailand, 162;
Sri Lanka (has CKDu in the NCP), 132;

Poor countries, unable to afford, use less than 100 kg/hectare, and have many chronic diseases.
Nicaragua (has a form of CKDu), 62; Bhutan, 13; Ruwanda, 11; Burundi, 5.4; Congo, 1.8; Gambia, 1.2; Central African Rep., 0.3.

Emeritus Professor of biochemistry, Deepal Mathew writing in the Island on 21st January   points out that  Palm oil has become the major edible oil in Sri Lanka with a market share of 82%. Coconut oil has a market share of 12%. What applies to processed palm oil applies in some measure to hot-processed coconut oil, although Prof. Mathew has not called for a ban on coconut oil.

virgin coconut oil” and imported virgin olive oil”, prepared by low-temperature processing  are  the choice of the rich. Virgin palm oil is equally safe. What should the vast majority who cannot afford these good oils do”? The good professor has no affordable suggestions.  But he warns that The food industry in Sri Lanka will use cheap refined palm oil to maximize profits. However, this may lead to a severe crisis in the future due to the possibility of a sharp increase in cancer patients”.

Dr. Mathew’s concerns regarding Palm Oil are not based on the usual (valid) arguments against multinationals destroying tropical forests in South-East Asia for planting Palm. His concerns are based on a scientific opinion  given by the European Food safety Authority (EFSA), and  must be taken seriously. The EFSA (see doi: 10.2903/j.efsa.2016.4426) did not say that eating palm oil will definitely cause cancer.

Toxins are formed when palm oil (or other vegetable oil) is produced above 200 Celsius. European foods using  palm oil  were potato crisps, hot-surface-cooked pastries, cookies, short-crusts, margarines, fried/roasted meats, spreads including chocolates. Are these applicable as such to Lankan consumers? Surely, the vast majority of Sri Lankan  consumers don’t eat chocolate spreads, french fries or short-crusts.  Unfortunately,  reliable data bases for urban and rural Lankan consumers are not available.
The Europeans established a tolerable daily intake (TDI) of 0.8 micro-grams per kg body-weight  per day for MCPD (the toxic agent in  processed palm oil). So, a 60 kg adult can tolerate 50 micrograms of MCPD. Since processed palm oil may have some 500 mg of MCPD/kg,   the TDI will be exceeded if  more than 100 milligram of  palm oil  are consumed daily from the diet.  A similar threshold may apply to hot-processed coconut oil.

The 0.8 micrograms/kg of body weight TDI given in 2016 was already revised UPWARDS by almost a factor of 3 in 2017. The FAO/WHO committee recommends  4 micro-grams/kg of body weight, i.e., some 5 times more than the EFSA TDI,  showing that these experts  are groping in the dark.

Here a word of caution needed. Scientists have no definite evidence of human cancer caused by consuming  high amounts of palm oil. Rats  fed  with 2 mg/kg of rat-body weight (or more) developed chronic toxic effects and cancer. So, some 400 times the human TDI were force-fed to small animals to demonstrate toxic effects, never observed in humans. Hence  scientists classified processed palm oil as being only a group-II carcinogen, similar to possible (but unproven) danger from cell-phone radiation or glyphosate. Palm oil is is NOT banned in Europe.

The same authorities classified red meat, ham, sausages,  alcoholic drinks, tobacco, diesel and petrol fumes, emissions from coal-power stations  etc.,  as group-I carcinogens (i.e., definitely causing cancer). Logically, if one were to ban anything, then group-I carcinogens should be banned  before  group-II substances.

New technologies for processing palm oils will greatly suppressor remove  the presence of MCPDs. Malasiya has already promised to ultra-clean export palm oil within an year, in full compliance of  European standards, noting that Europe has a stake in promoting olive oil against palm oils.

The precautionary principle is applied in modern societies to control and constrain”  potentially dangerous agents instead of banning and banishing”.  Pharmaceuticals, gasoline, electricity, X-rays, etc are  such dangerous agents which are controlled and put to good use  by modern societies.

[Food science B. Sc and post-graduate diploma courses were initiated during the author’s  tenure (1970s)  as Professor of Chemistry and Vice Chancellor of Vidyodaya (now SJP) university.]

Uncouthness of Tamil Diaspora and Politicians in SriLanka

January 25th, 2020

Kanthar Balanathan, Australia

The writer has unraveled several aspects of the shortfall in strategic initiatives and cohesive living in SriLanka for the last several donkeys’ years. The problem here is that Tamil readers do not want to know about this if the writer does not support Tamil Eelam or a relative of SJVC or Ponnambalam Ramanathan. Addressing the shortfall in the perception of the four + 1 NPC ministers, the writer highlighted their incompetence and the associated corruption.

Please open the following link:

There should be an end to blabbering about Lemuria and Tamil Language. Even the Tamil Nadu Tamils are not worried about their safety but worried about SriLanka. The National Anthem (NA) can be sung only in one language. All Sri Lankan people in Australia sing the NA in English to get their citizenship. The Tamils in TN sing the NA in Hindi, however, they are worried about SL.

It is a feeling that we all are trying to hit our head against the brick wall in the North. Somehow the Tamils in the North want to raise some issues against GOSL. Missing persons. All over the world in a war, there are casualties among the civilians. Have we ever heard of missing persons in Iraq, Syria, Arabia, etc?

SriLanka had one Tamil party before independence. After independence, SJVC out of egoism went and formed the second Federal Party. Today SriLanka has a number of political parties to represent Tamils. The reason is that caste differential plays an important part in their ideology. A typical example is Siththarthan, a dump politician is everywhere sucking powerful politicians. (ஓடுமீன் ஓட உறுமீன் வருமளவும் வாடி இருக்குமாம் கொக்கு ) The inner secrets are that they want to get employment for their supporters, kith, and kin so that they can get votes. Receiving votes is through two modes. (1) Cash + other collateral, (2) jobs for their supporters and clowns. Tamils theatre comedy plays an important part in the job-seeking role. This is what Sambanthar was doing all this time. Let us refer once again the events that happened which were the root cause of the uproot of ethnic differentials and hence issues.

  • GGP elected to State Council in 1934
  • The ACTC founded in 1944. GGP asks for 50-50% representation, which is imprudent and thoughtless demand.
  • GGP enters as leader of ACTC on 29-08-1944
  • SJVC Deputy leader in 1944
  • SJVC elected to parliament in 1947 (first time)
  • Citizenship act passed on 20-08-1948
  • Citizenship act became law on 15-11-1948
  • FP was formed on 18-12-1949
  • Tamil politicians define the Tamils are of a distinct Nation in 1951
  • SLFP formed by SWRDB in 1951

SJVC formed the Federal Party which was read in Tamil as Tamil Kingdom Party in 1949. SWRDB formed his SLFP only in 1951. SLFP’ s party never identified his party as Sinhale party. The ethnic distinction was first identified by SJVC, NOT the Sinhale. There were no laws that discriminated or oppressed the Tamils then or ever. The SJVC crowd was quite xenophobic and ethnically hated the Sinhalese in public.

It could be assumed that the reason is to be in politics forever.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah of Pakistan demanded that the Muslims be given a country: Pakistan before independence. Why did not the Tamils demand the country to be divided and given as Tamil Nadu or whatever they wanted it named? The answer lies within Ponnambalam Ramanathan.


Tamil Eelam Marketing strategy

Tamil Diaspora as a Team decided and developed strategies to keep the Tamil Eelam flag to be up in the air among the Diaspora and in the N&E of SL. Their tactical moves:-

Form as much as possible Associations, Sangam, Congress, Senior citizens Associations, in every country. The strategies and tactical moves are as follows:

  1. Tamil Diaspora (TD) and associations etc should boycott every Tamil Diaspora who does not support the LTTE & Tamil Eelam cause.
  2. Not admit any of the Tamil who opposes the cause into their Association/Congress.
  3. Most of Tamil Diaspora business centers support the LTTE, and the Tamil Eelam cause, if not customers may boycott their business thereby those centers may lose their market share of Indian spice business.
  4. Even Tamil parents who have several daughters intend to support TE cause. This is to get a good bridegroom, if not they will be sidelined.
  5. Most of TD want to be recognized as TE supporters to be on top of others.
  6. Some TD want to rip off people by collecting funds in the name of TE.
  7. TD Radio stations always talk about TE cause and the Federal Party to prop up their stay in politics. Several radio stations have been floated in Australia itself.
  8. It is believed sometime back TD groups provided financial support to FP and TNA support parties.
  9. It is fair to state that Tamil classes are organized in every country, however, there is no guarantee that this will continue forever. Temples provide service, however, limited SL Tamil youngsters attend Poojas in temples. The reason is Tamil youngsters are in the move of assimilating with different races, mostly European. It is fair that it can be justified as they intend to live overseas forever and do not want to lose their bond with the overseas country. Mostly TD Doctors promote TE cause for the same reason of business. Most of the social organizations overseas are headed by Doctors and specialists. A simple question: Can they be competent in their own field of practice if they practice racism.
  10. Tamil politicians in SL are flying to the UN to complain. It is ridiculous as their Law & Order sector is in SL.
  11. Female Secretaries from the West and India always fly into SL for discussion like that of Seagulls. Could it be similar to From Russia with Love”?

Western Strategy

Recently UK PM gave a complimentary speech on Thai Pongal 2020. SL was under the UK. Although Tamils were cunning in getting educated from the UK/SL, they did not have the intelligence to demand a separate country for the Tamils like that of Jinnah of Pakistan. The UK was silent on the disfranchising of the one million Indian Tamils. During the 2009 war, the West was silent. Then why is the UK favoring Tamils? The answer lies in the cheap Politics of the Western strategy. Right from Srimavo the country was aligned with China. The West wants to keep most countries under their feet, and they develop strategies to implement their policies and bring those countries to their feet. In the case of SL, the west has the UNP in their pocket and got the UNP to help the revolts, LTTE and the JVP. By favoring the Tamils, the west has its vision that the GOSL will join them (the West) because the Tamils will attain virtual strength. The Tamils think that the West will definitely help and support them. If it is the case, then why did not the West help the Tamils during the 2009 war? Why did not the West help the Tamils to get their Tamil Eelam? The Tamils do not understand the politics, strategy, vision, and mission of the West that the West is cheating them. It is a pity for the Tamils to have such foolish Tamil politicians, further the Tamil Diaspora who think that they are smart and not fools.

USA has let the TGTE operate to fool the Tamils which the Tamils do not understand. The main theme the Tamil Diaspora and the Tamils in SL should know is that, to the West, nothing comes free. There is always collateral between the West and the Tamils. It is only the GOSL can be partners of collateral with the West. To agree for the collateral the West will use any means to bring down GOSL to their knees. The recent strategy is on the MCC implementation. If US troops step foot on SL soil, then SL should not name the country as a Republic, but be a slave to the USA. Diego Garcia is an issue to the USA and the USA is critical to step foot in the Indian Ocean and they know that SriLankan politicians are FOOLS and will give in.

One thing they do not understand is that SL has the best Head of State for the first time in history and no one can stir up our President HE GR. HE GR is also a former military Commander trained also in the USA and is the best competent president that SL ever had. USA is playing a game in fool’s paradise with a lack of understanding of the competency of the HE GR Regime. Most of the past USA presidents came out of the CIA & military garbage disposal unit anyway.

Indian Strategy

The same goes for India also. India has an issue with Kashmir, Tamil Nadu (TN) and several other states. To bring down TN to their knees, they pretend that they support TE and the SL Tamils. This is just to satisfy TN. This is like putting bones without meat to the DOGS.

India has its strategy to colonize TN with their North Hindi speaking people, which is what is being implemented currently. Most of the movie stars are non-Tamil speaking people who become rich in the arena. Most industries, Universities, Hospitals in TN are owned by non-Tamils. Tamils in TN are poor. With the caste system, the Tamils are divided fighting and killing each other. TN is full of Telugus, Malabar, Bengalese, Orisons and Marathi’s who are quite rich. A typical example is Rajinikanth (movie star) who is a Marathi dominating the wealth in TN. The money he earned is from Tamils all over the world. Previously he assaulted Tamils in Mysore and Bengaluru with his brother during racial riots. Rajnikanth was just a COOLIE, shifting Jute Hasian bags from vehicles to shops.

Therefore, in general, most Tamils are fools.

In the current environment, Tamils in the N&E are divided, not interested in developing the N&E, however, greedy of power are fighting each other and floating new political parties. Any wise person will know that the Tamils in SL are only interested to be in power and not help the people. Sambanthar was enjoying free housing, free transport with security, etc. What did he do to the Tamils? Same with CVV. He was the CM of the NPC but did nothing to develop the Province. It is obvious that the current old Tamil politicians are immature and incompetent in politics.



January 25th, 2020

Dr. Daya Hewapathira

The unique national identity of Sri Lanka is founded on its historic, long-lasting Sinhala Buddhist cultural heritage.  As an island nation Sri Lanka is founded on Buddhist norms and principles. The impact of Buddhism is reflected both directly and indirectly, in the tangible and intangible aspects of the nation’s culture. Fundamental Buddhist principles of non-violence, tolerance, compassion and peaceful coexistence with others and with nature have been the ingrained principles influencing the outlook, temperament and lifestyle of the people of this island, from historic times.    

Wholesome Buddhist values that form the basis of Sinhala Buddhist culture were reinforced during the glorious classical period in the country’s history between the 3rd century BCE to the 13th century CE, when Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa were the royal capitals. At this time, the island was ruled by Buddhist royalty and its population was exclusively Buddhist. The nature of development of the country’s natural, human and cultural resources at this time was reflective of the nation’s long-held wholesome Buddhist principles. Promotion of virtuous and spiritual lifestyles among people was a fundamental goal of the nation. Buddhist leaders including Maha Sangha were in the forefront in furthering this goal.

The nation’s reputed irrigation system developed during this time, with an extensive network of reservoirs and canals, considered in modern times as marvels in irrigation technology. In addition, the nation’s astonishing ancient architecture, sculpture, art, literature and other forms of visual culture including the Sinhala language and literature displayed magnificently across the country, are living evidence of this nation’s exceptional cultural heritage. They are reflective of the outstanding imaginative and creative powers of the people including their talents, skills, and foresight. The world recognition of the greatness of this unique Buddhist culture is reflected by the UNESCO designating our ancient royal sites as World Heritage Sites – Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa, Mahanuwara (Kandy), Sigiriya and Dambulla, all built upon and strongly reflecting inspiration drawn from Buddhism. During this classical period of the nation’s history, it was the Buddhist Sangha community that provided education – both secular and spiritual and was the primary source of inspiration and assistance in the evolution of varied aspects of the nation’s culture. 


The strength of this cultural foundation was tested several times in the past, especially during periods of foreign invasion and associated devastation and exploitation. There were 17 ruthless South-Indian Dravidian invasions in the past. From the 16th to about the mid 20th century European colonial powers using violent means subjugated and exploited the country. These invasions caused untold misery to the indigenous Buddhist community. But the nation stayed intact, withstanding these threats, perils and calamities. This was largely owing to the power and potency of the nation’s Buddhist cultural foundation. 

Tolerance and the enormous adaptability of Buddhism are qualities that have remained unchanged throughout its remarkable history in Sri Lanka and many other Buddhist nations. With a down to earth philosophy of man in harmonious and cordial relationship to man, at a very visible and conceivable level, Buddhists have never stood up against any single man or groups of men in the name of Buddhism, either to defend or propagate the religion. That is quite a record for a faith with a history of more than two and a half millennia. That was very much before the time of the appearance of most of today’s great world religions.

Buddhism upholds everything worthy and meaningful. It promotes peace, peaceful coexistence, and democratic principles in governance. It promotes human rights, development of individual and community virtues and discipline in accordance with the pancha seela”. Respect for the natural environment and sustainable and participatory development of resources and upheld in Buddhism. In addition, Buddhism strongly promotes tolerance of other faiths, religious and social harmony, and cordial relations with other nations. Buddhist culture led to the evolution of a peaceful community structure. This provided order and stability to the respective communities in the country. Lifestyle of people in a Buddhist society has been simple and uncomplicated.  It was a quality of life that moved at a gentle pace where people enjoyed a high degree of leisure and freedom. As part of a close-knit community, people felt secure enough to be themselves. In this sense, they enjoyed a remarkably high quality of life.

Buddhist principles were reflected in people’s attitude towards each other, other communities, other living beings and their habitat – the environment.  People’s livelihood and institutions were reflective of the impact of the teachings of the Buddha.  A striking feature was that, overall, relations between people and between culture and nature were compatible, in harmony and well-adjusted and adapted. This is largely owing to Buddhism – the foundation upon which the way of life, culture and social values of the people evolved and established. People’s livelihood and economy reflected their interdependence with their natural habitat, with other people and other living beings. They enjoyed an abundance of natural resources by way of useable land, fertile soil, clean and dependable water resources, healthy climatic conditions, a rich and diverse biological resource base, an awe-inspiring natural environment pleasing to the senses and spiritually inspiring, and above all, a culture that valued harmonious relationship with each other and the natural environment which provided the basis of their livelihood.  

What Sri Lanka clearly projects is its strong Buddhist imprint. It is a fact that, if there is anything unequivocally worthwhile that Sri Lanka can offer to the world today, it is the Buddha Dhamma and its outstanding culture, including its people’s attitude towards life and their natural habitat.  We should not let this wholesome Buddhist cultural inheritance of ours be undermined and eroded away by economic, social, religious and cultural trends that are incompatible with the enviable Buddhist social values which form the basis of life of our nation. It is time to reinforce Buddhist principles that constitute the basis of the national culture of Sri Lanka since ancient times. We are duty-bound to work towards transforming and changing whatever harmful trends evident in our motherland.

Building a stronger sense of national identity holds the key to achieving true reconciliation and social cohesion in our nation. Our nation needs to be united behind the nation’s Buddhist values. Extremism in any form, including religious, is not in-keeping with the Buddhist principles and values that form the basis of our nation. Attempting to implant in Sri Lanka, norms and behavior patterns of other countries aimed at being exclusive and markedly different to the long established social and cultural norms of our nation has a socially divisive effect. Buddhist community leaders, especially Buddhist Bhikkhus who have been the traditional custodians of the nation’s culture and values should necessarily be in the forefront in confronting in a legitimate manner, any extremist and divisive trends on the part of any community cultural or religious, who has made Sri Lanka their home. Traditionally the Buddhist leadership is duty-bound to prevent attempts by anyone to undermine the long-established Buddhist socio-cultural norms of our nation.

In general, separatism and divisiveness appear to dominate the thoughts of minority communities of Sri Lanka, especially the Tamils and Muslims. This attitude inevitably prevents them from developing a sense of belonging to the nation and cultivating better relationships with the mainstream community of the country from historic times. This parochial attitude prevents extremist elements from appreciating the worthy principles and values that characterize the Sri Lankan nation, and that give this nation its identity as a peace-loving unique nation in the world. The development path of our country needs to be built from the grassroots, based on its Buddhist cultural foundation. It should involve the development of strong local economies in which producer-consumer links are shortened and cultural values are respected and peaceful coexistence in harmony with the environment and all diverse people are assured. Moving in this direction appears to be the appropriate way to solve the whole range of serious social, economic and environmental problems faced by the country today. Ultimately, we are talking about a spiritual awakening that comes from making a connection to others and to nature. This requires us to see the world within us, to experience more consciously the great interdependent web of life, of which we ourselves are among the strands.

The political philosophy of Buddhism is universal in that it directly concerns with the totality of human life. Not only does it deal with the social and economic aspects of life but also deals with man’s spiritual and ethical aspects too. According to Buddhist political thought the state or the ruler is expected to establish a just and selfless social order in which every individual of a country is happy and contended. The Buddha’s ideas were primarily based on the Noble Eightfold path and he advocated that all human problems could be easily avoided by following this eight-fold path, namely Right Understanding, Right Thought, Right Speech, Right Action, Right Livelihood, Right Effort, Right Mindfulness and Right Concentration. In the past, during the long period of rule by Sinhala Buddhist royalty, the political scene in the nation strongly reflected the political thoughts of the Buddha. Two important political principles introduced by the Buddha were the elective principle of government and the acceptance of the peoples’ sovereignty. He introduced the voting procedures at the election of leaders such as in the Sangha and showed the importance of the freedom of expression to create public opinion in issues of public importance. He also showed that there is a close link between politics and the economy of a country. On various occasions the Buddha showed that economic welfare is all important for social stability, peace and good governance.  There is no doubt that if any country could follow at least some of these political ideologies enunciated in the teachings of the Buddha, such a country would be peaceful, free of wars, free of petty divisions and destructive evil thoughts and actions.

Living in Harmony with Nature

The Buddhist approach is to live in harmony with nature more than subduing it, conquering it, and exploiting it.  Buddhism emphasizes compassion for all living beings.  This Buddhist attitude to nature is enumerated in several of the Buddha’s discourses, such as the “Cakkavatti Sihanada Sutta”, “Samyutta Nikaya”, “Vinaya Pitaka”, ” Dhammapada”, and Theri Gatha”.  The type of economic system, which the Buddha proposed, was one where the individual’s needs would be provided but there would be no overemphasis on the purely material aspects of life. One’s material needs would be essentially what one need to make one live happily and for one’s physical sustenance. Buddhism advocates the judicious use of resources, the elimination of waste, and the most productive use of resources paying due attention to conservation. In the suttas mentioned above, the Buddha’s advice to laypersons was to develop both their material and spiritual welfare by fruitful use of nature’s resources. Cooperative spirit among people, a simple way of life based on a simple technology, a non-violent and gentle attitude towards nature, and all living beings are essential components of the Buddhist approach to development. Economic development must be placed against the wider background of the need to develop a well-rounded personality, and a happy human being. In the “Mangala Sutta” and the “Sigalovada Sutta”, the Buddha has said that the happiness of the average person depends on their economic security, the enjoyment of wealth, freedom from debt, and a blameless moral and spiritual life. In a number on contexts, the economic factor is linked to a wider relationship to the dhamma” or the teachings of the Buddha.

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

The book: Life of Muhammad – Sinhala Translation presented to Cardinal His Eminence Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith

January 25th, 2020


A three member delegation of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community (Jama’at) met His Eminence Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith – Archbishop of Colombo at Bishop House in Colombo on yesterday (24.1.2020).Officials in the Bishop House welcomed the delegation and arranged the event.

Before accepting the book – Sinhala Translation of the Life of Muhammad, published by Sri Lanka Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama’at, – Cardinal expressed his wish and willingness to accept this valuable book.

While explaining the purpose of presenting the book, it was told – ´ A popular edition of an excellent and affectionate account of the life of the Prophet of Islam Muhammad, peace and blessings of Allah be upon him, described as the most influential man in the history of the world. Muhammad’s life has always been an open book – pieced together by followers who observed everything he did. There is no doubt that this book will serve the Sinhala speaking people to understand about the life and character of Prophet of Islam and also to do away with and misconception about him from their mind, the delegation added.

The delegation went on to say: The Founder of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in Islam, Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad had deep love on Prophet of Islam and each and every book he had written in, he had mentioned about Muhammad in such high level, saying,  It would not have been possible for me to have attained this grace if I had not followed the footsteps of my lord and master, the pride of all the prophets, the best of mankind, Muhammad, the chosen one, peace and blessings of Allah be upon him. Whatever I have achieved, I have achieved by following him, and I know from verified reliable experience that no man can reach God and obtain a deeper understanding of His ways without following that Prophet Muhammad, may peace and blessings of Allah be upon him.

Ahmadiyya delegation concluded as saying: According to Holy Qur’an, Prophet Muhammad (sal) was sent as Seal of the Prophets and thus testifying the truthfulness and pious life of all Prophets sent before and to come.

Ahmadiyya Delegation Meets The Supreme Patriarch of the Sri Lanka Amarapura Maha Nikaya (Assembly).

January 25th, 2020


A three member delegation of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community (Jama’at) met the Most Venerable Aggamahapanditha Kotugoda Dhammawasa Uththareethara MMaha Nayaka Thero – The Supreme Patriarch of the Sri Lanka Amarapura Maha Nikaya (Assembly) at Sri Dhammapalaramaya, Mount Laviniya yesterday (24.1.2020), as a symbol of religious harmony and peace.

After the brief introduction, the Most Venerable Thero was presented Holy Qur’an Sinhala Translation with Arabic Text, Sinhala Translation of the book ‘Life of Muhammad, peace and blessings of Allah be upon him and the Sinhala Translation of the book: World Crisis and the Pathway To Peace – A Compilation of addresses by Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama’at Supreme Head  Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad before lawmakers at Capitol Hill – Washington DC., EU Parliament, UK Parliament, Ireland Parliament, New Zealand Parliament, Dutch Parliament and so on so forth as well as his letters to the world leaders on World Peace.

Most Venerable Thero accepted the gifts with utmost wish and willingness and  praised the Ahmadiyya Community for their efforts towards religious harmony and peace.

World wide Ahmadiyya Muslim Jaama’at has translated Holy Qur’an into 76 languages with INDEX from which one can easily access to the topics, one wishes to read and understand.

පාස්‌කු ප්‍රහාරයේ වගකීම ව්‍යවස්‌ථාදායක සභාවටයි… විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ මැතිසබයේදී කියයි

January 25th, 2020

කුෂාන් සුබසිංහ, අකිත පෙරේරා උපුටා ගැන්ම දිවයින


පාස්‌කු බෝම්බ ප්‍රහාරයෙන් සිදුවූ මිනිස්‌ ඝාතනවලට මූලිකවම වගකිව යුත්තේ පූජිත් ජයසුන්දර පොලිස්‌පති ධුරයට පත් කරනු ලැබූ ව්‍යවස්‌ථාදායක සභාව යෑයි මන්ත්‍රී විජයදාස රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී ඊයේ (24 දා) පැවසීය.

 එවකට සිටි ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ නියෝජ්‍ය පොලිස්‌පති එස්‌. එම්. වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා පොලිස්‌පති ධුරයට පත්වූයේ නම් එම මිනිස්‌ ඝාතන සිදු නොවන බව ද හෙතෙම සඳහන් කළේය.

 එදා යුද්ධය කාලයේවත් ඝාතනය නොවුණු ආකාරයට පාස්‌කු ඉරිදා අමු අමුවේ, කෑලි කෑලි වලට යන්න ජීවිත විනාශ වුණා. ඒ මිනීමැරුම් සියල්ලටම ව්‍යවස්‌ථාදායක සභාව වගකිව යුතුයි. මම එහි සිටි සාමාජිකයෙක්‌.

 පොලිස්‌පති පත්කරන වෙලාවේ එදා නම් නිර්දේශ කරන කොට මම කිව්වේ ඒකට එක නමයි නිර්දේශ කළ යුත්තේ කියලා. නමුත් ජනාධිපතිතුමාට බලපෑම් කරලා නම් තුනක්‌ ගෙනල්ලා පූජිත් ජයසුන්දරව නම් කළා. එතැන සිටිය යුතු සුදුස්‌සා එස්‌. එම්. වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතායි. නමුත් ඒකට සභාව විරුද්ධ වුණා. ඒකට හේතුව වුණේ වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතාගේ ප්‍රධාන ආරක්‍ෂක නිලධාරියා වුණු නිසායි. මම කිව්වා ඒකම තමයි සුදුසුකම. එතරම් යුද කාලයක්‌ තිබිලත් ජනාධිපතිගේ ජීවිතය ආරක්‍ෂා කරපු ඒ නිලධාරියාට පොලිස්‌පති ධුරය නොදීම පාපයක්‌ කියා.

 එදා එජාපය කිව්වා අපට පක්‍ෂපාතී පොලිස්‌පතිවරයෙක්‌ පත්කරන්න ඕනෑ කියලා. පූජිත් ජයසුන්දර පත් කළ නිසා තමයි පාස්‌කු ප්‍රහාරය සිදුවුණේ. ඒකට ව්‍යවස්‌ථාදායක සභාවේ සියලුම සාමාජිකයන් වගකිව යුතුයි.

ඔපරේෂන් ගානියා ප‍්‍රැන්සිස්…. මෙහෙයුමේ වෙස් මුහුණ ගැලවෙයි

January 25th, 2020

කීර්ති වර්ණකුලසූරිය උපුටා ගැන්ම දිවයින


ස්විස් තානාපති කාර්යාලයේ සේවිකා ගානියා ප‍්‍රැන්සිස් පැහැරගෙන ගිය බව කියන සිද්ධියේ අබිරහස් තොරතුරු රැසක් මේ වන විට හෙළි වී ඇත.

එම සිද්ධියට අදාළ සිදුවීම් මෙසේය.

2019 නොවැම්බර් 20 දා ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ ජනපති ලෙස දිවුරුම් දීම.

2019 නොවැම්බර් 21 රජයේ ඉංග‍්‍රීසි පුවත්පතක කතුවරිය වූ ඞී. බී. නමින් හඳුන්වන තැනැත්තිය හිටි හැටියේම ස්විට්සර්ලන්තය බලා පිටත්ව යෑම.

ස්විට්සර්ලන්තයට යෑමට වීසා බලපත‍්‍රයක් ලබා ගැනීමට වී. එස්. එෆ්. ග්ලෝබල් සමාගම හරහා අයැදුම් කළ යුතු අතර ඊට සති 2 – 3 ක් අතර කාලයක් ගත වේ.

එහෙත් ඞී. බී. නමැත්තියට පැය 24 කදී ස්විස් තානාපති කාර්යාලයෙන් වීසා බලපත‍්‍රය ලබා ගැනීමට හැකිිවිය.

ඉන්පසු නොවැම්බර් 24 වැනිදා රහස් පොලිසියේ පරීක්‍ෂක නිශාන්ත සිල්වා සහ පවුලේ අය ස්විස් එයාර් යානාවකින් සුරිච් බලා ගෙන යනු ලැබීය.

එසේ වුවත් කටුනායක රහස් පොලිස් කාර්යාලය මේ බව රජයට දැන්වූයේ නැත. මොහු සුරිච් නුවරට පැමිණීම ගැන ස්විස් මාධ්‍ය පැවසුවේ මරණීය තර්ජන එල්ලවීම නිසා ස්විට්සර්ලන්තයට පැමිණි බවය.

නිශාන්ත සිල්වා ස්විට්සර්ලන්තයට පැමිණියාට පසු නොවැම්බර් 25 දා ස්විස් තානාපති කාර්යාල සේවිකා ගානියා ප‍්‍රැන්සිස් පැවසුවේ තමාව පැහැර ගැනීමට උත්සාහ කළ බවයි. එහෙත් ඇය පොලිසියට පැමිණිලි කළේ නැත.

මේ සිද්ධිය මුලින්ම හෙළිකළේ ජර්මනියේ සිටින රංජිත් ලොහොබිලර් හෙන්නායක හෙවත් බඩල්ගම බර්ටි මෙහෙයවන වෙබ් අඩවියයි.

එම හෙළිදරව්වෙන් පසු ස්විස් තානාපති කාර්යාලය කෝපාවිෂ්ට වී රජයට චෝදනා කරනු ලැබීය. ඒ සමගම ඩොලර් අරමුදල් ලබන කොළඹ එන්.ජී. ඕ. කල්ලිය ස්විස් තානාපති පීටර් මොක් හමුවී අපි නුඹ සමඟ සිටිනවා යැයි පවසනු ලැබීය.

මේ නිසා රජයට එරෙහිව අවි අමෝරාගත් පීටර් මොක් සුරිච් ගුවන්තොටුපලේ සිට කටුනායකට ගිලන් ගුවන් යානාවක් ගෙන්වා ගානියා ප‍්‍රැන්සිස්ව සුරිච් ගෙන යෑමට දැරූ උත්සාහය ව්‍යර්ථ විය. මෙම සිද්ධිය ගැන විමර්ශන පැවැත්වීමට රහස් පොලිසියේ අලූත් කණ්ඩායමකට හැකි විය.

මේ වන විට එනම් නොවැම්බර් 27 දා ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවේ රජය විවේචනය කරන්නන්්, මර්දනය ආරම්භ වීම ගැන බියට පත් වී සිටින බවත් සමහරු රටින් පලාගොස් ඇති බවටත් නිව්යෝර්ක් ටයිම්ස් පුවත්පත විසින් වාර්තාවක් පළකර තිබිණි.

මේ වාර්තාවේ ඉලක්කය ජනපති ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂයි. මේ වාර්තාව එම පුවත්පතට ලියා තිබුණේ මාරියා අබි හබිඞ් සහ සමීර් යසිර් යන වාර්තාකරුවන් දෙදෙනායි. එහෙත් ‘දිවයින’ මේ වාර්තාව පසුබිමේ සිටියේ ඞී. බී. නමැත්තිය බව හඳුනාගනු ලැබීය. මේ ඞී. බී. නිව්යෝර්ක් ටයිම්ස් පුවත්පතේ කොළඹ වාර්තාකාරිනියයි.


ඇය මෙයට පෙර එනම් 2015 මැතිවරණය සඳහා මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ චීනයෙන් අරමුදල් ලබාගත් බවට වාර්තාවක් ප‍්‍රකාශයට පත් කර තිබුණි. යහපාලන රජය සමයේ ඇය ජිනීවා මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිලයට ද පැමිණි අතර ඇගේ සමීප පුටුවේ වාඩි වී සිටියේ එන්.ජී. ඕ. ක‍්‍රියාකාරිනියක් වූ නිමල්කා ප‍්‍රනාන්දුය. (අප සතුව ඡුායාරූප කිහිපයක් ද ඇත.*

ගෝලීය ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා සංසදයේ දේශපේ‍්‍රමීන් මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිලය ඉදිරියේ විරෝධතා දක්වන අවස්ථාවේ ඞී. බී. නමැත්තිය එම ස්ථානයට පැමිණ විරෝධතාකරුවන්ව ඡුායාරූපගත කළාය.

මේ අතර බළලා මල්ලෙන් පැන්නා යන කියමන සනාථ කරමින් රහස් පොලිසිය ගානියා ළඟ තිබූ ජංගම දුරකථනය විමර්ශනයට ලක් කරනු ලැබීය. එහිදී හෙළිවූයේ ගානියා භාවිතා කළ සිම්පත ප‍්‍රංශ පුවත් සේවයේ ලංකා පරණමාන නමැත්තියට හිමිව තිබූ බවත්, එය ඞී. බී. නමැත්තියට ලබා දී තිබූ බවත් ය. මේ ඞී. බී. නමැත්තිය එය ගානියා ප‍්‍රැන්සිස්ට ලබා දී තිබේ.

දුරකථන විශ්ලේෂණ වාර්තාවට අනුව ගානියා මේ දුරකථනයෙන් රහස් පොලිස් පරීක්‍ෂක නිශාන්ත සිල්වා, ඞී. බී. නමැත්තිය සමඟ ද රජයේ මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයක හිටපු ප‍්‍රධානියා ඞී. බී. නමැත්තිය සමඟ ද සාකච්ඡුා කර ඇති බව හෙළිවිය.

එසේම රහස් පොලිසියේ හිටපු ප‍්‍රධානි ශානි අබේසේකර, පො. පරීක්‍ෂක නිශාන්ත සිල්වා සමඟ ද සාකච්ඡුා කර ඇතැයි වැඩිදුරටත් හෙළිවිය.

මේ තොරතුරු හෙළිවුයේ ජනවාරි 21 දා රහස් පොලිසිය අධිකරණයට ඉදිරිපත් කළ කරුණු වලිනි. එහෙත් ඞී. බී. නමැත්තිය ස්විට්සර්ලන්තයට පැනගිය බව ‘ඉරිදා දිවයින’ විසින් මුලින්ම හෙළිකරනු ලැබීය.

ඞී. බී. නමැත්තිය ස්විට්සර්ලන්තයට ගොස් ඇතැයි රහස් පොලිසිය හෙළිකරන අවස්ථාවේ ඇය ලන්ඩන් නුවරට පැමිණියාය. දැන් ඇය ලන්ඩන් නුවර කෙන්ට් ප‍්‍රදේශයේ නතර වී සිටී. එසේ වුවත් රහස් පොලිසියට ඒ බව හෙළි වී නැත.

මේ ඞී. බී. නමැත්තියගේ සැමියා විදේශ සේවයේ නිරත වූවෙකි. වත්මන් රජය හෝ රහස් පොලිසිය මේ බව දන්නේ ද? ඇය ස්විට්සර්ලන්තයට ගිය දිනයේම සිය ජංගම දුරකථනය අක‍්‍රිය කර තිබිණි. ඞී. බී. නමැත්තිය නොවැම්බර් 21 දා මෙරටින් යෑමට පෙර ගානියා ප‍්‍රැන්සිස් සමග තත්පර 160 ක කාලයක් සාකච්ඡුා කර ඇති බව හෙළි වී ඇත.

මේ නිසා තහවුරු වන්නේ ගානියා – ඞී. බී. – නිශාන්ත – ශානි එක්ව ඉතා රහසිගතව ජනපතිට එරෙහිව මෙහෙයුමක් දියත් කර ඇති බවය.

මේ අතර ඞී. බී. නමැත්තිය ලන්ඩන් යන විට හිටපු විදේශ ඇමැති මංගල සමරවීර ද ලන්ඩන් වෙත පැමිණ සිටි බව අනාවරණය විය.

ගානියා ප‍්‍රැන්සිස් සිද්ධියේ පසුබිම මෙලෙස හෙළිවන අවස්ථාවේ නොවැම්බර් 27 සිට ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවට එරෙහිව තදින් සිටි තානාපති පීටර් මොක් අසරණ තත්ත්වයට පත්වී ඇත. බර්න් නුවර ස්විස් විදේශ කටයුතු කාර්යාලය ද මේ දක්වාම ගානියාගේ දුරකථන දත්තවලින් හෙළි වූ තොරතුරු ගැන කිසිදු ප‍්‍රකාශයක් කර නැත.

මෙම දුරකථන දත්ත හෙළිදරව්වීම වැළැක්වීම සඳහා ස්විස් තානාපති කාර්යාලය ගානියා ප‍්‍රැන්සිස්ට වියානා සම්මුතිය යටතේ තානාපති වරප‍්‍රසාද හිමි වී ඇති බව දක්වා තිබේ.

මේ අතර ජනපති ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂට එරෙහිව ප‍්‍රකාශ නිකුත් කිරීමට පුනපුනා බලා සිටින මාධ්‍ය සංවිධාන ද පුටුවෙන් බිමට ඇද වැටුණු තත්ත්වයට පත්වී ඇත.

ගානියා ප‍්‍රැන්සිස් සිද්ධියෙන් මතුවන ප‍්‍රශ්න මෙසේය.

1. ගානියාට වෙනත් අයකුගේ සිම්පතක් භාවිතා කළ හැකිද?

2. ගානියා පොලිස් පරීක්‍ෂක නිශාන්ත සිල්වා සහ ඞී. බී. සමඟ සාකච්ඡුා කළේ කුමක්ද?

3. රජයේ මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයක හිටපු ප‍්‍රධානියා සහ හිටපු රහස් පොලිස් ප‍්‍රධානි ශානි අබේසේකරගේ අබිරහස් සාකච්ඡුාවලට මුල් වූ කරුණු කුමක්ද?

4. රහස් පොලිසිය ගානියාගේ වත්කම් සහ ස්විට්සර්ලන්තයටත්, එතනින් ලන්ඩන් නුවරටත් යෑමට ඞී. බී. ට මුදල් සැපයුවේ කව්ද යැයි පරීක්‍ෂණ පවත්වා තිබේද? පැහැර ගැනීමට ලක් වූ බව කියමින් ගානියාට අදාළ සිදුවීම ගැන දේශපාලකයන් සිව්දෙනෙක්

පසුගිය කාලයේ විවිධ ප‍්‍රකාශ ඉදිරිපත් කළ අතර ඔවුහු අද නිහඬව සිටිති. රහස් පොලිසිය ඞී. බී.

නමැත්තියගෙන් මෙතෙක් ප‍්‍රකාශයක් ගෙන නැත. ඊට හේතු වී ඇත්තේ ඇය බි‍්‍රතාන්‍යයට යෑමයි. බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය රජය ඇයව මෙරටට එවීමට ක‍්‍රියාකරනු ඇතැයි සිතිය නොහැකිය.

රහස් පොලිස් විමර්ශනවලදී ගානියා භාවිතා කළ අනුන්ගේ දුරකථනයෙන් රහස් රැුසක් හෙළි වුවත් හිටපු එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ නිලධාරිනි යස්මින් සුකා මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිලයට ඉදිරිපත් කළ වාර්තාවේ ගානියා පැහැර ගැනීමට ලක් වූ බව කියා සිටී.

එම වාර්තාවට විදේශ කටයුතු බලධාරීන් අභියෝග කර නැත. එසේම ගානියා ප‍්‍රැන්සිස් සිද්ධිය ගැන රජයේ බලධාරින් ද නිහඬ පිළිවෙතක් අනුගමනය කරන බව පැහැදිලිය.

මෙම සිදුවීමේ බරපතළ බව තහවුරුවන්නේ විදේශ ප‍්‍රවෘත්ති සේවාවක සේවය කරන්නියකගේ සිම්පත වෙනත් මාධ්‍යවේදිනියක් ලබාගෙන එය ගානියා ප‍්‍රැන්සිස්ට ලබා දීමයි.

ඉන් ගානියා සබඳකම් පැවැත්වූ ‘ජාලය’ සනාථ වී තිබේ.

එසේම නිව්යෝර්ක් ටයිම්ස් පුවත්පත ගානියා සිද්ධියේ කිසිදු තොරතුරක් මෙතෙක් හෙළි නොකිරීම ද සැකයට තුඩු දෙන කරුණකි. මේ අතර රහස් පොලිස් නිලධාරීන් ගානියාගෙන් ඇය පැවැත්වූ දුරකථන සංවාද ගැන ප‍්‍රශ්න කර තිබේ. එසේ වුවත් මේ ගානියා ප‍්‍රබන්ධයෙන් ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවට මහත් අවමානයක් සිදුවිය.

කොළඹ ස්විස් තානාපති කාර්යාලය ද ගානියාව විශ්වාස කළේය. ඇගේ රහස් මෙහෙයුමේ නළු නිළියන් මේ වන විට හෙළි වී ඇතත් ස්විස් තානාපති නිහඬව සිටී. මෙරට එන්.ජී. ඕ., මාධ්‍ය චක‍්‍රවර්තිලා ද බලා සිටියේ රජයට හොඳ හැටි පහර දීමටය. එහෙත් එම ප‍්‍රයත්නය අසාර්ථක විය.

ගානියා මෙහෙයුම ගැන වත්මන් රජය දුර්වල පිළිවෙතක් අනුගමනය කළේය. 2015 ට පෙර මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ රජයට වැරදුනේ සතුරන් මිතුරන් හඳුනා නොගැනීම නිසාය. අදත් එය සිදු වී තිබේ.

බටහිර තානාපති කාර්යාලවල න්‍යාය පත‍්‍රයට අනුව ක‍්‍රියාකරන මාධ්‍ය පාර්ශ්ව මෙරට සිටී. රජය ඔවුන් ගැන විමසිලිමත් නොවීමෙන් ගානියා ප‍්‍රැන්සිස් ප‍්‍රබන්ධය වැනි මෙහෙයුම් ක‍්‍රියාත්මක විය.

මේ හැර ස්විස් තානාපති කාර්යාලය සමග සබඳකම් පවත්වන එන්.ජී. ඕ. ප‍්‍රධානීන් කව්දැයි රජය නිරීක්‍ෂණය කළ යුතුව ඇත.

How orange trees help keep marauding elephants away

January 25th, 2020

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Project Orange Elephant exploits the elephant’s utter aversion for oranges (and other citrus fruits) to protect farms.

How orange trees help keep marauding elephants away

By Chathuranga Dharmarathne, Chandima Fernando, Chinthaka Weerasinghe & Ravi Corea

Colombo, January 25 (DailyFT/ : Human-wildlife conflicts are an increasing problem as human land use encroaches on wildlife habitats. Augmenting farmers’ crops with orange trees through Project Orange Elephant (POE) has proven to be a simple and effective method for mitigating the Human-Elephant Conflict in Sri Lanka. Similar endeavours could be applied elsewhere in the world.

The Problem

The association between man and elephant in Sri Lanka is ancient and dates back nearly 5,000 years. The Asian elephant (Elephas maximus), being the largest terrestrial herbivore on the island, naturally requires large and diverse habitats to survive.

With human expansion comes land modification, unfortunately to the detriment of elephants. The need of land for human use is an ongoing encroachment of the existing elephant habitat which is being diminished continuously and drastically. As a result, Human-Elephant Conflict (HEC) is escalating every year in frequency and intensity. Annually ~250 elephants and ~80 people are killed due to HEC.

Agriculture is the primary rural industry and rice is the staple food in Sri Lanka. Most rice cultivators are small-scale farmers and they are the people who suffer frequently from HEC. These farmers are hampered by poor economies and financial services, limited technology, fragmented landholding, and pre and post-harvest losses, and HEC.

Conflict with elephants continue to increase due to inefficient landscape-level planning and land-use practices that are incompatible to coexisting with elephants. Currently, there are very few efforts to develop solutions to resolve the livelihood and environmental concerns resulting due to the negative interactions of agriculture and elephants.

Since HEC being a result of agriculture-based land used practices incompatible with elephants, a large part of the solution to mitigate HEC must be based on the introduction of innovative land-use practices.

Oranges trees keep the elephants away

The Solution

Project Orange Elephant (POE) is an innovative initiative conceptualised by the Sri Lanka Wildlife Conservation Society (SLWCS) (Fig. 1). The initiative draws on elephants’ natural aversion to citrus to protect the homes of farmers from elephant attacks while at the same time providing farmers with a sustainable supplementary income. The project is unique to Sri Lanka and came about as the result of fieldwork conducted by the SLWCS in the Wasgamuwa area of the Central Province of Sri Lanka.

Elephants do not preferentially eat oranges. To test this observation a series of feeding trials were conducted with six Asian elephants at the Sri Lanka National Zoological Gardens in 2006. The results were very encouraging, the elephants showed an obvious distaste for oranges and several other citrus varieties.

POE is a crop diversification project to establish an economic and trophic buffer for farmers living in the rural countryside for which close encounters with elephants during their day-to-day activities are commonplace. Crop raiding by elephants and the harsh retaliatory measures subsequently taken by people whose livelihoods depend on their farms feeds a vicious cycle of violence and death. POE is helping to reduce this violence.

The project uses a variety of grafted local orange (Citrus sinensis) known as Bibile Sweet that had been developed in Sri Lanka to suit the local climatic conditions (Fig. 2). This variety grows well in marginalized land and does not need frequent irrigation, bears fruit within 1.5-3 years, and each tree can provide ~300-600 fruits per season. Each tree has a fruiting cycle of two seasons per year.

Bibile Sweet is a high-quality fruit known for its fresh sweetness, value-added products, and has good market demand. By planting these trees alongside their crops, particularly in the border areas adjacent to elephant habitats, we hope to decrease crop raiding by elephants while also supplementing farmers’ income

The objective of POE is to develop solutions at the micro-level to have an impact at the macro level to reduce HEC through a better understanding of elephant biology, ecology, behaviour, human-needs, and aspirations. By mobilising local communities to grow oranges as an alternative cash crop the project provides assistance to elevate them socio-economically by providing them with a sustainable primary income from cultivating oranges.

The SLWCS hopes to encourage more and more farmers to join the project to provide a sustainable solution to reduce HEC and create an environment of coexistence by scaling up POE. This effort will not only help to mitigate HEC but also alleviate rural poverty helping to garner the support of local communities for the long-term conservation of the endangered Sri Lankan elephant.

The key factors of the project is its simplicity. The project does not involve advance technological transfers or teaching farmers brand new skills or building their capacity to do something other than what they are traditionally trained to do. The project is harnessing farmers’ existing skills and abilities to do something new and economically, socially and ecologically beneficial to them and the environment.

For the most part, POE can be managed totally with community resources. SLWCS encourage farmers to cultivate crops such as oranges that are not attractive to elephants, rather than rice cultivation. The Society believes POE can change the future of elephants and farmers. If we can get these rice farmers to cultivate oranges at least in the border areas adjacent to elephant habitats then these farmers will have a primary income that is not susceptible to elephant depredations. This will contribute to creating coexistence in a landscape where people and elephants share space.

For more than a decade the SLWCS has been working with local communities to create alternative forms of agriculture and to create livelihoods that cannot be destroyed by elephants (Fig. 3). By cultivating oranges, rural Sri Lankan farmers in Wasgamuwa are creating an effective elephant trophic deterrent and a sustainable income for themselves while at the same time ensuring the safety of their families and the conservation of the endangered Sri Lankan elephant.

In 2015, Project Orange Elephant received a Most Innovative Development Project Award from the Global Development Network (GDN) based in Washington, DC, U.S.A. For more information on the project, you can visit our website (

Saving Elephants by Helping People is the underlying and overlying philosophy as well the goal and objective of the Sri Lanka Wildlife Conservation Society’s efforts to develop holistic and sustainable measures to mitigate human–elephant conflict in Sri Lanka.

I was ousted as I refused to influence judiciary: Wijeyadasa

January 25th, 2020

Courtesy The Daily Mail

Government MP Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe said yesterday he was removed from the post of justice minister during the UNP government because he refused to get the judiciary to handle various cases in its favour.

I was removed as I refused to harass opposition politicians through the judiciary,” he said.

MP said the Constitutional Council also acted in a biased manner though it was appointed under the 19th Amendment to the Constitution.

I suggested that DIG S.M. Wickramasinghe be appointed as the IGP when President Maithripala Sirisena sent three names. However, Pujith Jayasundera was ultimately appointed as UNP-led government at that time wanted someone loyal to them be appointed to the post,” he said. (Yohan Perera and Ajith Siriwardana)

Inspector General of Police (IGP) grilled for nearly 7 hours by PCoI on Easter attacks

January 25th, 2020

Courtesy Ada Derana

Inspector General of Police (IGP) Pujith Jayasundara, who is currently in remand custody, has left the Presidential Commission of Inquiry probing the Easter Sunday terror attacks, after giving his testimony.

Escorted by prison officers, the IGP arrived at the Presidential Commission premises at around 10.00 am this morning (25). Jayasundara recorded a statement with the PCoI for the first time today.

IGP Jayasundara was arrested alongside former Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando for allegedly committing a criminal offense by failing to prevent the coordinated terror bombings on Easter Sunday last year, even after receiving forewarnings on the attacks.

When the case against the duo was taken up on Monday (20), the Colombo Additional Magistrate ordered to remand them until February 3.

The PCoI recently recorded statements from former Governor of Western Province Azath Salley, former Assistant Superintendent of Police of Mawanella Gamini Tennakoon and a clandestine witness who testified about the ringleader of Easter Sunday attacks – Zahran Hashim.

Salley recorded his statement with the PCoI today for the third consecutive day.

Two admitted to Infectious Diseases Hospital (IDH) on suspicion of being infected with coronavirus

January 25th, 2020

Courtesy Ada Derana

Two women have been admitted to the Infectious Diseases Hospital (IDH) on suspicion of being infected with the wide-spreading coronavirus.

However, health officials stressed that it is yet to be confirmed that these two women are indeed contaminated by the deadly virus, which originated in the city of Wuhan in China and already killed 41.

Director of IDH, Dr. Asitha Attanayake stated that a Sri Lankan medical student who had returned to the island from Wuhan and a young Chinese female who was touring the country were accordingly hospitalized.

Phlegm and blood samples of the two females have been directed to the Medical Research Institute in Colombo for testing.
In the meantime, the Embassy of Sri Lanka in Beijing in consultation with the foreign affairs ministries in Sri Lanka,

China and Hubei Province is providing the necessary advice to the Sri Lankan students in Wuhan to protect themselves from infection. 

The Sri Lankan students have been advised to adhere to health precautionary instructions given by the local health authorities. Since the Wuhan city is closed down, no one can exit or enter the city.
The Embassy is also in close consultation with the Beijing based foreign Embassies particularly our neighbouring countries, with regard to the course of action being taken about their citizens in Wuhan.

Initially, there were around 85 Sri Lankan students in Hubei Province, however, most of them had returned to Sri Lanka for the holidays before the outbreak of coronavirus, the Embassy said today (25).

In the event of a necessity for evacuation, the Embassy in consultation with the Ministry of Foreign Relations in Colombo and other agencies of Government is making preparations for the students and their family members numbering 30.

The Embassy in Beijing and the Consulate Generals in Shanghai and Guangzhou are making coordinated efforts to provide necessary information to Sri Lankans around China.

විපක්ෂයේ දිගු කාලයක් රැදී නොසිටින බව විපක්ෂ නායක සජිත් කියයි

January 25th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

දීර්ඝ කාලයක් විපක්ෂයේ රැඳී සිටීමේ බලාපොරොත්තුවක් නොමැති බව විපක්ෂ නායක සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස පවසනවා.

පොළොන්නරුව ප්‍රදේශයේ අද පැවති ජනහමුවකට එක්වෙමින් ඔහු මේ බව සඳහන් කළා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – දුමින්ද ඉල්ලා මාලඹේදී තවත් උද්ඝෝෂණයක්

January 25th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රන්ජන් රාමනායකගේ හඬ පට මගින් අනාවරණ වන අධිකරණයට බලපෑම් සිදුකිරීම් පිළිබදව කරුණු විමර්ශනය කර, හිටපු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී දුමින්ද සිල්වාට සාධාරණය ඉෂ්ඨ කරන ලෙස ඉල්ලා පැවැත්වෙන විරෝධතා මාලාවේ තවත් විරෝධතාවයක් අද පැවැත්වුණා.

ඒ මාලඹේ ප්‍රධාන බස් නැවතුම්පොල ආසන්නයේදීයි.

කඩුවෙල ජනතාව එම විරෝධතාව සංවිධානය කර තිබූ අතර ඊට සිංහලේ ජාතික සංවිධානය, ලාංකික අපි ජාතික සංවිධානය, දේශප්‍රේමී එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය සහ තවත් සිවිල් සංවිධාන රැසක් එක්ව සිටියා.

මාලඹේ ප්‍රධාන බස් නැවතුම්පොල අසල විරෝධතාවයේ නිරත වූ ඔවුන් පසුව තලාහේන මංසන්ධිය දක්වා පාගමනින් පැමිණියා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – සිංහලේ සංවිධානයෙන් චෝදනාවක්

January 25th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ නායක රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා, රංජන් රාමනායක මන්ත්‍රීවරයාව යොදා ගනිමින් මෙරට ජනතාවට අධිකරණය පිළිබඳ විශ්වාසය බිඳවැට්ටවීමේ උත්සාහයක නිරතව ඇති බවට, නව සිංහල රාවය සංවිධානය චෝදනා කරනවා.

අද කොළඹ පැවති ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවකදී එහි මහලේකම්, පූජ්‍ය මාගල්කන්දේ සුදත්ත හිමි මේ අදහස් පළකළා

මේ අතර, සිංහල රාවය ජාතික සංවිධානය කොළඹ පැවැත්වූ ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවකදී පැවසුවේ, රංජන් රාමනායක මන්ත්‍රීවරයා පාර්ලිමේන්තු වරප්‍රසාද භාවිත කරමින් විවිධ පාර්ශ්වයන්ට අභූත චෝදනා එල්ල කරන බවයි.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – රංජන් සමඟ දුරකථන සංවාදවල නිරත වූ විනිසුරු පද්මිණී රණවකට නීතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක වී නැතැයි චෝදනා

January 25th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

රංජන් රාමනායක මන්ත්‍රීවරයා සමඟ දුරකථන සංවාදවල නිරත වූ විනිසුරු පද්මිණී රණවක මහත්මිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් මෙතෙක් නීතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක වී නොමැති බවට සිංහලේ සංවිධානය චෝදනා කරනවා.

එම සංවිධානයේ නියෝජිතයින් අද මැගසින් බන්ධනාගාරයට පැමිණි අවස්ථාවේ මාධ්‍යයට අදහස් දක්වමින් මෙම චෝදනාව සිදු කළා.

අධිකරණයට අපහාස කිරීමේ චෝදනාව යටතේ ඊයේ රක්ෂිත බන්ධනාගත කෙරුණු විශ්‍රාමික මේජර් අජිත් ප්‍රසන්නගේ සුවදුක් බැලීමට ජාතික සංවිධාන කිහිපයක නියෝජිතයින් අද මැගසින් බන්ධනාගාරයට පැමිණියා.

Alaina B Teplitz , do not make your diplomatic Accreditation a means to destroy a country for political advantage of the country you represent – USA.

January 24th, 2020

By Charles.S.Perera

Alaina B.Teplitz  you still have traces of genocidal traits you  inherited from your ancestors the Europeans who migrated to America about 600 years ago, and that is why you  have become a state slave to carry out  destructive plans of US State Department  as its Ambassador. You have no altruistic human qualities to evaluate the danger of the plans of USState Department to destroy Sri Lanka and untiringly work for separation of Communities in Sri Lanka, and make this beautiful country a military base of your country.

The proposed MCCC with Sri Lanka is a disaster.  Can you mention one developing country in the world which has benefited from any  Agreements it has signed with America.  To put it in another way America has not contributed  for the development of any developing country. They sign contracts which are beneficial to America  with little concern  to the country with which enters into such agreements.

There were people like you in the CIA , specially trained Agents  to put the minorities  against the majority in developing countries. Sri Lanka is not unaware of  such sinister American State plans  of putting minorities against the the  Sinhala majority and divide the communities to make the country weak and unstable to  facilitate drawing  benefits by such vulnerability. Teplitz; you are like an army  soldier taking orders from the  Commanders to shoot and eliminate the innocents and set up a system planned by your Commanders. You are like a bullet , which has know knowledge of what it does.

You know Teplitz the Indigenous Americans that consisted of 570 tribes  when the Europeans migrated to America had a history of over 15000 years.  Your immigrant ancestors brought with them viruses unknown to the indigenous American Indians who died in large numbers contaminated by these viruses. Some were killed in  armed attacks and burning down of their villages. They were massacred  using bacteria, viruses and toxin. They were dispossessed of their land, forcibly driven away into  settlements in  infertile hostile surroundings, where  they could neither cultivate nor hunt for  bisons for their food.  

In your infamous MCCC with Sri Lanka you have decide on an economic corridor from Colombo to Trincomalee and provided special  settlements  for the families who would be dispossessed of the land with your sinister  economic corridor which is to physically  divide the country  into two different land masses. And America is willing to pay 480 million Dollars just to cut the country  into two !

How much is Washington spending for the welfare of the indigenous American  Indian people and the  development of their settlements , and their culture ? Absolutely nothing is done for the welfare of the Indigenous Americans. They  are wilfully kept in poverty by the USA Government..

 What has happened to them today. The black Americans descending from the innocent Africans imported into America as Slaves have developed into a  important Community. American State Department is more sympathetic and pay more attention even to the Tamil Diaspora settled in America, than to the  American Indians who escaped the  American genocide against their ancestors. The white immigrant Americans have a history of only about 200 year and  celebrate their independence  annually.

But the indigenous Americans are forgotten. Though the terrorist sympathizing Tamils who migrated to America are now recognised and for their sake USA State Department is doing all they can to set up a separate Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka for them to have their holiday homes,  while the indigenous Americans are kept in the shadow for fear of their  emerging as a  force against  the immigrants Europeans who have usurped their rights to set up a government of their own .

That is how America evolved  in a country that does not belong to them and massacred and over powered its rightful owners, and now shamelessly speak of democracy and human rights. Though the immigrant Europeans did not use the same method the Nazis used in their genocide of the Jews, what the immigrant Europeans did to the Indigenous American Indians smell the same Nazis  genocide of Jews. But at leasts the Jews could fight back , not the poor American Indians.

Therefore, the present day Americans however much they try to wash off  the remaining stains of the blood of the innocent indigenous Americans they massacred  and left for dead and forgotten, with whatever washing powder of democracy and human rights, the stains  remain .  Every descendent of  those European Immigrants to America will forever carry with them those  deadly taints.  It is more visible amoung  the American diplomats acting as the Agents of the tainted ruling Class.

The American diplomats, CIA Agents are the  unfortunate carriers of this deadly virus which  politically and economically destroy the developing countries. The American history which is only about  200 years or so old has committed deadly sin  in developing countries far and near which had been seeking to be independent of the fearful tainted American Administration.

The  America State Department  got the CIA to assassinate  or ousted from office  in  various developing countries  the  political leaders who were introducing  people friendly political systems  into their countries. That was and is what America represents, a country  that keeps developing country poor and dependent on them.

That is what USA had always been doing in Sri Lanka. It has not carried out any development project for Sri Lanka though it constantly demands  entering into  agreements such as ACSA, SOFA or MCCC which are not at all what Sri Lanka or its people want.

America used  CIA agents to change regimes. In 1950 Jacob Arbenz President of Guatemala was ousted ,  Mossadeq Prime Minister of Iran was ousted , also in 1973 Salvadore Allende President of Chile was ousted leaving doubt about his suicide. In Congo, Lumumba was assassinated

Larry Devlin a former CIA Agents recounts in his memories how he was ordered to kill Patrice Lumumba of Congo. He says, In September 1960, Mr. Devlin received a cable advising him that he would get an important message from Joe from Paris.” The envoy turned out to be Sidney Gottlieb, the agency’s club-footed poisons expert, whom Mr. Devlin had met during operations to install listening devices overseas, and who would later become notorious for mind-control experiments using L.S.D.

Mr. Gottlieb said that the assassination had been approved by   President Eisenhower, but admitted that he had not seen the presidential orders. He explained that the poisons, including the spiked toothpaste, had been chosen to make the death appear to result from natural causes.” (

However there were great Americans who had the courage and  good sense when  understanding how distasteful the American political system is resigned from their assignments, not wanting to be a part of American political mafia. John Perking was  one amoung such. He states his experience as an Economic hitman, who acted  as a development expert and proposed to developing countries projects that indebted them to American  Companies, and became poorer and politically unstable.

Alaina B.Teplitz, it is better be an ordinary altruistic  person true to one’s  convictions  than be a part of a capitalist political system which is bent  towards manipulating governments in poor developing countries for its own  political benefit , not caring what happens to the poor countries or their people.

Aliana B.Teplitz when you come to a country as a diplomat try to learn about the culture and the history of the country.  When your State Department instructs you to carry out activities, please try to understand whether in carrying out those instruction there would be a conflict with the country with its Culture and its relationship with other communities that have come from outside, settled in the country and have after generations of living together  absorbed into the  common fabric of a Nation. 

Your MCCC puts into danger these fundamental issues of Sri Lankan Nationhood, therefore it is not  suitable to be introduced into Sri Lanka. We also cannot have confidence  in American Army Soldiers with their Guns roaming the country at their will and pleasure.

Aliana B Teplitz you have perhaps heard of the Kill team that blew up and shot Afghan Civilians to collect their fingers as trophies.


What is the guarantee that such things will not happen in Sri Lanka with American Soldiers entering  the country  under the MCCC ? The American Soldiers with freedom to roam  about in  Sri Lanka may give into their deformed sexual desires and  kill or rape the civilians? 

These things have happened lead by American Soldiers at Staff Seargent level. According to investigators and legal documents, discussion of killing Afghan civilians began after the arrival of Staff Sergeant Calvin Gibbs at forward operating base Ramrod last November. Other soldiers told the army’s criminal investigation command that Gibbs boasted of the things he got away with while serving in Iraq and said how easy it would be to “toss a grenade at someone and kill them”.

Therefore,  Aliana B.Teplitz take courage and tell your bosses in the American State Department that they should stop their unnecessary interference with the government of Sri Lanka to insist entering into deplorable agreements,  and pass disastrous resolutions  at the UNHRC in Geneva based on an absolutely fallacious, and an unacceptable Darusman Report..


January 24th, 2020


The Eelam war threw up many dedicated military leaders. This essay gives a short account of one of these leaders, the much admired Major General Chagie Gallage. This essay also includes names of other army officers who took part in Eelam War IV.

 Biographical information on Chagie Gallage is not available in the public domain, except that he attended Ananda College. However there is plenty of information about his work in the Sri Lanka army.

During most of his long and enduring military career, Chagie served either in an operational area or at a military training institute said analysts.   He was in the forefront of the war against the LTTE. He played a decisive role in the final thrust against the LTTE terrorists in 2007-2009.

Chagie was the first choice of any senior military commander, to include in their team of field commanders for operations. Thus, Chagie was seen in almost all major combat operations in all fronts in the North and East from 1985 to 2009.  

Chagie as a young subaltern, in the mid-eighties, was a skillful and tactically sound combat fighter who operated along with his rifle company in many areas of the Jaffna Peninsula. His first independent command was to guard the Nagadeepa (Nainativu) island in 1986 with his platoon.

He played a key role in Operation Vadamarachchi and Operation Clean Sweep, the two military operations led by late Generals Kobbekaduwa and Wimalaratne to drive the terrorists out of the Jaffna peninsula in 1986.

In Eelam war IV, Chagie’s leadership was instrumental in liberating the Southern part of the Eastern Province that included the LTTE stronghold Thoppigala. Chagie as a Brigadier commanded the Commando Brigade, which he moved into action against the LTTE in the Eastern Province in 2006.

 Then Chagie switched to the Wanni theatre with the beginning of operations in the Northern front in 2007. He raised the Task Force-1 there and launched it from Mannar front, along with Commando Brigade, (later upgraded as 58 Division). Chagie was away from battlefield for some time due to illness. He returned in 2009 to command the 59 Division in Mullaitivu. On completion of the campaign, Brigadier Chagie was promoted to Major General prematurely ahead of most of his peers, on merit.

Chagie is is widely considered one of best strategists in the army. During an intense battle at Karadipokku in Kilinochchi, as Operation ‘Sathjaya’ was underway in 1996, the Army suffered heavy casualties and the battle was about to be lost. It is at this crucial moment that Chagie came in voluntarily without waiting for instructions from superiors, and led his elite Airmobile troops to fight gallantly and restored the situation.

Chagie was meticulous in his approach to an assignment.  He looked into the minute details of any assignment. That particularly is the reason for his success, said analysts. Also, Chagie is extremely innovative. He can devise things when the resources are scarce or unavailable.

Colonel Chagie was the Commandant of Army Training School in Maduru Oya in 2004.   He was instrumental in conceptualising and forming the highly skilled ‘Special Infantry Operations Teams’ (SIOT) of the Army, together with Lt Col Ralph Nugera, realising a vision spelt out by the then Inspector of Infantry, Major General Sarath Fonseka. It was these SIO teams, which boosted the fighting capacity of the infantry and fought as vanguards of the advancing Army during Eelam War IV.

Chagie trained these special teams in special battle drill that eventually enabled the troops to successfully cross LTTE obstacles. One such obstacle was highly fortified LTTE fortifications built on ‘Ditch cum Bund’, commonly known as ‘DCB’ (a line of bunkers coupled with about 10 foot wide water obstacle in front of them). These obstacles severely hindered the movement of the advancing Army.

Chagie has always been popular among his comrades in the Army, among his batch mates, among old Anandians, among the motor-racing community of Sri Lanka, among his relatives and friends, said his admirers. He is one of the few officers of the Army who always commanded respect not only from his subordinates but also from his superiors and peers.  Chagie not only earned gallantry medals multiple times for his bravery in battle, but he also worked hard to get gallantry medals for his juniors too.

Major general Chagi Gallage was also very outspoken. He spoke out, angrily, when Mangala Samaraweera visited Jaffna in 2016 to launch a website for ethnic reconciliation. He was immediately transferred to a post which did not have command of troops.

A week after retirement, Gallage delivered his farewell speech at Saliyapura, Anuradhapura, on the eve of the 35th anniversary of the Gajaba Regiment, 2018. Gajaba Regiment is synonymous with Chagie Gallage, said analysts. Chagie’s contributions to the Gajaba Regiment has been outstanding.   

Gallage began his farewell speech by referring to the gigantic role played by the Gajaba Regiment and the Army as a whole in the Eelam wars, reported Shamindra Ferdinando. He recalled the spearheading role played by the late Maj. Gen. Wijaya Wimalaratne in the shaping of the celebrated Gajaba Regiment in the ‘80s. Gallage declared Wimalaratne as the greatest infantryman in the Army. Gallage then   thanked Maj Gen Shavendra Silva, Colonel of the Gajaba regiment and the Adjutant General of the Army who had organeid his farwell. He then went on to thank officers and men of the Gajaba Regiment.

Chagie thereafter said,  I have witnessed, the determined Commanders of this dignified force transform what was described as “Exhausted and a Losing Army” into a ‘Wining and a Victorious Army’.  To achive this, Commanders at different levels worked together, to develop the overwhelming capability of our Army. An army, which especially during the final phase of the conflict, demonstrated such versatility and braveness all round.

Gallage named those who made that task possible. “Men like (Late) Maj Gen Vijaya Wimalaratne, (Late) Gen Denzil Kobbekaduwa, (Late) Maj Gen Janaka Perera, Col (rtd) Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Maj Gen Sathis Jayasundara, (Late) Maj Gen Gamini Gunasekara, Col (rtd) Nimal Ratnayake, Maj Gen (rtd) G.V. Chandrasiri, Maj Gen (rtd) Gamini Hettiarachchi, Brig (rtd) Nimal Jayasuriya, Lt Gen (rtd) Jagath Jayasuriya,  Gen (rtd) Seewali Wanigasekara, Lt Gen (rtd) Mendaka Samarasinghe, Maj Gen (rtd) Jagath Ramubukpotha, Lt Gen (rtd) Jagath Dias, Brig (rtd) Hiran Halangoda, Col (rtd) Jayavi Fernando, Maj Gen (rtd) Srinath Rajapakse, Brig (rtd) Bahar Morsath, Maj Gen (rtd) Lalith Daulagala, Brig (rtd) Roshan Silva, Late Col Shantha Wijesinghe, Maj Gen (rtd) Kamal Gunaratne, Maj Gen (rtd) Amal Karunasekara and Gen (rtd) Udaya Perera (who was my deputy Snr Subaltern) Maj Gen (rtd) Jagath Alwis  (who inspired me to join the Army) And last, but not the least, Field Marshall Sarath Fonseka (who led our forces as the Commander of the Army,

Gallege   then thanked Maj Gen Ralph Nugera, Maj Gen Aruna Wanniarcichi, Maj Gen Athula Kodippily and Col Mahendra Fernando and their magnificent ladies. They were my esteemed assets, as my deputies, facilitators and shadows, at times referees, in challenging tenures in combat and otherwise.

My highest regards also, said Chagie, to Special Task Force led by DIG (rtd) Chandrasiri Ranawana and DIG Ruwaiz Lathiff for their unstinted support and assistance beyond the call of duty. Chagie also thanked ‘our comrades in sister services Air Force and Navy for risking their lives, [to help us win the war.]’

He concluded his speech by thanking those engaged in the task of making a Healthy Army (Consultant Dr) Maj Gen Sanjeewa Munasinghe, (Consultant Dr) Brig Maurine Wijegunawardene, (Consultant Dr) Brig Nimalka Ariyaratne and (Consultant Dr) Col Roshan Monaragala. (continued)

Misguided Tamils: A Threat to National Unity

January 24th, 2020

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

History of the Tamil Community of Sri Lanka

The small communities of Tamils and Muslims living in Sri Lanka, amount to about 24% of the island’s total population with Tamils including Estate Tamils accounting for 15% and Muslims 09%. These communities are descendants of groups of individuals, exclusively males, who arrived in this island at different times in the past for various purposes, and later settled down among the indigenous Sinhala people. Tamils came from southern India and continue to observe the cultural traditions of their homeland which is Tamilnadu, where the Tamil culture including the Tamil language originated. Tamils in general, therefore are a settler community in the island with the rights and privileges enjoyed by the indigenous Sinhala people.  However, it is important to note that Tamils are indigenous to the Tamilnadu which is the birth-place of the Tamil culture and language. For all purposes, the national and cultural homeland of the Tamils is Tamilnadu. 

Tamils arrived in the Jaffna peninsula in the 16th century

Initially the Tamils came to the island as invaders and mercenaries. Since the 3rd century BCE, there were seventeen Tamil-speaking Dravidian invasions of the Sinhala kingdom when Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa were the Sinhala royal capitals. These invasions were associated with extreme forms of violence and destruction. After defeat some Tamils fled to India while some remained in Sri Lanka with some settling down in the Jaffna peninsula. Historians H.W. Codrington, Fr. S.G. Perera, and Mudaliyar C. Rasanayagam mentions clearly that the Jaffna peninsula was peopled by the Sinhala Buddhist community before the sixteenth century. This is confirmed by archeological evidence of the remains of stupes and viharas in the peninsula, and by the large number of Tamilized Sinhala place names in the Jaffna peninsula and in the Northern Eastern region of the country where Tamils and Muslims predominate at present. In the 16the century and thereafter, for many years, the Sinhala Buddhist people in Jaffna lived together with Tamil immigrants from South India, in harmony. The famous Portuguese historian Fernao De Queyroz mentions in his book, that when the Portuguese arrived in the island in early 16th century, the Jaffna region was, like other 14 regions of the country at that time, managed by a sub-king, who paid tribute to the Sinhala King (or ‘Emperor’) in Kotte.  Some Tamils cite the Rama-Ravana story to claim that Tamils were in the island in ancient times. The eminent historian A.L. Basham has called this Ramayana story as bluff and has shown that the Ramayana is a work of fiction by Valmiki, who drew his plot and characters from the Dasaratha, Jataka and the Valahassa Jataka of the Buddhists. 

It is a fact that the Sinhala people, starting with their kings and leaders of the past, have been quite accommodative of the Tamils and others who made Sri Lanka their home. Although they came as invaders, mercenaries, merchants, illegal immigrants and so on, they were permitted to settle wherever they pleased and live according to their cultural norms without any harassment. They were/are permitted to move anywhere in the country, and be involved in whatever gainful employment they wished anywhere in our country. They were/are allowed to build their Tamil schools, Hindu kovils and conduct their religious and cultural activities just the way they did in their motherland – Tamilnadu.

Privileges During the British Colonial Period in Sri Lanka

During the British colonial period which started in the 18th century, under the British colonial policy of divide and rule”, massive favoritism was accorded by the British to Tamils, in return for the support of Tamils as quislings to crush Sinhala resistance to British occupation of the island. To serve their self-interests, the British policy set one community against the other. The British gave special privileges to the Tamil minority and those of the Christian faith. They included better opportunities for education, employment, and government services in general.  Tamils soon became a privileged community. To cite one example, in terms of the density of schools per unit area, the Jaffna district had the highest density. In 1870 there were only two Buddhist schools left in the country – in Panadura and Dodanduwa as against 805 Christian Schools. As a result, even in 1956, eight years after Independence, the Tamils, then a mere   11% of the population, held 75% of the jobs in the army and 65% of the jobs in the public service. 

All colonial powers of the island, acted on pure and absolute self-interest”. British occupation of Sri Lanka was one of sheer exploitation and devastation. Whatever benefits that were derived by local inhabitants were merely incidental to their exploitation of the country’s natural and human resources to reap enormous benefits for the British government. The vast changes that they brought about in almost all areas of life in the country, led to the disruption of the long-held culture, values, and way of life of local Sinhala Buddhists. Under the infamous Waste Lands Ordinance” of the British, commercial plantations of coffee, tea and rubber were established on lands expropriated from the rural Sinhala people, without compensation. The dispossessed Sinhala people were unwilling to work on the plantations and in the 19th century and thereafter, the British imported Tamil laborers from South India to work as labourers in plantations. These Tamils later became a new element in the demographic composition of the country. Most of these Tamil labourer community in the highlands of the island, stayed behind and most of them were accorded citizenship in later years after the country attained political independence.

Post- Independence Privileges

It is important to note, that even during the post-independence era, the Tamils have been permitted to move anywhere in the country, and be involved in whatever gainful employment they wished anywhere in our country. They were/are allowed to build their Tamil schools, Hindu kovils and conduct their religious and cultural activities just the way they did in their motherland – Tamilnadu. Tamils have been accorded official recognition by their representation in our national flag by means of the orange colour band; Tamil culture is recognized by the State and their major cultural days are public holidays; The Tamil language is officially recognized as a national language of the country; Hinduism the main religion of Tamils is recognized by the State and its religious days have been declared as national holidays.

Emergence of Tamil Racism, Extremism, and Separatism

In the 1950s and 60s, there were many South Indian Tamil films produced, directed and acted by extremist South Indian Tamils that were directly propagating Tamil racism and extremism. These films were imported to Sri Lanka and were popularly watched by Sri Lankan Tamils. The directors, script writers and movie stars of these crude films were well known Tamil extremists with political overtures. They soon became leading political figures in the Tamilnadu political scene, promoting the so-called Tamil cause and Tamil separatism. Among them were Karunaneedi, M.G. Ramachandran, Shivaji Ganeshan and the infamous Jayalalitha. The whole purpose of these low-budget films was to generate Tamil racism and a sense of Tamil superiority. These films were shown widely in Sri Lanka and were quite popular among the Tamils in Sri Lanka. The extreme racist attitudes that these films and the Tamil media helped to generate at that time, made  Tamils feel elevated and politically motivated to seek special privileges including separatism. The extremist Tamil attitude made them want to take control and began talking about Tamil nationalism, Tamil national struggle and Tamil homeland and so on. Some Tamil extremists resorted to dishonesty, falsehood, fabrications and deliberate misinterpretation and distortion of historic facts pertaining to Sri Lanka. Eventually they resorted to terrorism to establish themselves as a force to reckon with among the majority Sinhala people.

Undue Privileges as a Minority

Tamils – as a small minority community enjoy undue privileges that are not enjoyed by the majority Sinhala community in the country.  In fact, no other minority community in any major country in the world enjoys the privileges that the Sri Lankan Tamils enjoy. Today, and for many years in the past, more than half of the Tamil population of Sri Lanka lives among the Sinhala people in predominantly Sinhala areas in the Western, Southern, Central, and Eastern parts of the island. Here, they have their kovils and festivals, thoosa kades, their Tamil newspapers, magazines, videos, music audios, films and free to intermingle with others in their neighborhood without being harassed. 

Tamils have the opportunity of living and owning property including real estate anywhere in the country. About 31% of all privately-owned land in Sri Lanka belongs to the 12% Tamil population, compared to the Sinhala who own 51% of land although they are more than about 75% of the population. About 70% of the land, and 85% of the businesses, in the administrative and residential capital, Colombo, are owned by Tamils. The per capita income of Tamils is far greater than the indigenous Sinhala people (estimated to be twice that of the Sinhala) and the rate of unemployment of Tamils is half that of the Sinhala. More than 30% of professional and managerial jobs are held by this less than 12% minority.

Most Tamils are either businessmen or professionals and are dependent on the Sinhala people for their business and professional success. They earn their living using the Sinhala market, Sinhala clients or Sinhala people. Sinhala employers hire Tamils as employees. However, it is well evident that Tamil employers rarely if at all, employ Sinhala people in their establishments. Some of the largest wholesale and retail businesses in Colombo are owned and run by Tamils. Most jewelry establishments, travel agencies, telecommunications outlets are owned and operated by them. The rich Tamils in Colombo and other urban areas in Sinhala areas are owners of the high-priced property including land and houses and expensive vehicles. In fact, the children of these well-to-do urban Tamils attend leading schools in the country, including expensive international schools.    

No comparable minorities (including Indians, Pakistanis, Sinhalas, and Tamils etc. in the UK) in any major country have been given such preposterous benefits and opportunities, which are not rights but ridiculously high privileges. Since the privileges of one person can only be had at the expense of the rights of another, this shows that, in fact, it is the indigenous Sinhala’s 75% of the population, who are discriminated against.

Tamil Terrorism and its Subjugation   

Terror in its worst forms never known in our land was experienced during the invasion and rule of the Dravidian Kalinga Magha (and in more recent years under the Tamil terrorist Prabakaran). The crime-prone rule of Kalinga Magha prevailed for 21 years. The Tamil Pandyan and Tamil Nayakka intrusion into Sinhala royal families led to the Sinhala royalty going into disarray after the 13th century, and the eventual decline of the stability and magnanimity of the Sinhala Buddhist nation. 

During a good part of the past four decades, Tamil terrorists of the LTTE, took away from the indigenous Sinhala majority, what they valued and cherished most as a nation – their freedom and peaceful life. During this time, most Tamils living within and outside Sri Lanka were openly or discreetly supportive of terrorism and separatism propagated by the racist LTTE terrorists under Prabakaran, their ruthless leader. The overwhelming majority of Sri Lankan Tamils living overseas, were helping, both directly and indirectly, often using deceitful means to the Tamil terror movement in Sri Lanka thereby promoting gruesome, hideous, and horrifying terrorist activities against the nation, its Sinhala leaders, Bhikkhus, military and police personnel. They helped bomb and destroy reputed historically significant Buddhist monuments and sites in our country, and other public property of value and took action to disrepute and undermine the legitimately elected government of our country.

The Sinhala nation is eternally grateful to the Ranaviru Sinhala sons and daughters for eliminating from our nation, this treacherous racist terrorist menace in the year 2009. Sinhala leaders at the time understood that for the emancipation of our nation, there can be no compromise with terrorists and their cohorts both local and foreign. The territorial integrity and sovereignty of our motherland is of fundamental importance to us, and the nation is ever grateful to those who led our military forces to eradicate Tamil terrorism and for restoring our nation for the present and future generations. Thousands of true sons of the soil sacrificed their precious lives while serving in the military forces. The nation is grateful forever for the sacrifices they made to bring peace to our people

Our heroic military personnel who were making untold sacrifices to protect our people and the territorial integrity of our country were subject to extreme forms of indignity, insult, and disgrace by these Tamils, especially during the period of conflict, using most deceitful and dishonest accusations. Our illustrious national culture and our Buddhist Sangha community responsible for nurturing, promoting, and uplifting our outstanding national culture for some two thousand three hundred years, were subject to debase and disrespect by these treacherous Tamil racists and extremists. Buying over and using the international media and other means, these overseas Tamil extremists were involved openly in a widespread campaign, using the basest forms of falsehoods and blatant lies of unimaginable proportions, to demean, discredit and destroy the good image of our country

Many remnants of these ruthless LTTE terrorists, especially those living overseas, continue to subscribe to the vicious extremist attitudes of the defunct Tamil LTTE. They continue to propagate extreme forms of deceitful and divisive propaganda against Sri Lanka. They resort to dishonesty, deliberate misinterpretation and distortion of historic facts pertaining to our country. These are people who were, at one stage, actively involved in criminal activities and atrocities of the murderous LTTE. By such actions they display their treachery, deceit, and gruesome anti-national attitudes towards a nation that did much for their benefit.  

The Best of Both Worlds  

It is noteworthy, that throughout the period of conflict and thereafter, more than half the Tamil population of Sri Lanka were living in predominantly Sinhala areas, among the Sinhala people without any harassment.  Since the end of the conflict in 2009, the number living in Sinhala areas of the south have shown a striking increase. Most of them are either businessmen or professionals, some working for the government and others lucratively self-employed. The Sinhala people of the south have been their growing clientele and patrons. Most Tamil businesses are primarily dependent on the Sinhala market for their survival. In other words, they earn their living using Sinhala hospitality and Sinhala clients. However, despite this accommodative spirit of the Sinhala people, what is clear is the fact that the Tamil employers rarely employ Sinhala employees in their establishments.

Some of the largest wholesale and retail businesses in Colombo are owned and operated by Tamils. Most jewelry establishments, travel agencies, telecommunications outlets are owned and operated by them. The rich Tamils in Colombo and other urban areas in Sinhala areas are owners of high-valued property including land, houses, vehicles, and other luxuries. They are constantly involved international travel.  They have their religious and cultural organizations, their ‘kovils’ and related activities with no restrictions placed on them by the Sinhala community. The Sinhala community heavily patronizes the Tamil food outlets such as the ‘thoosa kade’. In addition, they have their Tamil newspapers, magazines, videos, music audios, films and are free to intermingle with others in Sinhala neighborhoods without being harassed. 

Threat to the National Unity and Territorial Integrity                                        

Some of the Tamil extremists either fail to understand or wish to overlook the true reasons for or circumstances surrounding the racist Tamil terrorist menace in our motherland.  It appears that Tamil extremists do not want to accept the fact that, all along, he biggest impediment to overall progress of our country and the well-deserved well-being of our people at large has been this savage Tamil extremism and terrorism.  It is well-known that it was this racist Tamil terrorism that has brutalized and stunted our nation during the past few decades.

From their attitude and actions, it is well evident that the Tamil community in the country has posed a threat to national unity and territorial integrity of the country. They have resorted to actions that undermine the way of life of other communities, and in a covert manner to democratic principles and rule of law of the country. They rarely if at all participate in national events. They do not participate in the singing of the National Anthem in public events. Recently a Tamil Minister who was the Chief Guest in a public function, refused to hoist the National flag. The polarization tendency and divisive spirit of the Tamil community is self-imposed and not because they are marginalized. The long-term implications of these separatist -extremist trends are highly undesirable for the unity and the maintenance of peace and stability in the country. One should not overlook the fact and take for granted the long-standing opportunity for peaceful cohabitation of different communities, provided by the traditional cultural foundation established by the Sinhala people of this nation.

The National Culture

All salient aspects of our national culture – tangible and intangible, either grew or evolved within the borders of our country. Sinhala language and literature originated in Sri Lanka. Sinhala language in fact is the most important defining element of our nation’s culture and heritage, from historic times. The Sinhala language grew out of
Indo-Aryan dialects and exists only in Sri Lanka and has its own distinguished literary tradition. Sinhala is one of the world’s oldest living languages.  There have been a wide range of languages in the world, particularly in Asia which lived and died without leaving
evidence of their existence, because they were never written down. This is not the case with the Sinhala language. All other languages used in Sri Lanka originated in other countries.  It is significant to note that the overwhelming majority of people of Sri Lanka are distinguished by their language – Sinhala, which even today has a strong unifying effect in our motherland helping to reinforce the solidarity of our people as a unique cultural entity in the world. Almost all place names of the country from historic times, are in the Sinhala language – in the North, South, East, West and Central regions.
Indigenous national sovereignty of a country is an inalienable right based on profound justice. Sovereign national rights of Sri Lanka rests with the Sinhala people who are indigenous to this country, forming its dominant majority community for over 2500 years. Sri Lanka is the only national sovereign motherland of the Sinhala people. Their culture, way of life and their Sinhala language originated and developed in Sri Lanka.

Conforming to National Cultural Norms and Values

The non-indigenous settler communities such as the Tamils and Muslims are expected to conform to the norms and values of the Sinhala Nation to which they belong today. They may have brought various ethnic, cultural, and religious customs, traditions, traits and values from their original nation and homelands where their cultures evolved and consolidated. They are free to maintain these cultural norms if they do not conflict with the norms and practices of the Sinhala Nation of which they are now a part. Once the non-indigenous persons become a part of the Sinhala Nation it not only becomes their national obligation, but more importantly, it is to their advantage to become a part of the nation by learning and understanding the norms of the Sinhala nation where they now belong, and where they have been accepted as non-indigenous nationals by the indigenous Sinhala people. When a foreigner or a person not indigenous to a country migrates into the country, and decides to make it his home, it is incumbent on that person to learn about the history, norms and traits of the new country and its people. The new immigrant is expected to acknowledge, subscribe to, and integrate into the new nation of which he now is a part. The same applies to all descendants of non-indigenous immigrants, who may have been born and raised in the new nation

National Rights and Individual Rights

Indigenous Sinhala nationals or the Sinhala people are the founders of the Sinhala or Hela Nation, and are entitled to special national rights. Important in this regard is the promotion, protection and preservation of their culture, language, social system, and values that characterize their Sinhala Nation.  Sinhala should be restored as the sole national and official language of the country.  Promotion and preservation of the Sinhala Buddhist culture as the national culture, should receive priority attention. It should be made a mandatory subject in the school curriculum.  The national anthem of the country is sung in the Sinhala language. The minority communities are not entitled to such special privileges, because the Sinhala nation was founded by the Sinhala people and is the legitimate home of the Sinhala people. Sinhale is not the home of other cultures and languages. These cultures and languages did not originate or evolve in this land unlike the case with the Sinhala culture and Sinhala language. Therefore, the cultures and languages of minority communities cannot and are not entitled legitimately to be accorded national or official recognition at par with the Sinhala culture and language. However, these communities are free to observe and preserve their cultural activities and their languages within their communities. As far as ordinary human rights are concerned, members of minority settler communities are entitled to the same human rights as those enjoyed by members of the mainstream Sinhala community.   

As a nation with a historic cultural tradition that extends to over 2200 years, where the founding principles have been freedom, compassion, tolerance, and accommodation of people of all faiths and ethnicities, it is necessary that the true patriots of Sinhale, the Sinhala nation, get to the forefront, mobilize themselves and take legitimate actions to protect and uphold these wholesome cultural traditions, and thereby reinforce the Sinhala nation – Sinhale.  All citizens of the country who subscribe to the Sinhale Nation and respect the cultural norms and values that characterize this nation, will find acceptance as members of the Sinhale nation, irrespective of their ethnic and religious affiliations and differences. The Sinhale Nation incorporates the tremendous cultural wealth of the Sinhala people recognized the world over for its richness and uniqueness. This should be preserved and promoted for posterity. Those who undermine the nation’s cultural heritage, sovereignty and territorial integrity are enemies of the nation and should be confronted and subdued forthwith, for the welfare of the nation.

Strengthen and Revitalize the Sinhala Nation

For the patriotic and caring nationals of this island, especially those of the Sinhala community, irrespective of their religious affiliations, there is one moral law that stands above everything else, and that is to do everything possible to strengthen their Sinhala Nation and to curb the efforts of anti-national elements both local and foreign, engaged in violating and undermining Sinhala Buddhist national interests. It was with such an attitude and approach that enabled our valiant Sinhala soldiers to wipe out anti-national, separatist Tamil terrorists who were hell-bent on destroying the integrity of this nation.  

The present generation of Sinhala nationals has a moral obligation to protect, preserve and promote the greatest of their inheritance, their unique nation, for the survival of their Buddhist cultural heritage and for the benefit of future generations. Concerned Sinhala nationals will under no circumstances allow the sovereignty, the distinct territorial integrity and the all-pervasive Sinhala Buddhist cultural character of the island be subject to any form of disarray or disintegration. They will not permit any force, internal or external, ethnic, or religious, to subjugate or undermine the integrity of the Sinhala Buddhist culture of this island nation.

Sinhala history is replete with valor and courage in battles against overly superior forces. The struggle against extremism and the looming division of this Sinhala island nation of ours demands our full national strength. Let all Sinhala nationalists rise to the occasion, forgetting for a moment their ‘other’ differences, and swear allegiance to the unity of this country by giving unswerving support to those commendable organizations that have emerged in recent times to save the nation from undesirable elements. The renewed loyalty that is fast emerging among the Sinhala nationals, particularly among the contemporary youth, is most encouraging.

Violation of Sovereignty and National Integrity 

In recent times, movements and organizations have sprung up under the initiative of some concerned Bhikkhus and members of the Sinhala community across the country, with an increasingly large following of the nation’s youth, to highlight and draw attention to the vital and pressing need for necessary action to restore, protect and uphold the legitimate national rights and privileges of the Sinhala people and the traditionally and constitutionally accorded foremost place to Buddhism, which in recent times appear to be subject to threats and challenges from both local and foreign sources. There is evidence of attempts both direct and indirect, overt, and covert, to undermine these legitimate rights and privileges by extremist elements, especially of the minority communities evidently with the involvement of extremist, racist, uncaring, and unpatriotic politicians with their own vested interests and ulterior motives. 

Sinhala nationals should not tolerate any individual or community who, whilst living in the Sinhala Nation and considering it their home, deliberately misusing such a privilege by scheming and adopting extreme means or contributing to such actions, in violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of this only nation of ours. This includes both direct and indirect efforts on the part of these extremist elements to carve out ethnic and religious enclaves within our country, merely because some of them had lived in specific places for extended periods of time. These extremist elements with self-serving attitudes and objectives should be considered as traitors or enemies of the nation and should be dealt with accordingly.

National Rights are not individuals rights, they are the collective rights of a Nation. Each Nation can exercise their National Rights only in their motherland where that nation’s indigenous culture originates. Non-indigenous ethnic minorities such as the Tamils living in the island are free to claim National Rights of the Tamil Nation only in Tamil Nadu – the motherland of the Tamil Nation, but NOT in Sri Lanka. To do so in this country or elsewhere, is to grossly violate the National Rights of other Nations. It is time the Tamils, Muslims, Moors and other members of minority communities understand this clearly, so that all can live peacefully and collectively enrich our lives in this glorious island nation of ours. The average Sinhala person has nothing against anyone who wishes to shed extremist feelings and joining them to build a nation that is peaceful and prosperous, a nation which shuns extremism and terrorism. The Sinhala people want all other communities to join them, just the way how minority communities are expected to do in other countries of the world, especially Canada, Australia, Norway, USA, and UK.  The Sinhala people want others who live among them to help build the country as one nation, a nation founded on the noble principles of non-violence, tolerance, compassion, where peaceful co-habitation has been the cornerstone from historic times. Forgiving and forgetting” has been the attitude of the Sinhala people, even to those who have harmed them repeatedly from historic times, because they know that eventually justice and truth will prevail.

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

US funded MCC – silence on vital environmental issues

January 24th, 2020

By  Chandre Dharmawardana

(This article is  also to appeared in the Island Newspaper January 23, 2020)

The so-called  Millennium Challenge Compact (MCC)  of USA  proposes to grant nearly half a billion dollars to Sri Lanka’s development. Sri Lanka has already received  over  2.5 billion in Chinese aid, and this is a US initiative to counter China’s outreach. However, while Chinese aid  is much less intrusive, US aid is feared for a variety of reasons by many observers. In contrast, the Ranil-Sirisena government, an ally of the West  was ready to approve the MCC as well as other US proposals for the facilitation of visits by US troops into the island. A US-paid Sri Lankan ex-diplomat as  an adviser”, retained by the speaker Jayasuriya and  unprecedented in parliamentary practice clouded the issue further.  The MCC proposes, among other things, to improve infrastructure and simplify  recorded legal  land ownership making land easily marketable and usable  for development”. A strategic  example of MCC’s  infrastructure proposals included a  fast highway linking Colombo to Gokanna (Trincomalee), with
alleged special legal privileges to US troops.

Thamara Kunanayagam, an ex-diplomat critical of the West  viewed the  MCC to be incompatible with international law and Lanka’s sovereignty. Others claimed it  a direct land grab by the USA,  now evacuating its military base in Diago Gracia, and looking for rotating footholds  for its troops. Dr. Asoka Bandarage, a US-based academic sees it in continuity with previous colonial takeovers but seems less negative towards  it.  Many feared that outright rejection of the MCC may sour US-SL relations very adversely. Hence the  new  government under Gotabhaya Rajapaksa has appointed a committee to review the MCC grant, while  stating that  the parliament will not  ratify any agreements that are detrimental to the country”, without defining what is detrimental”.

Here we  focus on a number of vital issues that previous commentators had not touched.   Even if all political and  sovereignty issues were ironed out,   it does not mean that the proposed infrastructure and development” is going to be beneficial to Sri Lanka, as old-style development based on Chicago Economics of competition and opening up  to free markets” cannot be expected to help small countries like Sri Lanka.

So, as a learned committee is examining the “pros and cons” of the MCC,  changes to the existing MCC to make it useful to Sri Lanka may be possible.

Sri Lanka  has suffered  enormous onslaughts on its natural habitat due to several factors. (a) The rapid rise in population since the 1920s and particularly after world war II, and the conversion of land to housing. (b) The programs based on agricultural expansion, clearing of forests,   implementing massive irrigation schemes and resettling the southern demographic bulge in the recolonized” dry zone  freed from Malaria. While people have eloquently criticized  the conversion of the mountains to plantations  by the Colonials, this touched less than 2% of the land mass, while modern schemes, employing modern equipment and dynamite had pushed the forest cover in Sri Lanka down to 32%. or less.

Today, conflicts between wild life  and people, encroachment of marauding monkeys into habitations, rapid drop of pollinating insects like wild  bees and wasps  etc., are all too common. That they are a consequence of loss of natural habitat is rarely admitted. It is far easier to find some other excuse, say, argro-chemicals, underhand activities by  Tamil terrorists or Muslims with Arab funding, decline in morals and the consequent wrath of gods, are all simple explanations acceptable to the public and many politicians. They become the clarion call for taking control” and returning to the traditional pastoral way of life” to solve all problems. This picture involves the resurrection of the old Gama-Weva-Temple or Kovil” (GWT) concept, ignoring that GWT implies an enormous assault on  nature  and fails for today’s demographics.  

In stark contrast, and with equal error, the MCC wants to facilitate capitalist exploitation of the land where it is claimed that  living standards will go up as global investments flow in! The actual failure  of such policies is seen in Haiti and Nigeria!  

What will happen if ownership, be it private land, state land or  marine floor  where oil, gas or minerals are  suspected to be present, were  made available for sale to any investor”, with only the criteria of global capitalism (i.e., the bottom line of the share holder living in the Emirates, New York or Singapore) ?    

The committee looking into the MCC proposals must establish mechanisms to evaluate every sale of land  for its proposed use,  habitat encroachment, carbon footprint and so on. If land is acquired for biomass energy generation, such applications can be ecologically positive, while  building  tourist resorts and  tourist infrastructure like roads,  clubs, swimming pools etc., produce  unsustainable development”.  The rural population gets converted into waiters, cooks, drivers  and pimps serving the whims of the tourist. Checks and  balances are  needed.

If the MCC  facilitates  politicians who invoke the GWT concept to build  slews of match-box houses sprawling over an area where village thickets or pristine forests have  been  bulldozed, or where low-lying marshes and bogs have been drained, then legislation must be include to prevent such development”. Since land rights are distributed between the central government and local governments, over-arching legislation is needed to apply at every level. The best solution is to transfer approval of land transactions to a national authority if foreign investors are involved.

The infra-structure proposed by the MCC seems to favour  highways rather than fast electric trains geared to public transport.  The latter is  the most optimal developmental tool. Highways or trainways must have at least a kilometer of elevated track for every 10 km so that pedestrians, local traffic,  animals, insects, spores and even underground root systems can pass across. This ensures that fast highways do not divide the ecosystem, and animals have linked wilderness corridors of passage. This ensures not only ecological integrity, but also the socio-political integrity of the country.

The proposed Colombo-Gokanna highway will not be a veritable division of the country into  northern and southern sections if there are ecological underpasses for each 10km interval.  we already have a rail line connecting Colombo through Polgahawela, Maho and Galoya  to Gokanna. The new route should be developed along the old route, to run fast bullet trains”,  instead of opening up virgin land and adding to the incessant assault on  natural habitat. Such development programs” have  huge carbon foot prints and affect bio-diversity.  All this can be reduced if no new land is opened up.    

The MCC is  silent on the energy  bottleneck  asphyxiating Sri Lanka’s development. The  CEB mafia” is alleged  to be one factor. Even though the President  may have appointed Viyathmaga”, or Eliya” etc., it is no secret that government high ups rely on their personal confidantes who point the way to proceed”. How can we understand why the government is  likely to approve more coal power for  Sri Lanka? It is  committing  to a very costly long-haul  at a time when alternative energy sources have already become not only competitive, but cheaper and healthier  than fossil fuels.   The MCC, by pushing highway development, follows the traditional developmental template destined to  collapse due to lack of firm power. All developmental schemes must  integrate their milestones”  with the projected power generation milestones. The committee that is looking into the MCC must ask if this holistic essential has been addressed.

Unfortunately, most development programs” usually written WITHOUT  integration with energy policy are mere routes to create disaster. Disaster and collapse in small economies are attractive opportunities for global capitalism because  deep pockets  can purchase valuable assets at fire sale prices when disaster happens. The MCC will facilitate all that unless correctives are included.

බැදුම්කර වෛහාරික වාර්තාවේ පාඩුව ගණනය කිරීම පට්ටපල් බොරුවකි

January 24th, 2020

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

1.       ‘‘වෛහාරික විගණන වාර්තාවේ පාඩුව ගණනය කිරීමේ ක්‍රමවේදය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම නොමග යවන සුළුය.  මෙය පට්ටපල් බොරුවකි.  පාඩුව පිළිබද ඉදිරිපත් කොට ඇති සංඛ්‍යා ලේඛන වැරදි ය.‘‘

2.       පාර්ලිමේන්තුව වෙත ලබාදී ඇති බැදුම්කර නිකුත් කිරීම පිළිබද වෛහාරික වාර්තාවේ ඇමුණුම් නැත.  ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුව විසින් මහජන මුදල් මංකොල්ල කෑමට ඉඩදීම පිළිබදවත්, එම මුදල් මංකොල්ලයට සම්බන්ධ පුද්ගලයින් කවුද? යන්නත් සෘජුව හදුණා ගැනීමට ජනතාවට ඇති හැකියාව එම නිසා අහිමි කොට ඇත. බැදුම්කර වංචා විමර්ශන ජනාධිපති කොමිෂන් සභා වාර්තාවේ වැදගත්ම තොරතුරු ද මෙලෙස භාගයක් සගවා (උදා- මන්ත්‍රීවරු 118/දුරකතන සංවාද වාර්තාව) ප්‍රසිද්ධියට පත් කරනු ලැබීය. අදටත් ඒ තොරතුරු රාජ්‍ය ලේඛනාරක්ෂක දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ ය.  එය වරදකි. 

3.       වෛහාරික විගණන වාර්තාවේ දත්ත හා සංඛා ලේඛන මත පදනම්ව රජයට සිදු වූ  පාඩුව ගැන ඉතාමත් නොමග යවන සුළු දත්ත හා සංඛා ලේඛන සංවිධානාත්මක ෆෙස් බුක් මගින් ද, දේශපාලනඥයින් විසින් ද ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලබයි.  මෙය (අ) ෆුට් නෝට් දමා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බැදුම්කර වාර්තාවේ හරය විනාශ කිරීම   (ආ) ඇමුණුම් සගවා ජනාධිපති කොමිෂන් සභා වාර්තාවේ හරය සැගවීම හා සමාන විනාශකාරී ක්‍රියාවකි.

4.       මම අවධාරණයෙන් පවසන්නේ ‘‘වෛහාරික විගණන වාර්තාවේ පාඩුව ගණනය කිරීමේ ක්‍රමවේදය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම නොමග යවන සුළුය.  මෙය පට්ටපල් බොරුවකි.  මේ වාර්තාවේ පාඩුව පිළිබද සංඛ්‍යා ලේඛන වැරදි ය.‘‘

5.       මේ සමග අමුණා ඇති වගුවට අදාළ උදාහරණයක් මෙසේය.  රජයට රු. බිලියන 10 ක පාඩුවක් සිදුව ඇති බව මෙයින් දැක්වේ.   එයින් ලාභය ලැබී ඇත්තේ කාට ද?   61% ක් සේවක අර්ථසාධක අරමුදලට ය.  ජාතික ඉතිරිකිරීමේ බැංකුව, ලංකා බැංකුවට 16% ක ආසන්න පංගුවකි. රජයට පාඩු කොට ඒ ලාභය ලැබී ඇත්තේ රාජ්‍ය ආයතනය  කිහිපයකට ය. එමගින් රජයට ශුද්ධ පාඩුවක් සිදුව නැත.   පුද්ගලික අංශයට මෙම ගණුදෙනුවෙන් ගොස් ඇත්තේ 4% ක කොටසක් පමණී.  (දැන් සිදුව ඇත්තේ රජයට පාඩු කොට, රාජ්‍ය ආයතන විසින්ම ආපසු ලාභයක් ලෙස ලාච්චුවට දා ගත් සංඛ්‍යාත්මක අගයක් ගැන) දේශපාලනික කෝණයන් දෙකකින් කථා කිරීම ය.  එමගින් මහ බැංකුව, ජනතාවගේ මුදල් සැබවින්ම කොල්ල කෑ පිරිස පිළිබද අවධානය ඉවත් කිරීමය.    

6.       ජනාධිපති කොමිෂන් වාර්තාව සේම, වෛහාරික වාර්තාවේ කොටස් ද ජනතාව නොමග යැවීම සදහාම මේ වන විට පාවිච්චි වෙමින් තිබේ. 

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

බැදුම්කර මගඩිය ගැන වැඩිපුරම කථා කළ, වැඩිම තොරතුරු සහ ලේඛන ජනතාව වෙත ලබාදුන් පුරවැසියෙකු ලෙස වගකීමක් ලෙස සලකා පමණක් ලියා තබමි. 

19වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් කළ කුමන්ත්‍රණයක්. එය තවමත් නීතියක් වී නෑ…! නීතිඥවරයෙක්ගෙන් ජනාධිපතිට ඉල්ලීමක්…..,

January 24th, 2020

නීතිඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන

2015 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කළ 19වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත නීතියක් බවට පත්වීමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය සම්පූර්ණ වී තිබේද? අද ප්‍රබල සමාජ කතිකාවකි. ආචාර්ය වරැණ චනද්‍රකීර්ති සහ හර්ෂ කුමාර සූරියාඅරච්චි ඒ සම්බන්ධව වැදගත් නීති තර්ක ගෙනවිත් 19වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය මේ දක්වා නීතියක් බවට පත්වී නැති බවට ශක්තිමත් නීති තර්ක ගෙනවිත් ඇත. 19වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් කළ කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් බවත් එය තවමත් නීතියක් වී නැති අතර එය සනාථ කිරීම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණ 3ක් සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් පරිවර්තන ජනාධිපතිවරයාගෙන් ඉල්ලා සීටිමෙන් කළ හැකි බව කර්තෘගේ අදහස වන අතර ඒ සදහා ගෙන ඇති පියවර මේ ලිපියෙන් සාකච්ඡා කරනු ලැබේ.

යම් කිසි පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් නීතියක් බවට පත් වීමේ අවසන් අවශ්‍යතාවය ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ  80 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ දැක්වේ.

එය මෙසේ ය.

[80. (1) පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් සම්මත කරන ලද පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් මත කථානායකවරයාගේ සහතිකය ඔහුගේ අත්සන ඇතිව සටහන් කරනු ලැබූ විට මේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (2) වැනි අනු ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ විධිවිධානවලට යටත්ව එය නීතිය බවට පත් වන්නේ ය.

(2) යම්කිසි පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් හෝ යම්කිසි පනත් කෙටුම්පතක යම්කිසි විධිවිධානයක් හෝ ජනමත විචාරණයක් මගින් ජනතාවගේ අනුමතය සඳහා ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට අපේක්ෂා කරන බව අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලය විසින් සහතික කර ඇත්තා වූ අවස්ථාවක හෝ, යම්කිසි පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් හෝ යම්කිසි පනත් කෙටුම්පතක යම්කිසි විධිවිධානයක් හෝ ජනමත විචාරණයක දී ජනතාව විසින් අනුමත කිරීම අවශ්‍ය බව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය විසින් තීරණය කර ඇත්තා වූ අවස්ථාවක හෝ යම්කිසි පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් 85 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (2) වැනි අනුව්‍යවස්ථාව යටතේ ජනමත විචාරණයක් මගින් ජනතාව වෙත ඉදිරිපත් කරන අවස්ථාවක, ඒ පනත් කෙටුම්පත හෝ ඒ විධිවිධානය ජනතාව විසින් ජනමත විචාරණයක දී 85 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (3) වැනි අනුව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුකූලව අනුමත කර ඇති බව ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් සහතික කරනු ලැබූ විට පමණක් ඒ පනත් කෙටුම්පත හෝ ඒ පනත් කෙටුම්පතෙහි එකී විධිවිධානය හෝ නීතිය බවට පත් වන්නේ ය. එසේ අනුමත කරනු ලැබූ සෑම පනත් කෙටුම්පතක ම මෙහි පහත දැක්වෙන ආකෘතියෙහි වූ සහතිකයක්, ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් ස්වකීය අත්සන ඇතිව සටහන් කළ යුත්තේ ය:-

මේ පනත් කෙටුම්පත/විධිවිධානය ජනමත විචාරණයක දී (ජනතාව විසින් යථා පරිදි අනුමත කරන ලද බව මෙයින් සහතික කරමි.)

එවැනි සහතිකයක් ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් පනත් කෙටුම්පතක සටහන් කිරීම

(අ) ඒ පනත් කෙටුම්පත ජනතාව විසින් අනුමත කරන ලද ජනමත විචාරණයේ වලංගුභාවය අභියෝග කරන කිසි පෙත්සමක් ඉදිරිපත් කරනු නොලැබූ අවස්ථාවක, එවැනි ජනමත විචාරණයක වලංගුභාවය අභියෝග කරන පෙත්සමක් ඊට අදාළ නීතිය යටතේ ඉදිරිපත් කළ හැක්කේ යම් කාල සීමාවක් ඇතුළත ද ඒ කාල සීමාව ඉකුත් වීමෙන් පසුව ද ,

(ආ) ඒ පනත් කෙටුම්පත ජනතාව විසින් අනුමත කරන ලද්දේ යම් ජනමත විචාරණයක දී ද ඒ ජනමත විචාරණයේ වලංගුභාවය අභියෝග කරන පෙත්සමක් ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලැබූ අවස්ථාවක, ඒ ජනමත විචාරණය වලංගු බවට ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය විසින් තීරණය කරනු ලැබීමෙන් පසුව ද,

මිස, නොකළ යුත්තේ ය.

ඒ සෑම සහතිකයක් ම අවසානාත්මක හා තීරණාත්මක වන්නේ ය. ඒ සහතිකය පිළිබඳව කවර වූ හෝ අධිකරණයක දී ප්‍රශ්න නොකළ යුත්තේ ය.

(3) අවස්ථාචෝචිත පරිදී ජනාධිපතිවරයා ගේ හෝ කථානායකවරයාගේ සහතිකය පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් මත සටහන් කරනු ලැබූ පසු එම පනත් කෙටුම්පත නීතිය බවට පත් වන අවස්ථාවක ඒ පනතෙහි වලංගුභාවය පිළිබඳව පරීක්ෂා කිරීම, ඒ පිළිබඳව මතයක් ප්‍රකාශ කිරීම හෝ කවර වූ හෝ ආකාරයකින් ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම කිසිම අධිකරණයක් හෝ විනිශ්චය අධිකාරයක් හෝ විසින් නොකළ යුත්තේ ය. ]

එමෙන්ම 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත් දෙකක් එනම් වර්ෂ 2002දී සහ 2015 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇති අතර එකී පනත් කෙටුම්පත් 2කම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ දී ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථානුකූලත්වය අභියෝගයට ලක්කර ඇති අතර එකී තීරණ 2කම පාර්ලිමේන්තු හැන්සාර්ඩ් වාර්තාවේ ඇත.

වර්ෂ 2002 දී සහ 2015 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කළ 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත් සම්බන්ධව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණ දෙකක් ලබා දී ඇත.

එමෙන්ම වර්ෂ 2018 නොවැම්බර් මස 09වැනි දින අංක 2096/70 දරන අතිවිශේෂ ගැසට් පත්‍රය මගින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවීමට අදාලව මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිවරයා නිකුත් කළ ගැසට් නිවේදනය අවලංගු කරමින් 2018.12.13 දින ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණය අනුව 2015 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කළ 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පතේ ජනමතවිචාරණයකින් සම්මත කළ යුතු සඳහා කථානායකවරයා විසින් අත්සන් තැබීම පමණක් සිදුකර ඇති බවත් එය මේ දක්වා ව්යෙඅවස්ථාව අනුව නීතියක් බවට පත්වී නැති බවත් පෙනී යයි. සිංහල ජනතාවට මේ සම්බන්ධව අවබෝධය ලැබීමට නම් එකී ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණ සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් ලබා ගත යුතුවේ. සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් මේ නඩු තීන්දු 3 ලබා ගැනීමට හැකියාව ලැබුණහොත් ජනතාවට සගවා අධිකරණයේ දී ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් සිදුකරන සියලු ක්‍රියාවන් ජනතාවට නිරාවරණය වේ.

එනම් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනවල දී ජනමතවිචාරණයකින් අනුමැතිය ලැබිය යුතු විධිවිධාන සඳහාද කථානායකවරයා 80.2 ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව නොව 80.1 ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව සහතික කර ඇති බව ජනතාවට දැනගත හැකි වන්නේ මෙම නඩු තීන්දු සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් ලබා ගත් විටය.

මෙය වහා නිවැරදි කළ යුත්තේ මේ ආකාරයට ජනතාවට නොතේරෙන භාෂාවෙන් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ ඒකීය බවට අදාල 2වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව මෙන්ම බුද්ධාගමට අදාල 9වැනි ව්‍යස්ථාවත් සංශෝධනය කිරීම 80.2 ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් නොව 80.1 ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව කථානායකවරයා විසින් සහතිකය යෙදීමේ පූර්වාදර්ශයක් ඇති විය හැකි හෙයිනි.

ඒ අනුව පසුගියදා ජනාධිපතිවරයා වෙත ඉල්ලීමක් කරමින්

  1. 2002 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කළ 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පතට අදාල ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණය,
  • 2015 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කළ 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත කෙටුම්පතට අදාල ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණය,
  • 2018 නොවැම්බර් මස 09වැනි දින අංක 2096/70 දරන අතිවිශේෂ ගැසට් පත්‍රය මගින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවීමට අදාලව මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිවරයා නිකුත් කළ ගැසට් නිවේදනය අවලංගු කරමින් 2018.12.13 දින ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය ලබා දුන් තීරණය ජනාධිපතිවරයා වෙතින් සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් ඉල්ලා ඇත.

මෙම ඉල්ලීමේ පිටපත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ මහ ලේකම්, රාජ්‍ය භාෂා කොමිෂන් සභාව සහ නීතිපති වෙතද යොමු කර ඇත. (එකී ලිපිය මෙහි පහත දක්වා ඇත.)

මෙම නඩු තීන්දු 3 සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් කියවීමට ජනතාවට අවස්ථාව ලදහොත් ජනමතවිචාරණයකින් සම්මත කළ යුතු බවට 2002 දී ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය තීරණය කර ඇති පාර්ලිමේන්තුය විසරවීමට අදාල ප්‍රතිපාදන සදහා 2015 ඉදිරිපත් කළ 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත කෙටුම්පතට මේ දක්වා ජනතාවගේ අනුමැතිය ලබාගෙන නැති බවත්, එයට 80.1 ව්‍යවස්ථාව යටතේ කථානායක සහතිකය යෙදීම වැරදි බවත් එයට සහතිකය යෙදිය යුත්තේ 80.2 ව්‍යවස්ථාව යටතේ බවත් මැනවින් පැහැදිලි වේ.

එනම් 19වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් කළ කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් බවත්, එය තවමත් නීතියක් වී නැති බවත් ජනතාවට අවබෝධවනු ඇති අතර මේ ව්‍යවස්ථා කුමන්ත්‍රණය කළ තැනැත්තන් අවසානයේ ජනතාවට නිරාවරණය වනු ඇත.

මේ දක්වා 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 80.2 ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව නීතියක් වී නැති හෙයින් පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් ඉවත් කිරීමට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ 2/3ක් මන්ත්‍රී සංඛ්‍යාවක් අවශ්‍යය යන්න කිසිම පදනමක් නැති අදහසකි.

නීතිඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන

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US official delivers Trump’s threatening message to Sri Lankan president

January 24th, 2020
By K. Ratnayake Courtesy World Socialist Web Site
20 January 2020

US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Alice G. Wells delivered a letter from President Donald Trump to President Gotabhaya Rajapakse during a one-day trip to Sri Lanka last Wednesday. The letter, according to the media, emphasised the White House’s commitment and interest in furthering and deepening [its] partnership” with the island nation.

Wells held discussions with President Rajapakse and his brother, Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse, as well as Foreign Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, Tamil National Alliance chiefs R. Sambandan and M. A. Sumanthiran, and civil society” leaders. Wells was accompanied by Liza Curtis, the Senior Director for South and Central Asia on the US National Security Council and Aliana Teplitz, the US ambassador to Colombo.

Significantly, Wells’ trip—part of a nine-day South Asia tour—followed Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s two-day visit to Sri Lanka, which began last Monday. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov was also in Colombo on Wednesday.

Gotabhaya Rajapakse (AP Photo)

These high-level visits underscore the increasing rivalry over influence in the Indian Ocean region, primarily between the US and India, Washington’s key ally in South Asia, on one hand, and China and Russia, on the other. Strategically-located, Sri Lanka straddles important Indian Ocean sea lanes. In its attempts to maintain world hegemony, the US is deepening its military buildup and trade war measures against China.

Washington’s concerns over Sri Lanka have deepened with Rajapaske’s election as president and his appointment of his brother, a former president, as prime minister. The US considers both men to be pro-China.

While the US previously backed Mahinda Rajapakse’s anti-democratic government and its brutal war against the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Washington was hostile to Colombo’s close relations with China. In late 2014, Washington initiated a regime-change operation to remove Mahinda Rajapakse, who was ousted in the January 2015 elections and replaced by Maithripala Sirisena as a pro-US president.

Wells told the media that she discussed with Gotabhaya Rajapakse a wider and safer Indo-Pacific region [and] other issues of mutual interest.” The US wanted to strengthen ties by expanding cooperation on economy and trade, counter-terrorism, security, military-to-military engagements, transitional justice and human rights.” These are code-words to justify the increasing build-up of US military forces across the region.

According to media reports, Wells reiterated Washington’s opposition to Beijing’s influence in Sri Lanka. She voiced concerns about Chinese investments and denounced the Hambantota Port agreement as unsuccessful and an injustice to the Sri Lankan people.” In 2018, Sirisena’s government signed over Hambantota Port to a Chinese company in a 99-year lease as part of a deal to phase-out massive loans from Chinese banks for the facility’s construction.

Wells’ message from Trump was clear. Washington will not tolerate any weakening of the military and political relations it built-up over four years under Sirisena.

Wells praised increasing US-Sri Lanka military cooperation and hailed last year’s 18-ship US visit and the ever-closer integration of the Sri Lankan military into the US Pacific Command.

Washington is pushing for a renewal of the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) it secured with Sri Lanka in 1995, but with new provisions. The new clauses would permit American military bases and provide free access and immunity for all US forces operating in Sri Lanka. The Trump administration also wants Colombo to sign the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) agreement, a US foreign policy aid deal.

During the recent presidential elections, Rajapakse’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna criticised the MCC and SOFA in an attempt to capitalise on popular anti-imperialist sentiment. But once Rajapakse took office, he established a special body to assess the MCC’s merits and demerits.”

Wells thanked Rajapakse for setting up this review committee but asked for an early response to its findings. She said any concerns” about the SOFA could be discussed after the Sri Lankan parliamentary elections, due to be held in about four months.

The US, Wells warned, is Sri Lanka’s largest export market and this was a partnership beneficial to both the countries.” She told the media that she discussed Colombo’s commitment to the UN Human Rights Council, the return of land seized during the war with the LTTE, the provision of information to relatives of missing individuals, and concerns by Tamils and other minorities and opposition parties over accountability.

This is a thinly-veiled threat that numerous issues can be exploited to force Sri Lanka to toe the US line. The Obama administration cynically used human rights violations by Mahinda Rajapakse’s regime to pressure Colombo to distance itself from Beijing.

A day earlier, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang had met with the Sri Lankan president, telling him that Beijing’s attitude toward Sri Lanka had always been consistent and that China would continue to be a reliable” friend.

As Sri Lanka’s strategic partner, China will continue to stand by Sri Lanka’s interests,” Wang declared. We will not allow any outside influences to interfere with matters that are essentially internal concerns of Sri Lanka.” Wang did not name the outside influences,” but clearly was referring to the US and India, which are seeking to scuttle Colombo’s relations with China.

The Sri Lankan government, which faces massive debt repayments and a deepening economic crisis, is seeking international financial assistance, particularly from China.

President Rajapakse, who is due to visit China early next month, responded to Wang’s remarks by declaring that he was an admirer of President Xi Jinping” and followed his speeches and statements closely.”

Wang indicated that China would offer financial help, including the phasing-out of debt repayments, and meet with necessary parties that can help Sri Lanka in the areas of technology, tourism, infrastructure and other related fields.”

Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov met with Gunawardena, his counterpart, and voiced his readiness to strengthen relations with Sri Lanka. Lavrov said Russia would provide the Sri Lankan forces with all the weapons they need for security” and wanted to boost annual bilateral trade—currently $US400 million—to $700 million.

Russia, which also faces aggressive US military encirclement, last year held joint military exercises with China and Iran. The three countries are targets in Washington’s over-arching military strategy to dominate the oil-rich Middle East and Eurasia.

Amid these developments, India is engaged in strenuous efforts to keep Sri Lanka under its strategic dominance. Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar visited Sri Lanka three days after Rajapakse’s election, and Rajapakse then visited New Delhi to meet with Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Last week, Foreign Minister Gunawardena visited India to meet his counterpart and a business delegation. In early February, Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse is scheduled to visit India at Modi’s invitation.

Gotabhaya Rajapakse, who has rapidly elevated key military figures into his administration, demagogically claims that he will maintain a neutral foreign policy.” But under conditions of intensifying great power rivalry, the whole Indian sub-continent is being sucked into a geopolitical maelstrom and the danger of a catastrophic war between the nuclear-armed US and China.

Allahabad HC upholds ban on loudspeakers in mosques

January 24th, 2020

Courtesy: Outlook India

23 JANUARY 2020

Prayagraj, Jan 23 (IANS) The Allahabad High Court has refused to quash an administrative order that banned the use of loudspeakers for ”azaan” at two mosques in Baddopur and Shahganj villages of Jaunpur district in Uttara Pradesh.

The court in its order on Wednesday stated that no religion advocates the use of loudspeakers for worship.

“No religion prescribes that prayers are required to be performed through voice amplifiers or by beating of drums… If there is such a practice, it should not adversely affect rights of the others, including that of not being disturbed,” said the division bench of Justice Pankaj Mittal and Justice V.C. Dixit.

The court dismissed the petition filed by one Masroor Ahmad and a fellow resident of Jaunpur.

The court cited a similar 2000 Supreme Court judgment — Church of God (Full Gospel) vs KKR Majestic Colony Welfare Association — where the apex court said that freedom to practice religion was subject to public order, morality and health.

The division bench also dismissed the petitioners” argument that using loudspeakers to call people to join in the ”namaaz” at specific times was an essential part of their religion.

“The fundamental right to religious freedom under Article 25(1) of the Constitution is not absolute. It is subject to Article 19(1)(a) (freedom of speech and expression), and thus both of them have to be read together,” the court pointed out.

The petitioners had submitted an application in March last year, seeking permission to use loudspeakers.

The circle officer of Shahganj had also said in his report submitted to the court that the areas in which these two mosques were located had a mixed population of Hindus and Muslims and allowing the use of amplifiers could lead to a law and order problem.


Courtesy: Outlook India

ගොඩහේවා ප‍්‍රකට සමාගමකට දුන් තනි වචනය හෙලි වෙයි..

January 24th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකාසීනිවුස්

ජනවාරි මස 22 දා පැවති කැළණිය විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ කළමණාකරන පීඨයේ 106වන උපාධි ප්‍රදාන උත්සවයට ප්‍රධාන ආරාධිතයා ලෙස සහභාගී වූයේ ආචාර්ය නාලක ගොඩහේවා මහතායි.

වරලත් ඉංජිනේරුවෙකු, වරලත් ගනකාධිකාරවරයෙකු හා වරලත් අලවිරුවෙකු යන අංශ තුනකම වෘත්තීය සුදුසුකම් ඇති ආචා රය නලක ගොඩහේවා ව්‍යාපාර කළමණාකරනය පිළිබඳ පශ්චාත් උපාධියත් , ආර්ථික විද්‍යාව පිලිබඳ ආචාර් ය උපාධියත් සපුරා ඇති දුලබ ගනයේ විද්වතෙකි.

පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ මෙන්ම රාජ්‍ය අංශයේ ආයතන ගනනාවක ප්‍රධානියා ලෙස සාර්ථ්ක ප්‍රතිපල පෙන්වා ඇති ආචාර්ය නාලක ගොඩහේවා උපාධිදාරී සිසුන් අමතා කල පහත දැක්වෙන දේශණය රැකියා වෙළඳපොලට පිවිසෙන තරුණ තරුණියන්ට ඉතා ප්‍රායෝගික අවවාද ‍මාලාවකින් සමන්විත වූවක්.

සියල්ලටම පෙර මම ඔබට සුබ පතනවා ඔබේ උපාධිය සාර්ථකව අවසන් කිරීම පිළිබඳව. ඔබ මේ ජයගෙන ඇත්තේ ජීවිතයේ ඉතා වටිනා කඩ ඉමක්.

ඔබව මේ තත්වයට ගෙන එන්නට ඔබේ දෙමව්පියන් විශාල කැපකිරීම කරන්නට ඇති. අද ඔවුන් ඔබ මේ ලබා ගත් ජයග්‍රගහණය ගැන බෙහෙවින් සතුටු වෙනවා . ඒ වගේම ඔබේ සහෝදර, සහෝදරියන් , නෑදෑ හිතමිතුරන් අද ඔබ සමඟ සතුට බෙදා ගන්නවා. ඔබේ ගුරුවරුන් ඔබ ගැන ආඩම්බර වෙනවා. සමාජය ඔබට සුබ පතනවා.

ඔබේ ජීවන ගමන මේ පටන් ගත්තා විතරයි. සමහර විට ඔබ මෙතෙක් ආ ගමන මෙන් 3 ගුණයක්වත් දිගු ගමනක් ඔබ ඉදිරියේ තිබෙනවා. මෙතැන් පටන් ඔබේ අරමුණු වෙනස් වෙනවා. ඔබේ අභියෝග වෙනස් වෙනවා. ඒ අභියෝග ජයගෙන, අරමුණ කරා යන්නේ කෙලෙසද කියා දැන් ඔබ සැලසුම් කල යුතුයි.

ජීවත් වීම සඳහා සෑම කෙනෙකුටම ආදායමක් අවශ්‍ය වෙනවා. ඔබ මෙතැන් පටන් ඔබේම ආදායම උපයා ගත යුතුයි. තව දුරටත් මව්පියන්ගෙන්, නෑදෑ හිතමිතුරන්ගෙන් හෝ රජයේ ආධාර වලින් යැපීම නතර කල යුතුයි. ඔබ වැඩිදුර අධ්‍යාපනයට යොමුවුනත් එය තමුන්ගේම කියා ආදායමක් උපයන ගමන් කරනවානම් තමා වඩා හොඳ.

යමෙකුට සමාජයට බරක් නොවී සාධාරණව ආදායම් උපයන්නට ක්‍රම කිහිපයක්ම තිබෙනවා. මා හිතනවා ඔබ ඒ ගැන දැනුවත් විය යුතුයි කියා. එය නොදන්නා කම නිසා තමයි සමහර උපාධිදාරීන් උපාධිය සම්පූර්ණ කොට වසර ගනනාවකට පසුත් රැකියා විරහිත උපාධිදාරීන් කියා ලේබලයක් තමුන්ම ගසාගෙන අනුන්ගේ පිහිට පතන්නේ.

ඔබ මෙතෙක් ලබා ගත් අධ්‍යාපන සුදුසුකම් හා ඔබේ කුසලතා හා පෞරෂය පදනම්ව ඔබට සමහරවිට රැකියාවක් සොයාගත හැකියි. රැකියාවකට ඉල්ලුම්පත්‍රයක් දමනා විට , සම්මුක පරීක්ෂණයකට මුහුන දෙන විට ඔබ ඔබව කෙතරම් දක්ෂ ලෙස ඉදිරිපත් කරගන්නවාද යන්න මත තමයි ඔබ කොතරම් ඉක්මනින් හා පහසුවෙන් රැකියාවක් ලබා ගන්නවාද යන්න තීරණය වන්නේ. එකම සුදුසු කම තිබුනත් උපාධිදාරින්ගෙන් කොටසකට රැකියා ලැබෙන්නටත් අන් අයට නොලැබෙන්නටත් හේතුව බොහෝ විට තමුන්ගේම තිබෙනා අඩු පාඩු නිසායි. ඒ ගැන සමාජයට හෝ රජයට දොස් කිමෙන් පලක් නැහැ. ඔබ කල යුත්තේ ඒ අඩුපාඩු මොනවාද කියා වටහාගෙන ඒවා නිවැරදි කර ගැනීමයි.

වර්ථමාන ගෝලීය ආර්ථිකය තුල තවත් කෙනෙකු යටතේ රැකියාවක් කරනවාට වඩා ස්වයං රැකියාවක් කිරීමේ අවස්ථාවක් තිබෙනා බවත් ඔබ මතක තබා ගත යුතුයි. එය සමහර විට ඔබේ කුසලතාවක් පදනම් කරගෙන කරන ස්වයං රැකියාවක් වන්නට පුලුවන්. සමහර විට එය ඔබ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලය තුල හෝ එයින් පරි බාහිරව ඉගනගත් දෙයක් මත පදනම්ව කරනා ස්වය්ං රැකියාවක් වන්නට පුලුවන්. සමහර විට වෙළඳ පොල තිබෙන විවිධ ආදායම් ඉපයීමේ අවස්ථා හඳුනාගෙන ඔබ විසින් ආරම්ඹ කරනා ස්වයං රැකියාවක් විය හැකියි. උදාහරනයක් ලෙස අද අන්තර්ජාලය හරහා විවිධ සේවා සපයමින් හොඳ ආදායමක් උපයන විශාල පිරිසක් රට තුල සිටිනවා. එය රැකියාවක් කොට මුල් කාලයේ ලැබිය හැකි ආදායමට වඩා බොහෝ ඉහල ආදායමක් විය හැකියි. ඒ වගේම වෘත්තීය දැනුම හා පුහුණුව ස්වයං රැකියාවක් හරහා ජීවිතය ගොඩ නංවා ගැනීමට මාර්ගයක් වෙන නිසා උපාධියෙන් ලද දැනුමට අමතරව යම් ක්ෂේත්‍රයක වෘත්තීය දැනුම ලබා ගන්නටත් ඔබට යොමු විය හැකියි.

කාර්මිකයන් කලාකරුවන්, මාධ්‍ය වේදීන්, පුද්ගලික පංති ගුරුවරුන්, තාක්ෂණික උපදේශකයන්, නීතිවේදීන්, ගෘහ නිර්මාන ශිල්පීන්, රූප ලාවණ්‍ය උපදේශකයින්, රක්ෂණ නියෝජිතයන් වැනි ස්වයංරැකියා අවස්ථා දහස් ගනනක් මේ රටේ තිබෙනවා.

ආදායම් ඉපයීමට මීලඟ අවස්ථාව වන්නේ තමුන්ගේම කියා ව්‍යාපාරයක් ආරම්බ කිරීමයි. අනුන්ගෙන් රැකියා ඉල්ලනවා වෙනුවට අනුන්ටත් රැකියා ලබා දෙන්නට එවිට පුලුවන්. ව්‍යාපාරිකයෙක් වීම ඉතා ගෞරවාන්විත වෘත්තියක්. මන්ද ව්‍යාපාරිකයා රටේ සංවර්ධනයට ඍජුවම දායක වන, ජනතාවට, රැකියා අවස්ථා උත්පාදනය කරන තැනැත්තෙක් නිසායි. වර්ථමානයේ රටේ ආර්ථිකයෙන් 50% කට පමන දායක වන්නේත්, රටේ රැකියාවලින් 70% පමන සපයන්නේත් ව්‍යාපාරිකයනුයි. ඔබට වෙළඳපොල තිබෙනා ව්‍යාපාරික අවස්තාවන් හඳුනාගන්නට පුලුවන්නම් පොඩියට හෝ ව්‍යාපාරයක් ආරම්බ කිරීමත් සලකා බලන්නට පුලුවන්. අද ඔබ රැකියාවකට ගියත් අත්දැකීම් ලබාගෙන, ආයෝජනය සඳහා යම් මුදලක් එකතු කරගත්තාට පසු අනාගතයේ දවසක හෝ තමන්ගේම කියා ව්‍යාපාරයක් ආරම්බ කරන්න කියා මම යෝජනා කරනවා.

අපේ රටේ ජනතාවගෙන් ව්‍යාපරිකයන් සිටින්නේ ඉතා සුලු ප්‍රතිශතයක්. එයට හේතුව අපේ අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමය තුල මෙන්ම සමාජය තුල ව්‍යවසායකත්වයට නිසි ගෞරවය ලබා දී නැති නිසායි. රාජ්‍ය ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් ලෙස දේශිය ව්‍යාපාරිකයන් ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට, ව්‍යවසායකත්වය දිරිමත් කිරීමටත් වත්මන් රජය බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා.

මා මේ කී ක්‍රම 3 පලවෙනි එකේ ඔබ අනුන් වෙන්වෙන් වැඩකරනවා, දෙවන්නේදී ඔබ ඔබ වෙනුවෙන් වැඩ කරනවා, තුන් වැන්නේදී, ඔබ අනුන්ගෙන් වැඩ ගන්නවා.

ආදායම් ඉපයීමට සිව් වන ක්‍රමයකුත් තිබෙනවා. ඔබ වෙනුවට වැඩ කරන්නට මුදල් යෙද වීම. එයට අප කියන්නේ ආයෝජනය කියායි.

උදාහරනයක් වශයෙන් කොටස් වෙලඳපොලේ සුලු මුදලක් ආයෝජනය කොට ප්‍රතිලාබයක් ගැනීම මෙම ක්‍රම වේදයට අයත් වෙනවා. කොටස් වෙළඳ පොල පමනක් නොවෙයි යමෙකුට මුදල් වලින් මුදල් හොයන්නට තිබෙන ක්‍රමවේදය. ඔබ සොයා බැලුවොත් තවත් ආයෝජන අවස්ථා රාශියක් හමු වේවි.

මම මේ ආදායම් උපයන ක්‍රම ගැන සඳහන් කලේ ඔබත් ඔබේ දෙමව්පියනුත් බොහෝදෙනක් මේ අවස්ථාවේ රැකියාවක් ගැන සිතමින් යම් ආකාරයකට බියට පත් වී සිටිනවා විය හැකි නිසායි. එසේ බිය වීමට අවශ්‍ය තාවක් නැහැ.

ඔබ සමහර විට අසා ඇති මට ඉංජිනේරු විද්‍යාව, ගණකාධිකරණය, අළවිකරනය යන වෘත්තීය සුදුසුකම් තුම තිබෙනා අතර ව්‍යාපාර කලමණාකරණය පිලිබඳා පශ්චාත් උපාධියකුත් ආර්ථික විද්‍යාව පිළිබඳ ආචාර්‍ය උපාධියකුත් තිබෙනවා. මම පෞදග්ලික අංශයේත් රාජ්‍ය අංශයේත්, ක්ෂේත්‍ර ගනනාවක, ආයතන ගනනාවක ඉහලම තනතුරු දරා ප්‍රතිපල පෙන්වූ පුද්ගලයෙක්.

නමුත් මීට වසර 30 කට පමන පෙර මමත් ඔබ වගේ නවක උපාධිදාරියෙක්. ඔබට වගේම මටත් අනාගතය ගැන පැහැදිලි අවභෝධයක් තිබුනේ නැහැ. නමුත් මා සතුව තිබුන එක් ගුණාංගයක් නිසා තමයි මට මෙතෙක් මගේ ගමන සාර්ථකව එන්නට පුල්වන් වුනේ. ඒ කුමක්ද කියා කියන්නට මම මගේ ජීවිතයේ පොඩි අත්දැකීමක් කියන්නම්.

මම මුලින්ම රැකියාව ලබා ගත්තේ බහුජාතික සමාගමක් වන යුනිලීවර් ආයතනයේ පුහුණු කලමනාකරුවෙක් වශයෙන්. ඒ කාලයේ එම ආයතනයට සුදුසුකම් ලබන්නට ඉතා අමාරුයි. මම එයට අයැදුම් කොට සම්මුක පරීක්ෂණ කිහිපයකට මුහුණ දී අවසාන සම්මුක පරීක්ෂනයට ගිය විට ආයතනයේ සභාපතිවරයා මගෙන් අපූරු ප්‍රශ්නයක් ඇහුවා. ඔහු එය ඇසුවේ ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන්


ඔබට ඔබේ චරිතය එක වචනයකින් විස්තර කරන්න පුලුවන්ද කියා

මම දුන්න උත්තරය CONFIDENT කියායි. එහි සිංහල තේරුම ඔබ දන්නව.

ඒ කියන්නේ ‘ආත්ම විශ්වාසය’ ඇති කියායි.

අයදුම් කරුවන් දහසකට අධික ප්‍රමානයකින් ඔවුන් මාව එදා තොරා ගත්තා. එදා පටන්මේ දක්වා මගේ ගමන එන්නට උපකාර වුනේ කිසි දෙයකට බැහැ නොකියන ආත්ම විශ්වාසයයි

ඒ නිසා මම ඔබටත් අද දෙන්නේ එකම එක අවවාදයයි. ඔබ ඔබ ගැන විශ්වාසය තබන්න, ආත්ම විශ්වාසය කියන්නේ එයයි.

නොපසුබට උත්සාහය තිබෙනවා නම් ජීවිතය ජය ගන්නට ඕනෑම අයෙකුට පුලුවන්. අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ ආත්ම විස්වාසය හා තැනට ඔබින තීරණ ගැනීමට හැකි කාලෝචිත ප්‍රඥ්ඥාව පමනයි.

– midia unit

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – විනිසුරු ගිහාන් පිලපිටිය අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්නවාට දැඩි විරෝධය.. විමල් නීතිපතිව පට්ටා පතුරු ගහයි.. [Video]

January 24th, 2020

lanka C news

මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරු ගිහාන් පිලපිටිය අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට නියෝගයක් නිකුත් කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් නීතිපති දප්පුල ලිවේරා මහතා ඉලක්ක කරමින් ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණේ නායක ඇමැති විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා දැඩි විරෝධය එල්ල කරයි.

නීතිපති දප්පුල ද ලිවේරා මහතා විසින් එම තීන්දුව ගත්තේ කුමන පදනමක් මත දැයි ඇමතිවරයා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී ප්‍රශ්න කළේය.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී ඔහු කියා සිටියේ ඊට වඩා බරපතල චෝදනා එල්ල වන විනිසුරුවන් කිහිපදෙනෙකු සම්බන්ධයෙන්ම රන්ජන් රාමනායක මන්ත්‍රීවරයා ගේ හඬ පටවලින් හෙලිව ඇති බවයි.

සැබැවින්ම මෙම ප්‍රශ්නයේ දී පැමිණිලිකරු වී ඇත්තේ ගිහාන් පිලපිටිය විනිසරු බවත් දැන් ඔහු විත්තිකරුවෙක් කර ඇති බවත් ඔහු කියා සිටියේය.

රන්ජන් රාමනායක මන්ත්‍රීවරයා විසින් කරණ ලද බලපෑම් සම්බන්ධයෙන් මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරුවරයා විසින් පැමිණිලි කර ඇති තත්ත්වයක් යටතේ කුමන පදනමකින් ඔහු අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්නැයි නියෝග කළේ දැයි මං ඇමැතිවරයා ප්‍රශ්න කළේය.

යහපාලනය විසින් විනාශ කරන ලද අධිකරණ පද්ධතිය රැක ගැනීමේ වගකීමක් ආණ්ඩුවට ඇති නිසා තමන් මෙම ප‍්‍රකාශය සිදු කරන බවද ඔහු තියා සිටියේය.

Sri Lanka’s former ruling party likely to split for parliamentary polls

January 24th, 2020

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

UNP chooses Sajith as Presidential candidate unanimously and unconditionally

Colombo, Jan.24 – Sri Lanka’s former ruling United National Front (UNF) is on the verge of splitting up for the upcoming parliamentary elections which will be held in the country in April, with minority alliance members likely to contest under their own symbols due to the ongoing leadership battle between UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa.

Already, alliance partners such as the Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA) has said that it will hold a meeting next Monday to discuss contesting under its own symbol, outside the UNF, in all 22 electoral districts in coalition with ‘like minded progressive and patriotic parties’ at the upcoming general elections, the Daily Mirror reported.

The TPA consists of the Democratic People’s Front, National Union of Workers and the Upcountry People’s Front.

The Daily Mirror said that other alliance partners such as the All Ceylon Muslim Congress (ACMC) led by Rishard Bathiudeen, Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) led by Rauff Hakeem and Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) led by Champika Ranawaka have already expressed their dissatisfaction at the UNP’s internal battle and informed Sajith Premadasa that in the event Ranil Wickremesinghe refuses to step down from the leadership, they would contest as a separate alliance under Premadasa.

A senior UNP MP said that Wickremesinghe was unlikely to step down from the leadership post ‘anytime soon’ and talks are currently underway by the Sajith faction to contest the general election under a separate alliance.

SLMC Leader Rauff Hakeem said that his party had informed Sajith Premadasa that it would contest under one banner only if Sajith Premadasa leads a separate alliance in the event Wickremesinghe does not step down.

It is also learnt that the ACMC is looking at ‘several options’ before making its final decision.

Democratic People’s Front (DPF) Leader Mano Ganesan said the TPA was discussing going all alone in the upcoming elections while there were suggestions that the party should align with the TNA as well.

The main reason for us to consider these alternatives is the infighting within the UNP, the main coalition partner in UNF. We want a strong UNP, hence a strong UNF, but it looks as if some sections of the UNP are working in the interest of the government in a deal,” Ganesan said.

We do not interfere in the UNP leadership crisis, but we being a partner in the UNF, we cannot ignore it. There needs to be a reform in the UNP. There is a strong need for that. Sajith Premadasa and Karu Jayasuriya shall play lead roles to put the house in order along with Mr. Wickremesinghe. Let them decide who their leader is. But when such things are not happening we cannot just waste time but to look for alternate strategies,” Ganesan added.

Earlier this week, UNP MP Akila Viraj Kariyawasam said that a final decision over the leadership crisis was likely to be taken by Friday but several UNP MPs are of the view that it was unlikely a decision would be taken.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – Wimal questions Judge Pilapitiya’s arrest

January 24th, 2020

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Minister Wimal Weerawansa today blamed the Attorney General for wrongly requesting that Judge Gihan Pilapitiya be arrested.

Speaking during the condolence vote on the late MP Ranjith Soysa, Mr Weerawansa questioned why the AG has wanted Mr Pilapitiya arrested when he had refused to do what MP Ranjan Ramanayake had wanted him to do.

Mr Pilapitiya has complained against MP Ramanayke to the Judicial Service Commission and the police. How is it that the person who lodged a complaint was arrested,” he asked.

MP Wijedasa Rajapakshe also asked a similar question and called far an explanation of this act which was far from being fair.

He said the important fact is to determine as to who instructed MP Ramanayke to influence the judges. Mr Ramanayke is only a puppet and it is important to find out as to who is controlling him,” the MP said. (Yohan Perera and Ajith Siriwardana)

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – Speaker confirms no phone recordings were submitted by Ranjan

January 24th, 2020

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya today confirmed that UNP MP Ranjan Ramanayake had not handed over any CDs containing his phone conversations to Parliament.

Responding to a question raised by Government MP Nimal Lansa in Parliament, the Speaker said MP Ramanayake had handed over the CDs to the Secretary General of Parliament but had later reversed his decision. 

මාවනැල්ල බුදු පිළිම කැඩීමේ සිද්ධිය ගැන CIDය නිසි පරිදි ක්‍රියාත්මක නොවූ බව ජනපති කොමිසමේදී අනාවරණ වෙයි

January 24th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

මාවනැල්ල බුදු පිළිම කැඩීමේ සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් විමර්ශන සිදු කිරීමේදී අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව නිසි පරිදි ක්‍රියාත්මක නොවූ බව පාස්කු ප්‍රහාරය පිළිබඳ සොයන ජනාධිපති විමර්ශන කොමිෂන් සභාව හමුවේ අද අනාවරණ වුණා.

ඒ එම කොමිසම හමුවේ එවක කෑගල්ල ප්‍රදේශය භාරව කටයුතු කළ සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරී ජගත් ගාමිණී තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා සාක්ෂි ලබාදුන් අවස්ථාවේදී.

පාස්කු ප්‍රහාරය පිළිබඳ සොයන ජනාධිපති කොමිෂන් සභාව ඊයේ අවසන් වරට ප්‍රශ්න කළේ, කෑගල්ල ප්‍රදේශය භාරව සිටි සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරී ජගත් ගාමිණී තෙන්නකෝන් මහතාගෙන්.

එහිදී නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව වෙනුවෙන් පෙනීසිටි රජයේ අධිනීතිඥ සුහර්ශි හේරත් මහත්මියගේ ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම් හමුවේ සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරීවරයා අනාවරණ කළේල මාවනැල්ල බුදුපිළිම කැඩීමේ සිද්ධීන් දෙක සම්බන්ධයෙන් අධිකරණයට බී වාර්තාවක් ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබුණ ද සැකකරුවන් නම්කර නොසිටි බවයි.

බුදුපිළිම කැඩීමේ සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් තමන් 2018 දෙසැම්බර් මස 26 වැනිදා පොලිස්පති පූජිත් ජයසුන්දර මහතා දැනුවත් කළ බවද සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරීවරයා ජනාධිපති කොමිසම හමුවේ හෙලිකළා.

ඔහු වැඩිදුරටත් පැවසුවේ පොලිස්පතිවරයා 2018-12-29 වැනි දින තමාට දුරකථනයෙන් අමතා එවක බස්නාහිර හිටපු ආණ්ඩුකාර අසාද් සාලි මහතාට කතා කරන ලෙසත්ල ඔහු සැකකරුවන් පිළිබඳ යම් තොරතුරක් ලබා දෙනු ඇති බවත් සඳහන් කළ බවයි.

පොලිස්පතිවරයා පැවසූ අන්දමට තමා අසාද් සාලි මහතාට දුරකථනයෙන් අමතා පොලිස්පතිවරයාගේ පණිවුඩය දැනුම්දුන් බව සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරීවරයා පැවසුවා.

එහිදී තම්සීන් නමැති මව්ලවිවරයෙක් හරහා සැකකරුවන් දෙදෙනෙකු ගෙනැවිත් භාරදීමට කටයුතු කරන බවට අසාද් සාලි මහතා පැවසූ බව සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරී තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා සඳහන් කළා.

අසාද් සාලි මහතා සඳහන් කළ ආකාරයට මව්ලවිවරයා හරහා සැකකරුවන් භාරදුන්නේදැයි කෙමිසම ප්‍රශ්න කළා.

සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරීවරයා පැවසුවේ සැකකරුවන් භාර නොදුන් බවයි.

එදිනම තමන් අසාද් සාලි මහතාට යලිත් දුරකථන ඇමතුමක් ලබාදී සැකකරුවන් භාර නොදුන් බව දැන් වූ බවත්, එහිදී අසාද් සාලි මහතා එම ඇමතුමට තුන්වන පාර්ශ්වයක් සම්බන්ධ කරගත් බවට, සැක සිතූ බැවින් තමා එම ඇමතුම විසන්ධි කළ බවත් ඔහු වැඩි දුරටත් සඳහන් කළා.

කොමිසම අද යලි රැස්වූ අවස්ථාවේදීද සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරී ජගත් ගාමිණී තෙන්නකෝන් මහතාගෙන් සාක්ෂි විමසීම සිදුකෙරුණා.

එහිදී අනාවරණ වුණේල මාවනැල්, බුදුපිළිම කැඩීමේ සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් සැකකරුවන් 13 දෙනෙකු අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට කෑගල්ල සහ මාවනැල්ල පොලිස් ස්ථාන සමත්ව තිබූ බවයි.

>අනතුරුව එහි විමර්ශන කටයුතු අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව යටතට භාර දුන් නමුත් විමර්ශන සඳහා පැමිණ සිටියේ නිලධාරීන් තුන් දෙනෙකු හෝ හතර දෙනෙකුගෙන් සමන්විත කුඩා කණ්ඩායමක් බව සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරීවරයා සඳහන් කළා.

විමර්ශන අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට භාරදුන් බවට තමා දැනුවත්ව නොසිටි බවද සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරීවරයා අනාවරණ කළා.

තවද සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරීවරයා කොමිසම හමුවේ අනාවරණ කළේ පොලිස් නිලධාරීන් විසින් අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් සැකකරුවන් 13 දෙනාට අමතරව පාස්කු ප්‍රහාරය සිදුවන තෙක්ම කිසිඳු සැකකරුවෙකු හෝ අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව අසමත් වූ බවයි.

අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව අත්අඩංගුවට ගත්තේ වනාතවිල්ලුව පුපුරණ ද්‍රව්‍ය සිද්ධියට සම්බන්ධ සැකකරුවන් දෙදෙනෙකු පමණක් බවත් ඉන් සැකකරුවන් දෙදෙනෙකු ද පාස්කු ප්‍රහාරයට පෙර නිදහස් කළ බවත් සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරීවරයා පැවසුවා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – ජොන්ස්ටන්ගේ නඩුව ගැන රංජන්ගේ චෝදනාවක් පැමිණිලිකාර පාර්ශ්වයේ සාක්ෂිකාරියක් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරයි

January 24th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

තමන් මුදල් ලබාගෙන අමාත්‍ය ජොන්ස්ටන් ප්‍රනාන්දු මහතාට එරෙහිව විභාග වූ ලංකා සතොස නඩුවේදී තීන්දුවට බලපෑම් කළ බවට පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රංජන් රාමනායක මහතා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී සිදුකළ ප්‍රකාශය ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරන බව එම නඩුවේ පැමිණිලිකාර පාර්ශ්වයේ සාක්ෂිකාරියක වූ ඈන් රොෂානි මහත්මිය පවසනවා.

ඇය මේ බව සඳහන් කළේ කුරුණෑගල අද පැවති ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවකදී.

2013 වසරේ පැවති වයඹ පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණ සමයේදී කුරුණෑගල ලංකා සතොස අලෙවිසල් තුනකින් රුපියල් මිලියන 5කට අධික භාණ්ඩ මිලදීගෙන මුදල් නොගෙවීමේ චෝදනාවට 2015 මැයි 5වැනි දින එවකට පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙකු වූ ජොන්ස්ටන් ප්‍රනාන්දු මහතා පොලිස් මූල්‍ය අපරාධ කොට්ඨාසය මගින් අත්අඩංගුවට ගත්තා.

අනතුරුව රක්ෂිත බන්ධනාගාර ගතකර සිටි මන්ත්‍රීවරයා පසුව මැයි මස 28 වැනි දින ඇප මත මුදාහැරුණා.

මෙම නඩුව 2018 සැප්තැම්බර් 3 වැනිදා සිට කුරුණෑගල මහාධිකරණයේදී අඛණ්ඩව විභාග කළ අතර, එම වසරේ ඔක්තෝබර් 17 දින මන්ත්‍රීවරයා නිදොස්කොට නිදහස් කිරීමට මහාධිකරණය පියවර ගත්තා.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රංජන් රාමනායක මෙම නඩුව සම්බන්ධයෙන්ද පසුගිය 21 වැනිදා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී අදහසක් පළ කළා.

අදාළ චෝදනාව එල්ලවූ කුරුණෑගල – යන්තම්පලාව – ලංකා සතොස අලෙවිසැලේ වෙළෙඳ සේවිකා ඈන් රොෂානි මහත්මිය අද සිය නිවසේදී ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවක් පවත්වමින් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රංජන් රාමනායකගේ අ දහස් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – සිංහලේ සංවිධානය සිරිකොතට

January 24th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රංජන් රාමනායකගේ පක්ෂ සාමාජිකත්වය අත්හිටවූ බවට එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය දිගින් දිගටම බොරු ප්‍රචාර ගෙනයමින් සිටින බව සිංහලේ ජාතික සංවිධානයේ ජාතික සංවිධායක ප්‍රදීප් සංජීව මහතා පවසනවා.

අද පෙරවරුවේ සිරිකොත පක්ෂ මූලස්ථානය වෙත පැමිණීමෙන් අනතුරුව මාධ්‍ය වෙත අදහස් දක්වමින් ඔහු මේ බව සදහන් කළා.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රංජන් රාමනායකගේ පක්ෂ සාමාජිකත්වය අත්හිටු වීම සම්බන්ධ ලේඛන ඇත්නම් ඒවා ලබාදෙන ලෙස ඉල්ලා සිංහලේ ජාතික සංවිධානය අද එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ සිරිකොත පක්ෂ මූලස්ථානය වෙත පැමිණියා.

එහිදී එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ මහලේකම් අකිල විරාජ් කාරියවසම් මහතාගේ සම්බන්ධීකරණ ලේකම්වරයෙකු හා ප්‍රදීප් සංජීව මහතා අතර මෙලෙස සංවාදයක් සිදුව තිබෙනවා.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රංජන් රාමනායක සහ හිරුණිකා ප්‍රේමචන්ද්‍රගේ පදනම් විරහිත ප්‍රකාශ සම්බන්ධයෙන් අදත් විවිධ පාර්ශ්ව අදහස් පළ කළා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – රංජන්ගේ ආන්දෝලනාත්මක හඬපට ගැන විවිධ අදහස්

January 24th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

රංජන් රාමනායක මන්ත්‍රීවරයාගේ ආන්දෝලනාත්මක හඬපට සම්බන්ධයෙන් අදත් විවිධ පාර්ශ්ව අදහස් පළ කළා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – නීතිඥවරුන්ගෙන්, නීතිපතිට දින දෙකක්

January 24th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

රන්ජන් රාමනායක වැනි පුද්ගලයින් නිසා හානි සිදුවූ අධිකරණ පද්ධතිය රැකගැනීමේ වගකීම රජය සතු බව අමාත්‍ය විමල් වීරවංශ අද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී ප්‍රකාශ කළා.

මේ අතර, කතානායක කරූ ජයසූරිය අද සභාවට දැනුම් දුන්නේ තමන් සතු හඬපට සභාගත කරන බවට පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රන්ජන් රාමනායක පසුගියදා පැවසුවද මෙතෙක් කිසිදු හඬ පටයක් ඔහු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ලබාදී නොමැති බවයි.

රන්ජන් රාමනායකගේ ආන්දෝලනාත්මක හඬපට සම්බන්ධයෙන් රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය නිමල් ලන්සා යොමුකළ ප්‍රශ්නයකට පිළිතුරු ලබාදෙමින් කතානායකවරයා මේ බව සභාවට දැනුම් දුන්නා.

මේ අතර, වරෙන්තුවක් ලබාගෙන විනිසුරු ගිහාන් පිලපිටිය අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්නා ලෙස නීතිපතිවරයා පොලිසියට උපදෙස් ලබාදීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් අමාත්‍ය විමල් වීරවංශ සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂ අද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී අදහස් පළ කළා.

මේ අතර, නීතිපතිවරයා, විනිසුරු ගිහාන් පිලපිටිය අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට ලබාදුන් උපදෙසට විරෝධය පළ කරමින් කොළඹ නීති සංගමයද අද අලූත්කඩේ ප්‍රධාන මහේස්ත්‍රාත් අධිකරණය ඉදිරිපිට නිහඬ විරෝධතාවක නිරත වුණා.

එම අවස්ථාවට එක්වෙමින් අදහස් දැක්වූ නීතිඥ ගුණරත්න වන්නිනායක කියා සිටියේ නීතිපතිවරයාගේ එම තීරණය ඉවත් කර ගැනීමට දින දෙකක කාලයක් ලබා දෙන බවයි.

19ට තමනුත් විරුද්ධ බව හිටපු ජනපති මෛත්‍රීපාල කියයි

January 24th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය ගෙන ඒමට විශාල මෙහෙයක් දැරූ තමන් ද, අද වනවිට ඊට විරුද්ධ වන බව හිටපු ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන පවසනවා.

ඔහු මේ බව කියා සිටියේ පොළොන්නරුව – දියබෙදුම ප්‍රදේශයේ අද (24) පැවති උත්සවයකට එක්වෙමින්.

දේශපාලන පළිගැනීම් ගැන සෙවීමට පත් කළ ජනපති කොමිසමට තවත් කාර්යභාරයක්

January 24th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

පසුගිය ආණ්ඩු සමයේ රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන්ට සිදුව ඇති දේශපාලන පළිගැනීම් පිළිබඳව සොයාබැලීමට පත් කළ ජනාධිපති පරීක්ෂණ කොමිසන් සභාව මගින් අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව සම්බන්ධයෙන්ද විමර්ශනය කළ යුතු බවට දන්වමින් ගැසට් නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කර තිබෙනවා.


ඒ ජනාධිපති ලේකම්වරයා විසින්. මීට පෙර එම පරීක්ෂණ  කොමිසම පත් කිරීමේදී රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන්ට අල්ලස් හෝ දූෂණ කොමිසන් සභාව, ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොලීසිය, මුල්‍ය අපරාධ කොට්ඨාසය සහ පොලිස් විශේෂ විමර්ශන ඒකකය යන ආයතන හරහා අගතියක් සිදුව ඇත්දැයි සොයා බැලීමට නියම කර තිබුණා.

අදාළ ගැසට් නිවේදනයේ සඳහන් වන්නේ අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව මගින් ද රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන්ට යම් අගතියක් වී ඇත්නම් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන්ද මෙම කොමිසම් සභාව හරහා සොයා බලන ලෙසයි.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – අධිකරණයට අපහාස කළ චෝදනාවකට නීතිඥ අජිත් ප්‍රසන්න රිමාන්ඩ්

January 24th, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදී අධිකරණයට අපහාස කළ බවට වන චෝදනාවකට අදාළව මව්බිම වෙනුවෙන් රණවිරුවෝ සංවිධානයේ කැඳවුම්කරු විශ්‍රාමික මේජර් නීතිඥ අජිත් ප්‍රසන්න ලබන 7 වනදා දක්වා රක්ෂිත බන්ධනාගාර ගත කර තිබෙනවා.

ඒ ඔහු අද කොළඹ මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරු ධම්මික ගනේපොල හමුවට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමෙන් අනතුරුවයි.

එහිදී අජිත් ප්‍රසන්නගේ මානසික වෛද්‍ය වාර්තාවක් කැඳවීමෙන් අනතුරුව චෝදනා ගොනුකිරීමට ද නියෝග කෙරුණා.<

අධිකරණ ක්‍රියාවලියක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදී සිදුකළ ප්‍රකාශයක් පිළිබඳව නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව අජිත් ප්‍රසන්නට එරෙහිව නඩු පවරා තිබූ අතර, ඊට අදාළ නොතීසි නිකුත් කිරීමෙන් අනතුරුව අද ඔහු අධිකරණය හමුවේ පෙනී සිටියා.

අලිපැටවෙකු ළඟ තබා ගැනීමේ සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් වැඩ තහනමට ලක්ව සිටින හිටපු මහේස්ත්‍රාත් තිළිණ ගමගේ සම්බන්ධ, නඩුව මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරු ගිහාන් කුලතුංග හමුවේ විභාග කිරීම පිළිබඳව අජිත් ප්‍රසන්න මාධ්‍ය සාකච්ඡාවකදී දැක්වූ අදහස් මගින් අධිකරණයට අපහාස කළ බවටයි මෙහිදී චෝදනා එල්ල වී ඇත්තේ.

ඊට අදාළව රජයේ නියෝජ්‍ය සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල් දිලීප පීරිස් විසින් කොළඹ මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරු විකුම් කළුආරච්චි හමුවේ පසුගියදා කරුණු වාර්තා කළා.  

ඒ අනුව, අදාළ සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් අධිකරණ සංවිධාන පනතේ 18 වගන්තිය යටතේ පියවර ගැනීමට කටයුතු කරන බවත්, වැරදි පිළිබඳව අනාවරණය වුවහොත් එම පනත ප්‍රකාරව අවුරුදු 5 දක්වා බරපතල වැඩ සහිතව හෝ රහිතව බන්ධනාගාර ගත කිරීමට සිදුවන බවත්, රජයේ අධිනීතිඥවරයා අද අධිකරණයට කරුණු වාර්තා කර තිබෙනවා.

තමාට කුමන චෝදනාවක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් අධිකරණය වෙත ඉදිරිපත් වීමට නොතීසි නිකුත් කළේ දැයි නොදන්නා බවත්, තමාට උපදෙස් ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා නීතිඥ සහය අවශ්‍ය වන බවත්, එහිදී මව්බිම වෙනුවෙන් රණවිරුවෝ සංවිධානයේ කැඳවුම්කරු අජිත් ප්‍රසන්න අධිකරණය හමුවේ ප්‍රකාශ කළා.

ඒ අනුව, තමාට මෙම නඩුව සඳහා සූදානම් වීමට කාලය ලබා දෙන ලෙස ද ඒ සඳහා තමාට ඇප ලබා දෙන ලෙස ද, මේජර් අජිත් ප්‍රසන්න අධිකරණයෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටි බවයි අප අධිකරණ වාර්තාකරු සඳහන් කළේ

කෙසේ වෙතත්, එහිදී ඔහුට ඇප ලබා නොදුන් අතර, ලබන 7 වනදා දක්වා රක්ෂිත බන්ධනාගාර ගත කිරීමට නියෝග කෙරුණා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – රන්ජන්ගේ හඩ පට ඉරාජ්ට ලැබුණු විදිය- iraj Weerarathne

January 24th, 2020

Hari Creations

Intractability of the Tamil problem

January 23rd, 2020

Prof. N. A. de S. Amaratunga

To understand the nature of the Tamil problem and why it remains apparently unresolved one must examine its history and origin. It has its origin in Tamil separatism which dates back to 1930s. Tamil separatism is a Tamil construct. When independence for Ceylon was being considered by the British Raj as it was uneconomical to maintain their empire, the Tamil leaders petitioned the British Government requesting a separate state for the Tamils. A case had been prepared for this claim well in advance. Mudaliyar C. Rasanayagam in his book titled Ancient Jaffna” (1926) attempts to show that an independent kingdom existed in Jaffna before it was conquered by the Portuguese in 1619. This is a distortion of facts. Mudliyar Rasanayagam’s views on Tamil habitation in Sri Lanka have been proved to be baseless and less than a scholarly discourse of the matter by Prof.K.N.O.Dharmadasa (2007).  Prof.Indrapala Karthigesu’s research work had shown that there is no evidence of Tamil habitation in Sri Lanka before the 10th Century CE. If there were Tamil kings in Jaffna there should be inscriptions in Tamil but not a single has been found. On the contrary the earliest inscription found in Jaffna could be attributed to a Sinhala king, Parakramabahu II who ruled Jaffna from Polonnaruwa. 

The so called Tamil Kingdom was a creation of successive  invaders from South India and also Thailand and was for most of its existence a part of the Pandyan Empire in South India. This historical event was not any different from such other events in Sri Lanka caused by foreign invasions from South India and Europe. The so called Tamil Kingdom for long periods was part of a South Indian Dynasty. But so was the entire island of Sri Lanka when it was under British rule and considered part of the British Empire and perhaps also similarly part of Portuguese and Dutch Empires and also South Indian dynasties at different times in its history. Thus the so called Tamil Kingdom was only a result of foreign invasion and not a creation of ancient Tamil inhabitants. The so called Tamil Kingdom therefore does not qualify as a Kingdom of Tamils.

There had been thousands of such happenings in the history of the world but they do not lead to the the creation of a separate state or a nation.  There is no evidence of an ancient civilization built by ancient Tamils living in the North or anywhere else in the country. The kovils built by invaders cannot be considered as features of a civilization. Tamils have not built, nurtured and protected a civilization in Sri Lanka.  On the other hand there is evidence that Sinhalese built a civilization covering the entire Island including the North and the East. Unless a group of people occupying an area of land build, nurture and protect a civilization on that land they are not entitled to that land. This fact is of paramount importance when considering a solution to the so called Tamil problem.

In this context it is important to see how this issue is being pursued at present. Former Chief Minister Vigneshwaran has called for the creation of a Federal State for the Tamils and to substantiate his claim had made reference to the ancient Tamil Kingdom and he has said Mahawamsa is fiction.. TNA leader R Sampanthan speaking in the Parliament on the 8th January 2020 has drawn attention to the hitherto unresolved Tamil man’s problem (The Island, 10.01.2020). He has said 85% of Tamils have voted against Gotabaya Rajapakse which he says is an indication that their problem has not been addressed and that the Tamils have at every election repeatedly voiced the need for a solution to their problem. Since most of the economic, social, political and cultural needs of the Tamil community, in the Sri Lankan context, have been sorted out one wonders what other grievances could be bothering the Tamils. However, when one reads Sampanthan’s speech  one would understand that his problem is the nature of the state of Sri Lanka as defined  in the present constitution. What he wants obviously is to replace the word unitary” (Chapter 1 Clause 2) with the words united, undivided and indivisible”.  For in his speech he says Identity and security of the Tamil people needs to be addressed within the framework of a united, undivided and indivisible Sri Lanka”. He has pointedly avoided the word unitary” in his speech. United, undivided and indivisible” are the words that appear in the draft constitution presented to the parliament by the previous government. TNA leadership is believed to have played a big role in its drafting. These words place the single sovereignty concept in jeopardy.

The definition of the nature of the state is one of the more, if not the most, important clauses in a country’s constitution. The wording of the clause is of crucial importance for it will decide whether we are a single sovereign or of multiple sovereigns or whether there is freedom to secede or federate. The English word unitary” is not equivocal in this regard and so is the Sinhala word ekeeya”. On the other hand the word united” (eksath” in Sinhala”) could have a different connotation, it could mean several units have come together to form a whole eg. United States, United Kingdom which is not the case of Sri Lanka which had remained unitary in its long history. When ever its unitary state was disrupted due to internal strife or external invasion great kings had risen up to restore its sovereignty as one nation. Recently too in 2009 separatists were similarly defeated. Sinhala Buddhists have sacrificed their lives to preserve the country in its unitary state from very early times  and they will continue to do so when ever the need arises. For instance just before the presidential election Tamil parties proclaimed their demands which in effect was a recipe for federalism. In response Sinhala Buddhist consciousness came to the fore.  Sampanthan must understand the meaning of the phenomenon that more than 70% of Sinhala Buddhists voted to save the unitary state of the country to counter the 85% of his people’s votes caste against that sentiment. Thousands of people living abroad answered the nation’s call in its hour of need.

Sampanthan makes reference to statements ascribed to Mahinda Rajapakse to show that the latter was in agreement with the position taken up by the Tamil parties, India and the International Community. On the contrary what Rajapakse had said was that there could be maximum devolution without sacrificing the sovereignty”. In other words there has to be only one sovereign nation. This is not possible unless  the word unitary” is used to describe the nature of the state which denotes that sovereignty is reposed in a single elected institution. The attempt to manipulate the wording that defines the state is a dubious scheme to erode into the sovereignty of the nation.

What the Tamil leaders are interested in seems to be federalism, perhaps in different guise, based on ethnicity. Ethnic federalism or any other arrangement based on ethnicity that jeopardizes the unitary state or the single sovereign concept has not worked in countries where it has been tried. Failure is due to several reasons. Though the system is supposed to promote ethnic harmony it is found that very often the consciousness of ethnic identities hardens resulting in disharmony and conflict (Lovise Aaden 2009). Further the population distribution could be so complex that drawing boundaries on ethnic lines are difficult and often results in creating minorities within the demarcated area leading to further conflict (Mawdoni 2019). This is most likely to happen in Sri Lanka. In ethnic federal states everything is likely to be transformed into ethnic issues (Anderson, 2013). For example the appointment of officials in the police, the judiciary and other services would develop into ethnic issues. Moreover, ethnic federalism instead of promoting unity in diversity may encourage secession (Bergman 2011). Federation based on ethnicity has failed in several countries among which are; Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, East-African Federation, Ethiopia-Eritrea, Malaya-Singapore (Anderson 2013).

TNA must realize that when  85% of Tamils vote for  federalism  70% of Sinhalese will counter that. This divide is a Tamil construct originating from their separatism which as mentioned dates back to the time before independence.

This situation will not change as long as the Tamil leadership stick to their guns and relentlessly pursue a separatist agenda. Their thirteen demands put forward just before the election was a revelation of their intent. If they persist with their deceptive methods to achieve their end Sinhala consciousness also will harden and communal harmony would be a distant dream. If the Tamil leadership is genuine in wanting to work with the new president what they should do is not give their people unrealistic promises that are unfair by other communities but help him to develop their areas and improve their living standards. They must also give up their parochial politics and work for the whole country like the president. 

Prof. N. A. de S. Amaratunga


January 23rd, 2020

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

It is time we revived and strengthened the movement to restore and reinstate our legitimate national flag, the ancient Sinha kodiya” (lion flag). The authentic National flag of the island consists of a yellow coloured lion representing the Sinhala ethnicity the mainstream community of the nation, holding a ‘kastane’ sword which is the national sword of the island in the past, on a dark red background, with four golden coloured ‘bo’ leaves symbolizing the four sublime states in Buddhism or ‘brahma-vihara’- Metta (loving-kindness), Karuna (compassion), Muditha (sympathetic joy) and Upekkha (equanimity).  

As the nation’s authentic traditional national flag, this popularly known Sinha-kodiya” was hoisted prominently at the historic occasion of the signing of the Udarata Givisuma (Kandyan Convention) in 1815, and also at the occasion of the formal granting of political independence to the country in 1948.

During the British rule of the country, the traditional lion flag was replaced by the Union Jack. The nation’s traditional lion flag that was hoisted at the Udarata Givisuma in 1815, was taken away to England by the British. In the early 20th century, this flag was recovered from the Royal Hospital at Chelsea where it had been stored. It was brought back to Ceylon in 1948 and was used at the ceremony granting political independence to the country, and was adopted as the country’s national flag.   

It was in 1953 on the initiative of the then UNP government headed by D.S. Senanayake, that action was taken to modify this authentic traditional lion flag, with the addition of green and orange colour bands to represent the minority communities. This basically was a politically motivated move which virtually destroyed the authenticity of this ancient national insignia. More changes were effected to the flag in 1972, further corrupting and shattering the wholeness and aesthetic value of this dignified and meaningful traditional ‘Sinha kodiya’. The addition of bands to represent minorities was redundant given the fact that all those who subscribe to the idea of a single nation, are necessarily represented in the traditional national flag. History of our country reveals vividly that a spirit of tolerance and accommodation of others irrespective of religious or other differences has been a common distinguishing characteristic of the people of this country from very early times.

According to the Mahavamsa, the national flag of the country, during the reign of Vijaya, the first king of the island was one with a prominent symbol of a lion. This was 2500 years ago in the 5th century BCE. Since that time, the lion symbol has played a significant role in the history of the country. It was used extensively by the kings that followed Vijaya. It is noteworthy that the flag used by King Dutugemunu (166 to 137 BCE) or more than 2000 years ago, and by subsequent rulers of the country,  prominently depicted the symbol of a lion carrying a sword. The most distinguishing feature in the national flag, emblems and other insignia of the country from historic times, has been the figure of the lion or ‘sinhaya’. This symbol signifies the national character of this island nation. A gold or yellow coloured symbol of a lion prominently depicted on a dark red background with yellow borders and four symbols of the Bo leaf at the four corners characterized the national flag. Green and orange colours were never used either in the national flag nor in any of the national or regional emblems and other insignia of the country.   

From ancient times, or for more than 2200 years, the identity and character of this island nation, have been based on Buddhist norms and principles. Iinspiration for all aspects of the island’s development – economic, cultural, social and spiritual was drawn from these Buddhist principles and values. Buddhist values essentially include non-violence, peaceful coexistence, compassion, tolerance, virtuous and simple lifestyle.   From ancient times, with the single exclusion of the European colonial period, the inspiration for all aspects of the island’s development- economic, cultural, social and spiritual was drawn from these social values.

It is time we discard the distorted and corrupt version of our rightful historic national flag. The green and orange colour bands should be removed from the flag so that the idea of a single unitary nation is reflected in the national flag. The changes made to our authentic ‘Sinha Kodiya” in 1953, is a form of destruction of one of our nation’s unique historical symbols, or in other words, one of our nation’s significant visual cultural insignia. monuments. No patriotic national of this country should tolerate such vandalism in a country that values its ancient cultural wealth which has given the country its unique identity as a nation. We should not further delay the resurrection of our traditional national lion flag. It is the most significant of the nation’s insignia. It is an essential step towards preserving our nation’s cultural heritage. Such action is required to protect our national heritage in order to enhance our pride and dignity as a nation, and to build unity, self-energy among the people of Sri Lanka. It is a relevant step given the unequivocal national cultural revitalization taking place in the country since the emergence in recent times of a forward-looking, strong patriotic national leadership.    

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

Why secularism is good for Sri Lanka

January 23rd, 2020

By Rohana R. Wasala Courtesy The Island

Secularism and nationalism are two terms which are deliberately misdefined by internal and external destabilizing agents in various forms in the current political context in Sri Lanka for confusing and misleading the largely monolingual Sinhala or Tamil speaking electorate. Properly understood, secularism will be found to be quite compatible with the country’s accommodating religious background, which is predominantly Buddhist and Hindu. Similarly, these diabolical destabilizers and their mindless dupes attack the rising nationalism as something  reactionary that is not found in the West.

The purpose of such verbal misrepresentation is not far to seek: it is to suppress the emergence of a truly independent stable state where the majority and minority communities live together in peace and harmony as equal citizens while realizing their potential for achieving contentment and happiness in accordance with their different ethnic and cultural identities and worldviews, without having to experience any discrimination based on those differences. Such suppression seems to be the wish of the powers that be whose agendas prescribe a politically destabilized and economically disabled Sri Lanka. Here I will focus only on what secularism  means and why it need not cause any anxiety among Sri Lankans.

The word secularism is usually translated into Sinhala as ‘anaagamika’ (not concerned with religion, not having to do with religion), which is usually misunderstood by common people as meaning anti-religion, or rejective or dismissive of religious values. This, I think, is mainly because of the term’s novelty. Hypocritical anti-Sinhala Buddhist champions of sham reconciliation propagate this misconception. What the word actually means in the relevant (political) context does not involve a rejection of religious values or any hostility towards religion in the affairs of ordinary life. 

In terms of general dictionary definitions, secularism involves the rejection or exclusion of religion from social and political activities, or neutrality towards religion in these spheres, which is not a bad thing. But let’s go to the origins of secularism in the West. The idea of separation  between church and state” came to prominence in political discussion after its advent in a letter dated January 1, 1802, written by Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826), who was the principal author of the American Declaration of Independence of 1776 and the third president of the USA, among other things. It was addressed to the Danbury Baptist Association in Connecticut. The letter was later published in a Massachusetts newspaper. Jefferson was a steadfast advocate of democracy, republicanism, and individual rights and freedoms. He wrote thus in the above mentioned letter:

‘Believing with you that religion is a matter which lies solely between Man & his God, that he owes account to none other for his faith or his worship, that the legitimate powers of government reach actions only, & not opinions, I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people which declared that their legislature should “make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof,” thus building a wall of separation between Church & State….’

The phrase ‘separation of church and state’ is actually a rewording from the First Amendment (1791) to the US Constitution. However, the idea behind separation between Church and State” did not originate with Jefferson. The credit for that goes to an Englishman who preceded him by nearly one and a half centuries, Roger Williams (1603-1683). Williams was a Puritan minister, theologian and writer. (Puritans were English Protestants who sought to free the Church of England from Roman Catholic influence and its practices.) He was the 9th president of the Colony of Rhode Island and the founder of Providence Plantations on the east coast of America. Williams supported religious freedom, separation of church and state, and fairness in transactions with American Indians. He was a pioneer abolitionist, who organized events urging the abolition of slavery in the American colonies. Roger Williams was expelled by the Puritan leadership from the Massachusetts Bay Colony for propagating new and dangerous ideas”. In Thomas Jefferson’s language we hear echoes of this earlier revolutionary politician who, in 1644, wrote of the time

‘When they [the Church] have opened a gap in the hedge or wall of separation between the garden of the church and the wilderness of the world, God hath ever broke down the wall itself, removed the Candlestick, etc., and made His Garden a wilderness as it is this day. And that therefore if He will ever please to restore His garden and paradise again, it must of necessity be walled in peculiarly unto Himself from the world, and all that be saved out of the world are to be transplanted out of the wilderness of the World’.

The term ‘secularism’ itself was coined by British writer George Jacob Holyoake (1817-1906), an agnostic, to describe his idea of a social order that is separate from religion. Like his predecessors in his line of thought, Roger Williams and Thomas Jefferson, George Holyoake did not actively dismiss or criticise religious belief, though he did so as a private person. Jefferson didn’t go that far in his secularism, but he was unorthodox in his religious beliefs and rejected such doctrines as that Jesus was the promised Messiah or that he was the incarnate Son of God. All these secularists accepted the moral code of Christianity, while refusing to mix government with religion. So, Jefferson’s attitude was that the government should be indifferent to the Church: religion should not be persecuted, nor specially protected. 

Holyoake’s following argument was compatible with Jefferson’s enunciations:

 ‘Secularism is not an argument against Christianity, it is one independent of it. It does not question the pretensions of Christianity; it advances others. Secularism does not say there is no light or guidance elsewhere, but maintains that there is light and guidance in secular truth, whose conditions and sanctions exist independently, and act forever. Secular knowledge is manifestly that kind of knowledge which is founded in this life, which relates to the conduct of this life, conduces to the welfare of this life, and is capable of being tested by the experience of this life.’

Holyoake also described secularism in more positive terms (in his 1896 publication ‘English Secularism’):

‘Secularism is a code of duty pertaining to this life, founded on considerations purely human, and intended mainly for those who find theology indefinite or inadequate, unreliable or unbelievable. Its essential principles are three: (1) The improvement of this life by material means. (2) That science is the available Providence of man. (3) That it is good to do good. Whether there be other good or not, the good of the present life is good, and it is good to seek that good.’ 

Professor Barry Kosmin of the Institute for the Study of Secularism in Society and Culture divides modern secularism into two types as hard and soft: Hard secularism considers ‘religious propositions to be epistemologically illegitimate, warranted neither by reason nor experience’; according to soft secularism ‘the attainment of absolute truth was impossible, and therefore skepticism and tolerance should be the principle and overriding values in the discussion of science and religion’. According to the Wikipedia as of January 11, 2020 (which is the source I consulted in developing my  argument up to this point and which is also the source of all the extracts given above), contemporary ethical debate in the West is predominantly secular; the work of well known moral philosophers like Derek Parfit and Peter Singer, and the whole field of bioethics (that is, ethics of medical and biological research) are described as clearly secular or non-religious. 

It is a fallacy to believe that secular states in the West are indifferent or hostile to religion. Former British PM David Cameron (2010-2016) took pride in claiming that the British are a Christian nation; he described what his government had done to support the Church. His predecessor Tony Blair was fanatical about his Christian faith. The Americans flaunt their faith even in their currency notes.Evangelical Lutheran Christianity was the state religion of Norway until a constitutional amendment in 2012; even after that, though, the state of Norway continues financial support to the Lutheran Church of Norway where Lutheran Christians form 69.9% the population, with non-affiliates, Muslims and Catholics accounting for 17.4%, 3.3%, and 3% respectively, according to 2018 figures. Though these avowedly secular states are, for the most part, protected by the enlightened principle of a ‘wall of separation between church and state’, they can’t exist in denial of their traditional religious culture that decides the moral standards of the ordinary society. 

The constitutional makers of the Yahapalanaya were determined to make Sri Lanka a ‘secular’ state by denying Buddhism the prominence given by Article 9 of the current constitution. They and the anti-national forces they represented held that giving special recognition to Buddhism was prejudicial to other religions. It was apparently because of that they supported secularism. But it is a known fact that the country’s  Buddhist cultural background is the best guarantor of the rights of other religions. Some others of the same bandwagon who pose as friends of the Buddhists, seem to take the opposite course: they oppose secularism deliberately misrepresenting it as a rejection of religion. But Buddhists don’t have to worry about secularism, because it is compatible with the soundest moral principles that can be worked out – science based secular ethics, which they can have no problem with. While this is true, the Buddhasasanaya itself needs to be protected from the destructive activities of religious extremists of other persuasions.

 This is why President Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, while opening the new session of parliament on January 3, 2020, was able to state confidently: (NB: He doesn’t say ‘the majority community’)

We must always respect the aspirations of the majority of the people. It is then that (the) sovereignty of the people will be safeguarded. In accordance with our Constitution I pledge that, during my term of office, I will always defend the unitary status of our country and protect and nurture the Buddha Sasana whilst safeguarding the rights of all citizens to practice a religion of their choice”.

Ranjagate scandal: What will it be its future impact?

January 23rd, 2020

Janaka Perera

Following are my personal observations of the ‘Ranjangate’ scandal.  Many years of media experience has taught me not be carried away by political prejudices on controversial issues like this no matter the leader/party I vote for at an election (I’ve always been a floating voter).

Never before in history has a scandal of this magnitude occurred in Sri Lanka. Thanks to modern technology now the whole country has come to know many matters hitherto unknown or little known not only about certain politicians but also officials and some members of the judiciary.  Some speculations have been almost confirmed.

But does the phone conversations so far exposed reveal the entire truth and the full background story?

Over 50 years ago the issues that dominated Sri Lanka’s political scene were mainly ideological – whether country would prosper via capitalism or socialism. Corruption was not a major factor though it did prevail but to a lesser extent.  It seldom or never drew attention during election campaigns.

But Ranjan’s phone recordings have fully substantiated the views intelligent, unbiased citizens have been holding for a long time. Their concern is that today corruption, fraud, blatant falsehoods and abuse of the law have overshadowed ideological and other issues, thus paving the way for external forces and their local agents to meddle in our internal affairs. 

So far the only irrefutable facts are (1) Ranjan has not denied recording the phone conversations (whether he did so to blackmail people or to hound crooks – as he claims – is irrelevant here) (2) the UNP has not denied he did so and has suspended his party membership and (3) those who spoke to him and those whom he phoned have not denied the conversations.

However what is the guarantee that some of the recordings, especially politically-related ones, have not been edited or doctored?

And what about the recordings so far not publicized? Do they contain ‘dynamite’ some politicians whether of the ruling party or Opposition do not want exposed?

Our politicians have been always trading accusations but hardly any of them are paragons of virtue, especially in recent years. Many have skeletons in their cupboards. How many of them have clean hands – despite their glib talking?

They always try to present a black and white picture – pretend that the only wrongdoers are their rivals. Yet the same politicos when in power do not hesitate to make deals with their opponents when it suits them or defect from one camp to the other. They are notorious for contradicting their own statements after such defections.

This is the reason why to date the real culprits responsible for crimes ranging from like those which occurred at Batalanda Housing complex, the murders of Lasantha Wickramatunga, Wasim Thajudeen and Ekneligda to the Central Bank Bond scam have never been brought to book and unlikely they will ever be. This is also the reason why no effective steps have been taken to marginalize Tamil separatism and Islamic extremism so far – even after 2009.  All that matters to most of our politicians are votes and more votes.

Needless to say Ranjan and some of his parliamentary colleagues do not belong to the educated class of politicians we saw in the decades past. Obviously Ranjan has used unethical, indecent language and made unsubstantiated claims BUT he certainly has opened a can of worms the effects of which no doubt will have an adverse impact on many in responsible positions including sections of the media.  They may be trying to cover their nudity with a fig leaf and might even attempt to stop a full probe on the phone conversation recordings. 

Not all citizens are fools to believe that the crooks and shady characters are only those who have been exposed in the audio recordings that were publicized.

The exposure of Ranjan’s recordings is likely to turn a new chapter in our political history. I won’t rule out the possibility that this scandal will be reflected in the results of the next Parliamentary Election one way or the other.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – Chairman of HIRU Rayynor Silva challenges Ranjan and Hirunika not to hide behind parliament privileges and to make statements outside parliament if they can

January 23rd, 2020

Courtesy Hiru News

Hiding behind parliament privileges, MPs Ranjan and Hirunika made many baseless, false and absurd allegations including drug trafficking charges against HIRU Media Network and its chairman Rayynor Silva in parliament day before yesterday.

HIRU Media Network chairman, Mr.Rayynor Silva categorically and abhorrently refuted the unfounded statements made by Hirunika and Ranjan in Parliament.

Mr. Rayynor Silva also challenges Ranjan and Hirunika not to hide behind parliamentary privileges and become fake heroes but to have courage to make the same allegations outside parliament as no legal action can be taken against any defamatory and irresponsible statements of this nature when it is made in parliament due to parliamentary privileges.

However, he reiterates that if they have the backbone to make the same statements outside of parliament, and he will ensure stern legal action will be taken and also to be prepared to pay billions in damages.

Also letters of demand have been sent claiming 1 billion rupees each in compensation from the media channels who broadcast this irresponsible and fake statements of Hirunika and Ranjan.

Grammar Productions for BBC News – Who stole Burma’s Royal Ruby

January 23rd, 2020

Grammar Productions

When British soldiers conquered Burma in 1885, they gave the last king hours to pack. Many of his treasures – heirlooms from a millennium of monarchy- were seized and sent to Britain. But the most precious, an enormous ruby, disappeared. Who took it, and where is it now? Read the full story here –

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ උසම කන්ද පිදුරුතලාගල රක්ෂිතයෙන් අක්කර 300ක් ඇමතිවරයෙකුගේ හිතවතුන්ට බෙදා දීමේ සූදානමක්, කැබිනට් පත්‍රිකාවද සූදානම්.

January 23rd, 2020

පේශල පසන් කරුණාරත්න මාධ්‍ය සම්බන්ධීකාරක වැසිවනාන්තර සුරකින්නෝ සංවිධානය

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ උසම ස්ථානය වන පිදුරුතලාගල කඳු පන්තිය තරම් පාරිසරික ව වැදගත් කඳුකර වනාන්තරයක්  තවත් නොමැති තරම් ය. පිදුරුතලාගල කඳුකර වනාන්තර පරිසර පද්ධතිය මෙරට වසන ඒකදේශික සහ ස්ථානීය ආවේණික ජෛව ප්‍රජාවන් සිය ගණනක්, ඉතා කුඩා භූමි කලාපයක් තුළ උවද පවා දැකගත හැකි මට්ටක ඇති සුවිශේෂී සහ සංවේදී පරිසර ලක්ෂණ පිහිටි භූමියක් වේ. මෙම කඳුකර වනාන්තරය දවසේ බොහෝ කාලයන්හි මීදුමෙන් වෙලී අඳුරු ස්වභාවයකින් යුතු ඉතා මනරම් දර්ශනයක් ජනිත කරවන සංචාරක ආකර්ෂණය සහ පරිසර ලෝලීන්ගේ මන බැඳගත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ භූ විද්‍යාත්මක සහ පාරිසරික වශයෙන් අග්‍රස්ථානයේ වැජඹෙන සම්පතකි.

වර්ෂාව ජනිත කරවීමට දායකවන වර්ෂා නිර්මාපකයකු ලෙසත් ජලය ගබඩා කරගන්නා කඳුවැටියක් ලෙසත්, පසුව එම ජලය පහතට ක්‍රමයෙන් ගලායාමට සලස්වා ඇල දොල ගංගා විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් පෝෂණය කරන ජල පෝෂකයක් ලෙසත් මෙම කලාපය වැදගත්කමක් උසුලයි. කුරුඳු ඔය මින් පෝෂණය වන එක් ප්‍රධාන ගංගාවකි.

පිදුරුතලාගල රක්ෂිතය වන සංරක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව විසින් රක්ෂිතයක් ලෙස නම් කර ආරක්ෂා කිරීම සඳහා වන සුවිශේෂී අවශ්‍යතාවය හඳුනාගන්නේ මීට දශක කිහිපයකට පෙරයි. එසේම මෙම කලාපය කලක  අධි ආරක්ෂිත කලාපයක් ලෙසද පැවති අතර ආරක්ෂාවට සහ පරිසර ආරක්ෂණය වශයෙන් යන දිවි ආකාරයෙන්ම පිදුරුතලාගලට හිමිවන වැදගත්කම මිල කළ නොහැකිය.

කෙසේ නමුත් මධ්‍ය කඳුකරයේ ෆයිනස් වැව්වා සේම, පහතරට කලාපයේ යුකැලිප්ටස් වගා කළ සේම, ආර්ථික බෝග වගා මගින් බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයෙන් ‍ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මධ්‍ය කඳුකරයට කළ හානිය සේම, නොයෙක් අවස්ථාවලදී අපගේ දේශපාලනඥයින් විසින් මධ්‍ය කඳුකරයේ සහ තෙත් කලාපයේ වටිනා රක්ෂිත ප්‍රදේශ විවිධ ආකාරයේ නොසුදුසු ඉඩම් භාවිත කාර්යන්ට යොදා ගන්නා ලදී. ඒ අනුව පිදුරුතලාගල අක්කර කිහිපයක් දශක හතරකට පමණ පෙර පර්යේෂණ මට්ටමින් ඇපල් වගා කිරීම සඳහා ප්‍රදේශයේ ජනතාව අතර බෙදා දෙන ලදී. එසේ ප්‍රදේශයේ ජනතාව අතර ඇපල් වගා කිරීම සඳහා බෙදා දුන් වනාන්තර කට්ටිය පසුව ඇපල් ෆාම් ලෙස ප්‍රචලිත විය. කෙසේ නමුත් පසුකාලීනව එම පර්යේෂණ ඇපල් වගාව අතහැර දැමූ අතර අද වන විට කිසිදු ආකාරයක ඇපල් වගාවක් එහි සිදු නොවේ. එසේම එලෙස ඇපල් වගාව නැවතුනු වනසංරක්ෂණ ඉඩම් නැවත වන සංරක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට පවරා ගැනීම සඳහා අවශ්‍ය නෛතිකමය කාර්යයන් සිදු කෙරෙමින් පවතී.

ඉහත සඳහන් ඇපල් වැවීම සඳහා ලබාදුන් කැලෑ කුට්ටිය  මෙන් කිප ගුණයක ප්‍රදේශයක් පසුකාලීනව ප්‍රදේශවාසීන්ගේන් ඉඩම් මිලදීගත් ව්‍යාපාරිකයින් විසින් හෙළිකර මහා පරිමාණයෙන් එළවළු වගා කිරීම සඳහා යොදා ගන්නා ලද අතර ඊට එරෙහිව වන සංරක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව විසින් නඩුකරයන් පවරා ඇත.

තවද අනවසර විදුලි වැටවල් ඇද සතුන් මරා දැමීමත්, කැලය තුළ දඩයම් කිරීමත්, පිදුරුතලාගල වනය තුළ දැව හෙළීමත්, වැනි  නීති විරෝධී ක්‍රියාවන් විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් මෙකී පිදුරුතලාගල වන භූමිය තුල අනවසර ලෙස පදිංචි ව සිටින ව්‍යාපාරිකයෙක් විසින් සිදු කිරීම නිසා වන සංරක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව විසින් නඩු විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් පැවරීමට කටයුතු කර ඇත. තවද කුඩා දිය පහරක් සේ ආරම්භ වන කුරුඳු ගඟේ ජල පෝෂකය කෙලින්ම බට දමා එම ජලය සියල්ලම තම වගාවන්ට ලබා ගැනීම තුළින් කුරුඳු ගඟේ ජලය නොමැතිවීම නිසා වන සතුන් දැඩි පීඩාවට පත්ව ජලය සොයා යාම නිසා  දඩයක්කරුවන්ගේ ගොදුරු බවට පත්වේ. තවද බොන්චි වගාව වැනි යම් යම් වගාවන් සඳහා අවශ්‍ය වන කෝටු පිදුරුතලාගල රක්ෂිතයෙන් කැපීම නිසා වනාන්තරයේ මීළඟ පරම්පරාවේ ශාක ඝනත්වය සහ වනාන්තරයේ විවිධත්වය දැඩි ලෙස තර්ජනයකට ලක් කර ඇත. තවද මෙම වගාවන්ට යොදනු ලබන විශාල රසායනික ප්‍රමාණය හේතුකරගෙන අද වනවිට වලපනේ වැනි ප්‍රදේශවල ජනතාව පරිභෝජනය කරන ජලයේ බැර ලෝහ ඇතුළු රසායනික අපද්‍රව්‍ය සංඝටක බහුලව ඇති බවට සමීක්ෂණ වලින් පවා තහවුරු වී ඇත.

මෙම ව්‍යාපාරිකයින් ප්‍රදේශයේ දේශපාලනඥයෙකු හා  සම්බන්ධව අක්කර සිය ගණනක් තමන්ගේ පවුලේ ඥාති මිත්‍රාදීන්ගේ සහ යහළුවන්ගේ නම් වලට ලියාගෙන අනවසරෙන් භුක්ති විඳිමින් සිටී. මෙම ව්‍යාපාරිකයින් කාර් සේල්, හෝටල් සහ නොයෙක් ආකාරයේ විශාල ව්‍යාපාර කරන අයවලුන් වේ. එවකට ඇපල් වගා කිරීම සඳහා ලබාදී තිබුණේ බලපත්‍රයක් පමණක් වුවත් පසුකාලීනව එම බලපත්‍ර ලබා දුන් ප්‍රදේශවාසීන්ගෙන් ඉඩම් ලබා ගත් මෙම කූට ව්‍යාපාරිකයින් එලෙස සොච්චමකට ලබාගත් ඉඩම් අද වන විට සින්නක්කරව අයිති කරගැනීමට උපක්‍රම යොදමින් සිටී.

මෙම ව්‍යාපාරිකයින්ට එරෙහිව වන සංරක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව ඇතුළු ආයතන මේ වන විට නඩු කටයුතු සිදු කෙරෙමින් පවතින අතර,  එලෙස නඩු කටයුතු ක්‍රියාත්මක වන අවස්ථාවක ප්‍රදේශයේ එක්තරා අපකීර්තිමත් සහ පසුගිය මහජන ඡන්දයෙන් පරාජයට පත්වූ නමුත් හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයා ගේ අනුහසින් පසුපස දොරින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට රිංගා අද වන විට නැවත වතාවක් ඉහත කී ඉඩම් මංකොල්ලය සඳහා අවශ්‍ය වටපිටාව සකසා ගැනීමට කැබිනට් පත්‍රිකාවක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට සැරසෙන බව අපට වාර්තා වේ.

මෙහි අවාසනාවන්තම තත්වය නම්  වර්තමාන පරිසර අමාත්‍යවරයා හරහා කැබිනට් පත්‍රිකාවක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීම මගින් ඉහත කී පිදුරුතලාගල කන්දේ ඉඩම් අක්කර සිය ගණන තම අනුගාමිකයින් අතර බෙදා දීම සඳහා එකී දේශපාලනඥයා කටයුතු කරමින් සිටීමයි. අප වෙත වාර්තා වී ඇති තොරතුරු අනුව හෙට දිනයේ දී එකී කැබිනට් පත්‍රිකාව කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට සූදානමක් ඇත.

යම් හෙයකින් මෙම කැබිනට් පත්‍රිකාව අනුමත වුවො,ත් වනාන්තර සංරක්ෂණය සඳහා කැපවී සිටින වන සංරක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ දශක කිහිපයක ප්‍රතිඵලයන් ගඟට කැපූ ඉනි සේ අපතේ යන්නා සේම, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ උසම කන්දේ උසම ස්ථානයේ පිහිටි අගනා කඳුකර වනාන්තර පද්ධතියක් සහමුලින්ම විනාශ කිරීම සිදුවන්නේ ය. එපමනක් නොව දැනටමත් මෙම අනවසර වගාකරුවන් විසින් සිදු කරනු ලබන එලවළු වගා කිරීම් තුළින් සහ ඒවාට යොදන අධික කෘෂි රසායන ප්‍රමාණය නිසා ප්‍රදේශයෙන් ආරම්භ වන ජලය මූලාශ්‍ර සහ ඇලදොල දැඩි ලෙස රසායන මගින් අපවිත්‍ර වී ඇත. එකී ඇළ දොළවල සිටින ආවේණික මත්ස්‍යයින්, මැඩියන්, උරගයින්, ඔබය ජීවීන් සහ නොයෙක් පාංශු ජීවීන් දැඩිසේ විනාශ වීමේ තර්ජනයක් ඇතිවී ඇත. මෙසේ සිදු වන්නේ අනවසර වගාකරුවන් විසින් සිදුකරන වගාකටයුතු හේතුවෙන් වන අතර යම් හෙයකින් මෙය නීතිගත  කලහොත් අක්කර සිය ගණන  දහස් ගණනක් දක්වා වුවත් ව්‍යාප්ත වී මුළු පිදුරුතලාගල ම එළවළු කොටුවක් බවට පත්වීම වැළැක්වීමට කිසිදු ජගතෙකුට නොහැකි වනු ඇත.

පිදුරුතලාගල කන්ද ප්‍රදේශය ලංකාවේ අඩි පන්දාහට වැඩි ඉතා දැඩි උස් කඳු මුදුන් වන අතර පාංශු සංරක්ෂණ පනත යටතේද දැඩි සංවේදී කලාපයක් වන අතර එවැනි කලාප වල මෙවැනි බෝග වගාවන් සඳහා අලුතින් ඉඩම් එක් කිරීම හා වනාන්තර ප්‍රදේශ කෘෂිකාර්මික භූමි බවට පත් කිරීම කිසිසේත්ම සුදුසු නොවන බව ඕනෑම ළදරුවෙකුට අවබෝද කාරණයකි. එසේම ජල සංරක්ෂණය සහ ලංකාවේ වර්ෂාපතන රටාව මෙන්ම දේශගුණික රටාවන් එලෙසම පවත්වා ගැනීම සඳහා පිදුරුතලාගල වැනි කඳුකර වනාන්තර වලින් සිදුවන මෙහෙය අමුතුවෙන් විස්තර කළ යුත්තක් නොවේ. එවැනි ප්‍රදේශයක් බලලෝභී දේශපාලනඥයෙකුගේ හෙන්චයියන්ට ඉඩම් බෙදීමට ඇති අවශ්‍යතාවය හේතුවෙන් කුට්ටිකඩා, කැබලිකර, කැලයකපා, විකිණීම යනු සහගහන අපරාධයකි. එය පරිසර නියාමන ආයතන වන මධ්‍යම පරිසර අධිකාරිය සහ වනසංරක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව වැනි ආයතන වල සාධනීය කාර්යභාරයන් හෑල්ලුවට ලක් කිරීමකි. එසේම එය සමස්ත ලංකාවේ පරිසරයට කරනු ලබන ආපසු හැරවිය නොහැකි අපරාධයකි. වර්තමාන ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ සෞභාග්‍යය දැක්ම ප්‍රතිපත්ති ප්‍රකාශනයටද කරනු ලබන නිගාවකි. පරාජිත දේශපාලනඥයෙකු, ලබන මහ මැතිවරණයේදී දිනවීම සඳහා පිදුරුතලාගල කඳු පන්තිය උකස් කිරීම සිහිබුද්ධිය ඇති කිසිවෙකු අනුමත නොකරන දැඩි පාපයකි. එමනිසා අප බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නේ ජනාධිපතිතුමා ඇතුළු වර්තමාන රජයත්, සියලු පරිසර නියාමන ආයතනත්, සිවු මහා නිකායේ මහනායක ස්වාමීන් වහන්සේලා ප්‍රමුඛ කරගත් මෙරට බෞද්ධ ප්‍රජාවත්, ජාති, ආගම්, කුලමල භේදයකින් තොර සියලු රටවැසියාත් එකතුව පිදුරුතලාගල උකස් නොකර රැකගැනීමට පෙරට එනු ඇතැයි කියාය.


ජයන්ත විජේසිංහ

මේ පිළිබඳ වැඩිදුර තොරතුරු  0777771348 (ජයන්ත විජේසිංහ, කැඳවුම්කරු, වැසිවනාන්තර සුරකින්නෝ සංවිධානය) ඇමතීමෙන් ලබාගත හැක.

Steyer: U.S. reparations for slavery will help ‘repair the damage’

January 23rd, 2020

Brittany Shepherd National Politics Reporter Courtesy

NEW YORK — Billionaire and presidential candidate Tom Steyer reiterated his support Wednesday for reparations for African-Americans suffering from the legacy of slavery.

We would retell the story over the last 401 years so everybody understands not just the legalized, institutionalized injustice in racism — which is definitely a huge part of this story — but also the contribution of the African-American community,” Steyer said in an interview with Yahoo News’ Hot Mic With Brittany Shepherd.” I don’t think we can be the country that we want to be until we acknowledge the past and move to accept the mistakes this country made that are dramatic and obvious, and then repair the damage.”

A Fox News poll released in early January showed Steyer in second place behind former Vice President Joe Biden in South Carolina, a state with a large African-American population.

To be clear, I talk about race very explicitly,” Steyer said when asked why he is making considerable gains in the Democratic race in this key early state. He argued that his willingness to step out on a policy ledge, so to speak, makes him appealing to voters of color who might feel ignored by others.

Tom Steyer interviewed on "Hot Mic With Brittany Shepherd" at the Build Studio in New York. (Screengrab: Build/Yahoo News)
Tom Steyer interviewed on “Hot Mic With Brittany Shepherd” at the Build Studio in New York. (Screengrab: Build/Yahoo News)

I believe that in every major policy area, there is an unspoken area about race,” Steyer added. For instance, I’m saying climate is my No. 1 priority. I’m also saying our climate plan is called a justice-based climate plan. And it starts in the communities, like say, Denmark, S.C., or Flint, Mich., where people can’t drink the water. We know who lives there: African-Americans. We know who lives in the San Joaquin Valley where people can’t drink the water safely out of the taps: low-income Latinos.”

Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., is the only other remaining Democratic candidate in the race to have come out in favor of reparations for slavery, but after telling the New York Times last year that she supports them, she has also said she favors studying the proposal further. Nearly every other candidate supports a House bill that would establish a body to research reparations. Story continues

Critics say the overarching reason Steyer has made such strides is that he is flooding the markets in early states with millions of dollars in advertisements — a strategy that his rival Andrew Yang believed would be a turnoff to voters.

Steyer, who made his fortune as a hedge fund manager, bristled at that notion, saying instead that his straight talk about race, as well as his willingness to establish a presidential commission on racial justice, puts him at a tactical advantage.

ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා පිලිබඳ මතකය

January 23rd, 2020

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග

ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා මා මුලින්ම දුටුවේ 1973 වසරේදී එක ශ්‍රේණියට ඇතුලත් වූ විටදීය. ආරෝහ පරිණාහ සම්පන්න  කඩවසම් පුද්ගලයෙකු වූ එතුමා ගේ පෞරුෂත්වය කැපී පෙනුනේය.  


1973 වසරේ මැද කාලයේදී අපගේ පන්තියේ සිටි සරත්නරත්න හෙවත් ටිප්ටොප් පන්තියේ සිටි තවත් සිසුවෙකු වූ සුභසිංහ හෙවත් අලිකණාගේ පෝටෙලෝ බෝතලය හොරෙන් පන්නාගෙන ගෙනැවිත් පානය කලේය. ඔහු මට සහ ලක්‍ෂ්මන් ද සේරම් හටද මෙය බොන්නට දුන්නේය. සුභසිංහ මේ පිලිබඳව ගුරුවරියට පැමිණිලි කරන ලද අතර සරත්නරත්න සමග මටද ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතාගේ කාර්‍යාලයට යාමට නියමිත විය. තවද ලක්‍ෂ්මන් ද සේරම්ද අප සමග ආවේය. ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා අප තිදෙනාටම වේවැල් පහර බැගින් දුන් අතර එය ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා  සමග මාගේ ප්‍රථම ඉන්ටර් ඇක්‍ෂන් එක විය. ඉන් පසු මම සරත්නරත්න අසලින් වත් යාමට බිය වූයෙමි. වර්තමානයේ ලක්‍ෂ්මන් ද සේරම් එංගලන්තයේ වාසය කරයි  

1976 හතර වසරේදී මා විසින් ලියන ලද කුඩා කතාවක් මිහිර පත්‍රයට යැවීමට අවශ්‍ය වූ අතර එය විදුහල්පති තුමා සහතික කිරීම අනිවාර්‍ය විය. මේ නිසා මා සිතේ දිරිය ගෙන එතුමාගේ කාර්‍යාලයට ගොස් මාගේ ලිපිය එතුමා අතට දුන්නෙමි. ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා එය බලා අත්සන් කොට එතුමාගේ සීල් එක ගැසුවේය.  

ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා ගේ අත්සන යුනීක් එකක් විය. එය අසීරු අත්සනකි. එහෙත් එම අත්සන හොරට ගැසීමේ හැකියාවෙන් යුතු සිසුන් කිහිප දෙනෙකු පාසලේ සිටියහ. වරක් ලසිත ළුවිස් දෙව්‍ රුවන් අල්විස් මහතාගේ රසායණ විද්‍යාව පන්තියේදී ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා ගේ අත්සන මාගේ රසායණ විද්‍යාව පොතේ ගසා පෙන්වීය. පසු කාලයක ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා පිටරටකට ගිය විට ආදි සිසුන් සාදයක් සූදානම් කළහ. එහිදී එක් සිසුවෙක් ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා ඉදිරි පිට එතුමාගේ අත්සන ගසා ගුණසිංහ මහතාව විමතියට පත් කලේය.  

අප පහ වසරේ සිටියදී ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා කැනඩාවට ගිය අතර පසුව පාසල් රැස්වීමේදී කැනඩාවේ පාසල් සහ සමාජය පිලිබඳ තොරතුරු අපට කියා දුන්නේය. 

ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා පාසල් රැස්වීම අමතන විට අප සාවධානව සිටින බවට පෙන්වමින් සිටි නමුත් පහත් හඞින් එකිනෙකා සමග  කතා කලෙමු. වරක් මා ඇතුළු පිරිසක් පාසල් රැස්වීමේදී  ගුණසිංහ මහතාට ඇහුම්කන් නොදී කතා කරමින් සිටියදී ශිෂ්‍ය නායකයන්ට හසුව රැස්වීමෙන් පසු අපව එතුමා ඉදිරියට පමුණුවන ලදි. පාසල නිම වීමෙන් පසු අපව රඳවා ගත් ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා අපට ” මම මින් පසු පාසල් රැස්වීමේදී කතා නොකරමි ”   යන්න 200 වාරයක් ලියන ලෙස නියම කලේය. අප සැම දෙනා තෙමිච්ච කුකුලන් මෙන් අදාල වාක්‍ය ලියුවෙමු. ඉන් පසුව මම පාසල් රැස්වීමේදී කතා කලේ ශිෂ්‍ය නායකයන්ට නොපෙනෙන ලෙසටය.  

1978 වසරේදී මා ඉගෙන ගත්තේ හිල්ඩා ගුණවර්ධන මහත්මියගේ පන්තියේය. එම පන්තියේ වාර අවසාන විභාගයේදී පන්තියේ තුන් වෙනියා වී මම මාගේ ප්‍රගති වාර්තා පොත රැස්වීමේදී එතුමා අතින් ලබා ගත්තෙමි. එය පාසලේදී මා එතුමා ගෙන් ලද එකම ධනාත්මක ප්‍රසාදය විය.  

1979 අප 7 වසරේ සිටින විට පාසල් කාලයෙන් පසුව අපට කතා කරන ඉංග්‍රීසි ඉගැන්වීම සඳහා ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා ගුරුවරියන් කිහිප දෙනෙකු ගෙන ආවේය. අපගේ ඉංග්‍රීසි දැණුම මෙන්ම පෞරුෂත්ව වර්ධනය සඳහා එතුමා නොයෙකුත් ධනාත්මක පියවර ගත්තේය. මේ නිසා අපගේ ද්වී භාෂා දැණුම වර්ධනය විය.  

1980 දී මම වරක් ලාල් රූපතුංග සහ රුෂාන්ත  සමග ජය මාවතෙන්  කට්ටි පැන යන්නට හදද්දී  ශිෂ්‍ය නායකයන් අප පසුපස එලවාගෙන ආවෝය. මම පණ එපා කියා දිව්වේ හසු වූයේ නම්  ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා ලඟට යාම නියත නිසාය. පසුව ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා ජය මාවත යනු පරාජයේ මාවත කියා පාසල් රැස්වීමේදී කියූ නිසා මම ජය මාවතෙන්  කට්ටි පැනීම නවතා දැමුවෙමි.   

1981 වසරේදී මමත් සිදත් සුරේන්ද්‍රත් උදිත පලිසේනත් ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා ගේ කාර්‍යාලය පසුපස තිබෙන උක් ගස්  වගාවෙන් උක් ගසක් හොරෙන් කඩාගෙන කෑවෙමු. උක් ගස කන ගමන් අප නිතර අවට බැළුවේ  ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා කොහෙන් හෝ පාත් වේදෝ කියාය.

1982 වසරේදී අ.පො.ස සාමාන්‍ය පෙළ විභාගය අවසන් දිනයේදී ලියනපතිරණ විසින් රතිඥාවක් පත්තු කොට විභාග ශාලාවේ කොරිඩෝවට විසි කරන ලද අතර එයට හසු වූයේ මාවය. ජයවර්ධන සර් විසින් මාව විදුහල්පති ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතාට ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලදි. ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා මාව පාසලෙන් අස් කරන බව පවසා මාව විදුහල්පති කාර්‍යාලයට ගෙන යන ලදි. එහිදී මාගේ විස්තර ලියා ගත් අතර එම අවස්ථාවේදී මොරේ හෙවත් සමන් ධම්මික පැමිණ රතිඥාව දැමුවේ මා නොව ලියනපතිරණ බැව් කීම නිසා මාව මුදා හරින ලදි.  

1984 උසස් පෙළ පන්ති වලදී මම ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතාව  මුණ නොගැසෙන ලෙසට හැසුරුනෙමි. එහෙත් වරක් සෙනරත් විජේසූරියගේ අත ඇඹරීම නිසා ඔහු එය ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතාට පැමිණිලි කිරීමට යන ලදි . මම සෙනරත් විජේසූරියට වැඳ කේස් එක ශේප් කර ගත්තෙමි. සෙනරත් විජේසූරිය වර්තමානයේදී නාවික හමුදාවේ නිලධාරියෙකි. 

1985 උසස් පෙල විභාගයෙන්  පසු  මම චරිත සහතිකයක් ගැනීමට ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා ගේ කාර්‍යාලයට ගියෙමි. එතුමා මාගේ හිසේ සිට පාදාන්තය දක්වා බලා චරිත සහතිකයක්  දුන්නේය.  

1999 වසරේදී නාලන්දා විද්‍යාලීය ආදි වෛද්‍යවරුන් ගේ සංගමය විසින් විදුහලේ සායනයක් පවත්වන බැවින් එම සායනයට එන ලෙස මගෙන් ඉල්ලා තිබුනේය. මම එම සායනයට ගිය අතර ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා ප්‍රෙෂර් එක චෙක් කරවා ගැනීම සඳහා මා වෙත ආවේය. මම අසුනෙන් නැගිට එතුමා පිලිගෙන ගෞරව බහුමානයෙන් යුතුව එම උපකරණ එතුමාගේ අතේ සවි කොට රුධිර පීඩනය මැන්නෙමි. 

2002 වසරේදී මා විසින් ලියන ලද අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිකාර පොත දොරට වඩින උත්සවයට ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා පැමින කතාවක්ද කලේය. එම දිනයෙන් පසු මා විසින් අතීතයේ කරන ලද සියළු නසරානී ක්‍රියාවන්ට සමාවක් ලැබුණි. 

 වරක් එතුමාව ධර්මසිරි ගමගේ කලාකරුවාගේ අවමගුල් දිනයේදී කොලඹ කනත්තේදී මට හමු විය. මම එතුමාට පිරිස ඉදිරියේ වැඳ කතා කලෙමි. තවද 2005 වසරේදී වරක් මමත් කර්නල් සුනිල් සෝමවීරත් ඇපොලෝ රෝහලේ උත්සවයකට ගියෙමු. එහිදීද මට එතුමා හමු විය.    

මට එතුමාව අවසන් වරට මුණ ගැසුනේ 2007 දී සර්වෝදය ආයතනයේදීය . මේ කාලයේදී මම පුත්තලම් දිස්ත්‍රික් මානසික සෞඛ්‍ය සම්බන් ධීකරණ වෛද්‍ය නිලධාරී ලෙස සේවය කලෙමි. එම කාලයේදී අප ලෝක සෞඛ්‍ය සංවිධානයේ ජෝන් මැහෝනී සමග පුත්තලම් දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ මානසික සෞඛ්‍ය ප්‍රවර්ධන වැඩසටහන් කීපයක් කලෙමු. මෙයට සර්වෝදය ආයතනය විසින් අපට සහාය දෙන ලදි.  එම වසරේදී ආචාර්‍ය ඒ.ටී. ආරියරත්න මහතාටත් ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතාටත් මාදම්පේ නියෝජ්‍ය පළාත් සෞඛ්‍ය සේවා කාර්‍යාලයේ පැවති මානසික සෞඛ්‍ය  ප්‍රවර්ධන  වැඩසටහනකට  මා ආරාධනා කල නමුදු එම වැඩසටහනට පැමිනියේ ආචාර්‍ය ඒ.ටී. ආරියරත්න මහතා පමණි. පසුව හෙලි වූයේ තම බල්ලන් දෙදෙනාට කෑම දීමට තිබෙන නිසා ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතාට බොහෝ කාලයක් ගෙවා මාදම්පේට ඒමට නොහැකි වූ බවයි.  

ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා අපගේ ජීවිතයට බොහෝ ධනාත්මක දේවල් ලබා දුන්නේය. වර්තමානයේ දේශපාලකයන් ඉදිරියේ වැඳ වැටෙන , ඉස්කෝලයට ළමුන් ගැනීමට පගා ගන්නා විදුහල්පතිවරුන් යැයි කියන නිකමුන් නිබඳවම දකින අපට ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා වැන්නවුන් ගේ වටිනාකම මනාව පසක් වේ.  

ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා යනු නාලන්දාවේ එක් සුවිසල් පරිච්ඡේදයකි.

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග

Man gives birth to baby boy at hospital in Sri Lanka

January 23rd, 2020

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

A man who gave birth to a baby boy caused a large crowd to gather outside Matara Hospital. The man sporting a beard had been from a village bordering Matara.

Man gives birth to baby boy at Matara Hospital

23rd January (Daily Mirror) – A large crowd thronged to Sri Lanka’s southern Matara Hospital recently after hearing the shocking news of a man who had given birth to a baby boy. The man sporting a beard had been from a village bordering Matara.

After being admitted to the patient registration unit, the doctor who examined him initially had referred the patient to a male ward as he suffered birth pangs. Later, he had been transferred to the maternity ward by another doctor who was excited to examine the pregnant male. He had been provided with bed jackets and chintzes.

The patient was then transferred to the labour room where he delivered a baby boy. Arrangements were later made by the hospital staff to breastfeed the newborn.

Commenting on this, a spokesman for the hospital said the NIC of the patient concerned indicated a male identity and that his travelling bag was full of men’s wear. He added that the patient was a trishaw driver.

Further information revealed that the patient was born a female and had his breasts removed. Due to a hormonal imbalance, the patient acted as a male.

Sri Lanka: Police refuse to file journalist death threat complaint

January 23rd, 2020

Courtesy The International Federation of Journalists

Mulleriyawa Police in the Central Province of Sri Lanka refused on January 10 to record the death threat complaint of a court correspondent. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and its affiliate the Free Media Movement (FMM) strongly urge Sri Lanka’s police to accept the complaint and conduct an investigation into the matter.

On January 10, the Officer in Charge (OIC) of the Mulleriyawa Police in Sri Lanka’s Central Province refused to take the complaint of Nimanthi Ranasinghe, a court correspondent for the daily newspaper Lankadeepa. It is alleged that the police officer turned the journalist away when Ranasinghe refused to reveal her source. According to FMM, the police then humiliated Ranasinghe for standing up to her right to protect her source’s anonymity, telling her that no action could be taken under the Criminal Code.

On January 13, Ranasinghe then went on to lodge a further complaint against the Mulleriyawa Police OIC for his refusal to file the case and for the subsequent humiliating behaviour with the Nugegoda Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) office in Colombo. Ranasinghe also requested the Nugegoda police to action the initial complaint.

The FMM said it strongly condemned the demeaning way” the Officer in Charge (OIC) of the Mulleriyawa Police allegedly treated professional journalist, saying it set a deplorable precedent”. It urged all relevant stakeholders to conduct an impartial inquiry into the incident to ensure that the guilty offenders are charged.

The IFJ said: Threats against journalists are a critical human rights abuse and a major warning sign in terms of journalist safety. To ignore or fail to act on against threats to journalists and officially recognise these abuses further adds to a climate of impunity for violence against journalists.”

It is critical that Sri Lanka’s police treat such complaints with the seriousness they deserve and thoroughly investigate the matter, the IFJ added.

The irresponsible behaviour of the OIC demonstrates the complete ignorance of the implications for both citizens and journalists and should also be investigated in terms of an abrogation of duty.

For further information contact IFJ Asia – Pacific on 
+61 2 9333 0918

The IFJ represents more than 600,000 journalists in 140 countries

CID grills Shani Abeysekara for over 5 hours

January 23rd, 2020

Courtesy Ada Derana

Former Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) SSP Shani Abeysekara has left the CID after recording a statement for over 5 hours.

Abeysekara arrived at the CID this morning (23) to give a statement with regard to the probes carried out on Swiss Embassy staffer Garnia Bannister Francis.

The CID had recently reported to the court that Inspector of Police (IP) Nishantha Silva had engaged in a telephone conversation with SSP Abeysekara for nearly 9 minutes before departing to Switzerland.

In addition, the CID has observed that Garnia Bannister Francis kept in touch with Lake House chairman Krishantha Cooray, a former employee of Lake House Darisha Bastian, IP Nishantha Silva and former CID chief SSP Abeysekara during the time period the alleged abduction took place.

The CID also informed the court that Darisha Bastian and IP Silva had left for Switzerland on the 21st and 24th of November last year, respectively. The Lake House chairman had departed for Switzerland on the 5th of December. The trio has not returned to the country after they left the country, the investigators had told the court.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – CCD directed to obtain arrest warrant for Judge Gihan Pilapitiya

January 23rd, 2020

Courtesy Ada Derana

The Attorney General has instructed the Director of the Colombo Crime Division (CCD) to obtain a warrant and arrest interdicted High Court Judge Gihan Pilapitiya and to produce him before court.

The AG’s Coordinating Officer Nishara Jayaratne stated that the Attorney General directed the CCD to obtain a warrant and arrest the interdicted High Court Judge for conspiring to fabricate false evidence” along with MP Ranjan Ramanayake.

Meanwhile the Attorney General Dappula De Livera has also instructed the Director of the CCD to obtain technical evidence from the telecommunication service providers in the country regarding MP Ramanayake’s phone conversations with the three judges. 

Embilipitiya High Court Judge Gihan Pilapitiya was interdicted yesterday (22) over the controversial phone conversation he had with UNP MP Ranjan Ramanayake.

A series of audio recordings of phone conversations between the MP and several high-profile officials in the country including former Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) Shani Abeysekara and three judges, were leaked to the media earlier this month.

Recordings contained phone conversations between the parliamentarian and Justice Gihan Pilapitiya, retired Judge Padmini Ranawaka, and Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala.

Baddegama Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala was also interdicted by the Judicial Services Commission (JSC) last week over the issue.

As per the Attorney General’s instructions, the CCD recorded statements from HC Judge Pilapitiya, Retired Judge Padmini Ranawaka and Magistrate Hemapala recently.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – Hot Video – රංජන්ගේ තවත් හඬ පටි එළියට

January 23rd, 2020

Courtesy Hiru News

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – රන්ජන්ගේ හඬ සාම්පල ලබාගැනීම යළි දැනුම් දෙනතුරු නවතී

January 23rd, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

රක්ෂිත බන්ධනාගාරගත කර සිටින පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රන්ජන් රාමනායක හඬ සාම්පල ලබාගැනීම සඳහා නැවත දැනුම්දෙන තුරු රජයේ රස පරීක්ෂකවරයා වෙත ඉදිරිපත් නොකරන ලෙස නුගේගොඩ අතිරේක මහේස්ත්‍රාත් එච්.යූ.කේ. පැල්පොල මැගසින් බන්ධනාගාරයේ අධිකාරීවරයා වෙත නියෝග කර තිබෙනවා.

මන්ත්‍රීවරයා අධිකරණ නියෝගයකට අනුව අද දිනයේදී රජයේ රස පරීක්ෂකවරයා වෙත ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට නියමිතව තිබුණා.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, හිරු ප්‍රවෘත්ති අංශය කළ විමසීමකදී මැගසින් බන්ධනාගාරයේ උසස් නිලධාරියෙකු සඳහන් කළේ අද දිනයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරයා රස පරීක්ෂක වෙත ඉදිරිපත් නොකරන ලෙසත්, ඒ සඳහා දිනයක් ඉදිරියේදී ලබාදෙන බවත් අධිකරණය දැනුම් දී ඇති බවයි.

මේ අතර, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රන්ජන් රාමනායක ප්‍රකාශ කළ පරිදි ඔහු විසින් ආන්දෝලනාත්මක හඬ පට කිසිවක් මේ දක්වා සභාගත කිරීම සඳහා පාර්ලිමේන්තු මහලේකම්වරයාට භාර දී නොමැති බව නියෝජ්‍ය කථානායක ආනන්ද කුමාරසිරි අද ප්‍රකාශ කළා.

ඒ, කතානායකවරයාගේ නිවේදන පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කරමින්.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රන්ජන් රාමනායක පෙරේදා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී ප්‍රකාශයක් සිදුකරමින් තමන් හඬ පට සභාගත කරන බව සඳහන් කළා.

එදින පාර්ලිමේන්තු කටයුතු අවසාන වනතුරුත් කිසිදු හඬපටයක් ඔහු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට භාරදී තිබුණේ නැහැ.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, ඊයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව රැස්වූ අවස්ථාවේදී රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය කංචන විජේසේකර අදාළ හඬ පට භාරදෙන්නේ දැයි විමසුවා.

නමුත් ඊයේ පස්වරු හය වනවිටත් කිසිදු හඬ පටයක් මන්ත්‍රීවරයා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට භාර දී තිබුණේ නැහැ.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – හිටපු අගමැති කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් සඳහා මන්ත්‍රී රංජන් භාවිත කරන බවට සිංහලේ සංවිධානයෙන් චෝදනා

January 23rd, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

හිටපු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා විසින් ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකය, විධායකය හා අධිකරණය අර්බුදයකට යැවීමේ කුමන්ත්‍රණය සඳහා රංජන් රාමනායක මන්ත්‍රීවරයාව භාවිත කරමින් සිටින බවට සිංහලේ සංවිධානය චෝදනා කරනවා.

පෙර කරන ලද පැමිණිල්ලක් සදහා ප්‍රකාශයක් ලබාදීමට කොළඹ අපරාධ කොට්ඨාශයට පැමිණි අවස්ථාවේදී එම සංවිධානයේ මහලේකම් ප්‍රදීප් සංජීව මෙම අදහස් පලකළා.

මේ අතර අද පැවති තවත් ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡා කිහිපයකදීද රංජන් රාමනායක හා හිරුණිකා ප්‍රේමචන්ද්‍ර යන මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් සම්බන්ධයෙන් මෙලෙස අදහස් පලවුණා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – රංජන් සහ හිරුණිකා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දී කළ ප්‍රකාශ ගැන විවිධ අදහස්

January 23rd, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

අධිකරණයට අපහාස කිරීමේ චෝදනා මත බන්ධනාගාර ගත කර සිටින රංජන් රාමනායක සහ හිරුණිකා ප්‍රේමචන්ද්‍ර යන මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් පසුගියදා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී සිදුකළ ප්‍රකාශයන් සම්බන්ධයෙන් විවිධ පාර්ශ්ව අද අදහස් පළ කළා.

President advice acting IGP to be impartial with all arrests

January 23rd, 2020

Courtesy Hiru News

All arrested persons should be treated equally and Police should not bow down to any intervention, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa advices Acting IGP

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – Act. IGP appoints 5 member committee to advice on AG’s instructions to arrest HC judge Pilapitiya

January 23rd, 2020

Courtesy Hiru news

Acting IGP appoints 5 member committee to make recommendations on executing AG`s instructions to arrest HC Judge Gihan Pilapitiya.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – CCD directed to obtain arrest warrant for Judge Gihan Pilapitiya

January 23rd, 2020

Courtesy Ada Derana

The Attorney General has instructed the Director of the Colombo Crime Division (CCD) to obtain a warrant and arrest interdicted High Court Judge Gihan Pilapitiya and to produce him before court.

The AG’s Coordinating Officer Nishara Jayaratne stated that the Attorney General directed the CCD to obtain a warrant and arrest the interdicted High Court Judge for conspiring to fabricate false evidence” along with MP Ranjan Ramanayake.

Meanwhile the Attorney General Dappula De Livera has also instructed the Director of the CCD to obtain technical evidence from the telecommunication service providers in the country regarding MP Ramanayake’s phone conversations with the three judges. 

Embilipitiya High Court Judge Gihan Pilapitiya was interdicted yesterday (22) over the controversial phone conversation he had with UNP MP Ranjan Ramanayake.

A series of audio recordings of phone conversations between the MP and several high-profile officials in the country including former Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) Shani Abeysekara and three judges, were leaked to the media earlier this month.

Recordings contained phone conversations between the parliamentarian and Justice Gihan Pilapitiya, retired Judge Padmini Ranawaka, and Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala.

Baddegama Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala was also interdicted by the Judicial Services Commission (JSC) last week over the issue.

As per the Attorney General’s instructions, the CCD recorded statements from HC Judge Pilapitiya, Retired Judge Padmini Ranawaka and Magistrate Hemapala recently.

An interesting Ranjangate scandle from the UK -The Murdoch Phone Hacking Scandle: Lessons on how to investigate crimes!

January 22nd, 2020

By Garvin Karunaratne, Ph.D – Posted on August 31st, 2011


January 22nd, 2020


There were many instances where small military units fought the LTTE courageously, despite all odds. Here is one example.

This essay presents an edited version of A personal account by the CO 1 GW of events in Batticaloa during the siege in 1990” by Brigadier Hiran N. Halangoda (Retd) of Gemunu Watch published in Sunday Island 27.12. 2015. (

  This is a personal account by the CO 1 GW of events in Batticaloa during the siege in 1990 and the courageous performance of duties by troops under his command, amidst unprecedented odds faced by them is recounted here for posterity,  said Halangoda.

I dedicate this article to all those valiant officers and men of the First Battalion the Gemunu Watch (1 GW) who served under my command from December 1, 1988 to January 31, 1991. They served with me loyally, with dedication and commitment in Hambantota, Moneragala, Ampara and Batticaloa [BCO] districts against all odds.

With the departure of the IPKF at the end of March 1990, the LTTE gradually took control of the North-East, which had been vacated under the terms of the Indo Sri Lanka  Agreement 1987 or occupied these lands illegally. They positioned their cadres in vital areas that enabled them to exert pressure on the Police who maintained law and order and on the Army who were very thinly deployed in the Northeast to counter them. In the Eastern province just one Infantry Battalion each was deployed in each of the districts of Ampara, Batticaloa and Trincomalee.

In Batticaloa district, five Army detachments were established at Wellawadi, Kiran, Kalawanchikudy, Kalmunai and Kallady. Of these detachments, Kalmunai [in the Ampara district] and Kalawanchikudy detachments belonged to 6th Battalion Sri Lanka Light Infantry (6 SLLI), which was raised in late May 1990.

The Infantry Battalions were handicapped as they had to transfer one Rifle Company and composite platoons to the newly raised Infantry Battalions in late May 1990. The troops had to re-orientate themselves from a limited engagement environment in the South to an all out COIN [Counter Insurgency] Operations environment in the North and East.

1 GW was re-deployed in Batticaloa district on May 18, 1990. By then the situation was very tense in the Batticaloa district. The LTTE obstructed the movement of the security forces, provoked the Army and interfered with the Police in maintaining law and order. There were around 30-40 outposts with bunkers manned by 150-300 LTTE cadres in the BCO town and vicinity.

A large bunker covered the approach into the Batticaloa town under the clock tower across the lagoon facing the Police station. LTTE permission was required to visit most areas in town, where a concentration of more than 30 LTTE outposts had come up. They reserved the use of certain garages and service stations exclusively for themselves.

This situation was brought to the notice of the military higher command and the civilian bureaucracy negotiating peace with the LTTE at that time. But the Security Forces were explicitly told to co-operate with the LTTE to bring about a peaceful settlement to the conflict as the country couldn’t afford another battle with the LTTE.

The President and the civilian bureaucracy did not know the ground situation despite negotiating for peace with the LTTE, whilst the military higher command did not put across the difficulties faced by the security forces on the ground  as they wished to continue in office.

On June 11, 1990, hostilities started in Batticaloa with the LTTE taking the Security Forces by complete surprise. They took over Batticaloa Police Station with its armoury, communications, gold and money which had been kept for safe custody.

I was the Commanding Officer of 1 GW and the Coordinating Officer of the Batticaloa district, located at the Kallady Camp (approximately 2 kms away from the Batticaloa Police Station). I had been in Ampara immediately before taking up duties in Batticaloa. The Police did not inform me about the developing situation. The owner of “L H Bakery”, one of my school friends informed me by telephone at 0620 hrs, on June 11, 1990, that all the Sinhalese in the town were ordered by the LTTE to vacate within five minutes.

At around 7.30 am, I was told a vehicle sent out from Kalawanchikudy Army camp (6 SLLI troops) had been ambushed at Kalmunai and all ten soldiers in the vehicle had been killed. Kalawanchikudy Army Camp, (to whom these soldiers belonged), had only 48 troops excluding the three officers. There was no way of moving out to Kalmunai to recover the dead of the patrol as the main road was blocked by the LTTE.

The LTTE had taken up a position by then around the Kalawanchikudy Camp and the Police Station opposite it. Having surrounded the camp and the Police Station they demanded their surrender, and also announced that they will not be harmed and will be handed over to the Sri Lankan Government at the Batticaloa airfield. Ten Sinhalese policemen escaped the deadly fate of the other policemen by jumping into to the adjoining Army Camp with their weapons and ammunition.

Captain Sarath Embowa of the 6 SLLI was the Officer Commanding the Kalawanchikudy Camp. He decided to fight the terrorists. The LTTE who were in touch with the SLAF Batticaloa (Air Force) base informed them that if the Police surrendered without resistance, they would hand them over to the Government. The Police, who were not prepared mentally and physically, and had no confidence to fight a ruthless guerrilla organization without military (air and artillery) support, agreed to surrender to the LTTE. By this time the LTTE had surrounded most of the 13 Police Stations in Batticaloa and Ampara Districts and had captured the Policemen who surrendered with their weapons without a fight.

All of them were taken to selected locations close by, asked to dig their own graves and brutally murdered in cold blood. The tragic fate of 677 Sinhalese and Muslim policemen who surrendered should be a constant and unforgettable reminder to all concerned of the LTTE atrocities committed in this conflict. Local and international Human Rights activists did not care to investigate this cold blooded tragedy

At 3.30 pm on June 11, Army Commander Lt. Gen. H. Wanasinghe, the Inspector General of Police, a senior officer from the Air Force and Director Operations of the Army, Brig. Vijaya Wimalaratne  arrived at Batticaloa Air Force base by air. The Senior Superintendent of Police, an ASP (living within Kallady camp) and I were heli-lifted from Kallady camp to join them for an urgent conference.

We had our meeting and returned to Kallady camp. The possibilities of reinforcing the Police stations were discussed. At that moment there was no way of reinforcing the police stations as the Army too were very thin on ground. The army camps too were in great danger due to them being under strength and, deployed far apart lacking mutual support. No artillery was available in Batticaloa district and the only available Bell 212 helicopter was not fitted with guns. (To fit the guns it would have taken between one to two hours).

An extremely dangerous situation existed. Our lack of preparation and abject appeasement of the LTTE could have led to the total loss of the East. On returning to camp from the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) base at Batticaloa around 6.00 pm on June 11, 1990, the LTTE contacted me at Kallady and told me to inform Kiran (Kumburumulla) camp to surrender in five minutes and if it was disregarded, they were going to launch an all out attack on the camp. The LTTE had started their attack on Kiran and Wellawadi at 4.30 pm. In order to buy more time and avoid being found fault with for starting the war, I said that I would inform them of instructions after contacting the President.

I then contacted the 2 Division Commander Major General J. R. S. De Silva at Anuradhapura. He insisted that the Army should fight to the last man and the last round and that the entire country was depending on our performance in Batticaloa. I requested him for immediate assistance to evacuate the camps at Wellawadi and Kalmunai since they had only depleted platoons in each of them.

Meanwhile, all the four camps in the Batticaloa district and Kalmunai Camp in the Ampara district were under prolonged and severe attack. Wellawadi camp was established to provide protection to the Sinhala fishing community (about 200 fishermen, women and children) who had been living there for generations. 2/Lt RMCC Ranaweera   and 22 men fought for more than 36 hours supported by two 81mm Mortars (from Kiran detachment) against more than 300-400 LTTE cadres throughout the night with 90 rounds of ammunition (first line scale).

The troops were able to protect the fisher families and evacuate them by sea with the assistance of the Sri Lanka Navy, in a gunboat commanded by Cdr Thisara Samarasinghe [Admiral and ex Navy Commander] on June 12, 1990. It must be mentioned that there was not a single civilian conflict related casualty in the entire evacuation at Wellawadi except for a mother and a child who drowned while boarding the naval craft.

The troops were provided ammunition from Kallady, which was delivered by helicopter, before they withdrew in a Navy gunboat. This took them to Trincomalee and safety. They suffered only one minor injury to a soldier due to LTTE fire, during the entire 36 hour crisis.

The situation at Kalmunai too was similar; the platoon under 2/Lt KASH Karunatillake SLLI was under tremendous pressure as intense fire was brought down on them by the LTTE. However on June 13, 1990 the Navy under the command of Cdr. Daya Dharmapriya [retired Rear Admiral] in his gunboat and support vessels, evacuated them after an agonizing battle whilst being supported by artillery fire from the Malwatte Army camp. However, the SLLI suffered several casualties as the evacuation was done whilst in contact with the LTTE.

The LTTE unleashed salvos of mortar, small arms and 84 mm rocket launcher fire at the Kiran Camp. LTTE  also  used chlorine gas against the troops in Kiran on June 13, 1990.The Officer Commanding the camp, Captain Sumith Perera GW and his second in command Lieutenant Chinthaka Munasinghe GW (both officers were killed in action in subsequent operations conducted against the LTTE in Jaffna in 1995 and Mannar in 1991, respectively) with their men valiantly held the camp against all odds. The only surviving officer was 2/Lt Suminda Jayasundera GW who was a Young Officer (YO) with less than one year’s service with the Battalion at the time.

It must also be mentioned that Pte Dharmasiri K.A., the radio operator of ‘A’ Company 1 GW maintained communication with Battalion Headquarters (HQ) at Kallady and rear HQ at Diyatalawa throughout the entire period during day and night. When the antenna was damaged due to intense mortar fire, he fixed it at night by climbing a Palmyra tree. On the night of June 11, the Air Force helicopter fitted with machine guns became airborne to provide close air support.

 It should be noted here that the services provided by Flying Officer Thilana Kaluarachchi. (This officer was later killed when a missile hit the MI 24 he was flying in over Kokilai Lagoon in 1997).He relentlessly and gallantly flew the entire night and continued every night until the detachment was relieved. He gave much needed air support, which kept the LTTE at bay and was a tremendous morale booster to the besieged troops. The ground to air communications was closely coordinated through Cpl. Gamini GW of 1 GW stationed at the SLAF base at BCO, during this period.

On June 16, 1990, during the battle, a cease-fire was requested by the LTTE through the Bishop of Batticaloa for both sides could attend to their respective casualties. However, the LTTE leaders refused to disarm and stay put in the SLAF base in Batticaloa, but wanted to accompany the Bishop to Kiran with me or my representative. I refused to their terms which were clearly to take us hostage and over-power the detachment by holding us at gunpoint.

The LTTE stooped to such cunning low levels and proved their perfidy, deceit and treachery throughout the conflict. They continued to bombard the troops psychologically by making announcements through a loud hailer asking the troops repeatedly to give up and surrender without fighting a losing battle. Troops returned fire and fought steadfastly and resolutely, to deny the LTTE any opportunity to break into the camp.

Troops in all camps lived on liquids, raw papaws, Palmyra fruits and the odd animal that strayed during the siege. They were collected during the night or when there was a lull in the fighting. Since the well, which supplied fresh water to the Kiran camp was exposed to LTTE fire, troops tunneled into it at night to get drinking water for their survival. Troops in Kiran survived for seven nights in trenches, clad only in one uniform throughout the regular attacks by the LTTE.

Only one soldier was killed in action throughout the eight days of fighting. However, one officer and 60 soldiers of the 3×79 personnel in the camp suffered injuries and evacuated when reinforcements arrived. The alertness of the sentry at night enabled him to wipe out an entire group of nine LTTE guerrillas crawling into the camp by cutting the perimeter wire fence.

A rescue operation was finally launched under the command of GOC 1 Division Major General Denzil L. Kobbekaduwa. Before the rescue, he spoke to me over the radio on June 15, 1990. The voice of the GOC was a great morale-booster to me as we were all desperate about our survival. Until then the response from the military higher command was negative at best and very little encouragement was given to continue fighting.

The reinforcement operations were launched from the North of Batticaloa to relieve the Kiran Camp. 3 Brigade Group was commanded by Brigadier A. M. U. Seneviratne [retired Major General and Chief of Staff]. Fourth Battalion the Gemunu Watch and the Fifth Battalion the Vijayabahu Infantry Regiment had to fight their way and reached Batticaloa by June 19. Similarly, 1 Brigade Group commanded by Brigadier A. K. Jayawardhana

[retired Major General and a one time Secretary of Defence]

with First Sinha Regiment and First Special Forces Regiment fought their way from Ampara across country through Wellaveli to relieve Kalwanchikudy detachment in the South of Batticaloa. Both Brigade groups reached their objectives on June 18 despite heavy resistance from the LTTE.

The success of the 1 GW troops in the defence of their camps in the Batticaloa district was due to their courage, regimental espirit de corps, comradeship, belief in their leadership and their steely determination to survive amidst the death and wounding of their colleagues, along with the ensuing confusion and chaos of battle.

The effort taken to send the remains (cremated at night with the help of Palmyra branches amidst LTTE small arms fire) of the dead soldier [Sergeant Karunadasa E.A.D.] at Kiran to his next-of-kin was appreciated by his parents and was a great morale booster to the rest of the troops.

Let the courageous stand taken by all those valiant and gallant men of Gemunu in BCO in June 1990 in general, and especially Kiran in particular, be a defining and bold moment and tradition for all those who have served, continue to serve and are to serve in the Gemunu Watch to follow. This tradition must be upheld with pride.[1] ( continued)


Working without a budget: Can this be done?

January 22nd, 2020

By Garvin Karunaratne, Ph.D. Michigan State University

Our new Government of President Gotabhaya has decided to hold up mega projects till the budget in August 2020.(The decision of our new Government to Mega projects on hold until August budget:”(Sunday Times:12/01/20))

My mind travels in nostaglia to two world class development programmes which commenced without a budget. I speak not from hearsay  or reference, but from sheer experience as I happened to be  a major player in both programmes.

 One is the Divisional Development Councils Programme, the flagship programme of the Sirimavo Government of 1970-1977, implemented when I was the Government Agent, the Chief Officer of a major district. The planning and implementation of the Programme in the District was entirely mine for the first two years. This Programme created employment for 33,270 youths.

The other is the Youth Self Employment Programme of Bangladesh. a programme that was solely designed and established by me within two years, which, being implemented later by officers trained by me,  is today the premier employment creation programme the world has known, a programme that has by now guided some three million youths to become self employed.

I would kindly request our leaders to read through this Paper which details – how we did implement major programmes without a budget.

The Divisional Development Councils Programme was implemented with great hopes. The leading economist in the island, Professor HAdeS Gunasekdera was hand picked and appointed the Secretary of a new Ministry: The Ministry for Plan Implementation. One senior SLAS Officer was his assistant and a staff of a dozen clerical officers were detailed. This Ministry was housed in a section of the Central Bank. I do not actually know how they were paid. However it would not amount to any major deal.

In implementation, the Programme was thrust on the Government Agents and the Divisional Secretaries. They were not given any additional payment, not even a traveling allowance. The Programme was given great prominence and even a helicopter was placed for  Professor Gunasekera’s travel. At the District level, in the earlier Government of Premier Dudley Senanayake, prominence was given to agriculture. What happened was that the Government Agents decamped from attending to agriculture and concentrated on this new programme.  The Government Agent of a District is in charge of a  a dozen or more departments and in Matara I selected the ablest staff officers to attend to this programme in addition to their duties. In my eighteen years’ experience I have always found  a core of able patriotic officers who are prepared to do additional work without any additional pay, provided they are convinced of the worth of the programme.

The DDCP was commenced by the Government Agents through the Divisional Secretaries. There was no budgetary provision but conferences and training workshops were held, work was apportioned, development projects were sought, feasibility studies were done, all without any budgetary expenditure. It took a few months for Graduate Assistants to be selected and that required budgetary provision. Around fifteen Graduate Assistants were posted to the District and they worked with the staff officers who were already on the job. It was later that Planning Officers were appointed- one per district. The Development Councils made suggestions and feasibility studies were done by staff officers in the katcheri. The Graduate Assistants joined the service for the first time and they were actually being trained by the katcheri staff officers and the Divisional Secretaries.

 It was my idea to find the art of making crayons and establish an industry on our own as the Ministry of Plan Implementation was interested only in attending to very small projects and small agricultural farms. Many projects suggested by me were rejected. I thought of establishing a major industry on my own.   I with the Planning Officer, a chemistry graduate and other interested staff officers  were  at the science lab of Rahula College which we had requisitioned every night for our experiments. Later on when I finally decided to establish the Coop Crayon factory and I decided that it be done in two weeks, the Planning Officer, and other katcheri staff officers moved to Morawaka and broke rest for two weeks- it was a 24 hour a day operation, Coop Crayon, the work of many an unpaid worker won the day to be the flagship industry of the DDCP.  That was also the hard work put in by Sumanapala Dahanayake the Mmber of Parliament for Deniyaya, in his capacity as the President of the Morawak Korale Cooperative Union. He was an excellent organizer. He was enthusiastic as his patriotism knew no bounds as long as the task was developmental.

Minister of Industries TB Subasinghe  was surprised to see the quality of the crayon and gladly accepted our request to open sales. He could not believe his eyes to see two rooms full with packets of crayons all done within some three weeks. Minister of Trade & Imports  Illangaratne even allocated an allocation of foreign exchange for us to import dyes when the Ministry of Industries refused. That was from the foreign exchange earmarked for imports, and he gladly cut off imports, which shows how any Government can benefit immediately from developing local industries.

In my District other highlights of work without pay was the contribution by late Ran Ariyadasa the Divisional Secretary on whom I placed total responsibility for the Mechanised Boatyard Project, that made some 40 seaworthy boats a year.  He was helped by a Graduate Assistant.

Volunteers also marched in to help projects. Science teachers at Rahula College helped the Planning Officer when he did a myriad experiments- easily thousands to unearth the art of making a crayon to be equal to the Reeves.  In the batik and sewing project at Tittapaddara, the instructor enlisted from a private batik project in Galle to work on payment for the days he worked, decamped a day before  we opened the project A  science teacher and a volunteer stepped in at a day’s notice to handle the project and they were only provided transport.

Many Divisional Secretaries got down to work in earnest all in addition to their normal duties. I am aware of the work done by Wilson Perera the Divisional Secretary at Baddegama, a friend of mine. An agricultural project with 60 youths was established on a neglected estate that was taken over. 12 acres of neglected rubber was rehabilitated, 40 acres of neglected tea was rehabilitated, 20 acres of jungle was planted with coconut and 50 acres of neglected paddy was rehabilitated. The work of this officer was so exemplary which made  the Member of Parliament of the area, Deputy Minister Niel de Alwis think  that he would contest against him at the general election and got him transferred overnight. Wilson  need not have done all that work in addition to his normal duties as the Divisional Secretary.(From: Papers on the Economic Development of Sri Lanka)

The paper factory established by the Divisional Secretary at Kotmale was a great success. That Divisional Secretary too  could have done small projects and got off . But he was trying to do something more, beyond the call of normal duty.

There was budgetary provision for project approvals. There were funds to buy the machinery and to pay a small stipend to the youths till the project generated enough income.

Judging from the total work done I am of the opinion that  easily seventy to eighty percent of the work of the DDCP was done by staff officers of the districts without any pay or even a traveling allowance, entirely in addition to their normal duties.

The Youth Self Employment Programme of Bangladesh

In 1982, when the military government of General Ershard took over Bangladesh, I was working as the Commonwealth Fund Advisor on Youth to the Ministry of Youth Development. The Military Government was very sceptical and critical about the work done in the Youth Ministry. A Conference was held to evaluate the programmes, when I was ordered to detail what contribution I could make for Bangladesh. I recommended that there should be a programme to guide youths in training to become self employed because most of the 40,000  youths trained each year remained unemployed. The Secretary to the Treasury, the highest ranking officer in the service objected on the grounds that a self employment or employment creation programme was something that can never be achieved. He quoted the miserable failure of an attempt by the International Labour Organization(ILO) to establish a self employment programme in Tangail, Bangladesh in the earlier three years and vehemently insisted that I will never be able to establish a self employment programme. I contested his views and persisted that I had the experience as well as the academic qualifications and could be certain of success. A bitter argument  ensued my detailing how I will succeed, while he was adamant that I would fail. I had to offer a challenge- that though the ILO of the United Nations with all their funds and world famed experts failed, I will succeed. This battle in  an  intensive and gruelling form went on for over two hours between the two of us  till the Minister had enough of it and ordered both of us to shut up. He then said that he had been listening to both sides and that I had convinced him and ordered that I should establish a self employment programme. The Secretary to the Treasury, the officer who held the purse strings stumped stating  that he will not be providing any funds for any such programme as there were no funds to waste. I immediately replied that I needed no new funds, but our Ministry  should be authorised to find savings within the existing youth training budget and utilize such savings for establishing the self employment activities. I added that our Ministry  should be authorized to vary the remits of officers working in the Youth Ministry. The Minister approved my suggestion to the chagrin of the Secretary to the Treasury.

I started work the very next day with around a few hundred youth workers, deputy directors of youth, lecturers who were involved in vocational training, teaching them elements of economics, national economic priorities-how to identify areas where employment creation will result in increases in production, how the youths should be guided to develop their abilities and capacities as they engaged in activities to establish minor income generating projects.  This was national planning in detail and motivating youths to take on the mantle of  national development. It was a combination of economics and methods of involving youths in income generation activities, establishing chicken farms, dairy projects, carpentry and sewing projects etc. We were motivating the youths to utilize the skills they were learning and get into a process of action which will bring them incomes.

 In less than two years by the time my assignment ended 2000 youths were being guided to become self employed. By March 1985  6024 youths had established income generating projects.

This Programme which commenced in mid 1982, continued entirely funded from savings from other youth training budgets till 1985 when it was accorded an annual allocation  by the Five Year Plan of the Planning Commission of Bangladesh.

With this allocation the Programme was developed further. Its three residential training centers in 1982 was increased to 10 by 1984/65, to 64 by 1997.

By 2011 the Government of Bangladesh reported to the IFAD(FAO), one of the funders that two million youths had become self employed. Today it is an ongoing programme where 160,000 youths are guided annually to become self employed.

This YSEP is easily the premier programme of employment creation the World has known that has by now guided over three million youths to become self employed. The Youth Development Department  that implements this Programme today spends 95% of its time and budget to create self employed youth out of school dropouts. All this was achieved by a programme which was entirely funded from savings in voted budgets for the first four years 1982 to 1985.   

Today, in my eighties,  I am proud to have designed and established this world class programme, with the active support of  Bangladeshi administrators trained by me.

( For more details: How the IMF Ruined Sri Lanka and  Alternative Programmes of success(Godages: 2006)

Over to our new leaders: Please consider funding a few employment creation programmes from savings. The quoted instances prove that this can be done.  May I suggest for kind consideration that the projects selected be of the import substitution type, where there is an immediate benefit in terms of obviating foreign exchange being used for imports. There are many projects that can be commenced within months, which can be proved sustainable within a year.

Our country yearns for any such initiative today.

Garvin Karunaratne

Former G.A. Matara


Author of: How the IMF Ruined Sri Lanka & Alternative Programmes of Success(Godages:2006)

Papers on the Economic Development of Sri Lanka,(Godages: 2010)

How the IMF Sabotaged Third World Development (Kindle/Godages:2017)

War crime pardons dishonor the Christian roots of the modern military

January 22nd, 2020

Matthew Shadle Courtesy America the Jesuit Review

Navy SEAL Edward Gallagher leaves a military court on Naval Base San Diego on July 2, 2019. (AP Photo/Gregory Bull, File)

Navy SEAL Edward Gallagher leaves a military court on Naval Base San Diego on July 2, 2019. (AP Photo/Gregory Bull, File)

Last November, President Trump pardoned Army First Lt. Clint Lorance, who was convicted of murdering two civilians in Afghanistan in 2012, and Maj. Matt Golsteyn, accused of murdering an alleged Taliban member who had been detained by U.S. forces in 2010 and then burning his body. Mr. Trump also restored the rank of Navy SEAL Eddie Gallagher, who was convicted of posing for a photograph with the corpse of an ISIS detainee in Iraq.

Days later, Secretary of the Navy Richard Spencer resigned and voiced his concern that Mr. Trump’s decision endangered good order and discipline” in the military. Retired military officers and legal experts shared Mr. Spencer’s concerns, fearing that soldiers accused of war crimes could mount public campaigns to gain a president’s support and thus discourage military officers from reporting and prosecuting war crimes. Indeed, Mr. Trump ordered the Navy to strip the four prosecutors in Mr. Gallagher’s case of medals they were awarded for their work on the case.

Aside from these serious concerns for good order and military justice, Mr. Trump’s actions risk undermining an ideal of the soldier as a professional and a person of honor, the protector of the innocent and servant of the common good. This ideal has Christian roots and has been carefully, if unevenly, cultivated by the U.S. military in its code of justice and professional training.Mr. Trump’s actions risk undermining an ideal of the soldier as a professional and a person of honor, the protector of the innocent and servant of the common good.Tweet this

During the European Middle Ages, Roman ethical and legal traditions, secular warrior codes of chivalry, and the Christian commitment to love of neighbor were forged into a Christian ideal of a warrior. This just-war ideal had a profound impact on medieval warfare, though in practice strictures like those protecting civilians were at times ignored. (See the siege of Jerusalem in 1099, during the First Crusade.)

In the period between the Wars of Religion in the 16th century and the Napoleonic Wars of the 19th century, developments like the widespread use of gunpowder and the growing ability of states to muster resources and personnel in support of their war efforts made modern warfare increasingly destructive and taxing on civilian populations. The mechanization of warfare and the increased use of aerial bombing in World War I and World War II hastened this evolution toward indiscriminate warfare, while the emergence of the mass media helped spread public awareness of the suffering caused by war. Secular jurists, building on the earlier Christian just-war tradition, responded by establishing international laws of war governing the treatment of prisoners of war and civilian populations. These covenants also included prohibitions on certain forms of weapons, including chemical and biological weapons.Secular jurists, building on the earlier Christian just-war tradition, established international laws of war governing the treatment of prisoners of war and civilian populations.Tweet this

The Nuremberg Trials and other war crimes trials in the aftermath of World War II represented a turning point in addressing the horrors of modern warfare: Individual soldiers were held accountable for their actions, even during war, based on internationally recognized principles of law. The thinking was that the evils of war are not inevitable but rather the result of choices for which the perpetrators can be held responsible. Although in these trials the victors imposed justice on the defeated, in the decades that followed the United States and other nations have made halting progress in holding their own soldiers accountable. U.S. soldiers who commit war crimes are typically charged under the Uniform Code of Military Justice for offenses like murder or manslaughter.

When Lt. William Calley was court martialed and convicted in 1971 for his role in the My Lai Massacre, U.S. public opinion was divided; Mr. Calley’s life sentence was reduced to 20 years, and he was eventually released after less than four years of house arrest. Since the end of the Vietnam War and the creation of the all-volunteer military, however, the U.S. armed forces have increasingly imparted to troops the need to follow the laws of war and held soldiers accountable when those laws are violated. Indeed, some of Mr. Trump’s defenders argue that commanding officers are today too eager to find soldiers guilty in complex cases. Still, given the failure to investigate alleged war crimes in Afghanistan and the United States’ refusal to place its soldiers under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, the fact that soldiers like Mr. Lorance, Mr. Golsteyn and Mr. Gallagher are held accountable at all is a remarkable historical achievement.

In the aftermath of the so-called Revolution in Military Affairs—beginning with the Persian Gulf War in 1991, in which the adoption of information technology and telecommunications by the U.S. military seemed to reduce soldiers to technicians, and the increased use of private contractors in the war on terror”—the U.S. armed forces have sought to restore the notion that soldiers are professionals, moral agents at the service of the public good. For example, the U.S. Army Doctrine Publication defines the Army as characterized by trust, honorable service, military expertise, stewardship, and ésprit de corps” and calls on soldiers to cultivate the ability to think critically and creatively.” Although the military profession is secular, the U.S. armed services recognizes that the values it hopes to instill in soldiers often have religious roots, and the military chaplaincy plays an important role in nurturing these ethical and professional values.RELATED STORIES

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This image of the soldier as the steward of a profession serving a public trust is placed at risk by the darker vision reflected in Mr. Trump’s pardons. In a tweet published on Oct. 12, signaling his willingness to issue the pardons, Mr. Trump wrote, We train our boys to be killing machines, then prosecute them when they kill!” By referring to soldiers as killing machines,” Mr. Trump dehumanizes soldiers, denying their role as ethical agents and professionals. During the presidential campaign in 2016, Mr. Trump also called on U.S. soldiers to commit war crimes, including killing the family members of terrorists and engaging in torture techniques a hell of a lot worse” than waterboarding; he asserted that soldiers would obey these blatantly illegal orders.

Although the laws of war are now deeply embedded in the culture of the U.S. military, a contrary message from the commander in chief, reinforced in the recent pardons, threatens to undermine the ethic of professionalism that has been cultivated by military leaders. Despite the secular nature of today’s military profession, because of the Christian roots of this ethic and the important role of faith in instilling military professionalism, Christians should be especially concerned that the notion of the soldier as the protector of the innocent and servant of the common good is being eroded.

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ශ්‍රී ලංකා වාසී ජනතාව තවම ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව සම්මත නොකළ එම නිසා තවම නීතියක් වී නැති 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත සහ කළු සුදු කිරීමේ 21 හා 22

January 22nd, 2020

හර්ෂ කුමාර් සුරියආරච්චි

මෙම ලිපියේ පළමු කොටසින් 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත තවම ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුල නිතිය බවට පත් වී නොමැති බවට කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලැබේ.

කථානායක තුමා අත්සන් කර ඇතැයි යන හේතුවෙන් 19 ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත නීත්‍යානුකුල වන්නේ යැයි පැවසීම සාවද්‍ය බවත් එය නිත්‍යානුකුලව සම්මත නැති බව අධිකරණයේ ප්‍රශ්න කල හැකි බවත් මෙම ලිපියේ දෙවන කොටසින් පැහැදිලි කර ඇත.

තුන්වන කොටසින් 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත තවම ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුල නිතිය බවට පත් වී නොමැති හේතුව මත 2019 පැවති ජනාධිපතිවරණය අවලංගු වේද නොවේද යන්න සාකච්චා කරනු ලැබේ.

සිව්වැනි කොටසින් මෙම වැරැද්දට පිළියම් සහ මෙම වැරැද්ද ඉක්මනින්ම නිවැරදි නොකළහොත් ඇතිවන අතුරු ප්‍රථිපල විස්තර කර ඇත.

ලිපියේ අගට අදාල ව්‍යවස්ථා, අනුව්‍යවස්ථා සහ නඩු තීන්දු වල අදාල කොටස් උපුටා ඇත්තේය. 


ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිතුමා විශාල දේශප්‍රේමී ජනතා චන්දයකින් තේරී පත් වුනි. එතුමාගෙන් ජනතාව අපේක්ෂා කල කාර්යයන් ඉටු කෙරීමට එතුමා සුදානම් බව පෙනේ. නමුත් එතුමාම කිහිප වරක් පවසා ඇති පරිදි ඊනියා 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය එතුමාගේ කාර්යයට විශාල බාධාවක් වී තිබේ.

ජනාධිපති තුමා දිවුරුම් දෙන අවස්ථාවේදී නිවැරදි ව, රටේ ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍ය වරයා ලෙස කටයුතු කරන බව ජාතියට දැනුම් දෙන ලදී. 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත තවම ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව සම්මත වී නැති බැවින් එතුමා ගේ එම ප්‍රකාශය නිවැරදිය. නමුත් තවමත් ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍ය ධුරය එතුමා පවරා ගෙන නැත්තේ, 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත සම්මත වී ඇතැයි වැරදි මතයක් එතුමාට ලබා දී ඇති නිසා විය හැක.

මෙය ශ්‍රී ලංකා ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්බන්ධ සුවිසේෂි වූ අවස්ථාවකි. පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83 වන වගන්තිය ප්‍රකාරව ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයක් සම්මත කල යුතු අවස්ථාවක,  එනම් ජනමතවිචරනයකින් සම්මත කල යුතු ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයක්, 83 ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව සම්මත කිරීමට කටයුතු කල යුතු නැතැයි යන විශ්වාශයෙන් ඊට පරිභාහිර ක්‍රමවේදයකින් ජනමතවිචරනයකින් තොරව අසම්පුර්ණව සම්මත කර තිබේ. පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් සම්මත කල විට සාමාන්‍යයෙන් එහි නිත්‍යානුකුල භාවය පිලිබදව ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව අධිකරණයේ ප්‍රශ්න කල නොහැකි වී තිබුනද වෙනත් නඩු නිමිත්තකින් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය ලබා දුන් අර්ථ දැක්වීමකට අනුව සහ ඊට පෙර ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය ලබා දුන් අර්ථ දැක්වීමකටද අනුව කරුණු සලකා බැලීමේදී එම සංශෝධනය පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව ප්‍රකාර සම්මත කල යුත්තක් බව තහවුරු වී තිබේ. 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත ඒ අනුව තවම ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව සම්මත වී නොමැති බව මෙම ලිපියෙන් පෙන්වා දෙයි.

තවම නිත්‍යයානුකුලව සම්මත වී නැති, එම නිසාම කෙටුම්පතක් පමණක් වන්නක් රටේ ආරක්ෂාවට සහ දියුණුවට අහිතකර ලෙස බලපෑමට ඉඩ දෙන්නේ ඇයි දැයි සොයා බලමු.

පළමු කොටස

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කිරීමේ පරමාධිපත්‍ය බලය ඇත්තේ ජනතාවටයි. පවතින ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ මුලධර්ම වලට පටහැනි නොවන සංශෝධන කිරීමේ බලය පමණක් ජනතාව විසින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පවරා දී ඇත. එම මුලධර්ම වලට පටහැනි සංශෝධන කල හැක්කේ ජනමත විචාරණයකින් ජනතාව ගේ අනුමැතිය ලබා ගැනීමෙන් පසුව පමණකි.

19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව සම්මත වී නැති බව

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව යම් කිසි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පතක් සම්මත කල හැකි ක්‍රම වේදය “ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කිරීම” වශයෙන් XII වන පරිච්චේදයේ 82 වන හා 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා මගින් දක්වා ඇත.

එම 82 හා 83 ව්‍යවස්ථා දෙකටම අනුව 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත පරිලිමෙන්තුවේ 2/3 චන්දයකින් සම්මත කර ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පවත්වා ජනතාව එය අනුමත කළහොත් ජනාධිපති තුමා විසින් ඒ බව සටහන් කර අත්සන් තැබූ විට පමණක් ඒ පනත් කෙටුම්පත නිතිය බවට පත් වේ. තවම 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත පිළිබඳව ජනමත විචාරණයක් පවත්වා නැත. එම නිසා එය තවම නීතියක් නොවේ. මේ වන විට බල පැවැත්වෙන්නේ 18 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය තෙක් වූ ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පමණකි.

82 හා 83 ව්‍යවස්ථා වලින් 83 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථාව බලවත් වේ. (මෙහි ව්‍යවස්ථා වශයෙන් පවසන්නේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ යම් ආංකික වගන්තියක් සලකන්නේ එම ආංකික ව්‍යවස්ථාව ලෙස බැවිනි. එය ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන සමග පටලවා  නොගත යුතුය. මෙතෙක් 1978 ව්‍යවස්ථාව තුල ඇත්තේ සංශෝධන 17 ක් පමණි. 12 වැනි සංශෝධනයක් නැත. එමනිසා 18 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයක් ලෙස නම් කල සංශෝධනයක් පවතී). 83 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථාව පවසන අරුත වන්නේ,  ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය සදහා වූ යම් කිසි පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් 82 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුකුල වුවත්,  එම පනත් කෙටුම්පත ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 1,2,3,6,7,8,9,10,11 යන ව්‍යවස්ථා හෝ 30(2), 62(20) යන අනු ව්‍යවස්ථා වලට අනුකුල නොවන්නා වූ කාරණා සහිත පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් නම් එය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දී  2/3 චන්දයකින් සම්මත කල පසු ජනමත විචාරණයකින්  ජනතාව සම්මත කර ඒ බව ජනාධිපති තුමා සහතික කරන තෙක් එම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත නීතියක් බවට පත් නොවන බවය.

ව්‍යවස්ථාව අර්ථ දැක්වීමේ බලය ඇත්තේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයටයි. ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය 2002 වසරේදී අග විනිසුරු ප්‍රමුඛ සත් දෙනකුගෙන් සමන්විත විනිසුරු මඩුල්ලක් තීරණය කර ඇති පරිදි, ජනාධිපති තුමාට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසිරීමට ඇති බලය අහිමි කිරීම වසර 3කට වඩා වැඩි වන්නේනම් එය 3වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව උල්ලංඝනය කිරීමක් වන බවයි. එසේනම් යම් ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයක් එම උල්ලංඝනය සිදු කරන්නේනම්  එම සංශෝධනය නිතිය බවට පත්වීමට 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව කටයුතු කල යුතුය. ඒ අනුව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දී  2/3 චන්දයකින් සම්මත කල පසු ජනමත විචාරණයකින්  ජනතාව සම්මත කර ඒ බව ජනාධිපති තුමා සහතික කල යුතුය. එසේ කරන තෙක් එම කෙටුම්පත නීතියක් බවට පත් නොවේ. 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පතට අනුව ජනාධිපතිට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසිරවිමේ බලය වසර 4 1/2ක් තෙක් අහිමි කර ඇත්තේය.

මේ බව, 2018 දී සත් දෙනෙකුගෙන් සමන්විත විනිසුරු මඩුල්ලක් විසින් දෙන ලද තීන්දුවෙන්, පාර්ලිමේන්තුව් 2/3ක සම්මතය පමණක් ලබා ඇති 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පතට අනුව ජනාධිපති තුමාට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසිරවීමට ඇති බලය වසර 4 1/2 තෙක් අහිමි කර ඇති බව පැහැදිලි කර තිබේ. එනයින් 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත මගින් 3 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව උල්ලංඝනය වී ඇති බව 2002 දී සත් දෙනෙකුගෙන් සමන්විත විනිසුරු මඩුල්ලක් විසින් දෙන ලද තීන්දුවෙන් තහවුරු වේ.

19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පතින් මෙකී උල්ලංඝනය සිදු වී ඇති බැවින් එය නීතියක් බවට පත් වීමට 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව අවශ්‍ය ජනමත විචාරණය පවත්වා නොමැති බැවින් සහ ඒ අනුව ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ සහතිකය ලබා දී නොමැති බැවින් 19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත තවම නීතියක් වී නොමැත.

මෙසේ නීතියක් වී නොමැති 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත නීතියක් ලෙස සලකමින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව හෝ  විධායකය හෝ  අධිකරණය හෝ  කටයුතු කරන්නේනම් එය එම ආයතනයන් විසින් ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍යය කොල්ල කෑමකි. ජනතාව විසින් එම ආයතන වලට ලබා දුන් විශ්වාසය භංග කිරීමකි.

19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පතින් මිට අමතරව 30(2) අනු ව්‍යවස්ථාවද සංශෝධනය වී ඇත. එයින් මෙතෙක් පැවති ජනාධිපති ධුර කාලය වසර 6 සිට වසර 5 දක්වා සංශෝධනය කර ඇත. 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් පවසන්නේ 30(2) අනු ව්‍යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කිරීමට ජනමත විචාරණයක් අවශ්‍ය බවයි. (ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ ඉංග්‍රීසි පරිවර්තනය මෙහිදී නිවැරදි නැත. එවැනි ගැටළුවක් පවතින විට සිංහල මුල් ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව කටයුතු කල යුතුය.) මෙම කාරණය අරභයාද 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත නීතියක් බවට පත්වීමට ජනමත විචාරණයක් පවත්වා එය ජනාධිපතිතුමා විසින් සහතික කල යුතුය. එසේ අවශ්‍ය ජනමත විචාරණය පවත්වා නොමැති බැවින් සහ ඒ අනුව ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ සහතිකය ලබා දී නොමැති බැවින් 19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත තවම නීතියක් වී නොමැත.

ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව නීතියක් නොවුවක් ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුල නීතියක් ලෙස ගෙන කටයුතු කරන සියළු දෙනාම එසේ කිරීමෙන් ව්‍යවස්ථා විරෝධිව කටයුතු කරන්නන් බවට පත් වේ.

ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය 2018 දී 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත අරභයා නඩුවක් කතා කිරීම නිසා 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත නීතිගත වී ඇති බවට සාවද්‍ය මතයක් සමහරුන් තුල පවතී. මෙම ලිපියේ මුලින් සදහන් කල පරිදි ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව යම් කිසි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පතක් සම්මත කල හැකි ක්‍රම වේදය “ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කිරීම” වශයෙන් XII වන පරිච්චේදයේ 82 වන හා 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා මගින් දක්වා තිබේ. 82 හා 83 ව්‍යවස්ථාවන් වල හෝ ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ වෙන මොනයම් තැනක හෝ ජනමතවිචරනයකින් සම්මත කල යුතු ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයක් එසේ නොකොට ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය නඩුවක් පිළිගැනීම මගින් සම්මත කල හැකි යැයි ප්‍රතිපාදන සලසා නැත.

ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය සිදු කරන්නේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවක හෝ කෙටුම්පතක අන්තර්ගතය අර්ථ දැක්වීමයි. 2018 නඩු තීන්දුවෙන් පැහැදිලි වන්නේ 2015 පැවති ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව සිදු කල නොහැකි අසම්පුර්ණ ක්‍රමවේදයකින් ව්‍යවස්ථාමය වෙනසක්, 19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත නීතියක් ලෙස පිළිගතහොත් සිදු වී ඇති බවයි. 19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත නීතියක් ලෙස පිළිගත යුතුද නැද්ද යන්න එම නඩුවේදී සාකච්ඡ නොකෙරුණි. නීතිඥ වරුන්, කථානායක තුමා, කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලය, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්, පැමිණිලි පාර්ශ්චවය හෝ විත්ති පාර්ශ්චවය සාකච්චාවට නොගත්, උසාවියට ඉදිරිපත් නොකළ කරුණක් ගැන ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය තීන්දුවක් දී නැත. එවකට නීතිපතිතුමා පමණක් 19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පතට 33 2 c  වගන්තිය ඇතුලත් කලේ ජනමතවිචාරණයකට යෑම වැලක්වීමට බව ප්‍රකාශ කලද එවැනි අදහසකින් එය ඇතුලත් කල බව අධිකරණය පිළිගෙන නොතිබුණි. එසේම පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් 19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත නීතියක් ලෙස සම්මත කර නොගත්තක් බව උසාවියට දැනුම් දී නොතිබුණි. ඒ අනුව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය එම නඩුව විභාගයට ගෙන දුන් තීන්දුවට අනුව 2015 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුල පමණක් සම්මත වූ 19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත තුල 2002 දී ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය විසින් ජනමතවිචාරණයකට නොයා සම්මත කල නොහැකියැයි සදහන් කල කාරණයක් අඩංගු වී ඇති බව පැහැදිලි වී ඇත.

ඒ අනුව 19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත තවම නීතියක් වී නොමැත. ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව දැනට වලංගු වන්නේ 18 වන සංශෝධනය දක්වා වූ ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පමණි.

දෙවැනි කොටස

අප විසින් කලින් පෙන්වා දුන් පරිදි 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත තුල 3 වන අනුලංඝනිය ව්‍යවස්ථාව  උල්ලංඝනය  වී ඇති බව 2002 සහ 2018 නඩු තීන්දු පිළිගැනීමෙන් තහවුරු වේ. එම නිසා ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව එය නීතියක් බවට පත්වීමට ජනමත විචාරණයක් සහ ජනාධිපති සහතිකය අවශ්‍ය බැවින් ද එම පියවරයන් මෙතෙක් සම්පුර්ණ වී නැති බැවින් ද 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත තවම් කෙටුම්පතක් පමණක් බවත් නීතියක් නොවන බවත් පැහැදිලි ය.

ජනමතවිචාරණයකට නොගියේ වූ නමුදු කථානායක තුමා අත්සන් කර ඇති හේතුවෙන් 19 ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත 80 ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව නීත්‍යානුකුල වි ඇති බවට සාවද්‍ය මතයක් ඇත. මේ පිලිබදව විචාරමු.

83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව කථානායක අත්සන් තැබීමෙන් ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පතක් නිතිය බවට පත් නොවේ. ඒ සදහා ඊට අමතරව ජනමත විචාරණයක් සහ ජනාධිපති සහතිකය අවශ්‍ය බව ඉතා පැහැදිලිව දක්වා තිබේ.

එසේම කථානායක තුමා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සම්මත වූ බවට අත්සන් තබන සහතිකයේද පහත සටහන තැබිය යුතු යුතු බව 79 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ අවසන් පරිච්චේදයේ සදහන් වේ. එනම්

“79.    ……………..එසේ තවදුරටත්, 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව ප්‍රකාර පනත් කෙටුම්පතක හෝ එහි යම් විධි විධානයක් ජනමතවිචාරණයකදී ජනතාව විසින් අනුමත කිරීම අවශ්‍ය වන අවස්ථාවක, ඒ පනත් කෙටුම්පත හෝ ඒ විධිවිධානය ජනතාව විසින් ජනමතවිචාරණයක දී අනුමත කරනු ලබන තෙක් නිතිය බවට පත් නොවිය යුතු බව ද ඒ සහතිකයේ සදහන් විය යුත්තේය.”

19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත කලින් විස්තර කර ඇති පරිදි 83 ව්‍යවස්ථාව ප්‍රකාර ජනමතවිචාරණයකට යෑ යුතු බැවින් කථානායක තුමා තම අත්සන තැබූ සහතිකයේ, ඉහත පරිදි, එනම් “19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත  ජනතාව විසින් ජනමතවිචාරණයක දී අනුමත කරනු ලබන තෙක් නිතිය බවට පත් නොවිය යුතු බව” ද සදහන් කල යුතු විය.

එවිට 80 (1) අනුව්‍යවස්ථාව අදාල නොවේ. 80 (1) අනුව්‍යවස්ථාව පවසන්නේ, පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් සම්මත කරන පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් කථානායක තුමා අත්සන් තැබූ විට එය නිතිය බවට පත්වන බවයි. නමුත් කතානායක තුමාගේ සහතිකයේම, ජනමතවිචාරණයකට යන තෙක් එය නිතිය බවට පත් නොවිය යුතු යැයි පවසන විටදී එය නිතිය බවට පත්වන්නේ එසේ ජනමතවිචාරණ ක්‍රියාවලිය සම්පුර්ණ වූ විට පමණි. 80(1) අනුව්‍යවස්ථාව තවදුරටත් 80(2) අනුව්‍යවස්ථාවට යටත් වේ. 80(2) අනුව්‍යවස්ථාවෙහි කතානායක තුමා ගේ සහතිකය ප්‍රමාණවත් නොවන විට ජනමතවිචාරණයකට යා යුතු වීමත් ජනාධිපති තුමා අත්සන් තැබිය යුතු වීමත් සදහන් කරයි. එනමුදු 80(2) අනුව්‍යවස්ථාවෙහි 83 ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙහි සදහන් ජනමතවිචාරණය පිළිබද කාරණා අඩංගු නොවේ. 80(2) හි එම නිසා 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පතට 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව ක්‍රියා කල යුතු ආකාරය සෘජුව සාකච්චා නොකරයි. කෙසේ වෙතත් එම හේතුව නිසා 80(2) නොව 80(1) බලපවත්වන්නේ යැයි යමෙකු තර්ක කලේ නම් වුවද, 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත අරභයා කථානායක තුමාගේ සහතිකයෙහි, 79 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා ප්‍රකාර “ඒ පනත් කෙටුම්පත  ජනතාව විසින් ජනමතවිචාරණයක දී අනුමත කරනු ලබන තෙක් නිතිය බවට පත් නොවිය යුතු බව” සදහන් විය යුතු බැවින් 80(1) ට අනුව වුවද 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත නීතියක් බවට පත්වන්නේ එවන් ජනමතවිචාරණයක දී ජනතාව විසින් එය අනුමත කරනු ලැබූ විට පමණි.

19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව කටයුතු කල යුත්තක් බැවින් (2002 හා 2018 ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීන්දු වලට අනුව 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පතින් 3 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව උල්ලංඝනය වන බවට සෘජුවම පැහැදිලි වන බව මේ ලිපියේ පෙන්වා දී ඇත. එවන් පනතක් සම්මත කර ගත යුත්තේ 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුවයි), ඊට අනුව ජනමතවිචරනයකින් ජනතාව එය අනුමත කල යුතු  බැවින් එතෙක් එය නිතිය බවට පත් නොවන බව 79 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා ප්‍රකාර කථානායක තුමා තැබිය යුතු සටහන එතුමා තබා නැත.

එය අතපසු වීමක් නිසා හෝ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත අර්ථ දක්වන ආකාරයට වෙනස් ආකාරයකින් බල පැවැත්වේ යැයි විශ්වාශ කල නිසා හෝ විය හැක. එය ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුල නොවන බව දැනගත්තේ 2018 පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසිරවිම පිලිබදව වූ නඩු තීන්දුවෙන් පසු වීමට බොහෝ ඉඩ ඇත. නමුත් ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව අප පිලිගතයුත්තේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ අර්ථ දැක්වීම බැවින් එතුමා එම සටහන නොයෙදීම ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුල නොවේ.

ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව නිවැරදි නොවන බැවින් කථානායක තුමා මේ වනවිට 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සම්මත වී යයි අත්සන් කරන ලද සහතිකයද වලංගු නොවේ. එම අනුව 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුල සම්මත වීමේ පියවරද තවම පුර්ණ වී නැත.

එම නිසා 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත නීතියක් බවට පත්විමටනම් 79 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ අවසන් පරිච්චේදය පරිදි කථානායකතුමා සටහන් කොට අත්සන් තබා, 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව ප්‍රකාර ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පවත්වා එහිදී ජනතාව අනුමත කළහොත් ජනාධිපති තුමා ඒ බව සහතික කොට අත්සන් තැබිය යුතුය. එතෙක් 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත කෙටුම්පතක් පමණි. නීතියක් නොවේ.

එසේම 80(3) අනුව්‍යවස්ථාවේ මෙසේ සදහන් වේ.

80^3& wjia:dfpdaÑ; mßÈ ckdêm;sjrhd f.a fyda l:dkdhljrhdf.a iy;slh mk;a flgqïm;la u; igyka lrkq ,enQ miq tu mk;a flgqïm; kS;sh njg m;a jk wjia:djl ta mkf;ys j,x.=Ndjh ms<sn|j mÍlaId lsÍu” ta ms<sn|j u;hla m%ldY lsÍu fyda ljr jQ fyda wdldrhlska m%Yak lsÍu lsisu wêlrKhla fyda úksYaph wêldrhla fyda úiska fkdl< hq;af;a h’”

මෙයින් පැහැදිලිවන කාරණයක් නම් එම අවසාන සහතික කිරීම අවස්ථාවෝචිත පරිදි ජනාධිපති තුමා හෝ කථානායක තුමා කලයුතු බවයි. එනම් ජනමතවිචාරණයකට යා යුතු පනතක් නම් ජනමතවිචාරණයෙන් ජනතාව අනුමත කලේනම් එවිට ජනාධිපති තුමාද, එසේ ජනමතවිචාරණයකට නොයා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පමණක් සම්මත කල හැකි පනතක් නම් එවිට කථානායක තුමාද අත්සන් කල යුතු බවයි. එසේ අවස්ථාවෝචිත පරිදි අත්සන් කල විට එම පනත් කෙටුම්පත නිතිය බවට පත් වන බවත්ය.

පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව සම්මත කල යුත්තේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුකුලව බව 78 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ දෙවන අනුව්‍යවස්ථාවේ පැහැදිලිව දක්වා ඇත.

ජනමතවිචාරණයකට යා යුතු 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත මත ඒ අනුව අවස්ථාවෝචිත පරිදි තවම ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ සහතිකය සටහන් කර නැති බැවින් 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත තවම නීතියක් වී නොමැත.

නීතියක් නොවන, කෙටුම්පතක් පමණක් වන 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පතෙහි අඩංගු සමහර කාරණා වෙනස් කිරීමට අලුතින් ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත් (21 හා 22 ලෙස) ඉදිරිපත් කිරීම හුදෙක් නිතියානුකුල නොවූ 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත පස්ස දොරින් නීතිගත කිරීමට දරන ප්‍රයත්නයක් නම් එය වරක් මංකොල්ල කෑ ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍යය නැවතත් මංකොල්ල කෑමකි.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුව මෙම තත්වය නිසියාකාරව අධ්‍යයනය කොට තම අතපසුවිම මහත්මා ගුනයෙන් යුතුව පිළිගෙන 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව නීතිගත කිරීමට කටයුතු කරන්නේනම්, ජනතාව පාර්ලිමේන්තුව කෙරෙහි තැබූ විශ්වාෂය තරමක් දුරට හෝ ආරක්ෂා වනු ඇත. එතෙක් 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත නීතියක් ලෙස නොසැලකීම වගකිවයුතු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක යුතුකමකි.

තෙවැනි කොටස

19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය නීතියක් නොවීම නිසා 2019 ජනාධිපතිවරණය අවලංගු වේද?

19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත නීතියක් නොවන නිසා 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයට අනුව පැවැත්වූ ජනාධිපතිවරණය අවලංගු වේ යැයි සාවද්‍ය මතයක් පවතී. අප ඒ ගැන විචාරමු.

පළමුවෙන් අප තේරුම් ගත යුතු කරුණ නම් 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත 2019 ජනාධිපතිවරණය ප්‍රකාශිත දිනයේ නීතියක් වී නොමැති බවයි. එම නිසා 2019 ජනාධිපතිවරණය  19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයට අනුව පැවැත්වූයේයැයි පැවසීමම වැරදි බවයි. මක් නිසාද යත් ව්‍යවස්ථාමයව නීතියක් බවට පත්වී නැති කෙටුම්පතකට අනුව ජනාධිපතිවරණයක් පැවැත්විය නොහැකි බැවිනි. එසේ නම් ජනාධිපතිවරණය පවත්වා ඇත්තේ 18 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයට යටත්වයි.

2019 ජනපතිවරණයේදී විශාල වැඩි චන්ද ප්‍රමාණයකින් ජනාධිපති ධුරයට සුදුස්සා ජනතාව විසින් සිය චන්දයෙන් තීරණය කරන ලදී. ඒ මේ රටේ පරමාධිපත්‍ය බලයයි. එම ජනතා තේරීමට අභියෝග කල හැක්කේ ජනතාවට සිය චන්දය නිදහසේ භාවිත කිරීමට නොහැකි වූවානම් හෝ වෙනත් යම් මැතිවරණ අක්‍රමිකතාවක් සිදු වූවානම් හෝ පමණි.

2019 ජනාධිපතිවරණය ප්‍රකාශිත දිනයේ සිට ප්‍රථිපල නිකුත් කරන තෙක්ම ඉතා සාධාරණව හා නිදහස්ව පැවති බවට ජයග්‍රාහී පිල, පරාජිත පිල් සියල්ල, ස්වාධින මැතිවරණ නිරීක්ෂකයින්, තානාපතිවරුන්, දේශීය සහ විදේශීය සංවිධාන පමණක් නොව එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ සංවිධානය පවා පිළිගන්නා ලදී. එම නිසා ජනතාව නිදහසේ තම චන්දය ප්‍රකාශ කර ඇති බව පැහැදිලිව සියලු දෙනාම එක සේ පිළිගෙන ඇත. එසේම කිසිම මැතිවරණ අක්‍රමිකතාවයක් වූ බවට කිසිම පුද්ගලයකු අධිකරණය හමුවට ගොස්ද නැත.

එම නිසා ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍ය බලය නිසි ලෙස ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී ප්‍රකාශ වී තිබේ. එයට අභියෝග කල නොහැක. 2019 ජනාධිපතිවරණය අවලංගු නොවේ. අවලංගු කල නොහැක.

කෙසේ වතුදු හුදු අධ්‍යයන පරමාර්ථව 18 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය තෙක් එයද ඇතුළුව ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුකුලව 2019 ජනාධිපතිවරණය පැවත්වුයේදැයි යන්න සොයා බලමු.

2019 ජනාධිපතිවරණය පැවත්වු ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුකුලව (18 වන සංශෝධනය ඇතුළුව ඒ දක්වා වූ) ජනාධිපති ධුර කාලය වසර 6කි. බලයේ සිටින ජනාධිපතිවරයා තරග නොකරන අවස්ථාවක කලින් ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් වසර 5කදී ජනාධිපතිවරණයක් පැවැත්වීමේ ප්‍රතිපාදන එවකට නීතියක් වූ ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ නැත. එම නිසා 2018 ජනාධිපතිවරණය ප්‍රකාශ කිරීම නීති විරෝධිය. නමුත් කිසිවෙකුත් එයට අභියෝග කලේ නැත. එසේ අභියෝග නොකළේ ප්‍රකාශිත දිනය නීති විරෝධී වුවත් ඉක්මන් ජනපතිවරණයක් සැම පුරවැසියෙකුම අපේක්ෂා කල බැවිනි. විශේෂයෙන්ම එවකට බලයේ සිටි ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ අපේක්ෂාවද එයම විය. එම නිසා එසේ ජනාධිපතිවරණය පැවැත්වීම ජනතාවගේ අභිලාෂයයි. එයට දැන් අභියෝග කල නොහැක.

(ජනාධිපතිවරණ කැදවීමට විරුද්ධ නොවුනේ ජනාධිපතිවරණය පැවැත්වුයේ 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව යෑයි වැරදි ලෙස සිත සිටි නිසා යෑයි යමෙකුට තර්ක කල නොහැක. මක් නිසාද යත් නිතිය නොදැන සිටීම නිදහසට කාරණයක් නොවන බැවිනි).

තවදුරටත් වෙනත් ආකාරයකින් වැදගත් පුර්වාදර්ශයක්ද අප හමුවේ ඇත. 2015 වසරේදී මොහාන් පිරිස් මහතා කටයුතු කරමින් සිටි අග විනිසුරු තනතුරට එතුමාව පත් කලේ නීති විරෝධිව යැයි යන පදනම මත එතුමාව නොසලකා අගවිනිසුරු ලෙස ඊට පෙර සිටි අගවිනිසිරු තුමියට රාජකාරි කිරීමට කටයුතු කල අතර, එනමුදු එම නීති විරෝධි යැයි සැලකු පත් වීමෙන් පසු එතුමා ලබා දුන් නඩු තීන්දු අවලංගු නොකරන ලදී. එම රාජ්‍ය ක්‍රියාවලිය කිසිදු ආයතනයකින් (පාර්ලිමේන්තුව, අධිකරණය හා විධායකය යන ආයතන) ප්‍රතික්ෂේප නොවුණු අතර එවන් අවස්ථාවකදී රාජ්‍ය ප්‍රතිපත්තිය ඒ ආකාර විය යුතු බව රජය පිළිගෙන ඇත. එය රාජ්‍ය ප්‍රතිපත්තිය විය.

ඒ රාජ්‍ය ප්‍රතිපත්තිය අනුව 18 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයට අනුව ජනාධිපතිවරණයට දින නිර්ණය කිරීම නීති විරෝධී වුවද එම නීති විරෝධී දින නිර්ණය කිරීම නිසා ඇතිවූ මැතිවරණය හෝ එහි ප්‍රතිපල අවලංගු නොවේ.

19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත 82 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුවද ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව සම්මත වී නැති බව වෙනත් ලිපියකින් පෙන්වා දීමට බලාපොරොත්තු වෙමි.

සිව්වැනි කොටස

අතුරු ප්‍රතිපල සහ පිළියම්

මෙතෙක් පැහැදිලි කල පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තවම ව්‍යවස්තනුකුලව් සම්මත කර නැති 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත අරභයා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ගත හැකි ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුල හා සරලම ක්‍රියා මාර්ගය වනුයේ, මෙම කෙටුම්පත ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව නැවතී ඇති පියවර සම්පුර්ණ කිරීමය. එනම් කථානායක තුමා විසින් 79 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා ප්‍රකාරව ක්‍රියා කර ජනමත විචාරණයකින් අනුමත වන තෙක් මෙය නිතිය නොවන්නේයැයි යන සටහන යොදා දැන් අත්සන් කිරීමය. ඉන් පසු එම සටහනට අනුකුලව ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පවත්වා ඒ අනුව කටයුතු කිරීමය. ඒ සදහා මුළු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවම කටයුතු කල යුතුය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පුරවැසියන් නීති ගරුක වීම අවශ්‍යය. ඔවුන් ඊට කැමතිය. දැනට ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව නිතිය වන්නේ 18 වන සංශෝධනය තෙක් පමණි.එහෙත් රජයත්, විධායකයත්, පාර්ලිමේන්තුවත් නීතියක් නොවන දෙයක් නීතියක් ලෙස ගෙන නීති ගරුක නොවී කටයුතු කරමින් පවතී. ජනතාවත් ඒ අනුව නීති ගරුක නොවී කටයුතු කළහොත් ඊට විරුද්ධ විය නොහැකි වනු ඇත.

ජනමතවිචාරණයකින් ජනතාව අනුමතකළහොත් මිස වෙනස් කල නොහැකි 3 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව එසේ උල්ලංඝනය වන්නේ කෙස්දැයි 2002 වසරේදී ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ අග විනිසුරු ප්‍රමුඛ සත් දෙනකුගෙන් සැදී විනිශ්චය මඩුල්ලක් අර්ථ දක්වා ඇත. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ මන්ත්‍රී වරුන් 2/3 ක් චන්දය දුන් 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත  තුල එම උල්ලංඝනය සිදු වී ඇති බව 2018 වසරේදී ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ අග විනිසුරු ප්‍රමුඛ සත් දෙනකුගෙන් සැදී විනිශ්චය මඩුල්ලක් දුන් තීන්දුවෙන් තහවරු වී ඇත. එහෙත් ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පවත්වා නැත. ජනතාවගේ කැමැත්ත අසා නැත.

මෙලෙස නීති විරෝධී ලෙස පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ජනමත විචාරණයකට නොයා  3 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව උල්ලංගනය වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය සදහා වූ පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් නීති ගත කල බවක් පවසමින් සිටි. රජයත් එය අනුමත කරමින් සිටි. මෙම ක්‍රම වේදය පිළිගතහොත් ඒ ආකාරයටම ජනමතවිචාරණ නොපවත්වා 9 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවත් වෙනස් කරනු ඇත.එනම් රජය බුදු දහම අරකෂා කල යුතු නැතැයි සම්මත කර ගනු ඇත. ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ඒකීය රජයක් නොව ෆෙඩරල් රාජ්‍යයක් යයි සම්මත කර ගනු ඇත. තවත් බොහෝ දේ කරනු ඇත.

එම නිසා ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව සම්මත වී නැති 19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුලව සම්මත වී ඇති බවට රජය සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ජනතාවට බල කිරීමෙන් සහ ජනතාව රැවටීමෙන් වැලකී තමන් අතින් වෙමින් පවතින වැරැද්ද නිවැරදි කර ගැනීම සුදුසු වේ. එසේ නොමැතිනම් මෑත කාලයේ බිහිවූ රජයන් විසින් සිදු කරමින් පවතින රටේ සම්පත් හොරකම් කිරීම, රටේ සම්පත් විදේශ වලට පවරා දීම, මහ බැංකුව කොල්ලකෑම, දේශීයත්වය ඍජුවම හා වක්‍රව විනාශකිරීම ට අමතරව ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍යයට එරෙහිව ගොස් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවද මංකොල්ල කා ඇති බව අනාගත ඉතිහාසයේ කළු අකුරින් ලියැවෙනු ඇත. එයට ඉඩදුනහොත් එවන් පාපයන් ඉදිරියේ නිවටව කල් ගත කරමින් මියැදුණු පරම්පරාවක් ලෙස වර්තමාන පරම්පරාවද ඉතිහාස ගත වනු ඇත.

එයට ඉඩ නොදෙමු. වසර දහස් ගණනකට පසුත් අප අගය කරන අපගේ අතීත සැබෑ රජ වරුන් මෙන් වූ නායකයින් යලිත් බිහි කරමු.

හර්ෂ කුමාර් සුරියආරච්චි

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78, 79, 80, 82 සහ 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා

78  වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව

79′ md¾,sfïka;=j úiska iïu; lrk ,o iEu mk;a flgqïm;l u fuys my; oelafjk wdlD;sfhys jQ iy;slhla l:dkdhljrhd úiska iajlSh w;aik we;sj igyka l< hq;af;ah(- —^mk;a flgqïmf;a ¨yq~q kduh fuys i|yka lrkak& kue;s fï mk;a flgqïm; md¾,sfïka;=j úiska h:d mßÈ iïu; lrk ,o nj fuhska iy;sl lrñ’˜  mk;a flgqïm; iïu; lrk ,oafoa hï nyq;r Pkaohlska o ta nyq;r Pkaoh o ta iy;slfhys i|yka lrkq ,eìh yelafla h( tfia jqj o” 82 jeks jHjia:dfõ fyda 83 jeks  jHjia:dfõ fyda 84 jeks jHjia:dfõ fyda 123 jeks jHjia:dfõ ^2& jeks wkq jHjia:dfõ fyda úêúOdk m%ldr mk;a flgqïm; iïu; lsÍu i|yd úfYaI nyq;r Pkaohla wjYH jk wjia:djl § ta mk;a flgqïm; l:dkdhljrhd úiska iy;sl l< hq;af;a ta mk;a flgqïm; ta úfYaI nyq;r Pkaofhka iïu; ù we;akï muKls’ tfia ;jÿrg;a” 83 jeks jHjia:dj m%ldr mk;a flgqïm; fyda tys hï úêúOdkhla cku; úpdrKhl § ck;dj úiska wkqu; lsÍu wjYH jk wjia:djl” ta mk;a flgqïm; fyda ta úêúOdkh ck;dj úiska cku; úpdrKhl § wkqu; lrk ,nk f;la kS;sh njg m;a fkdúh hq;= nj o ta iy;slfha i|yka úh hq;af;a h’   l:dkdhljrhdf.a iy;slh’

79  වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව

                                                                                80 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව

80′          ^1& md¾,sfïka;=j úiska iïu; lrk ,o mk;a flgqïm;la u; l:dkdhljrhdf.a iy;slh Tyqf.a w;aik we;sj igyka lrkq ,enQ úg fï jHjia:dfõ ^2& jeks wkq jHjia:dfõ úêúOdkj,g hg;aj th kS;sh njg m;a jkafka h’                 ^2& hïlsis mk;a flgqïm;la fyda hïlsis mk;a flgqïm;l hïlsis úêúOdkhla fyda cku; úpdrKhla u.ska ck;djf.a wkqu;h i|yd bÈßm;a lsÍug wfmalaId lrk nj wud;H uKav,h úiska iy;sl lr we;a;d jQ wjia:djl fyda” hïlsis mk;a flgqïm;la fyda hïlsis mk;a flgqïm;l hïlsis úêúOdkhla fyda cku; úpdrKhl § ck;dj úiska wkqu; lsÍu wjYH nj fY%aIaGdêlrKh úiska ;SrKh lr we;a;d jQ wjia:djl fyda hïlsis mk;a flgqïm;la 85 jeks jHjia:dfõ ^2& jeks wkqjHjia:dj hgf;a cku; úpdrKhla u.ska ck;dj fj; bÈßm;a lrk wjia:djl” ta mk;a flgqïm; fyda ta úêúOdkh ck;dj úiska cku; úpdrKhl § 85 jeks jHjia:dfõ ^3& jeks wkqjHjia:djg wkql+,j wkqu; lr we;s nj ckdêm;sjrhd úiska iy;sl lrkq ,enQ úg muKla ta mk;a flgqïm; fyda ta mk;a flgqïmf;ys tlS úêúOdkh fyda kS;sh njg m;a jkafka h’ tfia wkqu; lrkq ,enQ iEu mk;a flgqïm;l u fuys my; oelafjk wdlD;sfhys jQ iy;slhla” ckdêm;sjrhd úiska iajlSh w;aik we;sj igyka l< hq;af;a h(- —fï mk;a flgqïm;$úêúOdkh cku; úpdrKhl § ck;dj úiska h:d mßÈ wkqu; lrk ,o nj fuhska iy;sl lrñ’˜ tjeks iy;slhla ckdêm;sjrhd úiska mk;a flgqïm;l igyka lsÍu – ^w&  ta mk;a flgqïm; ck;dj úiska wkqu; lrk ,o cku; úpdrKfha j,x.=Ndjh wNsfhda. Lrk lsis fm;aiula bÈßm;a lrkq fkd,enQ wjia:djl” tjeks cku; úpdrKhl j,x.=Ndjh wNsfhda. lrk fm;aiula Bg wod< kS;sh hgf;a bÈßm;a l< yelafla hï ld, iSudjla we;=<; o ta ld, iSudj bl=;a ùfuka miqj o ¦   ^wd&  ta mk;a flgqïm; ck;dj úiska wkqu; lrk ,oafoa hï cku; úpdrKhl § o ta cku; úpdrKfha j,x.=Ndjh wNsfhda. lrk fm;aiula bÈßm;a lrkq ,enQ wjia:djl” ta cku; úpdrKh j,x.= njg fY%aIaGdêlrKh úiska ;SrKh lrkq ,eîfuka miqj o¦ ñi” fkdl< hq;af;a h’   ta iEu iy;slhla u wjidkd;aul yd ;SrKd;aul jkafka h’ ta iy;slh ms<sn|j ljr jQ fyda wêlrKhl § m%Yak fkdl< hq;af;a h’   ^3& wjia:dfpdaÑ; mßÈ ckdêm;sjrhd f.a fyda l:dkdhljrhdf.a iy;slh mk;a flgqïm;la u; igyka lrkq ,enQ miq tu mk;a flgqïm; kS;sh njg m;a jk wjia:djl ta mkf;ys j,x.=Ndjh ms<sn|j mÍlaId lsÍu” ta ms<sn|j u;hla m%ldY lsÍu fyda ljr jQ fyda wdldrhlska m%Yak lsÍu lsisu wêlrKhla fyda úksYaph wêldrhla fyda úiska fkdl< hq;af;a h’   mk;a flgqïm;la kS;sh njg m;aùu’  

       82 හා  83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා

XII jeks mßÉfþoh   jHjia:dodhlh   wdKavql%u jHjia:dj ixfYdaOkh lsÍu   82′   ^1& wdKavql%u jHjia:dfõ hïlsis úêúOdkhla ixfYdaOkh lsÍu i|yd jQ mk;a flgqïm;la fõ kï tfia mßÉýkak lrkq ,nkakd jQ fyda fjkia lrkq ,nkakd jQ fyda tl;= lrkq ,nkakd jQ úêúOdk o ixfYdaOkhla fjf;d;a th o” mk;a flgqïmf;ys ksYaÑ; j m%ldYs;j we;akï ñi o ta mk;a flgqïm; wdKavql%u jHjia:dj ixfYdaOkh lsÍu i|yd jk mk;la njg tys §¾> kdufhys úia;r fldg we;akï ñi o ta mk;a flgqïm; md¾,sfïka;=fõ kHdh m;%hg we;=<;a fkdl< hq;af;a h’        ^2& wdKavql%u jHjia:dj mßÉýkak lsÍu i|yd jQ mk;a flgqïm;la fõ kï ta mk;a flgqïmf;ys wdKavql%u jHjia:dj fjkqjg kj wdKavql%u  jHjia:djla m%;sfhdackh lrk úêúOdk we;=<;a fõ kï ñio ta mk;a flgqïm; wdKavql%u jHjia:dj mßÉýkak fldg ta fjkqjg kj wdKavql%u jHjia:djla m%;sfhdackh lsÍu msKsi jk mk;la njg tys §¾> kdufhys úia;r fldg we;akï ñi o ta mk;a flgqïm; md¾,sfïka;=fõ kHdh m;%hg we;=<;a fkdl< hq;af;a h’          ^3& l:dkdhljrhdf.a u;h wkqj hïlsis mk;a flgqïm;la fï jHjia:dfõ ^1& jeks wkqjHjia:dfõ fyda ^2& jeks wkqjHjia:dfõ fyda kshuhkag wkql+,j ms<sfh< ù ke;akï ta kshuhkag wkql+, jk mßÈ ta mk;a flgqïm; ixfYdaOkh lrkq ,enqjfyd;a ñi ta mk;a flgqïm; iïu; lr .ekSug wjYH mshjr fkd.; hq;= hhs Tyq úiska úOdk l< hq;af;a h’        ^4& fï jHjia:dfõ by;ska jQ úêúOdkj,g l=ula i|ykaj ;snqK o” fï jHjia:dfõ ^1& jeks wkqjHjia:dfõ fyda ^2& jeks wkqjHjia:dfõ fyda kshuhkag wkql+, jk mk;a flgqïm;la md¾,sfïka;=j úiska ixfYdaOkh lsÍu kS;Hkql+, jkafka h’ tfia jqj o” tfia ixfYdaOkh lrkq ,enQ úg mk;a flgqïm; ta kshuhkag wkql+, úh hq;af;a h’        ^5& wdKavql%u jHjia:dfõ hïlsis úêúOdkhla ixfYdaOkh lsÍu i|yd jQ fyda wdKavql%u jHjia:dj mßÉýkak fldg ta fjkqjg fjk;a wdKavql%u jHjia:djla m%;sfhdackh lsÍu i|yd jQ fyda hïlsis mk;a flgqïm;lg mlaIj fok ,o Pkao ixLHdj ^fkdmeñKs uka;%Sjrhka o we;=¿j& uq¿ uka;%S ixLHdfjka ;=fkka follg wvq fkdjqjfyd;a iy 80 jeks jHjia:dfõ fyda 79 jeks  jHjia:dfõ úêúOdkj,g wkql+,j” wjia:dfjdaÑ; mßÈ ckdêm;sjrhd úiska fyda l:dkdhljrhd úiska fyda iajlSh w;aik we;sj iy;slhla tys igyka lrkq ,enQ úg ta mk;a flgqïm; kS;sh njg m;a jkafka h’        ^6& hïlsis kS;shl hïlsis úêúOdkhla” fï jHjia:dfõ by;ska jQ kshuhkag wkql+,j mkjkq ,enqjfyd;a ñi thska wdKavql%u jHjia:dj ke;fyd;a wdKavql%u jHjia:dfõ hïlsis úêúOdkhla ixfYdaOkh fkdjkafka h ¦ mßÉýka k fkdjka fka  h ¦ m%;sfhdackh fkdjkafka h’ ;j o” tfia ixfYdaOkh jkakdla fia fyda mßÉýkak jkakdla fia fyda m%;sfhdackh jkakdla fia fyda fkdie,lsh hq;af;a h’ ;j o” tfia w¾: ksrEmKh fkdl< hq;af;a h ¦ f;areï fkd.; hq;af;a h’        ^7& fï mßÉfþofhys —ixfYdaOkh˜ hkakg mßÉýkak lsÍu” fjkia lsÍu iy tl;= lsÍu o we;=<;a fõ’                     wdKavql%u jHjia:dj ixfYdaOkh lsÍu fyda mßÉýkak lsÍu m%ldYs;j u úh hq;= nj’  
      83′ 82 jeks jHjia:dfõ úêúOdkhkays mgyeksj l=ula i|ykaj we; o –   ^w&       1 jeks” 2 jeks” 3 jeks” 6 jeks” 7 jeks” 8 jeks” 9 jeks” 10 jeks iy 11 jeks jHjia:dj,                fyda fï  jHjia:dfjys fyda úêúOdk ixfYdaOkh lsÍu i|yd jQ fyda mßÉýkak fldg m%;sfhdackh lsÍu i|yd jQ fyda ta jHjia:dj, hï úêúOdkhlg wkkql+, jkakd jQ fyda mk;a flgqïm;lg ¦ iy   ^wd&    30 jeks  jHjia:dfõ ^2& jeks wkqjHjia:dfõ ke;fyd;a 62 jeks jHjia:dfõ ^2& jeks wkqjHjia:dfõ úêúOdk ixfYdaOkh lsÍu fyda mßÉýkak fldg m%;sfhdackh lsÍu fyda i|yd jQ ke;fyd;a ta úêúOdkj,g wkkql+, jkakd jQ o” wjia:dfjdaÑ; mßÈ ckdêm;sjrhdf.a Oqr ld,h idjqreoaola blaujd §¾> lrkakd jQ ke;fyd;a md¾,sfïka;=j mj;akd ld,h idjqreoaola blaujd §¾> lrkakd jQ o mk;a flgqïm;lg”   mlaIj fok ,o Pkao ixLHdj ^fkdmeñKs uka;%Sjrhka o we;=¿j& uq¿ uka;%S ixLHdfjka ;=fkka follg wvq fkdfõ kï o” cku; úpdrKhl § th ck;dj úiska wkqu; fldg we;akï o” 80 jeks  jHjia:djg wkql+,j ckdêm;sjrhd úiska tys iy;slhla iajlSh w;aik we;sj igyka fldg we;akï o” ta mk;a flgqïm; kS;sh njg m;a jkafka h’               we;eï mk;a flgqïm;a cku; úpdrKhl § wkqu; lsÍu’  

නඩු තීන්දුවලින් අදාල කොටස් උපුටා ගැනීම් (ලිපියේ දිග වැඩි වීම වැලැක්වීම සදහා සම්පුර්ණ නඩු තීන්දු උපුටා දක්වා නැත).

19 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත පිළිබද 2002 ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ නඩු තීන්දුවෙන් ..





පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසිරවිම පිළිබද ජනාධිපති බලතල සම්බන්ධ 2018 නඩු තීන්දුවෙන්…


දේශපාලන ස්වයං-වින්දනය

January 22nd, 2020

ආචාර්ය වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

මේ රටේ ජීවත් වෙන සියයට එකකටත් අඩු එක්තරා පිරිසකුත් සියයට 3 කට ආසන්න තවත් පිරිසකුත් දේශපාලන ස්වයං-වින්දනය ඇබ්බැහි වෙලා සෑහෙන අවුලක ඉන්න බවක් පේනවා. “හතේ අපේ පොත” සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඇතිවෙලා තියෙන කලබැලෑනිය එක්කත් මේ කට්ටිය පරල වෙලා. ඇත්තෙන් ම අර සියයට 3 ට සම්බන්ධ අයගෙන් සෑහෙන පිරිසක් නම් අහිංසක මිනිස්සු. ඒත් ඉතින් යමකට ඇබ්බැහි වුනා ම ඒකෙන් මිදෙන්න අමාරුයිනේ.

මේ කට්ටියට අද එළිවෙද්දි හරි ඊයේ රෑ හරි හොඳ රස කරවල කෑල්ලක් හම්බ වෙලා තියෙන බව පැහැදිළියි. කට්ටිය ම එකතු වෙලා ඒ කරවල කෑල්ල රහ කර කර හපන විදිහ අද දවසේ මූණු පොතේ කරක් ගහපු අය දකින්න ඇති. ඒ අය ඒක නම් කරලා තිබුණේ වෛද්‍ය පබසරි ගිනිගේ මැදගොඩ අබේතිස්ස හිමියන්ට ලිංගික අධ්‍යාපන ගැන පාඩමක් කියා දෙයි” කියලා.

මේ උගත් වෛද්‍යතුමිය කියන කතාවේ මුල් විනාඩියේ අන්තර්ගතය කියවලා බලන්න.

අපිට අනන්ත අප්‍රමාණ ළමයි එනවා අපි ළඟට. දශක ගානක් තිස්සේ බලනවා. ස්වයං වින්දනය කරන එක මහා පාපයක් කියලා හිතාගෙන එනවා අපේ හාමුදුරුවනේ. ඒ ගොල්ලෝ මානසිකව වැටෙනවා. ස්වයං වින්දනය කියන්නේ සාමාන්‍ය දෙයක්. ඒක සමාජගත කරනවා ද නැද්ද, වචන පාවිච්චි කරන එක අපි සංවේදී වෙන්න පුළුවන් – ඕන වේවි. නමුත් ස්වයං වින්දනය කියන්නේ විද්‍යාත්මකව – වෛද්‍ය විද්‍යාත්මකව සාමාන්‍ය දෙයක්. දරුවෝ ඒවා කරනවා අපේ හාමුදුරුවනේ. එහෙම අවුරුදු දහයේ ළමයි – පොඩි ළමයි අපිට හම්බ වෙනවා – ඒක මහා පාප කර්මයක් ය කියලා දෙමව්පියෝ මනෝ වෛද්‍යවරු – අපි ළඟට මේ ළමයි ඇරන් එනවා. ඒක එහෙම නෙවෙයි කියලා ඒ ළමයින්ව මානසික ආතතියෙන් මුදවා ගන්න එක අපේ රස්සාවේ කොටසක්. (මැදගොඩ හිමි: එතකොට ඒක ජෙනරලයිස් කරන්නේ ඇයි?). අපේ හාමුදුරුවනේ …”

අනන්ත අප්‍රමාණ” ළමයින්ට මෙහෙම මානසික ප්‍රශ්නයක් තියෙනවා කියලා හිතන සියයට කීයක් අපේ රටේ ඉන්නවා ද? මම දන්න එක ළමයෙක්වත් ඒ ළමයින්ගේ දෙමව්පියෝ විසින් මෙහෙම ලෙඩකට මානසික වෛද්‍යවරු හම්බ වෙන්න ගිය බවක් මම නම් අහලා නෑ. එහෙම අහපු අය ඉන්නවා ද?

මේ වෛද්‍යතුමියගේ වයස අවුරුදු පනහකට කිට්ටු ඇති. දශක ගානක් තිස්සේ” මේ වගේ ළමයින්ව බලලා තියෙනවා කියලා එතුමිය කියන මේ කතාව පිළිගන්න සියයට කීයක් අපි අතර ඉන්නවා ද?

මෙතුමිය මේ කතාව කියන්නේ කිසිම සංඛ්‍යාලේඛනයක් සඳහන් නොකර. බර දාලා, බොහොම තාලෙට පද්ද පද්ද මේ කතාව එතුමිය කියනවා. (මේ එක කතාවකටවත් උත්තර දෙන්න, ඒ ගැන ප්‍රශ්න කරන්න අපිට අවස්ථාවක් නො ලැබුණු බවත් කියන්න ඕන. පැය තුන හමාරක් තිබ්බ සාකච්ඡාවේ දී මට ලැබුණේ විනාඩි 5 ක් විතරයි. අපේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ඇතුළෙත් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය රකින්නේ මෙහෙම තමයි).

තමන්ගේ වෘත්තිය බලය පාවිච්චි කරලා මේ කට්ටිය කරන්නේ බලහත්කාරකමක්. ඊයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ගිය අපිත් ඒ බලහත්කාරකමට ගොදුරු වුනා.

එතකොට ඒක ජෙනරලයිස් කරන්නේ ඇයි?” කියලා පූජ්‍ය මැදගොඩ අභයතිස්ස හිමියන් අහපු ප්‍රශ්නයටවත් මෙතුමිය උත්තරයක් දුන්නේ නෑ. ඒ ප්‍රශ්නයට උත්තර දෙන්නේ නැතුව මේ නෝනා කරන්නේ තමන්ගේ වෘත්තිය පම්පෝරිය ගැන කියවන එක. ඇයි අර පුංචි ප්‍රශ්නයට උත්තරයක් දෙන්න මෙතුමියට බැරි? වටේ ඉන්න මැඩම්ලාත් ඒකට අත්වැල් අල්ලනවා. කිසිම සංඛ්‍යාලේඛනයක් නැතුව කියන මේ කතාවේ තියෙනවා කියන විද්‍යාත්මක” පදනම මොකක්ද?

මෙහෙම කියද්දි වෛද්‍ය වසන්ත බණ්ඩාර මහත්තයා බොහොම වැදගත් ප්‍රශ්නයක් අහනවා. එතුමා අහන්නේ මේ වැඩේට අදාළව අපේ රටට ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් සහ සම්මුති පත්‍රිකාවක් හදලා තියෙනවා ද කියන එක. එහෙම එකක් හදලා නෑ. ඒත් මහ සද්දයක් දාලා ඒ ප්‍රශ්නයත් යට කරනවා.

මෙහෙම අයගේ හපන්කම් ගැන වර්ණනා කරන අය ගැන මට නම් ඇත්තට ම දුකයි! තමන් මහා ආත්ම වංචාවක නිරත වෙලා ඉන්න බව, නවත්ත ගන්න බැරි දේශපාලන ස්වයං-වින්දනයකට ඇබ්බැහි වෙලා ඉන්න බව මේ සියයට (…) ට තේරුම් ගන්න බැරි ඇයි?

ආචාර්ය වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ විදුහල්පතිතුමන්ට නිවන්සැප ලැබේවා

January 22nd, 2020

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග

ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතාව මම මුලින්ම දුටුවේ 1973 වසරේදීය. එකල එතුමා නාලන්දා මහා විද්‍යාලයේ කණිෂ්ඨ අංශයේ විදුහල්පතිවරයා විය.  අපගේ එක ඩී පන්තිය තිබුනේ ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා ගේ කාර්‍යාලයට යාබදවය. එම නිසා ගුණසිංහ මහතා අපි නිතර දෙවේලේ දුටුවෙමු.  පසුව ගුණසිංහ මහතා  නාලන්දාවේ විදුහල්පතිවරයා විය.   සුදු කමිසය සහ කලිසම අඳින තේජාන්විත පෞරුෂයක් තිබූ ධර්ම ගුණසිංහ මහතා එකල පාසල් රැස්වීම් වලදී අපව අමතන අන්දම මට තවමත් මැවී පෙනේ.සිසුන් ගුණසිංහ මහතා කෙරෙහි භක්තියක් මෙන්ම ගරුත්වයක්ද දැක්වූහ. වර්තමානයේ මෙලෙස භක්ති-ගරුත්වයක් ලබා ගත හැකි ආකාරයේ පෞරුෂයක් සහිත විදුහල්පතිවරු අතිශයින්ම විරළය.  සිසුන් ගේ දැණුම මෙන්ම පෞරුෂ වර්ධනය කෙරෙහි ගුණසිංහ මහතා අවදානය යොමු කල අතර ගුණසිංහ යුගයේදී නාලන්දාව අධ්‍යාපන මෙන්ම ක්‍රීඩා අතින් ද දිවයිනේ අනෙකුත් පාසල් අතර මුල් තැනක් ගත්තේය. ගුණසිංහ යුගයේදී නාලන්දාවේ අධ්‍යාපනය ලැබීමට අප වාසනාවන්ත වූයෙමු.    

 සිසුන් පරම්පරා ගනනාවකට යහ මග පෙන්වූ එතුමන්ට නිවන්සැප ලැබේවා.


January 22nd, 2020

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

Twenty-two years ago, on Sunday January 25th 1998 around 6:30 am, the ruthless Tamil terrorists attacked the Sri Dalada Maligawa – one of the most valued national cultural treasures of Sri Lanka. Built originally in the late 15th century, this fabulous architectural marvel is more than 550 years old, In the centuries that followed, additions and improvements were  effected to the Maligawa by several kings making it one of the most captivating historic buildings in the country. This magnificent structure enshrines the sacred Tooth Relic of the Buddha which is the most sacred object of worship in the Buddhist world. It is of utmost symbolic value for Buddhists and the Nation as a whole, because from historic times the possession and custodianship of the Sacred Tooth Relic was tantamount to acquisition of the sovereignty of the nation. It was first brought to Sri Lanka in the fourth century CE and has been treated with utmost veneration by our kings of the past. The possession of the Sacred Tooth Relic was required for a king to be acknowledged as the ruler of the country. 


The savagely cruel and violent actions that were characteristic of the Tamil terrorists reached their highest levels with this ghastly event of bombing the one of the most sacred places of veneration of Buddhists across the world. Structures and historic monuments associated with the entrance to the Maligawa were subject to most severe damage. In addition the blast led to the demolition of a good part of the roof and the exposure of the Maligawa to the open sky.  Extensive peeling off of the wall plaster resulted in the destruction of exquisite paintings that adorned these walls besides damage to other priceless artifacts of the Maligawa. Several pilgrims including children who were at the Maligawa died on the spot along with several police personnel providing security at the Maligawa entrance at this time.  

Reacting to this ghastly act of Tamil terrorists, UNESCO Director General Mr. Federico Mayor said “I am deeply shocked by this act of blind violence perpetrated against a place of meditation, joy and peace. All religions are based on love and respect for life. Attacking a holy place means striking the very best in humanity, undermining its innocence and purity. Those who attack people through their faith can only be condemned. Religious differences can absolutely not be justification for conflict, and places of worship should in no case be used as targets.”


The bomb attack resulted in the disintegration of all the enchanting paintings of the ‘Ambarawa’ that belonged to the 17th -18th century period. Ambarawa is at the entrance to the Maligava in the form of a tunnel. Its entire curved surface was vibrantly adorned with colourful paintings. Also, the blast destroyed the enchanting Sandakada Pahana (moonstone) built in keeping with the unique Mahanuwara tradition, at the entrance to the Ambarawa and damaged the granite rock pillars adorned with delicate and exquisite rock carvings of intricate traditional motifs. Passing the Ambarava one enters the ‘Hevisi Mandapaya’ (the open verandah-like area) with pillars where ‘pujas’ (offering) and drumming are performed.

Besides the damages to the priceless cultural wealth associated with the Ambarawa, the blast resulted in the total destruction of one of the most precious items of the Maligawa – the historic moonstone that was found at the main entrance to the Maligawa. It was one of the few most enchanting moonstones bearing the design and shape of Mahanuwara moonstone tradition, somewhat similar to the one at the entrance to the Degaldoruwa vihare. The destroyed moonstones and other rock structures have been replaced with new ones bearing the same shape and design and the ‘Ambarawa’ paintings have been re-drawn. However, can they ever replace these invaluable historic treasures that glorified and embellished this cultural paradise?  Many ancient ola palm leaf manuscripts and delicate traditional ornaments and artifacts stored in the Pattirippuwa octagonal building were destroyed.

Except for some structural damages to the plasters and walls and dislodging of parts of the carved wooden ceiling structures, most miraculously the ancient inner relic chamber structure at the centre of the Maligawa building where the Sacred Tooth relic was housed remained intact. When conservationists sifted through the rubble after the terrorist attack, they made an unexpected discovery. Beneath the existing wall paintings, two earlier layers of plaster with paintings were detected. Images of an elephant and a dancer’s leg were revealed which appear to be a part of a wider artistic composition of a ceremonial pageant. This painting is attributed to the beginning of the 18th century, to the period of King Narendrasinha. Fragments of these paintings are displayed today in the new Maligawa museum, along with pictures of the destruction wreaked by the terrorist attack.


The earliest paintings of the period of the Mahanuvara kingdom are in the inner chambers of the Dalada Maligawa. They were completed during the reign of king Wimaladarmasuriya -II (1687-1707). Other paintings in the old Maligava building were done during king Kirthisri Rajasinghe (1747-1786).

In front of the ‘hevisi mandapaya’ is the two storied building where the Tooth relic of the Buddha is enshrined.  This was built by king Narendrasinghe who ruled from 1707-1739. The intricately carved wooden structures decorating the upper portion of the outer walls of the two storeys also contain exceptionally captivating paintings. Some of these paintings were done on plaster applied over wooden surfaces.

On the walls and ceilings of both floors of this building are paintings, which are exquisite. The wooden structures of the upper portions of the outer walls of the two storeys are decorated with intricate carving. Paintings found in these structures are exceptionally captivating. .

Most of the Maligava paintings are elaborate, thematic or decorative ones. Those decorating the walls and ceiling of the inner relic chamber are most breathtaking. There are paintings of beautiful designs using human figures. animals, birds, and flowers. Some are found on the carved wooden ceiling structures associated with the relic chamber. Among some especially appealing paintings found here are those depicting King Wimaladarmasuriya-I (1591-1604), King Kirthisri Rajasinghe, Weliwita Saranankara thera, jataka tales and the Esala perahera. Paintings of the Suvisi Vivarana” or the 24 former Buddhas, deities and heavenly beings are gorgeous. A particularly striking painting in one of the Shrine rooms with a Buddha image is a stunning Makara Thorana” which is a great work of art.

The Dalada Maligawa museum established in recent years on the upper floor of the Maligawa Annex displays segments of the painting layers damaged by the bomb blast and photographs of some of the damaged original paintings of the Maligava. Photographs of fragments of paintings of inner wall surfaces that were exposed as a result of the peeling off of walls owing to the bomb blast, are also exhibited in this museum. Canvas replicas of some enchanting Maligawa paintings destroyed by the bomb blast adorn the stairways leading to the Museum.  


The sacred Tooth Relic of the Buddha venerated by Buddhists all over the world is enshrined in this fabulous building. It is of utmost symbolic value for Buddhists and the Nation as a whole. Besides, the Dalada Maligawa is also famous internationally for it colourful 10 day procession called the Dalada Perahera, which has an unbroken tradition extending up to the 4th c .CE. This captivating and delightful pageant has been conducted for the past 1700 years in several historic capitals in the country, when it was customary for our kings to built special Dalada Maligava structures in those capitals to enshrine the Tooth relic. Sri Dalada Maligawa is one of the greatest national cultural treasures of our country and should receive the highest level of protection.

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

Lankan Prez says Tamil-majority North will be developed whether Tamil parties support him or not

January 22nd, 2020

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Gotabaya Rajapaksa said most of the missing, whether Tamils or army soldiers, had died in battle and their bodies were not found.

Colombo, January 22 ( Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, told the UN Resident Coordinator Hanaa Singer here on Friday, that whether he gets the support of the Tamil political parties or not, he will develop the war-shattered economy of the Tamil-majority Northern Province, the Presidential Media Division said.

Lankan Prez says Tamil-majority North will be developed whether Tamil parties support him or not

On the issue of the missing, he said that, whether they were Tamil civilians, LTTE cadres or Lankan soldiers, most of the missing had actually died in battle and their bodies had not been found. I can’t bring back the dead!” he told Singer.

Gotabaya told the UN representative that one of the main problems people in the Tamil-concentrated areas face, is the language barrier when they interact with the police.

Therefore, as an immediate remedy, the Inspector General of Police has been instructed to recruit 3,000 persons from these areas to fill vacancies at the constable and sub-inspector levels. Vacancies up to OIC level are also to be filled with people in the area,” the President said.

Missing Persons

On the touchy issue of tracing missing persons, President Gotabaya said that he is going to address the issue of missing persons.

However, I can’t bring back the dead. It has been established that most of the missing persons had been conscripted by the LTTE. Their families had been witnesses to their loved ones being taken away by the LTTE. Thereafter they had had no information as to their fate. So, as far as the families are concerned, these people are missing,” the President explained.

The unfortunate truth is that these people had died in the battles. Even in the Security Forces, there are about 4,000 personnel listed as missing,” the President pointed out.

In reality, these soldiers had died in the fight, but their bodies had not been recovered. Therefore they are classified as missing,” he explained.

After concluding the necessary investigations, steps would be taken to issue a Death Certificate, the President said. Then the families would be given the necessary support to rebuild their lives, he added.

When the UN official asked if this as a form of reparation, the President replied: It is not reparation of any sort, but it will be livelihood assistance.

That would be a very important step in the healing process,” Singer said in agreement.

She had asked about the President’s priorities in promoting peace in Sri Lanka.


Fisheries are important for all in an island nation like Sri Lanka ,the President said and added that he has appointed a Tamil, Douglas Devananda, as the Minister of Fisheries.

The ministry must deliver on the responsibilities entrusted to it,” he added.

AG orders bond scam Forensic Audit report held back

January 22nd, 2020

Courtesy The Daily News

The annexures of the Forensic Audit report conducted on the bond scam has been held back by Parliament following an order of the Attorney General, UNP MP Harsha de Silva told Parliament today.

Dr. de Silva said this is situation had arisen despite the ruling given by Speaker Karu Jayasuriya to release the report to all MPs.

I understand that Central Bank had said in a letter not to release the annexures without the approval of Attorney General,” the MP said.

The executive summary of the forensic audit report had revealed that Sri Lankan government had suffered losses exceeding Rs.10 billion through the bond issues made from 2005 to 2015. I don’t know whether annexures says something more. Therefore we want everything disclosed,” he said.

Government MP Kanchnana Wijesekera also called for the release of annexures saying government would be blamed for not releasing. We cannot understand as to why the Speaker is holding back these details,” he said.(Yohan Perera and Ajith Siriwardana)

අසාද් සාලි බොරු සාක්ෂි දෙයි – ජනපති කොමිසමෙන් දැඩි අවවාද

January 22nd, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

පාස්කු ඉරුදින ත්‍රස්ත ප්‍රහාරය සම්බන්ධයෙන් සොයන පාර්ලිමේන්තු තේරීම් කාරක සභාව හමුවේ සාක්ෂි ලබාදීම සඳහා පැමිණි අවස්ථාවේදී ආවේගශීලී ලෙස හැසිරීම හේතුවෙන්  බස්නාහිර පළාත් හිටපු ආණ්ඩුකාර අසාද් සාලිට එම කොමිසම දැඩි ලෙස අවවාද කර තිබෙනවා.

මීට අමතරව එම කොමිසමේ නියෝග පිළි නොගන්නේ නම් දඬුවම් ලබාදීමට කටයුතු කරන බවයි එහි සභාපති අභියාචනාධිකරණ විනිසුරු ජනක් ද සිල්වා ප්‍රකාශ කර ඇත්තේ.

මේ අතර බස්නාහිර පළාත් හිටපු ආණ්ඩුකාර අසාද් සාලි කොමිසම හමුවේ කියා සිටියේ පාස්කු ඉරිදා ප්‍රහාරය පිළිබඳ විමර්ශනය කළ පාර්ලිමේන්තු තේරීම් කාරක සභාවට ලබාදුන් සාක්ෂියක් තමන්ට වැරදී ඇති බවයි.

එහිදි අසාද් සාලි පවසා ඇත්තේ පාස්කු ප්‍රහාරයට සතියකට පෙර තමන්ගේ පෞද්ගලික ආරක්ෂක නිලධාරියා ලේඛණ සහිතව මෙවන් ප්‍රහාරයක් සිදුවිය හැකි බවට දැනුම්දීමක් සිදුකළ බවයි.

ඒ අනුව තමන් වහාම ආරක්ෂක ලේකම්වරයා හා පොලිස්පතිවරයා දැනුවත් කළද ඔවුන් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් ක්‍රියාත්මක නොවූ බවයි හිටපු ආණ්ඩුකාරවරයා එහිදී ප්‍රකාශ කර තිබුණේ.

කෙසේ වෙතත් ඊයේ දිනයේදී ජනාධිපති කොමිසම හමුවේ සාක්ෂි ලබාදෙමින් අසාද් සාලි සඳහන් කළේ පාස්කු ප්‍රහාරය සම්බන්ධයෙන් වන ලේඛනය සහිත දැනුවත් කිරීම තමන්ගේ ආරක්ෂක නිලධාරියා විසින් සිදුකරනු ලැබුවේ පාස්කු ඉරුදින ප්‍රහාරය එල්ලවූ දිනයේ බවයි.

රජයේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ අධිනීතීඥ සුහර්ෂි හේරත් බස්නාහිර පළාත් හිටපු ආණ්ඩුකාර අසාද් සාලිගෙන් ප්‍රශ්න කරන අවස්ථාාවේදී ඔහු ආවේගශීලී ලෙස නුසුදුසු ආකාරයෙන් අධිනීතීඥවරියට ආමන්ත්‍රණය කර තිබෙනවා.

එම අවස්ථාවේදී කොමිසම හිටපු ආණ්ඩුකාරවරයාට දැඩි ලෙස අවවාද කර ඇති අතර, කොමිසමේ ප්‍රධාන විනිසුරු ජනක් ද සිල්වා ඔහුට කියා සිටියේ කොමිසමේ නිලධාරින්ට ගෞරවාන්විතව ආමන්ත්‍රණය කළ යුතු බවයි.

එසේ නොවන්නේ නම් දැඩි දඬුවම් ලබාදිය හැකි බවද අභියාචනාධිකරණ විනිසුරු ජනක් ද සිල්වා ඔහුට ප්‍රකාශ කර තිබෙනවා.

එම අවස්ථාවේදී සාක්ෂි ලබාදීම සඳහා පැමිණ සිටි බස්නාහිර පළාත් හිටපු ආණ්ඩුකාර අසාද් සාලි අධිනීතීඥවරියගෙන් සමාව අයැද ඇති බව සඳහන්.

මේ අතර හෙට දිනයේදී ද හිටපු බස්නාහිර පළාත් ආණ්ඩුකාරවරයා කොමිසම හමුවේ සාක්ෂි ලබාදීම සඳහා කැඳවා තිබෙනවා.

ඔහුට අමතරව තෙල්දෙණිය සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරීවරයා, මාවනැල්ල ඉඩම් පිටිය ප්‍රදේශයේ ග්‍රාම නිලධාරිවරිය සහ මාවනැල්ල හිඟුල උඩකොටස ප්‍රදේශයේ ග්‍රාම නිලධාරිවරයාද සාක්ෂි ලබාදීම සඳහා හෙට කොමිසමට පැමිණෙන ලෙස දැනුම්දී ඇති බව සඳහන්.


January 22nd, 2020

Courtesy Hiru News

Former Western Provincial Governor Azath Salley has been severely warned by the Presidential Commission probing the Easter Sunday terrorist attacks as Azath Salley behaved defiantly during testifying.

The Commission Chairman Justice Janak de Silva has informed him that steps will be taken to punish Salley if he does not obey the orders of the Commission.

Meanwhile, Azath Salley who testified before the Commission on Easter Sunday terrorist attacks told the commission that he had wronged one of the evidences he provided during the testifying.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – හඬපට හරහා රංජන් වීරයෙකු කිරීම අවශ්‍ය නැහැ – එජාප පසුපෙළ

January 22nd, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

දුරකථන සංවාද ඇතුළත් හඬපට හරහා පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රංජන් රාමනායක වීරයෙකු කිරීම අවශ්‍ය නොවන අතර ආණ්ඩුව විසින් මෙම ප්‍රශ්නය විසඳීමට වහා පියවර ගතයුතු බව එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ පසුපෙළ මන්ත්‍රී කණ්ඩායම පවසනවා.

විපක්ෂ නායක කාර්යාලයේ අද පැවැති ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවකට එක්වෙමින් එම මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් කණ්ඩායම මෙම අදහස් පළ කළා.

මේ අතර, සිරිකොත එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ මූලස්ථානයේ පැවැති ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවකදී පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී ලක්ෂ්මන් කිරිඇල්ල මහතා රංජන් රාමනායක මන්ත්‍රීවරයාගේ දුරකථන සංවාද පිළිබඳව සහ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ නායකත්ව අර්බුදය පිළිබඳ අදහස් පළ කළා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – රංජන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී කළ ප්‍රකාශය ගැන විවිධ අදහස්

January 22nd, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

අධිකරණයට අපහාස කිරීමේ චෝදනාවට රක්ෂිත බන්ධනාගාර ගතකර සිටින පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රංජන් රාමනායක ඊයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී සිදුකළ ප්‍රකාශය සම්බන්ධයෙන් දේශපාලනඥයින් විවිධ අදහස් පළ කළා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – රංජන්ගේ කතාව ඇතැම් එජාප මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ද අනුමත කළ බව මාගල්කන්දේ සුදත්ත හිමි කියයි

January 22nd, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

නීතිය සහ අධිකරණ පද්ධතිය හෑල්ලුවට ලක්කළ මන්ත්‍රී රංජන් රාමනායක පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී සිදුකළ කතාවට අත්පුඩි ගසමින් ඇතැම් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් එය අනුමත කළ බව පූජ්‍ය මාගල්කන්දේ සුදත්ත හිමියන් පවසනවා.

උන්වහන්සේ මේ බව සඳහන් කළේ අද කළුතරදී ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවක් කැඳවමින්.

මේ අතර රාවණා බලය සංවිධානය ද ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවක් පවත්වමින් රංජන් රාමනායක පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී සිදුකළ කතාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් අදහස් පළ කළා .

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – රන්ජන්, අධිකරණයට බලපෑම් කළ බව දැන් හෙළිවෙලා – මව්බිම වෙනුවෙන් රණවිරුවෝ

January 22nd, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රන්ජන් රාමනායක දුරකථන සංවාද පටිගත කළේ හොරු ඇල්ලීමට යැයි පැවසුවද, ඔහු අධිකරණයට බලපෑම් කළ බවට සහ ජාතික ආරක්ෂාව බිඳ වැටීමට කටයුතු කර ඇති බවට දැන් හෙළිවී ඇතැයි මව්බිම වෙනුවෙන් රණවිරුවෝ සංවිධානය පවසනවා.

එහි කැඳවුම්කරු විශ්‍රාමික මේජර් අජිත් ප්‍රසන්න කොළඹ අද පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකට එක්වෙමින් මෙම අදහස් පළ කළා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – මන්ත්‍රී රන්ජන්ට ඇමති මහින්දානන්දගෙන් අභියෝගයක්

January 22nd, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රන්ජන් රාමනායකට එරෙහිව නඩු 16ක් විභාගවන බව ආණ්ඩුවේ සම මාධ්‍ය ප්‍රකාශක රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය මහින්දානන්ද අලූත්ගමගේ පවසනවා.

අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේ අද පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකට එක්වෙමින් ඔහු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රන්ජන් රාමනායකට අභියෝගයක්ද එල්ල කළා.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – රංජන්ගේ තවත් හඬ පටි එළියට

January 22nd, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රන්ජන් රාමනායක තමන්ට පවතින නඩු කටයුත්තක් සම්බන්ධයෙන්  පාර්ලිමේන්තු වරප්‍රසාදවලට මුවාවී නීතියට සරදම් කරමින් සිටින බව සිංහලේ සංවිධානය පවසනවා.

කොළඹ අද පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකට එක්වෙමින් එහි මහ ලේකම් පූජ්‍ය මැඩිල්ලේ පඤ්ඤාලෝක හිමියන් මේ බව කියා සිටියා

මේ අතර සිංහලේ සංවිධානය මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශයට අද ලිපියක් භාරදීමට පැමිණි අවස්ථාවේ එහි ජාතික සංවිධායක ප්‍රදීප් සංජීව, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රිණි හිරුණිකා ප්‍රේමචන්ද්‍ර සම්බන්ධයෙන් අදහස් පළ කළා.

එහිදී ඔහු හඬ පටයක් ද මාධ්‍යයට ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලැබුවා.


January 21st, 2020


(Revised 22.1.20)

Sri Lanka’s armed forces were praised and admired for their work, long before the Eelam victory of 2009. The US Pacific Command team which evaluated the Sri Lanka army in 2002 said the soldiers were well motivated and were confident as a team.  They were well trained, knew their weapons, and were proficient in the skills expected of them. ‘Maneuvers in close proximity to automatic weapons fire were rapid,’ they noted.

Soldiers had a good understanding of LTTE warfare and knew how to defeat the LTTE. They had maintained a fighting spirit amidst tremendous hardships and it was this spirit that had prevented more drastic defeats.  The army would have succeeded better if the entire system were committed to that end, they concluded. 

The deputy head of the Naval Monitoring team of the SLMM, Lars Bleymann was on board Pearl Cruiser II” when it was attacked by the LTTE in 2006. He wrote to the Navy high command   thanking the navy, from the bottom of his heart, for saving his life. He said that the officer in charge and his crew behaved in exemplary manner. The OIC was calm, collected, never wavered, and never lost coolness.   His crew carried out his orders. They are a credit to the navy and the Sri Lanka Navy is in very good shape, he said.

On another occasion, the head of the International Committee of Red Cross had written to Rajiva Wijesinha ‘Your men either at sea or on land, carried out their tasks in an exemplary manner. Whether it be to protect the state and its citizens or the care of the sick and wounded they displayed a strict discipline and respect for rules of engagement and at the same time a very respectful and kind attitude to help those in need.’

The world watched with interest as Sri Lanka defeated the LTTE in Eelam War IV. Wall Street Journal announced ‘for all those who argue there no military solution for terrorism, we have two words: Sri Lanka’.  Washington Times editorial of 25.4.2009 said ‘Sri Lankans are winning; we should let them finish the job. Obama administration should mind its own business.’

After the Eelam War IV victory, the Sri Lanka military forces received much praise and recognition. In 2010, Major General Mahinda Hathurusinghe, Commander, Security forces headquarters, Jaffna, was awarded the Gusi Peace Prize, Manila. In 2011, Indian Military academy at   Dehra Dun, India’s most prestigious military school honored the Sri Lanka Army by inviting its commander, General Jagath Jaysuriya as chief guest of the passing out parade. This is the first ever Sri Lanka Army Commander to have been invited to the occasion as Chief Guest.

Sri Lanka was unanimously granted Dialogue Partner status in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in June 2009 .This is an important regional group, which pays special attention to terrorism and security. Its members then were China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. Dialogue Partner status is given to a state which shares its objectives and wishes to establish a partnership with the Organization. There was only one dialogue partner, Afghanistan, before the inclusion of Sri Lanka and Belarus. India, Pakistan, Mongolia and Iran have observer status. USA’s request for observer status was rejected.

The Sri Lanka armed forces found that other countries wanted to learn the military techniques perfected by the Sri Lanka army. The ‘Joint war gaming centre’ at the Defence Services Command and Staff College, Sapugaskanda held annual training courses. In the 2014 course there were 101 middle grade officers from Sri Lanka and 16 from Bangladesh, China, Indonesia, Malaysia, Maldives, Nepal, Oman, Pakistan Rwanda, Senegal, and Vietnam. The newspapers showed a photograph of the group examining a large map of Vanni west and Gulf of Mannar.

 Sri Lanka army’s field training exercise, ‘Cormorant strike’ was started in 2000 and had been held each year thereafter. This is a mock field training exercise designed for joint special operations working as one team. The purpose was to share the skills the Sri Lanka army had acquired in the May 2009 operation.

The Strike was conducted at Kokilai in 2015. This was a mega exercise with commandos and Special Forces of the army, 245 sailors, and 140 airmen. There were 53 foreign participants and observers from Bangladesh, China, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Nepal, Pakistan, and USA. In 2017, Cormorant Strike VIII was held at Infantry Training Centre, Minneriya. It had 69 foreign participants from Bangladesh, Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Kenya, Malaysia, Maldives, Nepal, Oman, Pakistan, Russia, Sudan, Turkey, and USA.

In 2017, Yahapalana government had suggested that the Defense seminar be held every other year. Sri Lanka army did not agree. We insisted that it should continue as an annual event. The Navy holds its own Galle symposium annually.

Cormorant strike IX 2018 was held at Minneriya. The army said that there was a definite increase in participation with Middle East and Africa joining.    China, India Pakistan Bangladesh, turkey Indonesia Nigeria Nepal Sudan and Zambia were among the counties participating.

We are gaining a name for having a strong armed force. We are considered for a formidable force, said Mahesh Senanayake, Army Commander.  Every year the foreign interest in Cormorant strike increases.  Foreign countries now insist that we hold this event. The top brass always send representatives if they cannot attend.  These representatives s are officers who will become army leaders eventually.  We see this when we see the names,”  

Cormorant Strike 2019 was held at Kuchchaveli with 85 countries participating. . Mission oriented training was conducted for foreign participants by Commando and Special Forces under their respective Brigade Commanders. The exercise concluded with a spectacular mock operation on the Kuchchaveli beach, simulating a scenario where Special Operations Forces (SOF) of the Sri Lanka Army, Navy and Air Force attack on an insurgent base.

A six-member high-level delegation of the Nigerian Army came in 2019, to study the comprehensive training modules of the Special Forces (SF). They were shown mock urban terrain operations, combat rider firing skills, close quarter combat training sessions, drill and combat shooting demonstrations, ongoing squadron training modules, camouflage and concealment demonstrations, and presentations, submitted by the Officers at the SFTS . They wanted to know more about the exceptional jungle warfare techniques and skills of the SF. They also discussed training for Nigerian soldiers. Two Nigerian Officers are already under training in Sri Lanka following, the Junior Command Course and the SF training in Maduru Oya. 

Sri Lanka Navy said it was more than happy to share its hard-earned asymmetric warfare experience with military counterparts across the oceans. Sri Lanka navy organizes the ‘Galle dialogues’, an annual maritime conference on safety in Indian Ocean region. At the first conference in 2010 only 11 countries had come. There were 35 participants in 2013  and 42 in 2016.

The 5th Asymmetric Warfare Course of the Sri Lanka Navy, was conducted in 2017, the course was attended by 20 foreign military personnel from Bangladesh, China, India, Maldives, Netherlands, Nigeria and Pakistan. Galle Dialogue 2019 had over 150 participants from 55 countries, heads of 12 international agencies and 3 defence industries.

 The three-month course comprised a wide range of Asymmetric Warfare related affairs viz. weapons training, combat shooting, small group operations, jungle warfare, clandestine maritime operations, small boat operations, field training exercises, survival at sea etc. The Special Boat Squadron, the elite force of the Sri Lanka Navy facilitated the proceedings.

The Sri Lanka Air Force has conducted Colombo Air symposium from 2015. The symposium is organized by the Sri Lanka Air Force on an annual basis with the objective of developing a wider perspective on global air power, and increasing cooperation, understanding, and goodwill among the represented nations.

Colombo Air Symposium 2017 was on the theme ‘Air Power in Addressing Asymmetric Threats,’ Colombo Air Symposium 2019 had participants from over 25 countries. The theme was” A small Air Force: Way forward in achieving future vision”. The symposium created a forum for small air forces such as Sri Lanka Air Force to share experiences and to explore future challenges and possibilities.

The government started a website, “” in order to obtain public support for the war. This website was a great success. It became the most visited Sri Lanka website, with a daily average of 8 to 13 million hits. It provided hourly updates on the progress of the war.  ‘” was the subject of a MBA research project.

The armed forces had to innovate if they wished to win the war. In 1983 Sri Lanka had created a Special Task Force (STF) of hand picked police officers with para military training.  STF is the only paramilitary organization in the world which   has police powers. STF officers were trained ‘jungle warfare techniques’ and handling infantry weapons. They were given special training in counter insurgency and counter terrorist operations. They could combat terrorism and insurgency with minimum casualties. The STF operated in teams of eight or less and could fight in a variety of situations such as built up areas, and close quarter battle. 

The STF was effective in Eelam war IV and the LTTE assassinated the head of its training school in order to halt its operations.  STF was mainly deployed in the eastern theatre. It destroyed 24 LTTE bases in Kanchikudichchi Aru jungle while the army went into Thoppigala. .This combined campaign continued till Thoppigala fell in 2007. In 2009, STF went after the LTTE in Yala and then took over the A9 road from Omanthai to Kanagarayakulam via Pulyankulam.  STF also protected the Sinhala villages around Kebethigollawa.  STF has been recognized internationally. It has trained military teams from Maldives and India.  It was one of the few agencies invited for security assessment duties at the Olympics at Beijing.

 The main tactic used by the LTTE at sea was the ‘swarm attack’   of 20-25 boats with 5-6 suicide craft and sophisticated equipment. Each boat had about 15 persons, with each combatant donned in helmet, body amour and carrying a personal weapon. Swarms were used to attack isolated naval craft, to escort LTTE craft coming from deep sea carrying ammunitions, and also terrorists moving along the coastline. To counter this, the Navy decided to create its own ‘swarm’.

 Navy engineers designed three types of small, high-speed, heavily armed inshore patrol craft, suitable for operations in different types of sea (Wave Rider) .These boats were built at Welisara where there were rudimentary facilities for boat building. 150 boats were manufactured in three years .It took just 8 days to complete and fully equip a single craft.  We manufactured these boats through day and night because we needed them quickly .

 They manufactured more than one hundred 23 feet long, fibre glass ‘Arrow’ boats, powered by Japanese 200 horsepower outboard motors. ‘Arrow’   was very effective in shallow waters where Dvora could not go. There was also a 17 meter long command-cum- fighting boat. All boats were manned by highly trained sailors   from elite units, such as the Special Boat Squadron.

In 2007 the navy was able to launch a flotilla of Arrow” boats which outnumbered the LTTE boats. When LTTE launched 20 boats, the navy launched 40. It was ‘swarm against swarm’. The boats operated in groups of four. Squadrons consisting of 25-30 craft were kept at strategically important locations  Squadrons could be shifted from place to place in a very short time. They were combined when necessary and about 60 boats were   available for some battles. These boats used infantry tactics. They went in arrowhead formation or in three adjacent columns in single file so as to mask their numbers and increase the navy’s element of surprise.

Sri Lanka’s ‘Small Boats project’ was given an unprecedented 6 page write up in the prestigious ‘Jane’s Navy International” in March 2009. Jane’s International’s maritime reporterTim Fish noted that the western media had completely ignored this project.  He said that other navies should study the Sri Lanka Navy’s modus operandi, in particular its strategies for defeating a four-dimensional insurgent group, operating on land, air,   surface of the seas and underwater.In 2017, Nigeria bought 06 Arrow Boats and 03 Inshore Patrol Craft.

The Navy also created On Board Security Teams (OBST). These were deployed on merchant ships to provide security when the ships transited through dangerous waters. These well trained teams were an effective deterrent against terrorist attack.  Navy authorities said these teams could be used to combat modern day piracy.  Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative, Palitha Kohona in 2010 pointed out to the UN Security Council, that the dense shipping lanes south of Sri Lanka had been free of any piracy in the past 28 years, despite heavy traffic. This was due to the On Board Security Teams.  They were a visible deterrent, they could react immediately to attacks. He said Sri Lanka was ready to share its expertise and personnel regarding the OBST with the rest of the world.

Sri Lanka Electrical and Mechanical Engineers) production facility (SLEME)  is able to design and develop in-house the necessary protected vehicles for military requirements,. SLEME began developing local armored vehicles in 1983. The first vehicle based on a commercially available TATA 5-ton truck chassis  was named ‘Yaka’. SLEME had supplied the armed forces and police with over 300 armoured and mine-protected vehicles during the Eelam war.

The latest in  this long line of locally fabricated armoured vehicles developed by SLEME is the new MPV is a 6×6 wheeled armoured vehicle, called ‘Avalon’. It seats 12 troops and a crew of 2, and can mount a range of weapons as per mission requirements. The MPV is built on a rugged, commercially-available chassis which will enable high operational availability and cost effectiveness.

It is designed to have significantly better survivability characteristics than the current fleet of armoured vehicles in service. It comes with enhanced protection against anti-tank mines, IEDs, small arms fire, and offers greater payload carrying capacity, mobility and endurance, which are needed for the  long range convoy duties which Sri Lankan peacekeepers perform. 

The first batch is due to roll out by the end of June and have been earmarked to be sent to the Peacekeeping Mission in Mali,” said the army in February 2019. Each Avalon is estimated to cost Rs21 million, which the army claimed was 1/3 the cost of a similar vehicle of foreign make.

 In 2019 SLEME is  also refurbishing nine ‘Unibuffel MK II’ MPVs with new locally-designed blast shock absorption seats and better protection as an urgent operational requirement for Peacekeeping duties. The seats had been identified as an urgent requirement in-order to prevent life threatening spinal injuries that occupants face when an MPV is caught in a landmine or IED blast. The locally made seat was developed with assistance from the Moratuwa University. ( continued)


January 21st, 2020

Stanley Gunaratne

The National Anthem of Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) should be the original song sung in the language it was written in. That is “Namo Namo Matha” and it was written to be sung in Sinhala. If the anthem had been written even in Swahili, then EVERYONE, irrespective of ethnicity, should sing it in that language. Other countries that sing in multiple languages have no historical, cultural or contextual application to Ceylon.

“As usual, this self proclaimed “nationalist” Eranda Ginige spouts nonsensical fake history. Whatever the wrongs of the modern day UNP, that does not justify twisting the patriotic acts of the Independence movement who achieved FULL independence in 1948. There was no “scam.” If anything, a government which didn’t even win a majority of the national vote (over 50%) changed the entire country in 1972 without a democratic mandate and scammed the people. During this transformation to a Republic, they politicised the entire Civil Service and ruined the education system of the country by separating people into separate language streams and other nonsense. Becoming a Republic is completely SEPARATE to being Independent. We had a fully democratically elected government and the Governor General was appointed only on the recommendations of the Prime Minister of Ceylon. The Privy Council was used by Singapore as well for a considerable period of time. It only acted as a final arbitrator of Ceylonese Law as made by our own Parliament to the letter. One could argue it was far more independent than modern day courts.

Ceylon (which is Sinhale in English and our actual name) was a fully independent country in 1948. To argue it wasn’t is to argue that somehow New Zealand is not an independent country today which of course would be ludicrous. Bandaranaike was an Indian bootlicker and traitor who used the non-issue of language and ethnicity simply to manipulate an electorate undergoing economic hardship to vote him into power. He removed defence and cultural links with Britain not for any “nationalist/patriotic” agenda, but instead to make us a lackey of India – this was cemented by the fool JRJ, the architect of the modern day useless UNP with his acceptance of the undemocratic Indo Lanka Accord forced on Sri Lanka in 1987. No Sri Lankan leader, despite proclaiming themselves great patriots has as of yet removed this garbage from our country. Furthermore, the use of “God Save the King/Queen” was not as a national anthem, but the Royal anthem. There is a notable difference. One is for use at receptions/functions of the Head of State, the other is the song of the nation.

The National Anthem of Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) should be the original song sung in the language it was written in. That is “Namo Namo Matha” and it was written to be sung in Sinhala. If the anthem had been written even in Swahili, then EVERYONE, irrespective of ethnicity, should sing it in that language. Other countries that sing in multiple languages have no historical, cultural or contextual application to Ceylon.

In Singapore, EVERY citizen, whether Chinese, Malay, Tamil, Sinhalese, Eurasian, will sing the anthem in Malay – the language the anthem was written in. Therefore in Ceylon/Sri Lanka, EVERY citizen, whether Sinhalese, Tamil, Moor, Malay, Burgher, Veddah etc, should sing in ONE VOICE in the language the anthem was written in – in this case Sinhala.

Applying stupid Indianised left wing twists on factual history is a foolish and irresponsible thing to do. This is meant to be the Financial Times, not some rag tag tabloid. It is extremely disappointing to see the history of Independence twisted by this irresponsible writer, who is known to interrupt people when on televised programmes like an uncivilised brat. Our country was FULLY independent in 1948 and far better run by the first few governments, composed of civilised and honourable men and women – be that DS Senanayake, the father of the nation, be that the gentlemanly Dudley, the disciplinarian Sir John (who told the Indians where to stick their diktats), the world’s first elected female Prime Minister Mrs. B etc. No country in the world politicises its independence history. It is thoroughly pathetic that we have so called journalists and civil society and politicians spouting vitriolic diatribe and misleading the public. 

That is not politics, but history. This is not about UNP, SLFP, or SLPP. This is about Ceylon/Sri Lanka and all Sri Lankans. Don’t fabricate history. The writer Ginige should take some serious responsibility for his reprehensible language in this FT article as well. If he wants to live and act like an Indian, he should go to India. The rest of us – Sinhalese, Tamils, Moors, Burghers, Malays, Veddahs, etc want to live as one people, with one destiny with no ethnic ghettos and run by competent sane and visionary leaders – not mankollakarayas who pander to India and who pointlessly blame everything on the West, or now China as well.”

Long live Sri Lanka and long live the truth,

Stanley Gunaratne


January 21st, 2020

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane 

 Our National Anthem should necessarily be sung only in Sinhala. Sinhala language is  the defining element of our nation’s culture and heritage, from historic times. Sinhala language and literature originated in Sri Lanka. All salient aspects of our national culture – tangible and intangible, either grew or evolved within the borders of our country. The Sinhala language grew out of Indo-Aryan dialects and exists only in Sri Lanka and has its own distinguished literary tradition. Sinhala is one of the world’s oldest living languages. All other languages used in Sri Lanka originated in other countries.  It is significant to note that the overwhelming majority of people of Sri Lanka are distinguished by their language – Sinhala, which even today has a strong unifying effect in our motherland helping to reinforce the solidarity of our people as a unique cultural entity in the world. Almost all place names of the country from historic times, are in the Sinhala language – in the North, South, East, West and Central regions. Indigenous national sovereignty of a country is an inalienable right based on profound justice. Sovereign national rights of Sri Lanka rests with the Sinhala people who are indigenous to this country, forming its dominant majority community for over 2500 years. Sri Lanka is the only national sovereign motherland of the Sinhala people. Their culture, way of life

and their Sinhala language originated and developed in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka’s National Anthem should necessarily be sung only in Sinhala.

Tamils are a small non-indigenous minority community of Sri Lanka amounting to a mere 15.4% (including the 4.2% of Indian Tamils), and the Muslims account for about 9% of the total population of Sri Lanka. The Sinhala community who form the historic mainstream community of Sri Lanka amounts to more than 75% of the island’s population. Tamils and Muslims are small communities in Sri Lanka who settled in the island at different times in the past, coming from their own motherlands. The Tamils came from their motherland, the Tamilnadu where their culture and language originated.

In many sovereign nations of the world, non-indigenous communities have settled down and have merged with the dominant, mainstream host nation into a single file. Those settling down in host countries have a bounden duty to merge with the host nation as a single coherent nation. This is facilitated by their learning the language of the host nation, and actively participating in singing the national anthem in that language. Sri Lanka wants all minority communities -Tamils, Muslims and others of whatever label, to become a part of the mainstream Sinhala Buddhist Nation, just the way minority communities are expected to do in all other countries in the world, especially in places like Canada, Australia, USA, UK, Norway. All Sri Lankans irrespective of their ethnic origin, or other differences should sing the country’s well- established national anthem only in Sinhala, the authentic language of the island. .  


January 21st, 2020

By Rohana R. Wasala

‘The Child is father of the Man’

  • William Wordsworth, ‘My Heart Leaps Up’

I will not try to label a diamond.

But diamonds deserve to be on display.

Trained valuers assess them in terms of-

Colour, clarity, carat weight, and cut. 

But those who view them whole just admire them. 

The recently deceased Jayalath Manoratne was a verbal artist par excellence. He was a Sinhala dramatist and playwright, versatile actor and singer, poet, creative writer, scholar, lecturer, cultural critic, humanist and philosopher. A product of Peradeniya University under Professor Ediriweera Sarachchandra, he believed in a single humanity and expressed that belief in his art, to which he was dedicated. Mano was never after money or fame. He had the courage to refuse, on principle, an award under president JRJ and later to similarly give up, after a short stint, the job of liaison officer with good pay and perks under president CBK. The fact that he had had to engage in some sort of livelihood other than drama which was his  lifelong passion tells us about Mano, and perhaps, more about the society he lived in.

An important theme that he said he wanted to convey through his art was that love was equal to life and vice versa. That was an artist’s perception. His great wish was the creation of such a society. Mano used to say that although we all can sometimes afford to tell lies in our day to day life, and in other various contexts, one cannot lie in art.

As a student of English literature, in my unrevealed personal musings, I compare Mano to Shakespeare in the use of dramatic and literary artifices, to Wordsworth in his tendency to reflect on the human condition (‘…..the heavy and the weary weight – Of all this unintelligible world…’ – Tintern Abbey), to Keats in invoking the power of the imagination (as in the famous Odes), and to Shelley in the precision of verbal expression (‘Life like a dome of many-coloured glass, Stains the white radiance of Eternity, Until Death tramples it to fragments.’- Adonais). Mano also talked about the (Keatsian) equivalence of Beauty and Truth, which, I think, gives a hint of what he really meant by his assertion that an artist cannot lie. These comparisons need to be understood in a secular, nonreligious sense. (The Shelley extract above is from his elegy on his friend Keats, who died prematurely, ‘Adonais’. Keats’ ‘Ode on a Grecian Urn’ concludes: ‘Beauty is truth, truth beauty, – that is all – You know on earth, and all you need to know’.) Mano worked within the parameters of the Sinhala Buddhist culture. He considered culture to be more important to a society than everything else. The Buddhist culture that has got into our genetic makeup fashions the expression of our inborn aesthetic sense. The wonder, the awe, the reverence people feel at the beauty and majesty of the phenomenal world (i.e., the world as understood by our senses, whether we consider it to be eternal and unchanging, or transient and ever changing) is the source of fairy tales, religions, sciences, arts, and what not. In his short poem ‘My Heart Leaps Up’, Wordsworth says that when he was a child, his heart leapt up with excitement on seeing a rainbow, and that he still has that ability as a man. He fervently hopes that he will have it in his old age; he wishes his days to be ‘Bound each to each by natural piety’, if not, he declares, ‘let me die.’ That is according to his Christian religious belief. While his aphoristic observation ‘The Child is father of the Man’ lends itself to various complicated interpretations, it may be read as saying that one’s childhood experiences shape one as an adult. Keats and Shelley also saw beauty in nature different circumstances. They did not express any religious beliefs. Shouldn’t the sort of aesthetic experience that Shelley has in ‘Adonais’ be called ’pahan sanvegaya’ or what Geiger, the translator of the Mahavamsa, interpreted as ‘serene joy’ (even though the term is not perfectly capable of expressing that Buddhist sentiment)? That is the recurrent theme of the historical poem in Pali, the Mahavamsa. So, in our culture too, the theory holds that art leads one from pleasure to wisdom. Mano often emphasized his acceptance of this theory. Mano’s own life may be cited in support of Wordsworth’s dictum, which also implies the same theme. 

Jayalath Manoratne and I started secondary school at Poramadulla Madya Maha Vidyalaya in the picturesque hamlet bearing that name, nestled among green hills in central Sri Lanka, in January 1962. We were both in our early teens then, but I was a year or so older than Manoratne. Mr D.S. Senanayake, the first prime minister, had laid the cornerstone of the buildings for locating the school in its present site about ten years before that, on June 1st 1952. During his address as the guest of honour on that occasion, he reportedly described the school due to come up in the place as a ‘Jungle University’; obviously, he was inspired to coin that fond nickname for the centre of learning he had envisioned, by the serene beauty of the sylvan surroundings of the scenic spot. Generations of students have lived up to the expectations implicit in the promise and prophecy of that nickname. Manoratne is the most highly acclaimed past pupil of that institution to date. He has raised the flag of victory the highest in the school’s history in fulfilment of the eternal wish expressed in the first lines of the school song: viduhala vaenjambeva//nang va keheli lovay viduhala vaenjambeva! My eyes are welling up with scalding tears for the love of my dear departed friend Mano and our beloved alma mater.

According to the district demarcation of the time, Poramadulla Central College was located within the large administrative district of Nuwara Eliya, but the school has belonged to the Kandy district since a fresh division done in the later 1960’s. Boys and girls from many places in the hilly Nuwara Eliya district came to study there. Some of them whose homes were too far away for daily commute, and those among them who had been awarded government scholarships stayed in the hostels. Manoratne was a hosteller and I a day-scholar. The school had classes only from Grade 6 to 12. He had been admitted to Poramadulla from the primary school in his native village of Dehipe. We came to know later that veteran stage and film actor Henry Jayasena had worked as a young English teacher in the Dehipe primary school in the early 50’s when Manoratne was still a toddler and was yet to attend his kindergarten. I myself was from an adjoining village. I gained admission to Poramadulla at the secondary level from a preparatory school in the same area, having passed a selection test. On admission, I was enrolled in the same class as Manoratne, which was the GCE O/L prep (i.e., Grade 9). Though we met each other for the first time only then, we immediately became fast friends.

Now, the school had three streams of study: Arts, Science, and Commerce. Manoratne was happy with Arts subjects. But my preference was to join the Science section, where an additional attraction for me was the fact that most of the teaching was still done in English, particularly in the GCE Advanced Level classes in the Science section, though instruction at the Ordinary Level was in Sinhala, which I had to follow. The English medium was retained in the Science department because some of the teachers were Indians who had been delegated to teach in Sri Lankan schools for not enough qualified teachers were available locally. The Indian teachers, not being competent in Sinhala, had no option but to continue teaching in English. Some lessons at the O/L too were taken by them. Even the Sinhala speaking local teachers qualified in science were new to teaching it in Sinhala, and often switched to English halfway through a lesson, which a few of us liked, though the majority detested it. 

While sitting with Mano in the class I was first assigned to, I made a special appeal to the principal to give me a transfer to the science stream. This appeal was written in the scanty English I knew at the time. It took a day or two for my request to be granted. As I was leaving the Arts class finally, having collected my things, Mano said pleasantly, Good luck! machang. I am sad, but it is your wish, and you are not leaving the school after all!”. (When I was admitted to the science class, the classmaster told me that the principal had been impressed by my letter.) The following day, Mano came to me in my new class, and handed me a neatly folded piece of paper: It was a page torn from a square-ruled exercise book with two  short verses in Sinhala written in pencil celebrating our friendship and wishing me well. Later I went back to him and thanked him for that gesture. And he thanked me in return, especially for appreciating his poem! It seemed that clear verbal expression of emotion came to Mano naturally. And drama was in his DNA, it was an essential part of his life. As a born artist Mano remained unchanged until the end of his life in his attitude to his art and life in general: he did what he did because he enjoyed doing it and he did it for the good of fellow humans.

At hardly 14 years of age, Manoratne used to write, rehearse, and then present playlets on the stage of the school’s assembly hall with his friends  at the meetings of the Sinhala Literary Association. As he stayed in the hostel he was able to do these things with some ease. But I didn’t take part in any drama activities as I didn’t have any theatrical ability. In one dramatic episode that Mano staged, I remember, he entertained us playing a hilarious character in the form of a crafty village carpenter: Suddenly seeing a bothersome visitor from whom he had borrowed some money coming towards him, he runs in and comes out a minute later, his face garishly whitened with a thick layer of face powder, cuddling and rocking a big fat pillow, and jabbering incoherently….. (He feigned madness to escape the unwelcome caller).

Needless to say, Mano had a way with words. One hot humid afternoon in the the annual sports-meet time, we were in the school playground. All the students, boys and girls, divided into different ‘Houses’ (Vijaya, Gemunu, and so on) were practicing for a march-past as the important day of the meet was only a day or two ahead. We were all tired and hungry. The sultriness of the air added to our physical discomfort. With the principal rushing about in his sun-glasses urging the teachers to work to ensure  a flawless execution on the last day, there was no sign of an immediate let-up. Mano stood on my left. From where we were we could see dark clouds banking up over the distant tea-clad mountain range; intermittent flashes of streak lightning branched in all directions. I felt a sense of relief because rain would mean imminent respite for us. Mano probably had an inkling of my thoughts. He said almost inaudibly: ‘perahera vage thamai’ ‘It’s like the perahera’. I immediately understood what he meant: the rain was not going to fall as quickly as we wished. The simile of the perahera was suggested by the usual experience of spectators that peraheras (those annual religious processions held at various temples in the country including the Esala Perahera in Kandy) seemed to start parading the streets intolerably late. (This may be because auspicious times are observed for each day’s perahera to start moving.) Years later, but at the very incipient stage of his artistic journey, Mano used this image in a poem included in an anthology titled ‘vaehi enathuru’ ‘until rains come’.

The principal at that time was the formidable Mr P. Senerat, an old Anandian, whose dedicated predecessor at Poramadulla Mr M.D. Gunawardane had gone on transfer to Thurstan College, Colombo, had a special focus on sports, and other extracurricular activities including various societies (e.g., science, Buddhist, debating) and associations like Sin hala and English literary associations. A dreaded disciplinarian, Mr Senerat looked after the studies aspect as well with similar attention and dedication. So we had opportunities to give expression to our creative potential in various ways.Decades later we were happy to see him included (by educational historians) in the group of legendary central college principals who worked to elevate those non-urban institutions (that Mr C.W.W. Kannangara, the principal pioneer of free education, introduced for the benefit of rural children previously denied a wholesome education that was then exclusively available to a small urban elite) to the stature of English medium public schools of the pre-independence era.

It was decades before the dawn of the Information Age as far as Sri Lanka was concerned. But, not unlike today, the established social norms were being challenged by new developments in science and technology in the civil and political spheres, as elsewhere in the world. As usual in any age the older people were less prepared to accept the changing attitudes, particularly among the young. However, we the young were all for change, though we were not conscious of the fact. As schoolchildren we depended on newspapers, magazines, books and good teachers for information and knowledge. Even the radio was a luxury for most of us. But we were reasonably well informed about the world in general. Russian Air Forces pilot turned cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin (1961), US president John F. Kennedy (assassinated in 1963 at age 46), American boxer Cassius Clay (later Mohamed Ali) who beat Sonny Liston to win the World Heavyweight Championship title in 1964 at age 22, the British rock band The Beatles’ blasting into the English musical scene in 1960 boosting countercultural movements in the West through their impact, universally respected Burmese (Myanmar) diplomat U. Thant who became UN Secretary General in 1961, ….and others  of similar prominence were our heros. We admired left politicians of the day for their intellectuality as much as their politics, but their idealism which inspired us was anathema to our parents. We grew up physically and intellectually against such a background.

The principal Mr Senerat and our English teacher Mr D. Victor E. Peiris, who was also the warden of the boys’ hostel, had a great mentorial impact on us youngsters as an educational administrator and a teacher respectively. They were enforcers as much as educators. Of course, times have changed; their strategies won’t work today. They were themselves products of their time. Both Mr Senerat and Mr Peiris should be revered as early models of the most commendable school heads and teachers that there are today. Going by the media it can be said that the school has achieved a great deal for the youth of the area in terms of studies and sports potential that is worthy of those great pioneers due, no doubt, to the efforts of the school’s past pupils in positions of influence.  

Mano and I parted ways in 1966 as our different circumstances dictated. It was a very eventful year for Mano. He entered the Arts Faculty of the Peradeniya University where he met Professor Sarachchandra. I heard Mano saying in an interview with a journalist about a year ago that, while at Poramadulla, he had three dreams: to study in the university, to study in the Peradeniya university, and to be mentored by Professor Sarathchchandra. So, he was happy that all his three dreams came true. In the same year (1966), a school play in which he played the leading role, titled ‘Aspagudung’and produced by the school’s music teacher Sunil Sriyananda, and which had been adjudged the best school play of that year in the Nuwara Eliya district, took part in the All Ceylon School Drama Competition 1966, and was awarded a special merit certificate. 

 I came into contact with him only on five occasions separated from each other by decades sometimes; three times, we met face to face on the road as it were, and twice on the phone, when I congratulated him on some significant achievement. Each time we communicated thus, Mano made me feel as if we were always together like we had been at Poramadulla. That was Mano, a jewel of a human being.

May he attain the Supreme Bliss of Nibbana!

පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණ රංජන්ගේ හඩපට අතර හංගලා – කැෆේ කියයි

January 21st, 2020

මාධ්‍ය ඒකකය කැෆේ සංවිධානය

රංජන් රාමනායක මහතාගේ හඩ පට වලට මුවාවී රජය පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණය තවදුරටත් කල් දමමින් සිටින බව කැෆේ සංවිධානය අවධාරණය කරයි. එහි විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ අහමඩ් මනාස් මකීන් මහතා පෙන්වා දුන්නේ ‍‍ මේ වනවිට සියලු පළාත් සභාවල නිල කාලය අවසන්ව ඇති බවයි. නමුත්  මේ වන ‍තෙක් වත්මන් රජය එම පළාත් සභා  සඳහා මැතිවරණය පැවැත්වීම සම්බන්දයෙන් මුනිවත රකිමින් සිටින බව හෙතෙම සඳහන් කළේය.

රජය විසින් පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණ පවත්වනු වෙනුවට පළාත් සඳහා ආණ්ඩුකාරවරුන් පත්කිරීම මඟින් ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍ය බලය පැහැරගැනීමකට ලක් කර ඇති බව හෙතෙම අවධාරණය කළේය. පැවති රජය ද දිනෙන් දින මැතිවරණ කල් දමමින්  සිටි අතර මේ නිසා ඇතැම් පළාත්  වල පළාත් සභා නිල කාලය අවසන් වී වසර ගණනාවක් ගතවන බවද හෙතෙම මෙහිදී සඳහන් කළේය. එම  කාලය තුළ  ද පළාත් සභා එවක හිටපු ආණ්ඩුකාරවරුන් යටතේ පැවැතිණ. මෙලෙස දිගින් දිගටම සිදුවීම නිසා පොදු මහජනතාවගේ පළාත් නියෝජනය අහෝසි වී සියලු බලතල එක් රජයෙන් පත්කළ නිළධාරියෙකු යටතට පත්වීම බරපතල කරුණක්  බව මනාස් මකීන් මහතා අවධාරණය කරයි.

පළාත් සභා පරිපාලනය හුදෙක්ම දේශපාලනික පත්වීම් වන ආණ්ඩුකාරවරුන් හරහා ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම මඟින් සාමාන්‍ය පොදු ජනයා දැඩි අසීරුවට පත්වන බව ද ඒ මහතා මෙහිදී සඳහන් කළේය.  එලෙස අසීරුවට පත් වන ජනයා වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටිනු වෙනුවට ඇතැම් ජනමාධ්‍යයද රංජන් රාමනායක මහතාගේ හඩපට ආදිය ප්‍රචාරය කරමින් සැබෑ ජනතා ප්‍රශ්න අමතක කරමින් සිටින බව කැෆේ සංවිධානය පෙන්වා දෙයි. මෙ සම්බන්ධයෙන් වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක්වූ අහමඩ් මනාස් මකීන් මහතා සඳහන් කළේ  රජය පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණ ද රංජන්ගේ හඩපට අතර සඟවා දමා ඇති බවයි.

මාධ්‍ය ඒකකය

කැෆේ සංවිධානය

හතේ පොතට ලුණු වැඩි වුනාලු!

January 21st, 2020

ආචාර්ය වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

පහුගිය දවස්වල අපේ රටේ මහා ආන්දෝලනයක් ඇති කරපු හතේ අපේ පොත” ගැන සාකච්ඡාවකට මමත් සහභාගී වුනා. අද (ජනවාරි 21 වැනි දා අඟහරුවාදා) ඒ සාකච්ඡාව පැවැත්වුනේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු සංකීර්ණයේ දී. ඒ සාකච්ඡාව කැඳවලා තිබුණේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ අධ්‍යාපන සහ මානව සම්පත් සංවර්ධනය පිළිබඳ ආංශික අධීක්‍ෂණ කාරක සභාවයි කාන්තා සහ ස්ත්‍රී පුරුෂ සමාජභාවය පිළිබඳ ආංශික අධීක්‍ෂණ කාරක සභාවයි ඒකාබද්ධ වෙලා. හවස 2 ට පටන් ගත්ත ඒ සාකච්ඡාව හවස 5:30 විතර වෙද්දි අවසන් වුනා.

මේ සාකච්ඡාවේ දී මම නියෝජනය කළේ හතේ අපේ පොත” සම්බන්ධයෙන් සමාජ විරෝධයක් ඉදිරිපත් කරපු පාර්ශ්වය. පූජ්‍ය මැදගොඩ අභයතිස්ස හිමියන්, පූජ්‍ය ඉඳුරාගාරේ ධම්මරතන හිමියන්, වෛද්‍ය වසන්ත බණ්ඩාර මහත්තයා සහ රාජකීය විද්‍යාලයේ ගුරුවරුයෙක් (මම එතුමාගේ නම දන්නේ නෑ) එක්ක තමයි මම ඒ පාර්ශ්වය නියෝජනය කළේ. ඒ කියන්නේ අපේ පාර්ශ්වයට පස් දෙනෙක් සම්බන්ධ වෙලා හිටියා.

හතේ අපේ පොත” සම්පාදනය කරන්න දායක වෙච්ච සෞඛ්‍ය සහ අධ්‍යාපන ආයතන නියෝජනය කරන නිලධාරීන් සහ ඒ පොතේ ගුණ දකින අය තිහක් හතළිහක් විතරත් සාකච්ඡාවට සම්බන්ධ වුනා. මහ සද්දෙට පොතේ ගුණ වනපු අය අතර ප්‍රවීන සිනමා නිළි අනෝමා ජිනාදරී මහත්මියත් හිටියා.

තවත් පිරිසක් පැත්තක් ගන්නේ නැතුව බලාගෙන හිටිය බවක් තමයි මම දැක්කේ. විශේෂඥ වෛද්‍ය අනුරුද්ධ පාදෙණිය මහත්තයා වගේ අය තමයි ඒ පාර්ශ්වය නියෝජනය කළේ. ඒ අය කිසිම දෙයක් කිව්වේ නෑ.

සභාව මෙහෙයවපු ඉස්සරහ මේසයේ දහයක දොළහක විතර පිරිසක් රැඳිලා හිටියා. ඒ අතර කාරක සභා දෙක නියෝජනය කරන පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු සහ ඇමැතිවරු පිරිසකුත් කාරක සභා දෙකේ ලේකම් තනතුරු හොබවන අයත් හිටියා. ඒ හැම කෙනෙක්ගේ ම මූණු මම අඳුරන්නේ නෑ. සභාපති පුටු දෙක හෙබෙව්වේ ආශු මාරසිංහ මන්ත්‍රීතුමාත් වෛද්‍ය තුසිතා විජේමාන්න මන්ත්‍රීතුමියත් (අද තමයි එතුමිය අපේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ මන්ත්‍රිතුමියක් කියලා මම දැන ගත්තේ). මේ සභාපති පුටුව හොබවපු දෙන්නා ම එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂය නියෝජනය කරමින් ඒ පක්‍ෂයේ ජාතික ලැයිස්තුවෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ආපු අය.

කාන්තා සහ ස්ත්‍රී පුරුෂ සමාජ භාවය පිළිබඳ ආංශික අධීක්‍ෂණ කාරක සභාව නියෝජනය කරන මන්ත්‍රීවරු අතර රන්ජන් රාමනායක මන්ත්‍රිතුමාත් හිරුණිකා ප්‍රේමචන්ද්‍ර මන්ත්‍රිතුමියත් ඉන්න බවක් පස්සේ දැන ගත්තා. කොහොම වුනත් ඒ අය අද සාකච්ඡාවට සහභාගී වුනේ නෑ.

අද සාකච්ඡාවට සහභාගී වෙලා ඉස්සරහ මේසයේ හිටිය අනිත් මන්ත්‍රිවරුන්ගේ මූණුවලින් මම අඳුරන්නේ සුදර්ශිනී ප්‍රනාන්‍දුපුල්ලේ මන්ත්‍රිතුමියත් ලසන්ත අලගියවන්න ඇමැතිතුමාත් විතරයි. මොන තරම් දේවල් මතක තියාගන්න පුළුවන් වුනත් මට මිනිස්සුන්ගේ මූණු මතක තියාගන්න ටිකක් අමාරුයි. සමහර විට ඒ අය මීට කලින් මම කවදාකවත් දැකපු නැති අය වෙන්නත් පුළුවන්. ඒකට කමක් නෑ. කොහොම හරි අපිට ඉස්සරහින් දහයක් දොළහක් විතර පිරිසක් වාඩි වෙලා හිටියා.

සභාපති පුටු දෙක හොබවපු ආශු මාරසිංහ මන්ත්‍රීතුමාත් තුසිතා විජේමාන්න මන්ත්‍රීතුමියත් හතේ අපේ පොත” අගය කරමින් අදහස් දක්වපු පාර්ශ්වයට පක්‍ෂ බවක් තමයි මම නම් නිරීක්‍ෂණය කළේ. තුසිතා විජේමාන්න මන්ත්‍රීතුමිය නම් ඒ වෙනුවෙන් කෙළින් ම පෙනී හිටියා. ආශු මාරසිංහ මන්ත්‍රීතුමා නම් ඒ තරම් ප්‍රබල විදිහට තමන් පෙනී ඉන්න පැත්ත එළිදරව් කළේ නෑ.

ආශු මාරසිංහ මන්ත්‍රීතුමාට පිං සිද්ද වෙන්න මමත් විනාඩි පහක විතර කාලයක් අදහස් ඉදිරිපත් කළා. අනිත් පාර්ශ්වය නියෝජනය කරපු පිරිස වැඩි හින්දා අපිට වැඩි වෙලාවක් දෙන්න එතුමාට බැරිවෙන්න ඇති කියලා මම හිතනවා. හැමෝට ම සාධාරණය ඉෂ්ට කරන්න ඕනනේ!

ඉස්සරහ මේසයේ හිටිය අයගෙන් මූලික පරිපාලන සහ තීන්දු තීරණවලට අදාළ කරුණු අහලා ලසන්ත අලගියවන්න ඇමැතිතුමා මැදිහත් භූමිකාවක් නිරූපණය කළා. පෙළ පොත්, පුස්තකාල පොත් සහ අමතර කියැවීම් පොත් පළ කරන වැඩේට අධ්‍යාපන අමාත්‍යාංශය සම්බන්ධ වෙන විදිහ පැහැදිළි වුනේ එතුමා අහපු ප්‍රශ්නවලට ලැබිච්ච උත්තරවලින්.

කොහොම හරි අපි පස් දෙනා ම අපිට පුළුවන් විදිහට අපේ අදහස් ඉදිරිපත් කළා. ඉඩ කඩ සහ කියවන අයගේ වෙලාව ගැන සළකලා ඒ ඔක්කොම අදහස් මේ ලිපියෙන් ලියන්නේ නෑ. මගේ අදහස් දැක්වීමේ දී මම අහපු ප්‍රශ්න ටික විතරක් මෙතැන සඳහන් කරන්නම්.

1.    ජීවිතයට අදාළ හැම දෙයක් ම පාසලේ දී ම ඉගෙන ගත යුතු ද?
2.    දෙමව්පියන් කියන්නේ ගුරුවරුන් නෙවෙයි ද?
3.    සමාජයේ ගුරුවරු නැති ද?
4.    යහළුවන් අතර ගුරුවරු නැති ද?
5.    තමන්ටත් තමන්ගේ ම ගුරුවරයෙක් වෙන්න බැරි ද?
6.    කවි, කෙටි කතා, නව කතා වගේ දැනුම හරහා මේ දැනුම සන්නිවේදනය කරන්න බැරි ද?
7.    මේ දේවල් අමු අමුවේ කියන්නේ සන්නිවේදන හැකියාවක් නැති අය නේ ද?

මේ ප්‍රශ්න එකකටවත් කාගෙන්වත් උත්තර ලැබුණේ නෑ. ඒකටත් කමක් නෑ. අපි එච්චර දේවල් දන්න අය නෙවෙයිනේ.

කොහොම හරි සාකච්ඡාව ඉවර වුනේ එකඟතා දෙකක් ඇති කරගෙන. අපේ හතේ පොතට ලුණු වැඩි වුනා” කියලා ඒ පොත ලියපු අය පිළිගත්තා. කෑමකට ලුණු වැඩිවුනාම සීනි දාලා ලුණු අඩු කරනවා වගේ මේ වැරැද්ද හදාගන්න ඕන කියලා එක නෝනා කෙනෙක් කිව්වා. අපේ අම්මා අපිට කියලා දීලා තියෙන්නේ කෑමකට ලුණු වැඩි වුනාම අල පෙත්තක් කපලා දාන්න කියලා. කොහොම හරි ලුණු අඩු කර ගන්න පුළුවන් නම් කමක් නෑ. ලුණු වැඩි වෙච්ච පොත් ටික ඔක්කොම ආපහු එකතු කරගන්න අධ්‍යාපන අමාත්‍යාංශය නියෝජනය කරපු නිලධාරීන් එකඟවුනා. ඉතින් ඒක තමයි පළමුවැනි එකඟතාව.

දෙවැනි එකඟතාව ඇතිවුනේ වෛද්‍ය වසන්ත බණ්ඩාර මහත්තයා ඉදිරිපත් කරපු අදහසක් මුල් කරගෙන. එතුමා කිව්වේ මේ වගේ පොත් ලියන්න කලින් ඒවාට අදාළ ප්‍රතිපත්ති, නිර්දේශ සහ සම්මත සකස් කරගන්න ඕන බවක්. යුනිසෙප් සංවිධානයත්, නවසීලන්තයේ අධ්‍යාපන අමාත්‍යාංශයත් සකස් කරපු ඒ වගේ ලේඛන ගණනාවක් එතුමා සභාවට ඉදිරිපත් කළා. ඒ ලේඛන ආශු මාරසිංහ මන්ත්‍රීතුමා භාරගත්තා. ඉතින් ඒ විදිහට අපේ ම අපේ ශ්‍රී ලාංකික ප්‍රතිපත්ති, නිර්දේශ සහ සම්මත ඇති කරගන්නත් හැම දෙනා ම එකඟවුනා. ඒක තමයි දෙවැනි එකඟතාව.

ඉතින් ඉදිරියේ දී කවදා හරි අලුතින් අපේ හතේ පොතක් හරි අපේ අටේ පොතක් හරි ලියැවෙන්නේ මේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති, නිර්දේශ සහ සම්මත සම්පාදනය කර ගත්තාට පස්සේ. ඒ සඳහා අවශ්‍ය උපදෙස් ලබාදෙන්න අපිත් එකඟවුනා.

හවස පහයි තිහට පමණ සභා තොමෝ සතුටින් විසිර ගියා!

මේ ලිපිය ඉවර කරන්න කලින් අපි පුංචි ම පුංචි කාලේ කියවපු කවියක් දෙකක් ලියන්නම්. මේ කවි තියෙන්නේ ගණ දෙවි හෑල්ල” පොතේ.

ආයුබෝ වන සෙතා
ඉසුරු වරමින් යුතා
උමාගන දළ නෙතා
ඉසුරු එබිසෝ වෙතා

ගැබැ කුමර හට ගතා
දිනෙන් දින මෝරතා
දොළ උපත හට ගතා
රස මියුරු ගෙන දෙතා

එදොළ සංසිඳුවතා
එසත් මස පිරිගතා
දෙතන පුඩු කළු වෙතා
කිරි බරින් සිට ගතා

නව සඳෙව් රුවිනිතා
දස එකඩ මස වෙතා
විලි රදය පහරිතා
ගුරු දිනේ බිහි වෙතා

මේ මොන අධ්‍යාපනයක් ද කියන එකත් ටිකක් හිතලා බලන්න.

ආචාර්ය වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

Sri Lanka appoints high level task force to boost tourism

January 21st, 2020

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Sri Lanka tourist arrivals break records in January

Colombo, Jan. 21 – The Sri Lankan Tourism Ministry on Tuesday appointed a seven-member high level task force to transform the island’s tourism sector into a $10 billion industry by 2030.

Minister of Industrial Export, Investment Promotion, Tourism and Civil Aviation, Prasanna Ranatunga said in a statement that the task force consisted of key state sector stakeholders, including the chairman of flag carrier SriLankan Airlines, reports Xinhua news agency.

The Minister told the local Daily Financial Times that the task force was expected to identify problems faced by the tourism industry and offer solutions and implementation guidance on the future development of the sector.

Given the importance of the sector for the development of the economy, Minister Ranatunga had also instructed the task force to submit its recommendations within two weeks.

In addition, the Minister has directed the task force to identify new areas to develop tourism apart from traditional tourist attractions.

The task force has been instructed to submit proposals and programs to promote tourism based on areas such as amusement parks, religion, cultural and national heritage, adventure sports, agriculture and forestry tourism, indigenous Ayurveda and so on,” he said.

Ranatunga also said that he intended to implement a strategic marketing programme to promote Sri Lankan tourism within a wide range of countries.

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa said here last week that his government would aim to increase the annual tourist arrival figure to seven million by 2030, while also making it a $10 billion industry.

Last year, Sri Lanka attracted over 1.9 million tourists with India, China and Britain being the leading markets.

Double trouble: Too many show for Sri Lanka twins record bid

January 21st, 2020

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, Jan 21 (AFP) – A Sri Lankan attempt to set a world record for the largest gathering of twins may have failed Monday after an unexpectedly large turnout overwhelmed organisers who vowed to try again.

Organisers from the Sri Lanka Twins group had called on multiples across the island to pack a sports stadium in the capital Colombo to try to break Taiwan’s Guinness World Record set in 1999 of 3,961 pairs of twins, 37 sets of triplets and four sets of quadruplets.

Pic - AFP

But a bigger than expected crowd flocked to the stadium, with a long registration queue snaking around the arena as birth certificates were checked and participants posed for photographs.

Organisers said the huge turnout meant they were unable to meet strict guidelines set by Guinness World Records.

We had more than we expected. Getting them all to go through a single entry point was not easy,” Sri Lanka Twins spokeswoman Wasana Ranasinghe told AFP.

A mother of twin girls aged 10, Ranasinghe said just over 6,000 pairs — ranging from ages of three months to 89 years — had been registered during a five-hour period.

However, not all of them remained at the stadium to pose for a mandatory group photo or waited for at least five minutes, as required by the guidelines, she added.

We will know in two weeks if we actually qualified for the record or not, but even otherwise, we have managed to raise awareness,” she said.

Ranasinghe and many others told AFP they wanted to try to break the record again if they fail this time, confident they would be able to attract a similarly large crowd.

Some twins travelled for hours just to be part of the record attempt.

Two army generals, Jayantha and Pooraka Seneviratne, led a contingent of twins in the Sri Lankan military.

Now that we know our strength, we can even make another attempt,” Jayantha said while posing for photos with other twins.

Software engineer S. Sathiyan and his village official twin Sayanthan travelled 400 kilometres (250 miles) to Colombo from Jaffna in the country’s north.

We travelled for 10 hours by train to get here on time,” Sathiyan said.

We thought it was an opportunity to see so many twins and be part of something that would be good for the country.”

BBC Sinhala accepts Azzam Ameen’s resignation

January 21st, 2020

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, Jan.21 ( – The BBC Sinhala service has accepted the resignation of its Colombo based correspondent, Azzam Ameen following a controversial telephone conversation which was leaked out in the public between Ameen and UNP MP Ranjan Ramanayake last week.

Ameen had tendered his resignation to BBC with effect from January 1, but it had not been accepted by the BBC Sinhala Service at the time.

However the resignation was accepted on Tuesday after a huge public outcry following the exposure of the telephone conversation, with many supporting Ameen while others called for him to quit the BBC service.

News reports said the private conversation between Ameen and Ramanayake was disclosed by the controversial Sinhale Organization two days ago.

Ameen had been with the BBC Sinhala service for several years, earning praise for his journalism.

Over 121,000 telephone conversations, secretly recorded by UNP MP Ranjan Ramanayake have been taken into custody after he was arrested by the police a few weeks ago. Ramanayake was released on bail but was later arrested again after allegations that his telephone conversations revealed him interfering with the judiciary during the past government.

Azzam Ameen resigns from BBC Sinhala

January 21st, 2020

Courtesy Ada Derana

BBC Sinhala Service’s correspondent in Sri Lanka, Azzam Ameen has resigned from his position in the organization.

According to reports, he had tendered his resignation to the company with effect from the 1st of January, however, it was not accepted by BBC Sinhala Service at the time.

In the meantime, the Sinhale Organization disclosed a controversial telephone recording between UNP MP Ranjan Ramanayake and Azzam Ameen two days ago.

Considering the situation, the organization has processed Ameen’s resignation.

Ameen, speaking to Ada Derana, confirmed that he is no longer employed at BBC Sinhala.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – Interdicted Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala questioned for over 3 hours

January 21st, 2020

Courtesy Ada Derana

Interdicted Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala has left the Colombo Crime Division (CCD) after recording a statement for over three hours.

He had arrived at the CCD at around 2.30 p.m. to record a statement over his controversial video conversation with UNP MP Ranjan Ramanayake.

Earlier this month, a series of audio recordings of phone conversations between the MP and several high-profile officials in the country including former Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) Shani Abeysekara and justices, were leaked to the media.

Recordings contained phone conversations between the parliamentarian and Justices Gihan Pilapitiya, Padmini Ranawaka, and Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala.

Baddegama Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala was later interdicted by the Judicial Services Commission (JSC) last week over the issue while the commission had also sent its recommendations to the President on High Court Judge Gihan Pilapitiya.

The Attorney General has instructed the CCD to record statements from the three justices.

Accordingly, HC Judge Pilapitiya and Retired Judge Padmini Ranawaka recorded their statements with the CCD yesterday and the day before.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – HC Judge Gihan Pilapitiya interdicted

January 21st, 2020

Courtesy Ada Derana

Embilipitiya High Court Judge Gihan Pilapitiya has been interdicted over the controversial phone conversation he has had with UNP MP Ranjan Ramanayake says the Judicial Service Commission.

A series of audio recordings of phone conversations between the MP and several high-profile officials in the country including former Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) Shani Abeysekara and justices, were leaked to the media earlier this month.

Recordings contained phone conversations between the parliamentarian and Justices Gihan Pilapitiya, Padmini Ranawaka, and Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala.

Baddegama Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala was later interdicted by the Judicial Services Commission (JSC) last week over the issue while the commission had also sent its recommendations to the President on High Court Judge Gihan Pilapitiya. He was accordingly interdicted today (21).

As per the Attorney General’s instructions, the CCD recorded statements from HC Judge Pilapitiya and Retired Judge Padmini Ranawaka yesterday and the day before. Magistrate Hemapala gave his statement to the CCD this afternoon.

RANJANGATE SCANDAL – රන්ජන්ගේ වීඩියෝවක් නිසා වැඩ තහනම් කළ විනිසුරු ධම්මික හේමපාලගෙන් සී.සී.ඩී.යට පැය 3 ක ප්‍රකාශයක්

January 21st, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම හිරු නිව්ස්

>පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රන්ජන් රාමනායක සමඟ සංවාදයේ නිරතවීම හේතුවෙන් සේවය අත්හිටුවා ඇති බද්දේගම මහේස්ත්‍රාත් ධම්මික හේමපාල අද කොළඹ අපරාධ කොට්ඨාශයට පැමිණ ප්‍රකාශයක් ලබාදුන්නා.

ඒ, මහේස්ත්‍රාත්වරයා සහ රන්ජන් රාමනායක මන්ත්‍රීවරයා සංවාදයේ නිරත වන වීඩියෝ පසුගිය දිනවල සමාජ මාධ්‍යයේ හුවමාරු වීමත් සමඟයි.

>මේ අනුව අදාළ ප්‍රකාශය ලබාදීමට ඔහු පස්වරු 2.30 ට පමණ කොළඹ අපරාධ කොට්ඨාශය වෙත පැමිණි අතර, පැය 3 කට ආසන්න කාලයක් අදාළ ප්‍රකාශය ලබාදුන් බවයි හිරු වාර්තාකරු සඳහන් කළේ.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී රන්ජන් රාමනායකගේ දුරකථන හඬ පට සංවාද සිද්ධියට අදාළව හිටපු මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරු පද්මිනී එන්. රණවකගෙන් ද කොළඹ අපරාධ කොට්ඨාශය ඊයේ පැය 2කට අධ