Dayan Jayatilleke – The treacherous,pro-separtist Anti Sri Lankan RAW Agent – Part I

August 17th, 2018


Many of the scribes, local and foreign who write to English newspapers in Sri Lanka hold the opinion that Sri Lankans are damp squibs who still hold a white skin glotifying amglophile mindset.  This vicious phenomenon has been erased to a great extent by scholarly Sinhala language writers who flood our newspapers and social media with articles inspired with patriotism.

Dayan Jayatilleke who is an extremely treacherous, anti Sri Lamkan, pro tiger terrorist amd RAW agent used to write more than one article a week quoting some extremely irrelevant world history promoting divisions among Sri Lankans, devolution of unlimited powersto provinces, neo liberalism and the urgent need to implement more than what is stupilated in the ignominous 31st Amendment. Suddenly his articles ceased to appear and may believed that he has attained RIP which some people jokimgly refer to as rise if possible” but to find that he had been clandestinely courting ignoramus inept and foreign slavish වැඩ බැරි. පරගැති,Aappaya Sirisena to jump intp his band wagon and Sirisena nominating him as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Russia. Despite High Post Committee’s rejection of his nomination, the first time a nomination by the Preesident has been rejected Sirisena in his arrogant and dictatorial attitude has gone ahead with the appointment. Comments said that Jayatilleke represents the national interests” that is more close to the President Maithripala Sirisena than the West-leaning foreign policy of Wickremesinghe.

Historical facts point out that this Dayan Jayatilleke (DJ) like his father Mervyn de Silva well known as Andayaa has a chequered history behind him, becoming involved in extremist politics, founded with the Vikalpa Kandayama” (Alternative Group) In the 1980s. His group supported the Tamil militancy and maintained that their actions were a war of national emancipation, and not terrorism. Vikalpa Kandayama” formed a close relationship with the EPRLF of Vartharajah Perumal, DJ serving as a Minister in his government fully endorsed his declaration of Tamil Elam” in the North and East. Having being elected as Chief Minister Perumal said that Sri Lanka Army is not required in his Elam. Vikalpa Kandayama was banned in 1986 and DJ, was indicted  in absentia, by the Colombo High Court on 14 counts comprising conspiracy to overthrow the state through violence. In the meantime, DJ gone into hiding, spenT two years underground in Sri Lanka and one year in India. He was then pardoned by President J. R. Jayewardene. Perumal fled to India.

At Peradeniya he was a member of two radical groups – the Lanka Samaja Adhyayana Kavaya (Lanka Social Studies Circle) and Samaja Adhyayana Kavaya. Later,. whilst at Binghamton he was involved with solidarity movements in support of El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua. Jayatilleka has been married three times.. He first married a Burgher woman called Margreet and then Pulsara Liyanage.  He is currently married to an accountant and writer Sanja de Silva. He returned to Sri Lanka in 1982 to observe the presidential election but, having gotten involved in militant Sri Lankan politics, never returned to Binghamton and dropped out.

He then joined the Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya and after its leader Vijaya Kumaratunga was assassinated became a member of the party’s central committee. Chandrika Kumaratunga whom he now calls federalist was the leader of the party after Vijaya’s assassination. She adopted the same policy on devolution even at that time. After that this multi tongued chameleon became a prominent supporter of President Premadasa, serving him as his advisor from 1989 to 1993.. He then abandoned his radical beliefs and became a prominent and docile supporter of Premadasa serving as his advisor from 1989 to 1993. It was reported that this chameleon extensvely assisted Premadasain his honeymoon with LTTE terrorists and also played a major role in suppressing youth rebellion in the South during 1987 1989 period which resulted in more thn 60,000 deaths.  He was Director of Conflict Studies at the Institute of Policy Studies (1990–94) and executive director of the Premadasa Centre (1994-2000). When the funeral of Lt.General Hector Kobbekaduwa, whose death is believed to have been stage managed by Premadasa through LTTE, was held at Colombo Kanatte people attending the funeral pelted Dayan with stones and he saved his life by running away naked.He was also editor of Lanka Guardian, the journal founded by his father, from 1996 to 1998.. He received a PhDdegree from the Griffith University in 2007 after writing a thesis titled The Moral Sierra Maestra: The Moral-Ethical Dimension of the Political Thought of Fidel Castro.

His crowning glory was shielding Sri Lanka from denunciation by the UNHRC for alleged human rights violations during the final stages of the War in 2009, due to the backing he received from the socialist bloc countries.. He had been appointed for a two-year term but when his contract expired in June 2009 President Mahinda Rajapaksa extended his contract until June 2010.  His glory was short lived, when on 17 July 2009 the Foregn Ministry told him by fax to relinquish duties and return to Colombo on 20th August”. According to him no reason was given for his sacking but he claimed that it was because of his extensive support for the implementation of the 13th Amendment.

Comments made against him by various publications and organizations and his criyicisms and comments on various organizations and individuals follows:

Condemnation by Lanka E News, the pro UNP website

Lanka E News (LEN) reprted on 20th July 2018 that for the first time , the parliamentary committee on  high posts  decided to question   President Sirisena an appointment made by him , in respect of the appointment of notorious political opportunist cum infamous traitor Dayan Jayatileke ( a confirmed  traitor because , when Varatharaja Perumal who was the Northeast Chief Chief Minister declared a separate government , Jayatileke who was in that cabinet  most shamelessly accepted and acknowledged  it)   being appointed as  ambassador to Russia by the president.

LEN said that when the parliamentary committee by virtue of the powers vested in the select committee Jayatileke was summoned before it members of the select committee explained the objections raised by the organizations and the charges against Jayatileke when the   ‘nutty Jayatilleke of a rare obnoxious breed dismissed it saying‘ what is told by the civil organizations cannot be taken into consideration’


DJ’s comments on Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa

In his Daily Mirror article WHAT’S NEXT & WHO’S NEXT AFTER YAHAPALANAYA, dated 35th April, 2018 he said that Mahinda Rajapaksa himself is easily the most outstanding, mature and experienced political and national leader we have —  a truly historic and appealing figure. As do most voters I would dearly like to see him as the leader of the country once more, and I definitely think he is the safest choice

Writng to Island on 13th April 2018, he said that Mahinda is the head of a formation which not only has the largest number of seats in the opposition but more importantly, beat both the UNP and the SLFP to emerge the island’s largest political entity at its electoral debut under a new symbol. His formation even did better than SWRD Bandaranaike’s SLFP/MEP did in 1956, which was the second, not the first, election it faced!

Comments on Chandrika

The biggest loser in Sri Lankan politics is Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. The daughter of two Prime Ministers and a former two-term President, she was on top of the world when she succeeded in ousting her arch rival Mahinda Rajapaksa in January 2015. And look where she and Mahinda are now.

Chandrika not only failed to prevent the SLFP-UPFA from soliciting and accepting Mahinda’s leadership at the parliamentary election campaign of August 2015, she also failed to prevent the majority of SLFP MPs from staying with Mahinda and rejecting her brainchild, the so-called national Unity government in the aftermath of that parliamentary election.

Now she has scored a hat-trick of political failure. She has failed to prevent a second split in the SLFP, this time in the minority faction that had remained in government; a split that has carried the overwhelming number of seniors in the party’s Central Committee into Opposition, turning their face against CBK’s line. She has failed to convince even her nominee President Sirisena who had rebutted her line of argument about January 2015. What an utterly dismal performance for the heiress of the Bandaranaike political real estate and fortune!

Worse still she is an unsuccessful prop of a UNP under a rightwing neoliberal leadership, while she was earlier a bitter opponent of the UNP under President Premadasa, a populist who was the closest to the line of SWRD’s SLFP ever to emerge within the UNP—and a man with whom Chandrika’s charismatic and progressive husband, Vijaya Kumaratunga had a political dialogue and an equation! So Chandrika rejected the UNP when it was under progressive, patriotic leadership but embraced it when it came under the most rightwing, pro-imperialist leadership ever! It is as if SWRD Bandaranaike supported a coalition government with Sir John Kotelawela’s UNP, instead of overthrowing it!

(Isand on 13th April 2018)

Self imposed Security threat

As a part of his hypocratic bluffing and in order to project himself as a person with security threats he wrotethat the the iconic father of Sri Lanka’s Special Forces and the LRRP, Gen Gamini Hettiarachchi, sent VVIP commando security for him on those annual occasions where he was a designated lecturer at the joint programme between the US Special Forces and a selected 40 men of the Sri Lankan Special Forces. He said that when he asked Gen Hettiarachchi who was the Commandant of the institution that hosted the programme, why he had wasted VVIP Commandos on his security, his answer was that the military has a good assessment of the LTTE’s assessment of him and that whatever he does in his own time was his business but when he was a guest of the Sri Lankan armed forces, he was their responsibility and had to be accorded a degree of security that was commensurate with the threat assessment. Hefurther stated that US Charge d’Affaires at the Permanent Mission in Geneva, later US Ambassador to Kenya, Mark Storella walking him to his official car in Geneva, opening the door graciously and asked him the vehicle was bullet-proofed, and when h laughingly said “no”, he said “but it should be…you are under a greater threat than any one of us here…you have a security threat from the Tigers!”

On Sinhala Nationalist Civil Societies

The increasing ascendancy– not the coming into being–of Sinhala ultranationalist civil society is due precisely to the disgustingly anti-national stands of the cosmopolitan liberals. Just as Sinhala Only was enthroned in the context of social revulsion towards the culture (and foreign policy) of the UNP of Sir John Kotelawela, today’s ultranationalist civil society groups surf the broad revulsion among the masses to the unpatriotic postures of the neoliberal democrats. It is a classic backlash.

He said that he us accused by the civil society ‘activists’ of being opposed to Reconciliation and added tha he is certainly opposed to a lop-sided policy of reconciliation which has resulted in Black Tiger Day, the day of the suicide terrorists who blew up Rajiv Gandhi, Ranasinghe Premadasa, Gamini Dissanayake and Neelan Tiruchelvam to name just a few, being openly commemorated in the North! He said that no society anywhere in the world which would tolerate the open commemoration of a terrorist suicide bomb squad within its own internationally recognized and legitimate borders. This brand of appeasement pushed by civil society has derailed the necessary project of reconciliation, and instead resulted in a burning desire in the Sinhala majority areas to see a leader who will crack down decisively on the theatrics of terror. With the ban on Mahinda Rajapaksa running for the Presidency, this has resulted in the default option of an Alt-Right candidacy.

Continued on Part II

Prime Minister’s Dictatorship.

August 16th, 2018

By Charles.S.Perera

Ranil Wickramasinghe foresaw the outcome of the 8th January,2015 Presidential election, and prepared the background with the help of America and the West and India for the establishment of a UNP Government.  The UNP  treasury was empty and it needed funds and RanilW arranged for the means to fill the UNP treasury with enough funds to buy supporters and manipulated  others to disarm the President.

19th Amendment conveniently took away the powers of the President, making him only a clever speech maker without power to stop  the Prime Minister do what he wants. The same thing happened under ex President Chandrika Kumaratunga when the same  man became the Prime Minister.  He  turned his back to President and signed an important agreement without even the consent of the Parliament with the terrorist leader Prabhakaran , which was to decide the future of Sri Lanka.

Fortunately for Sri Lanka Mahinda Rajapakse became the President  and reversed the situation.

The ex President Chandrika Kumaratunga had the guts to remove the Prime Minister RanilW when he was visiting President Bush in America, and take away the Ministries which were under the Prime Minister, which consequently resulted in the dissolution of the Parliament.

Unfortunately,  in the case of the President Maithripala Sirisena, he  dares not speak a word against the Prime Minister,  suffering from  a fear psychosis which he himself admitted  when he said that if  he had lost the Presidential election on the 8th January,2015,  he may have been six feet under ground.  An intelligent man would not have thought as he did, as such a thing would not have been possible.

Mahinda Rajapakse who Maithripala Sirisena feared, is a peaceful man. As President of Sri Lanka Mahinda Rajapakse,   before he started  the military operations against terrorists,  invited the terrorist leader to meet him for  a negotiated settlement of the issue.

That fear seems to be still reining the President’s mind today. Therefore, he is satisfied making speeches and appointing Commissions. But in reality  nothing seem to happen after the Commissions report their findings to the President.

Every thing goes as usual, giving  the Prime Minister more strength to continue his unconcerned destruction of Sri Lanka Examples are many,  first the Bond Scam, then the selling( long lease) of Hambantota Port to China, signing a trade Agreement with Singapore,  and preparing the sale of Mattala Air Port and the Trincomalee Habour to India. Only the Prime Minster knows , what more is to come? The President has to wait until the announcements are made in the press.

The people see that there is no consultation what so ever between the  President and the Prime Minister. But yet slowly and surely the Prime Minister and  UNP  continue selling off Sri Lanka to West, molding  old Sri Lanka, to a modern Western model.. The Secretary of the UNP as Minister of Education has signed a contract to resume getting down American Peace Corp to Sri Lanka.

The Prime Minster pays his UNP MPs a gift of two lacks each to keep them satisfied. Most of the UNP Ministers and MPs participating in TV debates have the same arguments  which they fashioned  from the time of their emergence as member of the  government  labelled Yahapalanaya.

The modus operandi of the UNP participants in TV Debates is coming out with same arguments against the previous government of Mahinda Rajapakse, referring to the shooting at strikers , and a white van culture  and  recuperating the democracy which they say was absent during the previous regime, allowing people to strike and manifest against the Government ‘(even if the Yahapalanaya pays no attention to strikers or manifestations).

There is no one, no public or private sector in Sri Lanka which is independent and out of the control of the Dictator – the Press-( the editorials criticise the Yahapalanaya , but in the same tone it  criticises the former Government of President Mahinda Rajapakse),  the legislature- (Speaker is the yes man of the Prime Minister.The Speaker does not recognize 70 members of  the joint opposition as the Parliamentary Opposition),  the Judiciary- most of the judgments are with an eye to please the Yahapalanaya, the executive- the police and CID are completely under the control of the Prime Minister,  and the three Buddhist Nikayas –the Mahanayakas do not criticise the Yahapalanaya. Hence every thing in Sri Lanka is  under the control of the Big Brother”  the Dictator and his UNP.

The Speaker of the Parliament says he is democratic, but takes decisions  to please  the Dictator,  a Judge despite being perhaps a Sinhala Buddhist condemns  a Buddhist Monk  for imprisonment for an alleged contempt of Court…the Judge follows the letter of the rule , and his concept of respect for religious and social etiquettes  is lopsided, the Army falls in line with the Dictator to fulfil his desire for reconciliation with Tamils.

A Buddhist Monk  is condemned for imprisonment for contempt of a still British Court, and the whole population of  Buddhist Monks seem to be in fear of the Dictator and no one of the Buddhist Monks has come forward to protest against this  humiliation of the Buddha Ratna in this still Sinhala Buddhist Country.  The President is silent on the issue perhaps because of his gratitude to he who made him President , or he fears the Dictator.

The President has been made a lame duck as the Dictator has decided that his term of Office ends in 2020, and the President  would be without the support of the UNP or the SLFP the senior members of which –Nimal Siripala de Silva, Sarath Amunugama, Mahinda Samarasinghe, Duminda Dissanayaka, Mahinda Amaraweera et al are UNP at heart and will abandon Maithripala Sirisena to stand with Ranil W in 2020.

The West panders to the Tamils and ignores the majority Sinhala. UK Government gives one million sterling pounds to build houses in the North and East. Canada helps improve human rights in Sri Lanka by supporting the implementation of Sri Lanka’s official language policy. This policy helps minority groups to access social services such as health and police protection  in their own language.” These are the Western means of implementing their communal separation policies to weaken the unitary status of Sri Lanka, pitting minorities against the majority community.

Even the President does not know the contents of the Trade Agreement signed  with Singapore  under the initiative of the Prime Minister. It was never presented to the Parliament before it was signed, because the Big Brother-the Dictator had decided it be so. The agreement contains  more than thousand pages and it is in English. Even the UNP Ministers who participate in TV debates on the Singapore agreement seem to be ignorant of the effects of the agreement, let alone whether  they know the whole of the contents of it.

They promise to the listening public that there would not be negative effects, but it is like the CFA that Prime Minister in an earlier occasion signed with the terrorist Prabhakaran, and the 13 Amendment  his uncle accepted from India. The ill effects of the Singapore Trade Agreement  will begin to be seen only after its implementation.

It is surprising the  confidence and the attachment  the UNP Dictator has for Singapore. He installed the Singapore citizen Arjun Mahendran as the Governor of the Central Bank praising him as a man with great knowledge an equal for him cannot be found in Sri Lanka, and the experience turned out to be the worst for Sri Lanka.

And now with the Trade Agreement with Singapore highly praised by the Prime Minister and the UNP may certainly turn out to be  worst than what Sri Lanka got with the a man they imported  from Singapore and  installed as the Governor of the Central Bank.

Ranil W the Prime Minister has no great affection for the Sinhala Buddhist Culture. He  wants the Western Culture implanted in Sri Lanka, and for that Buddhism is an obstacle. He goes round saying that all religions should be treated equally for the sake of his sacrosanct reconciliation with the Tamils. His first step in Westernising Sri Lanka culture was the first Independence Day celebrated by the Yahapalanaya . There he got an Opera Singer to sing a Sinhala Buddhist  song in the Western Opera style. It is said that he even wants to start a Sri Lankan Symphony Orchestra.

The new trend of Musical Festivals with foreign Singers and Musicians as the one that is being organised by National Trust Banks of America with local Agents also affects our traditional culture, and this seems to be allowed by the Yahapalanaya Government despite a number of deaths at a previous such festival. The Prime Minister enjoy the support of several NGOs and there is no control of the activities of the NGOs in Sri Lanka.

JVP is also supporting the Prime Ministerial Dictatorship, by seeking to introduce  the 20th Amendment with an eye to elect a President  by the Parliament, instead of by a peoples’ vote. This is to assure that the Prime Minister who had lost 30 elections, will instead of presenting himself to a Presidential election  be appointed instead by the Parliamentarians. This stands favourable to JVP as well as hey could present their Presidential Candidate  as well for a Parliamentary election.

The Prime Minister of Sri Lanka is not a Prime Minister of the people, as the Presidential election was won by 62 lakhs of votes, and the President selected RanilW as his Prime Minister unconstitutionally  when 58 lakhs of voters opposed the election of the President. Therefore through respect to the people of this country the President should dismiss the Prime Minister who continues to put Sri Lanka’s culture, and its communal unity in danger and call for new elections.


August 16th, 2018


The Yahapalana government has meddled in the  energy sector and  has created problems for the future provision of electricity to the country. Firstly, Yahapalana cancelled the proposed Sampur Coal Power Plant, planned to start operations in 2018. It took ten years to clear the hurdles of land ownership, relocate residents, obtain approval and so on for Sampur, complained the  experts. It was scrapped as soon as Yahapalana came to power. Cancellation of Sampur at the last moment, will cost Sri Lanka Rs. 200 billion in the next five years,   CEB said in May 2018.

Our main problem today is the lack of power plants said CEB. After Norochcholai, no low cost power plants have been added to the system, although each year the demand went up by 200 MWS. A major low cost (coal-fired) power plant is an urgent necessity, said CEB. The CEB is now running at a loss. And this will go on till we commission another low cost power plant. Further, after Sampur was cancelled, all our plants are running full time, and we cannot do repairs’.

In 2017, there arose a tussle between the CEB and Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL) over inclusion of coal in the ‘Least Cost Long-Term Generation Expansion Plan-2018-2037’ (LCLTGEP) prepared by the CEB in 2017. The base case plan recommended by the CEB contained a mixture of coal, Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) and renewable energy plants.  It included multiple coal power plants generating 500 MW of coal power.

The PUCSL had scrapped the proposed coal-fired power plants  and replaced them with LNG. The plan approved by PUCSL contained no coal power plants. PUCSL  said they were simply following the decision  given to it by the Cabinet Committee on Economic Management (CCEM)  headed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, that ‘there will be no more coal power plants in the country. We submitted the plan in 2017. How could we have submitted a plan in 2017 based on policies that were declared in 2018, asked CEB. CEB opposed the PUCSL and sought Cabinet approval to go ahead with its original plan.

CEB said it was firmly for coal. Modern coals plants have indoor storage and closed emission of coal dust. Even Norochcholai is now functioning well, the breakdowns are over. Coal is the single largest source of electricity generation in the world, providing 40% of power even in 2016.  Environmentalists wish to see an end to coal plants, agreed CEB,  but producing energy from wind and solar is far more expensive at present than coal. Wind and solar energy will get cheaper as the technology develops but not now, said CEB. CEB said that what is urgently needed now is an  affordable uninterrupted power supply.

There developed an ongoing tussle between the two authorities. The CEB said that the PUCSL could not tamper with its plan, and the PUCSL said, yes it could. PUCSL is the authority tasked with ensuring uninterrupted electricity supply to the country said PUCSL. PUCSL has the mandate to review, amend and approve the plan.” We can use powers vested with us by the Act at anytime.  Analysts in the meantime, observed that CEB’s long term planning report, is a comprehensive one, issued regularly from 1990. It is unique and unparallel among all utilities in south Asia and perhaps the entire developing world. (CCI Bulletin 15( 39) of 28.6.18 issued with Daily News )

The matter went back and forth, with the CEB calling on President, Cabinet, Ministry of Power, and Renewable Energy to support their cause. The delay in implementing the long term power generation plan had caused Rs 50.8 billion loss as at November 2017 and since then has been incurring Rs.3.43 billion in losses per month, said PUCSL.

Finally, Cabinet approved coal plants using clean coal technologies using super critical or ultra-super critical coal. Coal remains the best least cost electricity generation option, according to energy sector experts (Cabinet paper no 21/2018/PE). This was based on a Joint Cabinet Memorandum submitted by the Power and Renewable Energy Ministry and the Special Assignments Ministry. PUCSL was asked to include multiple coal power plants. The President’s Office  also  asked PUCSL to approve the CEB plan. It has been over two weeks since PUCSL had received the letter,” said CEB in May 2018. But  they are delaying even after a directive was given by the President himself.” The problem between the Engineers Union and the PUCSL has been dragging on for about a year and there has been no solution beside the intervention of the President and the Prime Minister,”  observed critics.

The CEB issued a  list of demands and threatened to strike. They wanted approval be granted to the CEB’s LCLTGEP 2018-2038 plan, immediate action be taken to allocate lands to build low-cost power plants,  and a proper mechanism to provide a government subsidy to the CEB for incurring losses as a result of no new power plants being built. They  also called for the amendment of the Sri Lanka Electricity Act No 20 of 2009 to remove impediments for the proper functioning of the CEB.

The CEB also demanded the removal of the PUCSL Director General saying he was  acting on behalf of powerful groups who stood to benefit from LNG and renewable energy. The DG was transferred to the Ministry of Economic Affairs.  CEB also wanted ‘professionals with high integrity and an unblemished record  appointed to key posts in the PUCSL. Some of the officials at the PUCSL are unprofessional and are attempting to thwart what the CEB is trying to do. When there are power cuts you will see the results of their action,  said CEBEU. The tenure of the PUCSL is to end shortly. We hope they appoint independent and professional individuals the next time.

CEB Engineers’ Union said the country was in dire straits due to the failure to set up new power plants. After 2015 when the Norochcholai plant was opened, not a single power plant was started. The demand for electricity grows by 200 MW a year and at present we have a shortage of around 500 MW, they said in  March 2018.  The new projects  included liquid natural gas (LNG) and thermal power plants. These were expected to generate about 1000 MW and were to begin n 2018 or 2019, but may now be delayed till 2020.

In February 2017 CEB called tenders to procure brand new gensets ( machines used to generate electricity) of a total 50 MW capacity to create its own fleet, ready to be dispatched to counter any shortages in any emergency situation. The 50 MW tender was won by an Indian company, Sterling & Wilson (Pvt) Ltd.  The contract has not been awarded up to now, reported the CEB in December 2017.  If the  gensets   had been bought, country would now have a national asset of 50 MW emergency power, ready to be dispatched. In April 2018 CEB announced  instead  , ‘we are looking at the possibility of using generators owned by the government and government owned entities in emergencies. There are more than 150 MWs of government owned generators in various government institutions’.

The tender for the proposed 300 mw LNG Kerawalapitiya power plant was delayed in 2016  for over for 18 months, due to haggling among politically backed interest groups.  In the first round, the Technical Evaluation Committee (TEC) had recommended 6 bidders for financial evaluation.  But only Samsung C&T, Korea Midland Power Co (KOMIPO) and GS Energy consortium qualified. The other bidders could not come up to the minimum functional specifications, which said that the plant must be geared to operate on both liquid fuel and regasified LNG.

But Samsung got knocked off. At the opening of the financial bids in August 2017, the Tender Board was unable to access the pendrive that had been submitted by the consortium. And officials refused to peruse the contents of the pen drive using the laptop computer of the consortium’s  representative. Our price bid was not opened as they brought a dud computer,” this agent alleged. They have to open our bid to arrive at the price. Knowing all this, they sabotaged our bid.. Samsung   was the only technically qualified offer, said analysts.

With Samsung out, the contest then narrowed down to two parties, CEB’s LTL Holdings (Pvt) Ltd  (Lakdhanavi) and China’s Golden Concord Holdings (GCL) with its local partners WindForce & RenewGen. Before a decision could be taken, the SCAPC dealing with the tender (Standing Cabinet Appointed Procurement Committee)  was disbanded on the instructions of the CCEM(Cabinet Committee on Economic Management) which is headed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. The Prime Minister claimed that the SCAPC had not acted according to the recommendations of the  TEC.

A new SCAPC was appointed with instructions  to open the financial bids of  all those shortlisted by the TEC. This was, therefore, the second SCAPC and the second tender opening, observed analysts.  Changing a Tender Board during the course of an ongoing tender is political interference, charged  critics.

In April 2018, the TEC recommended the award of the tender to Lakdhanavi. SCAPC backed this decision.  The CEB trade unions  added, As a union, we supported the idea of doing this power plant through the CEB but the Government said it did not have sufficient funds,” Even when we had issues with regard to the PUCSL (Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka) and we were boycotting tender boards and TECs, we supported this project to avoid a power shortage in 2018-19.”

Protests were made to the  Procurement Appeals Board (PAB) by GCL and Samsung. Samsung complained to the PAB that it was the only bidder who qualified after the second stage of technical evaluation. Secretary, Ministry of Power and energy, Dr Batagoda,  wrote to the Procurement Appeals Board (PAB) supporting GCL’s tender.  The private power supplier, ACF complained to the Bribery Commission that Dr Batagoda had from the start conspired to have the tender awarded to the Chinese GCL Company.

Batagoda said  During this tender evaluation, M/s Lakdhanavi Ltd has sent various letters to Prime Minister , CCEM ,  SCAPC and the Ministry making many representations. Lakdhanavi also sent legal opinions from their lawyers during the tender evaluation. This indicated that  Lakdhanavi is getting inside information during the tender evaluation from members of the TEC, SCAPC or others. SCAPC entertained some of these letters.  Batagoda also thought the financing of the Lakdhanavi proposal is highly risky”.

This project shows how tender processes in Sri Lanka, even when they are open competitive bids, are blatantly manipulated, said  critics. Both GCL and LTL have used their political and institutional muscle so  much that this can never be seen as a clean process. Haggling by powerful parties backed by political interests has held up an urgent electricity project that should have been up and running by January 2019.

Kerawalapitiya tender was  deliberately delayed because Yahapalana  government  wants to  encourage private investors to establish high-cost power plants charged CEB . In December 2017  CEB called for tenders to establish expensive 100 MW emergency power plants in the country. ‘Those proposed plants will be set up in the Hambantota, Habarana, Galle, Matugama and Pallekele areas and these 100 MW tenders are intended and designed for Aggreko, said  a  CEB  trade union. Aggreko,  is the world’s largest temporary power generation company,

Aggreko was awarded similar 100 MW tenders for power installations at Hambantota, Habarana, Galle, Naula and Kurunegala in early  2017 for a unit price of Rs. 28 per KWH, which ultimately incurred a Rs. 12 billion loss for just 6 months for the CEB, the union complained. The equipment of Aggreko are still in Sri Lanka in those sites, despite repeated notices given by CEB to demobilize and evacuate from the country within 30 days of its contract expiring in August 2017, If Aggreko is retained in the country, CEB will incur a further loss of Rs. 2.2 billion just to pay a fixed charge for an asset not owned by them.Aggreko  stayed. Aggreko International Projects Limited and a unit of Sri Lanka’s Hayleys group won a tender to supply 100 MW of emergency thermal power to the national grid in March 2018. .Aggreko will supply 56 MW at the rate of Rs.28.063 per kilowatt hour,

The prolonged delays in introducing new low-cost, long-term power plants has led to dependence on independent power producers (IPPs) Electricity from IPPs is very  expensive and IPPs are not  a preferred alternative. Electricity from IPPs is typically expensive. While it should be relied upon only in emergencies, prolonged delays in introducing new low-cost, long-term power plants has led to dependence on IPPs to bridge the gap, said critics.

In March 2018 Ministry of Renewable Energy  submitted a Cabinet paper requesting Rs. 2.5 billion to purchase 100 mw supplementary electricity from private power generating sources for six months with the option to continue for a year. The ministry admitted  that  this was due to the delay in constructing new power plants. CEBEU said that such a private purchase would cost a staggering Rs 9 billion for six months. Also that buying 100MW would not be sufficient if there was a breakdown at Norochcholai or any other power plant,  If this situation continues for two more years and we have to buy power in this manner, it will be the consumer who will have to bear the costs,” they  warned.

In July 2018 the Cabinet  approved the extension of CEB’s ‘expensive” power purchase agreements ‘  with three retired” IPPs whose contracts had  ended .They are Ace Power (Pvt) Embilipitiya (100 mw), Heladanavi Ltd (100 mw), and Ace Power Generation Matara (Pvt) Ltd (20 mw).

These are the same plants that the Cabinet in 2016 granted approval for the CEB to buy outright. But the purchases have not materialized even more than two years after the decision,  said CEB, thereby necessitating several extensions of costly PPAs to meet energy shortfalls.These agreements have caused serious losses  to CEB. CEB has to purchase power at a higher price. All  because CEB  has not taken steps to build new power plants since 2014.

Secretary, Ministry of Power and Energy, Batagoda  explained in detail. CEB had  allowed the contracts with Heladanavi , (Puttalam), ACE Power, (Embilipitiya) and ACE Power Generations Company, (Matara) to expire, between 2014 and 2015 as the Rajapaksa administration wanted to produce electricity only through CEB.

However, with the change of government  , the policy changed. The Yahapalana government has decided to procure power from the private sector and the CEB will not invest in power generation projects,” he  said. Sri Lanka will be dependent on these plants till 2020, when new power plants, LNG and solar, are expected to be built declared critics.

Only Ace Embilipitiya  a 100 megawatt thermal power station running on heavy fuel oil, has so far signed  on. In April , 2018 CEB extended its short term power purchase agreement with ACE Power Embilipitiya, for another three years,  despite the objections of Deputy General Manager, Energy Purchases, Abeywickrama and without approval from the PUCSL.. In July  2018, the CEB paid ACE Power Embilipitiya ,Rs. 840 million,  calculated as Rs 700 million for energy and Rs 140 million for capital cost,  for generating a months’ worth of emergency power.

But the CEB’s Deputy General Manager (DGM) Energy Purchases refused to pass the payment. While Cabinet may have approved the contract,   Electricity Act states that power procurement should be carried out through competitive bidding , he said. The law requires, too, that the selection of a power producer is on the basis of technically acceptable tenders”. PUCSL permission has not been granted and no tenders were called.  Abeywickrama was interdicted for alleged insubordination and Secretary, Power and Energy Ministry authorized the settlement.

These payments have been roundly criticized. The Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) is set to pay the owner of ACE Power, Embilipitiya over Rs. 2.73 billion in the next three years as capital costs alone, said critics, bringing the total amount that will be paid to ACE Power by the CEB, between 2016 to 2020, to Rs 4.56 billion, which is almost twice the value of the power plant. This is without calculating what CEB will pay as energy costs, fixed and variable costs and operation and maintenance costs. . The government assessor has valued the power plant at only Rs. 2.3 billion,

When the Cabinet agreed to purchase power from ACE Power in 2016, the CEB signed an agreement, according to which it still continued to pay a monthly payment of Rs.76 million to the IPP as capital costs The CEB has already  paid over Rs 1.8 billion for 2016 and 2017 as capital costs for ACE Power,” said COPE . And this amount covers the entire investment costs of the IPP, observed critics.In the ten years that it was in operation, did ACE Embilipitiya not recover its start-up capital with a margin? Why, then, is the company continuing to bill the utility for this component? .

Are the Ceylon Electricity Board’s (CEB) agreements with private power companies structured to earn independent power producers (IPPs) towering profits? And are we, the electricity consumers, footing the bill, asked Sunday Times. Worse, there is a complete avoidance now of the competitive bidding process charged critics.

CEB  also alleges that an LNG mafia” is controlling  the PUCSL. Focus now is LPG  certain interested parties are behind the pro LNG anti coal lobby. Unless we are very careful now, unknowingly, we may be creating an LNG demon, which would have enough money at hand even to decide who our future political leaders are ,  experts warned

CEB says it is not totally against LNG. We have proposed to convert diesel power plants in Colombo to LNG,  said CEB, but LNG needs  oil and oil prices are high.  CEB was conducting a study to determine the Liquid Natural Gas (LNG) requirement of Sri Lanka, the government must wait until the study was over before entering into agreements to procure LNG, said CEB in April 2018.

However, in April 2018 The Cabinet of Ministers   authorized Sri Lanka Gas Terminal Ltd to enter into agreements with the Indian and Japanese partners to establish a pubic private partnership for Sri Lanka’s first LNG terminal. CEB Engineers Union (CEBEU) said that Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade, Malik Samarawickrama   was pushing this.

Sri Lanka Gas Terminal Ltd will hold a 15 per cent stake in this joint venture while 47.5 per cent of the stake will be with the India’s Petronet LNG Ltd 37.5 per cent  jointly in Japan’s Sojitz Corporation and Mitsubishi. LNG terminal is to be located within the Colombo Port and pipelines from the port will transport the gas to two dual-fuel power plants in Kerawalapitiya expected to be completed around 2021.

The  capacity of the floating LNG receipt facility is 2.6-2.7 million tonnes per year. We only need between 0.3 and 0.8 million tons of liquid gas per year. So why agree to purchase 2.7 million tons of LNG per year? What are we going to do with thisasked  CEBEU

In June 2018 CEB announced, that all long term projects have been cancelled.  The  country is drifting towards the use of more diesel not renewable energy, said experts. We have already spent USD       160 million for diesel and various forms of oil. In the first four months of 2018, 42% of electricity has come from oil. ( continued)

Open Letter to the President, PM and the MPs regarding the Proposed New Constitution

August 16th, 2018

 From Daya Madawita

Dear Mr. President, Prime Minister and Members of Parliament,

Please Amend the Constitution Instead of a New One

I am writing this, as a patriotic Sri Lankan, with the hope that the President of Sri Lanka and the Members of Parliament including the PM will get the chance to read it and think seriously about implementing my proposals given below. If the President and the Prime Minister implement my proposals, the ethnic, religious and other problems of discrimination or perceived discrimination in our country can be solved while ensuring the unitary status of the country and in doing so, become the most respected statesmen of Sri Lanka. It is also a good chance for the Prime Minister and most of the MPs to do something worthwhile for the country for which they will be remembered.

My proposals along with the reasons why they are necessary are given below:

  • All ethnic problems, Tamil, Muslim or any other problems can be solved easily by enshrining a Bill of Rights in the constitution which guarantees equal rights to every citizen of Sri Lanka irrespective of race, religion, caste, gender, disability or sexual orientation. Although the present constitution mentions about equal rights, it does not guarantee its implementation.
  • It is also important to ensure in the constitution that all laws are applicable equally to every citizen, such as, land ownership, marriage and divorce laws etc. irrespective of race or religion. There shouldn’t be different laws for different ethnic or religious groups or for different parts of the country.
  • Bring in anti-discrimination legislation criminalising discrimination based on religion, race, caste or gender etc. Australian anti-discrimination legislation can be an example to be considered. Then the Tamil politicians will have no legs to stand on, but ordinary Tamils, especially the low caste Tamils, will like it.
  • Appoint an independent and powerful commission to oversee this legislation with offices in provinces with Assistant Commissioners with judicial powers to solve any problems of discrimination.
  • Get rid of the 13th amendment and abolish the Provincial Council system, which then becomes superfluous. The demands of Tamils for devolution of power to provinces and the colossal waste of money and corruption due to provincial councils can be eliminated.
  • Amend the constitution to change the preferential voting system so that the highest vote getter in each electorate is elected as in the 1972 constitution, which will eliminate in-fighting and minimise corruption. If you are keen to have proportional representation, restrict the number of such MPs to about 20-25%. This is the most important thing to eliminate corruption. Defeated candidates should never be allowed to enter the Parliament through the national list. The national list should be restricted to about 5-10 eminent citizens and not political stooges. This will ensure the election of educated, capable and honest men and women.
  • Amend the 19th amendment to the constitution restoring some of the powers of the president, such as, his ability to dissolve the parliament and removing the 4 year time limit to dissolve the parliament.
  • Do not allow the 20th amendment, before the parliament now, to be adopted, which will be disastrous to the country.

If these proposals are implemented, there is no need for a new constitution which would need a referendum. You will only need a 2/3rd majority in the parliament to amend the existing constitution. I am sure that the President and the PM will be able to convince most MPs, except some Tamil Vellala MPs, to vote for these proposals and at the same time take the wind out of the sails of former President Mahinda Rajapakse and his followers.

Background to the Ethnic Problems

Some Tamil politicians have been clamouring for a Tamil homeland amalgamating the Northern and Eastern Provinces and a federal constitution which would effectively divide the country. Their argument for this is that they are discriminated against, even though they have the same rights as the Sinhalese. Any Tamil can aspire to reach any position in government service or in the private sector as present and historical records show. There have been Tamil Commanders of the three Forces, IGPs, Attorney Generals, Chief Justices, Heads of Departments and Governors of the Central Bank etc. Making Sinhala the only official language was a big mistake which was later corrected. I think the main reason for their grouse is that they lost the privileged positions they held before 1960 and their loss of control of the Government and semi-Government institutions due to competition from educated Sinhalese and Muslims. When asked about discrimination, apart from the official language issue, the only thing my Tamil associates could come up with was the standardisation of marks for the University entrance. It applied, not only for students from Jaffna, but for all other students from major cities where the facilities were better than in rural schools. Anyway, they overcame the problem by sitting for the exams the second time around from rural schools.

Recently, they have been bringing up the argument of ethnic riots in late 1950s, in the 70s and July 83, to buttress their argument of discrimination. These riots were carried out by uneducated thugs, especially the 1983 riots, mostly by thugs of politicians and aided by the inaction of JR. This was in retaliation to the killing of 13 army personnel by Tamil militants. However, the majority of Sinhalese never condoned these acts of retaliation and did their best to hide and protect their Tamil neighbours. This was the most shameful and regrettable chapter in our recent history. These ethnic riots can’t be considered as discrimination of Tamils by the majority community, but as barbaric, retaliatory acts by a few uneducated thugs, just like the many atrocities committed by the LTTE and other Tamil militants.

Since President Premadasa’s time and specially, after the end of the war, the Tamils have been living among the Sinhalese in harmony without any problems.

The Muslims have been living in harmony with other ethnic groups until about the late 1980s, after which the Muslims became radicalised which led to recent riots. Hopefully, the proposed amendments will prevent such happenings.


I have no doubt that our President would love to be remembered as the Statesman who saved the country from foreign influences and unified the country without dividing it on ethnic lines. People, especially the Sinhalese, will hail him as the saviour of our country if he repeals the 13th amendment, which Mahinda Rajapakse could not or did not do. As everyone knows, this is the only country the Sinhalese have and we all want the President, as the Head of the State, to save the unitary status of the country and preserve it for future generations. If he allows a new constitution to devolve power to the provinces or let things to go on as it is now, people will call him, along with Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe, traitors of Sri Lanka, manipulated by India and the Tamil diaspora and puppets of the Western countries. I hope and pray that our President has the wisdom and the backbone to implement my proposals. This is also the last chance for Ranil Wickramasinghe to do something to remember him by and worthwhile for the mother land.

If the President does not implement my proposals to amend the present constitution and pave the way to bring in a new constitution granting all the powers to the provinces, he will be considered as the greatest traitor we ever had. I hope and pray that President Sirisena will realise the dangers in the proposed new constitution and see to it that it will never be adopted.

If this government does not implement my proposals, the former President and his new party, SLPP, should consider these proposals and include them in their manifesto for the next election.

May the Gods that protect our country bless our President, PM and the MPs and guide them to do the right thing by implementing my proposals and not pass the 20th amendment or bring in a new constitution to divide the country!

Yours sincerely,

Daya Madawita


The land fraud -Colombo 7 -August 12 2018 -Times newspaper

August 16th, 2018


An elderly couple  found that a tenant  of their premises   forged and transferred the deed in their favour

Are you the next victim –Enforce the internationally recognised   land transaction /owner identification laws to prevent fraud and forgery.    They are-

1] photograph of the owner and buyer duly certified  after face to face interview and consultation   to be affixed to the   copy of every  transaction  and retained

2] thumb impressions of owner and witnesses    to be affixed to every transaction  and retained

3] two identifications to be retained –ID  , driving license or Birth certificate copy .  [ copies ]

 BUYING LAND –Retain the above identification documents of owners to prove that you purchased  from  a genuine owner

OWNING LAND –Obtain  certified  copy of the extract and the copy of the Duplicate   from the land registry fraudsters destroy your evidence from the registry –Deed in your hand is not sufficient.

Sri Lankans must volunteer to maintain the Rule of Law –we cannot depend on the law makers

ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා ටෙලිකොම් කොටස් සියයට 4.74  ක් විකිණීමට කටයුතු කිරීම හා ඊට විරෝධය පෑම

August 16th, 2018

ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා ටෙලිකොම් කොටස් සියයට 4.74  ක් විකිණීමට කටයුතු කිරීම හා ඊට විරෝධය පෑම

ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා ටෙලිකොම් ආයතනයේ රජයේ සතු කොටස් සියයට 49.5 න් සියයට 4.74 ක් කොළඹ කොටස් වෙළඳපලට නිකුත් කිරිමට සූදානම්කර ඇති බව දැනගන්නට ලැබී තිබේ. රාජ්‍ය පංගුවෙන් මෙම කොටස් ප‍්‍රමාණය විකිණීමෙන් මෙතෙක් ආයතනය සතුව පැවති රාජ්‍ය හිමිකාරත්වය මෙන්ම රාජ්‍යය වෙනුවෙන් කේවල් කිරිමේ හා අධ්‍යක්ෂ මණ්ඩලයේ සංයුතියට ද බලපෑම් සිදුවෙයි. එය ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා ටෙලිකොම් ආයතනයේ පැවැත්මට හා මෙතෙක් ආරක්ෂාකරගෙන ආ සේවක අයිතීන් හා වරප‍්‍රසාදවලටද මෙන්ම පාරිභෝගික විශ්වාසයටද බලපෑම් ඇතිකරනු ඇත. එවගේම තර`ගකාරි වෙළඳපල තත්වය අනුව මෙතෙක් පාලනාධිකාරිය විසින් ක‍්‍රියාත්මක කිරිමට නොහැකි වූ ඇතැම් තීරණ ක‍්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේ නිදහස හා බලයක්ද නිර්මාණය කරගනු ඇත.

එබැවින් ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා ටෙලිකොම් ආයතනයේ රාජ්‍ය පංගුව සතු කොටස් සියයට 4.74 ක් කොටස් වෙළඳපලට විකිණීමට ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා ටෙලිකොම් පාලනාධිකාරිය හා රජය විසින් ගනු ලැබු තීරණයට ඉහත කී කරුණු පදනම්කරගනිමින් අප සංගමයේ විරෝධය පළකර සිට්න බවත් මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඔබ මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයේ මාධ්‍ය හරහා පුළුල් ප‍්‍රචාරයක් ලබාදෙමින් ලාංකීය ජනතාව මෙන්ම ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා ටෙලිකොම් පාරිභෝගිකයින් හා කොටස් හිමියන් දැනුවත් කරන ලෙස කාරුකව ඉල්ලා සිටිමු.


මිට විශ්වාසි,
පී.එස්.බි. ජයසුන්දර
ප‍්‍රධාන ලේකම්

ජපන් ශිෂ්‍යත්ව ලබා දීම සඳහා තොරා ගන්නා ලද සමෘද්ධි ප‍්‍රතිලාභී පවුල්වල තරුණ තරුණියන් සඳහා එම අවස්ථාව අහිමි කිරීමෙන් සිදුව ඇති අසාධාරණයට විසදුමක් ඉල්ලා සිටීම.

August 16th, 2018

චාමර මද්දුම කළුගේරධාන ලේකම්.Samurdhi Development Officers Union

ගරු අමාත්,
පී හැරිසන්,
සමාජ සුභ සාධන අමාත්යාංශය

ජපන් ශිෂ්යත්ව ලබා දීම සඳහා තොරා ගන්නා ලද සමෘද්ධි රතිලාභී පවුල්වල තරුණ තරුණියන් සඳහා එම අවස්ථාව අහිමි කිරීමෙන් සිදුව ඇති අසාධාරණයට විසදුමක් ඉල්ලා සිටීම.

හිටපු අමාත්‍ය එස්. බී. දිසානායක මහතාගේ මුලිකත්වයෙන් සමෘද්ධි ප‍්‍රතිලාභී පවුල්වල තරුණ තරුණියන් සදහා ජපන් භාෂාව සහ තාක්ෂණික නිපුණතාවය ලබාදීම සදහා ජපන් රටෙහි ජපන් ශිෂ්‍යත්වයක් ලබා දීම සදහා සම්මුඛ පරීක්ෂණයෙන් තෝරා ගන්නා ලද දරුවන් හට එම අවස්ථාව මෙතෙක් ලබා නොදී ඔවුන් වෙත සිදු කර ඇති අසාධාරණය සම්බන්දව ඔබගේ විශේෂ අවධානය මෙයින් යොමු කරවමු.

සමෘද්ධි සංවර්ධන දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් විසන් සමෘද්ධි ප‍්‍රතිලාභී පවුල්වල තරුණ තරුණියන් සදහා ජපන් භාෂාව සහ තාක්ෂණික නිපුණතාවය ලබාදීමේ ජපන් ශිෂ්‍යත්ව වැඩසටහන මැයෙන් 2017 පෙබරවාරි 13 දින පල කරන ලද පුවත් පත් දැන්වීම් පල කර පවත්වන ලද සම්මුඛ පරීක්ෂණයකට  අනුව ජපන් රටෙහි උක්ත ශිෂ්‍යත්වය ලබා දීම සදහා දරුවන් 25 දෙනෙකු තෝරා ගෙන ඇත. එසේ තෝරා ගන්නා ලද දරුවන් 4 දෙනෙකු අදාල ශිෂ්‍යත්වය සදහා ජපන් රටට යවා ඇතත් තෝරා ගත් සෙසු දරුවන් 21 දෙනාහට නැවත අවස්වක් නොමැති බව සමෘද්ධි සංවර්ධන දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව විසින් මේවන විට ඔවුන් වෙත දැනුම් දී ඇත.

අඩු අදායම් පවුල් වල අ.පො.ස. උසස් පෙළ සමතුන් පමණක් අයදුම් කල යුතු බවට එම පුවත් පත දැන්වීමේ අයදුම්කරුවකු සපුරා තිබිය යුතු මුලික අධ්‍යාපන සුදුසුකම වී තිබිණ. ඒ අනුව විශ්ව විද්‍යාල ප‍්‍රවේශ හිමි දරුවන්, රැකියාවන් වල නිරතව සිටි දරුවන් හා වෙනත් උසස් අධයාපන අවස්ථාවන් වල නිරතව සිටි දරුවන් එම අවස්ථාවන්හි ඉවත්ව මෙම ශිෂ්‍යත්වය අපේක්ෂාවෙන් සිටි අතර මේ අනුව එම දරුවන්ගේ අනාගතය මුළුමනින්ම අදුරු කර ඇත.
රාජ්‍ය ආයතනයක් පුවත් පත් දැන්වීමක් පල කර මෙවැනි අසාධාරණයකට ලක් කිරීම බරපතල තත්වයක් වන අතර මෙවැනි කටයුතු හේතුවෙන් සමෘද්ධි සංවර්ධන දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ කීර්ති නාමයට බලවත් කැලලක් සිදුවන බව මෙයින් අවධාරණය කරන්නෙමු.. අප විසින් පෙන්නා දෙන සියලූ කරුණු සම්බන්දව අවධාණය යොමු කර අසාධාරණයට පත්ව ඇති දරුවන් සඳහා පොරොන්දු වු පරිදි අදාල ශිෂ්‍යත්වය ලබා දීමට මැදිහත් වන මෙන් අප සංගමය මෙයින් ඉල්ලා සිටිමු.

චාමර මද්දුම කළුගේ,

රධාන ලේකම්.


නාලක ගුණවර්ධන සමග සංවාදයක්

August 16th, 2018

 සාකච්ඡා කලේ   වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග,

1) නාලක ඔබ මගේ සමකාලීනයෙක් කාලේ ඔබ ඉතා දීප්තිමත් සිසුවෙක්. බොහෝ දෙනාගේ ප්රාර්ථනය වූයේ ඔබ උසස් පෙළ විභාගයෙන් පසු  නියත ලෙසින්ම වෛද්  විද්යාලයට යනු ඇත කියායි. එහෙත් දේ එලෙස සිදු නොවූයේ ඇයි

මට ලාබාල වියේ පටන් මා යම් දිනෙක කරන්න කැමති කුමක්ද යන්න ගැන දැක්මක් තිබුණා. උසස් පෙළට ජීව විද්‍යා විෂයයන් හැදෑරුවේ විද්‍යාවට තිබූ ලැදියාව නිසාම මිස වෛද්‍යවරයකු වීමට නොවේ.

මා කුඩා කල සිටම විද්‍යාව හා තාක්ෂණය ගැන බොහෝ සෙයින් උනන්දු වුණා. ඒ සමගම මට ලිවීමේ හා කථා කිරීමේ කුසලතාවන් ද තිබුණා. මේ දෙක එකතු කිරීමෙන් මා වයස 12 පමණ පටන් විද්‍යා මාතෘකා ගැන ගවේෂණය කරන්න, සොයා ගන්නා දැනුම අන් අයත් සමබ බෙදා ගන්න ක්‍රියා කළා. මුලදී එය කළේ ‘විජය’ ළමා පත්‍රය හා එවකට (1980 දශකයේ) තිබූ එකම රේඩියෝ සේවය වූ රජයේ ගුවන්විදුලියේ වැඩසටහන් හරහා. ගුවන්විදුලියේ ‘සරස්වතී මණඩපය’ නම් ළමා වැඩසටහනට මා පිටපත් ලියුවා වගේම කටහඬින් ද දායක වුණා. සාමන්‍ය පෙළ පන්තියට එන විට ජාතික පුවත්පත්වලත් මගේ ලිපි නිතර පළ වුණා.

උසස් පෙළ සිටියදී එවකට තිබූ ‘නුවණ’ හා ‘කල්පනා’ වැනි ජාතික සඟරාවලට මා ගවේෂණාත්මක විද්‍යා ලිපි ලියුවා. මේ ලිපිවල රචකයා පාසල් සිසුවකු බව කලක් යන තුරු කතුවරුන් දැන සිටියෙත් නෑ. මා ඒ කිසිවකු පෞද්ගලිකව හඳුනන්නෙත් නෑ. තැපෑලෙන් තමයි සියලු ගනුදෙනු කළේ. මාධ්‍යවල සන්නිවේදනයට අමතරව මා දැනුම මිනුම තරග, විවාද තරග, පරිසර සුරැකීමේ වැඩ ආදියේ නිරත වුණා. මා බෙහෙවින් ප්‍රීතිමත් හා තෘප්තිමත් පාසල් කාලයක් අත් වින්දා. පාසලෙන් නික්ම ගිය පසු ඒ කිසිවක එල්බ නොසිට, පසුතැවීම් හෝ දෙගිඩියාවෙන් තොරව මගේ හැකියාවන් හා ලැදියාවන් ඒකරාශී කරන මාවතකට පිවිසුණා.

2) වෛද්යවරයෙකු වීමට සිටි ඔබ මාධ්යවේදියෙකු වීම ගැන ඔබ සිතන්නේ කුමක්ද

ඉහත කී පරිදි මා වෛද්‍යවරයකු වීමට සැළසුම් කරමින් සිටියේ නෑ. මා වෛද්‍ය විද්‍යාලයට නොයාම ගැන මගේ සමහර ගුරුවරුන් කම්පා වූ බව නම් මතකයි. ඒත් මගේ පාසලේ විබාග ප්‍රතිඵල ‘නම්බුව’ රකින්නට අශ්ව රේස් දුවන්නට මා සූදානම්ව සිටියේ නෑ. මගේ දෙමවුපියෝ ඒ වන විට මා ස්වාධීන මනසක් ඇත්තකු බව දැන සිටියා. ඒ නිසා යම් මට්ටමකින් ඔබ්බට ඔවුන් දැඩි බලපෑම් කළේ නැහැ.

වෘත්තීය විද්‍යාඥයෙක් වීමේ ආසාව නම් මට තිබුණා. එහෙත් එක් විද්‍යා ක්ෂේත්‍රයක ගැඹුරට හදාරනවාට වඩා පුළුල් විද්‍යා ක්ෂේත්‍ර ගණනාවක දැනුම සොයන හා ලබන විද්‍යා ලේඛක වෘත්තිය මා තෝරා ගත්තා. ඒ හරහා මා ජීවිත කාලය පුරා ශිෂ්‍යයකු හෙවත් ශාස්ත්‍රකාමියකු වනවා (learner for life). එය මා ලද භාග්‍යයක්. තමන් ආසා කරන දේ ජීවිකාව ලෙස කිරීමට ලැබීම කෙතරම් අපූරුද?

3) ඔබ අන් මාධ්යවේදීන්ට වඩා වෙනස් මාධ්යවේදියෙක්. ඔබ ලියන්නේ යම් විෂයක් ගැන ගැඹුරින් හදාරලා. මේ සංයමය ඇති වූයේ කොහොමද

උඩින් පල්ලෙන් හෝ ආවාට ගියාට කිසිම වැඩක් කිරීමට මා කැමති නෑ. මා ජීවිතය ජය ගත් හා දැනුමෙන් පරතෙරට ගිය අයගේ ජීවන චරිත මහත් ඕනෑකමින් හදාරනවා. ඔවුන් බොහෝ දෙනකු සාවධානව, පිළිවෙලට කොයි දෙයත් කළ අයයි. ‘යමක් කරනවා නම් එය ඉතා හොඳින් කරන්න’ [If a thing is worth doing, it’s worth doing well] යැයි මා පාසල් සිසුවකුව සිටියදීම මාධ්‍ය සම්මුඛ සාකච්ඡාවකට ගොස් දැන හඳුනාගත් මහාචාර්ය කාලෝ ෆොන්සේකා 1985දී දුන් අවවාදය මට අදටත් ඉතා ප්‍රයෝජනවත්.

හැබැයි මා තව දුරටත් මාධ්‍යවේදියකු නොවෙයි. දැන් මා නිදහස් විද්‍යා ලේඛකයෙක් හා නව මාධ්‍ය විශ්ලේෂකයෙක් (freelance science writer and new media analyst). මගේ වයස 20 ගණන්වල (එනම් 1987 සිට 1994 දක්වා) මා වසර කීපයක් මුද්‍රිත මාධ්‍යවල නිතිපතා වැඩ කළා. එසේ කළේ මා නොයෙක් දේ උගන්නා අතර freelancer කෙනකු ලෙසයි. කිසිදු ආයතනයකට පූර්ණ කාලීනව සීමා නොවීමට මුල සිටම මා ප්‍රවේශම් වුණා. නමුත් මා වැඩිපුරම වැඩ කළේ උපාලි පුවත්පත් සමාගම සමගයි. එහි The Island ඉංග්‍රීසි පත්‍රයේ විද්‍යා වාර්තාකරුවා හා පසුව විද්‍යා පිටුව භාර කතුවරයා ලෙස මා කළ වැඩ නිසා විද්‍යාභිවර්ධන සංගමයෙන් (SLAAS) වසරේ හොඳම විද්‍යා ලේඛකයාට පිරිනමන සම්මානය (ඉංග්‍රීසි මාධ්‍යය) දෙවරක්ම මට ලැබුණා (1988, 1989). තවත් ජාතික මට්ටමේ විද්‍යා සන්නිවේදන සම්මාන දෙකක් 1990-1992 වකවානුවේ මට පිරිනැමුණා.

බාහිරින් ලැබුණු මේ ඇගැයීම් නිසා පත්තර කන්තෝරුව තුළ සමහරුන්ට ඉරිසියාවක් මතු වන්න ඇති. මට වඩා බෙහෙවින් දෙටු මාධ්‍යවේදියෝ එළිපිටම මට කෙනහිලිකම් කරන්න ගත්තා (හැමදෙනාම නොවෙයි). උපාලි පුවත්පත් සමාගම ‘විදුසර’ සතිපතා පුවත්පත ආරම්භ කළේ 1987 අගදී. එයට උපදෙස් දීමට පත් කළ කමිටුවට කළමණාකාරිත්වය මාවද සම්බන්ධ කර ගත්තා. එහෙත් එහි සිටි එකම ද්විභාෂික මාධ්‍යවේදියා වූ මගෙන් හරිහැටි වැඩ ගන්නවා වෙනුවට නොයෙක් කොන් කිරීම් සිදු වුණා.

මේ නිසා මා වැඩි කලක් විදුසරට ලිව්වේ නැහැ. සිත් කම්පා වී ඉවත් වුණා. නමුත් The Island පත්‍රය සමග දිගටම වැඩ කළා. මෙරට මාධ්‍ය ආයතන තුළ තිබෙන කුහකකම්, කුලල්කා ගැනීම් හා ඉතා පහත් වෘත්තීයභාවය සමීපව නිරික්සූ මා, කෙමෙන් සමස්ත මාධ්‍ය ක්ෂේත්‍රයෙන් දුරස්ත වුණා. 1994-1999 වකවානුවේ මා සංරක්ෂණයට කැපවූ ජාත්‍යන්තර ආයතන දෙකක සන්නිවේදන විශේෂඥ ලෙස සේවය කළා. 2000න් පසු වසර ගණනාවක් විදේශ වාර්තාකරුවකු හා මාධ්‍ය පුහුණුකරුවකු ලෙස ආසියානු කලාපය පුරාම වාගේ වැඩ කළා.  තායිලන්තය, චීනය, ඉන්දියාව, පාකිස්ථානය, මාලදිවයින, මැලේසියාව, ඉන්දුනීසියාව වගේ රටවල් රැසක මා පුහුණු කළ මාධ්‍යවේදියෝ සිටිනවා.

2012දී විදුසර 25 වන සංවත්සරයට මගෙන් සම්මුඛ සාකච්ඡාවක් ඉල්ලූ විට මා එය නොපැකිල ලබා දුන්නා. මෙරට විද්‍යා සන්නිවේදනයේ වත්මන් අභියෝග ගැන මා එහි විග්‍රහ කළා. එය කියවන්න මෙතැනින්.

4) ඔබ ඉංග්රීසි මාධ්යයෙන් සන්නිවේදනයට යොමු වුණේ ඇයි? වැඩිපුර මේ දැනුම සමාජගත විය යුත්තේ දේශීය භාෂාවලින් නේද?

මගේ මවුබස ඉංග්‍රීසි නොවෙතත් බොහෝ කලෙක පටන් එය මගේ වෘත්තීය බසයි. අපි පාසලේ උගත්තේ සිංහල මාධ්‍යයෙන්. එකල මවුපියන් සිංහල නම් එබසින් පමණයි දරුවන්ට රජයේ පාසලක උගන්නට ඉඩ දුන්නේ. (අද මෙන් ඉංග්‍රීසි මාධ්‍යයෙන් ඉගැනීමට අපට වරම් තිබුණේ නෑ). එහෙත් මගේ දෙමවුපියන් පේරාදෙණිය සරසවියේ 1950-1960 ගණන්වල උගත් ද්විභාෂිකයෝ. කුඩා වියේ පටන්ම මාත් ද්විභාෂික වීමට මහත් උත්සාහ කළා.

මා ඉංග්‍රීසි උගත්තේ ස්වොත්සාහයෙන් හා ධෛර්යයෙන්. මුලදී මගේ ඉංග්‍රීසි එතරම් ප්‍රශස්ත වූයේ නැහැ. 7 වෙනි පන්තියේදී ආනන්දයේ මා සමග සිටි, කොළඹ ප්‍රභූ පසුබිමකින් ආ මගේ සගයෙක් මට ‘ගොඩයා’ කියා විහිලු කළා. එයින් එයින් මොහොතකට සිත රිදුනත් සිදු වූයේ මා දිරිමත් වීමයි. කෙටි තරංග හරහා ආ BBC, Voice of America විදෙස් රේඩියෝ විකාශවලට සවන් දෙමින්, TIME, Newsweek, Reader’s Digest වැනි ජාත්‍යන්තර සඟරාවල පරණ පිටපත් සොයා ගෙන කියවමින් මා ලියන හා කියන ඉංග්‍රීසි දියුණු කර ගත්තා. උසස් පෙළට එන විට මා බොහෝ දුරට ද්විභාෂිකයි.

පුවත්පත් ආයතනයක වැඩ කරන්න පටන් ගත් විට භාෂා දෙකෙන්ම ලියන්න මා ඉතා කැමැත්තෙන් සිටියා. ඒත් මා වැනි අයකුගෙන් ප්‍රයෝජන ගන්න දිවයින හා විදුසර පරිසරය සූදානම් වූයේ නැහැ. 1990 වන විට මා සිංහලෙන් ලිවීම මුළුමනින්ම නතර කළේ විදුසරේ අමිහිරි අත්දැකීම් නිසා හට ගත් කළකිරීමෙන්. වසර 20කට වඩා මා සිංහල මාධ්‍ය ලොවින් සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම ඈත්ව සිටියා.

ආපසු ආවේ 2011දී එවකට ‘රාවය’ නියෝජ්‍ය කර්තෘ කේ ඩබ්ලියු ජනරන්ජන සතිපතා තීරු ලිපියක් ලියන්නට මා පොළඹවා ගැනීමෙන් පසුවයි. මට ඇත්තේ සාමන්‍ය පෙල දක්වා පමණක් විධිමත්ව උගත් සිංහල පරිචයක්. මා ලියන්නේ කථා කරන භාෂාවෙන්. මට සිංහල පණ්ඩිතකමක් කොහෙත්ම නෑ. මා හැමදේම ප්‍රශ්න කරන, ඒ හරහා උත්තර සොයා ගෙන යන්නෙක්. මුලදී චකිතයෙන් වගේ පටන් ගත් ‘සිවුමන්සල කොලුගැටයා’ කොලම මේ වන විට වසර හත හමාරක් නොකඩවා සතිපතා ලියා තිබෙනවා. (මේ කාලය තුළ ‘රාවය’ කතුවරුන් තිදෙනකු යටතේ මා ලියූ අකුරක්වත් වෙනස් නොකොට පළ කොට තිබෙනවා. මට පූර්ණ ප්‍රකාශන නිදහස් තිබෙනවා. මා ලියන දෙයට ගරුසරු ඇතිව සළකනවා. මෙය මෙරට මාධ්‍ය ක්ෂේත්‍රයේ දුර්ලභ දෙයක්.) මේ වන විට කොලම් 400කට ආසන්නයි. ඒවායෙන් තෝරා ගත් එකතු පොත් 3ක් හැටියට පළ කොට තිබෙනවා. සිතන පතන රාවය පාඨකයන් දක්වන ප්‍රතිචාර මා බෙහෙවින් දිරිමත් කරනවා.

5) නමුත් ඔබ මතභේධයට ලක් විය හැකි මාතෘකා හෝ දේශපාලන මාතෘකා ගැන ලිවීම අඩු ගතියක් පේනවා. ඊට යම් හේතුවක් තිබෙනවාද ?

මා නොදන්නා විෂයයන් ගැන ලියන්න තැත් කරන්නේ නෑ. පක්ෂ දේශපාලනය හා ක්‍රීඩා ගැන මගේ උනන්දුවක් නැති නිසා දැනුමත් අඩුයි. ආයතනගත වූ ආගම් සියල්ල මා එක සේ බැහැර කරන නමුත් ආගම්වල සාපේක්ෂ හොඳ නොහොඳ ගැන විවාද කිසිවකට එලඹෙන්නේ නැහැ. ඒවා ගැන විවෘතව කථා කිරීමට තරම් පරිනත බවක් අප සමාජයේ නැති නිසා.

නමුත් ආන්දෝලනාත්මක සමාජ ප්‍රශ්න ගැන මා සාක්ෂි සහිතව, දත්ත මත පදනම් වී කරන විග්‍රහයන් ‘සිවුමන්සල කොලුගැටයා’ තීරු ලිපියන් ඕනෑ තරම් හමු වනවා. ලක් සමාජයේ කිඳා බැස තිබෙන ලොකු කුඩා මිථ්‍යාවන් මා සෘජුවම අභියෝගයට ලක් කරනවා. රාවණා ප්‍රවාදයේ සිට නවීන ‘ලෝක විනාශ’ භීතිකා දක්වාත්, සිංහල ජාතිය හා භාෂාව ‘වඳ වී යනවා’ යැයි ජාතිවාදීන් පතුරු වන කුමන්ත්‍රණවාදී ප්‍රලාපයනුත් මා තර්කානුකූලව නිෂ්ප්‍රභ කරනවා.

ජාතිකවාදියා මානසික රෝගියෙක්ද? දිවි නසා ගැනීම්වල සමාජ විද්‍යාත්මක පසුබිම කුමක්ද? වස විසෙන් තොර ගොවිතැනකට කඩිමුඩියේ මාරු විය හැකිද? පරිසර සුරැකීමේ අරමුණු විකෘති වී අන්ත හරිතවාදයක් මෙරට පැතිරෙමින් තිබේද? අපේ දේශපාලකයන් සමාජ මාධ්‍යවලට මෙතරම් බිය ඇයි? ලිංගික සුලුතරයන්ගේ මානව අයිතීන් තහවුරු කරන්නේ කෙසේද? මෙවැනි බොහෝ කාලීන මාතෘකා මා විවෘතව සාකච්ඡා කරනවා. දේශපාලන නායකයෝ හා මාධ්‍ය කතුවරුන් රටම මුලා කරන බොරු බේගල් සමාජගත කරන සැටි මා උදාහරණ සහිතව පෙන්වා දෙනවා.

මේවා පක්ෂ දේශපාලනය නොවූවත් දේශපාලනිකයි. අතිශයින් කාලීනයි. පොදු උන්නතියට අදාලයි. තවමත් බෙහෙවින් ගතානුගතික හා අර්ධ වැඩවසම් වන ලක් සමාජයේ මෙවන් දේ තර්කානුකූලව කථා කරන විට ප්‍රතිරෝධයන් එනවා. ලේබල් ඇලවෙනවා. එහෙත් මා සැලෙන්නේ නැහැ.

6) ඔබ ආතර් සී ක්ලාක් මහතා දැන හඳුනගෙන සිටි අයෙක්. පුද්ගලයෙකු ලෙස ඔහු කෙබඳු අයෙක්ද ?

ඔහු සමඟ වසර 20ක් සමීපව වැඩ කටයුතු කළ මගෙන් ඇතැම් දෙනා විටින් විට අසන ප්‍රශ්නයක් මෙය. මගේ කෙටි උත්තරය: බොහොම සැහැල්ලු හා විනෝදකාමී චරිතයක්. පොඩියක්වත් පණ්ඩිතකම නොපෙන්වා ඕනෑ ම කෙනකු සමඟ කථාබහ කළ කෙනෙක්. උගත්කමේ බොරු මාන්නයක්, උද්දච්චකමක් හෝ දෙබිඩි පිළිවෙත් නොතිබුණු සංවේදී මිනිසෙක්. මේ ගතිගුණ විදහා දක්වන උදාහරණ හා සිදුවීම් රැසක් මා අත් දැක තිබෙනවා.

පොතපතින් පමණක් ඔහු හඳුනාගත් බොහෝ දෙනා දන්නේ ඔහුගේ චින්තනය හා බුද්ධිය ගැනයි. එහෙත් ගැඹුරු අදහස් සරල හා ව්‍යක්ත ලෙසින් සන්නිවේදනය කරන්නට ඔහුට උපකාර වූයේ ඔහු තුළ සහජයෙන් ම තිබූ හාස්‍යය හා උපහාසාත්මක ගුණයයි. සමච්චලය හෝ අවඥාව වැනි සෘණාත්මක අංග ඔහුගේ කථා කරන බසෙහි හෝ ලියන බසෙහි තිබුණේ නැහැ. ඉතා අභව්‍ය මතවාදයන් හා දැඩි උද්දච්ච මතධාරීන් හමුවේ පවා ඔහු ඉවසීමෙනුත්, සංයමයෙනුත් වාද විවාද කළා.

ක්ලාක් වචන හරඹයෙහි හා තර්කනයෙහි ගජ සමතෙක්. සමහර අවස්ථාවල යම් ප්‍රශ්නයක එක් කොණක් පමණක් අල්ලාගෙන දිගින් දිගට වාද කරන පණAඩිතයන්ව ඔහු නිරුත්තර කළේ ආචාරශීලීව හා සිනාමුසුවයි. විද්‍යා, තාක්ෂණය හා සාහිත්‍යය ගැන පුඟල් වූත් ගැඹුරු වූත් දැනුමක් තිබුණත් ආතර් සී. ක්ලාක් එයින් හිස උදුම්මාගත්තකු වූයේ නැහැ. හැම දෙයක් ම සමබරව විග්‍රහ කිරීමට, නිරවුල්ව තේරුම් ගැනීමට හා සැහැල්ලුවෙන් ගැනීමට ඔහුට හැකියාව තිබුණා.

20 වන සියවසේ පහළ වූ මහ මොළකාරයකු යයි විද්වත් තලයන්හි ලෝක මට්ටමින් පිළිගැනීමට පාත්‍ර වූවත් තමා බුද්ධිමතකු යයි ඔහු කියා ගත්තේ නැහැ. (‘බුද්ධිමතා’ යනු තමාගේ බුද්ධිය ඉක්මවා යන අධ්‍යාපනයක් ලැබීමෙන් පිම්බී ගිය කෙනකු යයි ඔහු නිතර කීවා.) කුඩා දරුවකු මෙන් කුතුහලය හා දැනුම් ගවේෂණයේ නොතින් ආශාවෙන් ජීවිත කාලය ම ගත කළා. මෙකී චරිතගති නිසා ක්ලාක් සමඟ එකට වැඩ කිරීම පහසු මෙන් ම විනෝද ජනකයි. ‘අපේ වැඩ ඉතා බැරෑරුම් ලෙස කරන අතරේ අප ගැන එතරම් බැරෑරුම් ලෙස සිතීම හොඳ නැහැ’ යයි ඔහු නිතර කී දෙයක්.

කාර්ය මණ්ඩලයේ අප දෙතුන් දෙනා සමඟ මෙන්ම මුණ ගැසීමට එන අමුත්තන්ගෙන් ද ඔහු බොහෝ දේ විමසනවා. විවිධ සංස්කෘතික, අධ්‍යාපනික පසුබිම්වලින් එන අය සිතන පතන ආකාරය ගැන ඔහු උනන්දු වුණා. තේරවිලි, ප්‍රහේලිකා හා බුද්ධි පරීක්ෂණ ආකාරයේ ගැටලුවලට ඔහු ඉතා ලැදියි. එමෙන්ම ඉංග්‍රීසි බසෙහි පද පෙරළි (puns) කරන්නටත්, සම්භාවය හා නූතන ඉංග්‍රීසි කාව්‍ය ඛණ්ඩයන් මතකයෙන් නිවැරදිව උපුටා දක්වන්නටත් ඔහු සමතෙක් වුණා.

පර්යේෂන සහායකයකු ලෙස මා ඔහු සමග අර්ධ කාලීනව වැඩ කළේ ඔහුගේ වයස 70 සිට 90 දක්වා වකවානුවෙයි. පශ්චාත් පෝලියෝ රෝගය නිසා ඔහු ටිකෙන් ටික ගතින් දුබල වෙමින් සිටියදීයි මා ඔහුගේ කොළඹ කාර්යාලයට සම්බන්ධ වූයේ. එහෙත් ඔහුගේ මානසික හා චිත්ත හැකියාවන් වයස 90 පසු වන තුරුත් තීක්ෂණව පැවතියා. ඔහු 2008 මාර්තුවේ මිය ගියේ හවුලේ ලියූ අවසන් විද්‍යා ප්‍රබන්ධ නවකථාව අනුමත කළාට පසුවයි.

7) මාධ්යවේදියකු වීම සඳහා ඔබට මහත් සේ බලපෑම් ඇති කල පුද්ගලයන් කවුද ?

ජාත්‍යන්තර පිළිගැනීමට පාත‍්‍ර වූ ලාංකික පත‍්‍ර කලාවේදියකු හා කතුවරයකු වූ ටාසි විට්ටච්චි (Tarzie Vittachi, 1921-1993) ඒ අතරින් ප්‍රධානයි. 1950 දශකයේ ලේක් හවුස් ආයතනයේ පත්‍ර කතුවරයකු ලෙස අදීනව ක්‍රියා කළ ඔහු 1960 පටන් ලෝක මට්ටමින් ක්‍රියා කළා. වෘත්තීය ජීවතයේ අවසාන දශකයකට වැඩි කාලයක් ජාත්‍යන්තර මට්ටමින් සංවර්ධනය සන්නිවේදනයට කැප කළා. ඒ සඳහා ඔහු එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ විශෙෂිත සංවිධාන දෙකක සේවය කළා.

ටාසි ඉංග‍්‍රීසියෙන් චතුර ලෙස සන්නිවේදනය කළ නිසාවත්, දශක ගණනක් බටහිර රටවල විසූ නිසාවත් ඔහු ‘කඵ සුද්දකු’ වූයේ නැහැ. ඇත්තට ම ජාතිකත්වය කර තබා ගෙන චින්තනය මොට කර ගන්නවා වෙනුවට ඔහු කළෙ දියුණු වන ලෝකය ම වෙනුවෙන් අදීනවත්, සත්‍යවාදීවත් කථා කිරීමයි. මෙබදු අයට globalists යයි කියනවා. ලෝකවාදීන් නැතිනම් විශ්ව-වාසීන් යයි සිංහලෙන් කිව හැකියි.

ලෝකයේ විවිධ රටවල සන්නිවේදකයින්, චින්තකයන් හා විද්වතුන් සංවර්ධන සන්නිවේදනයේ (Development Communication) ටාසි විට්ටච්චි සළකුණ ගැන ඉතා ගෞරවයෙන් කථා කරනු මා අත් දැක තිබෙනවා. මා ටාසිට මුල් වරට සවන් දුන්නේ 1986දී ආනන්ද විද්‍යාලයයේ සියවස් සමරු දේශනයක් කළ අවස්ථාවේ. ලෝකයේ සංවර්ධන අභියෝග ගැන කාටත් තේරෙන බසින් විග‍්‍රහයක් කළ ඔහු, ලෝකයේ බලවත් ජාතීන් නියැලී සිටි යුධ අවි තරගයේ හා සීතල යුද්ධයේ ඔලමොට්ටල බව ගැන විවෘතව අදහස් පළ කළා.

මෙබදු යෝධයන්ගේ උරහිස මත සිට යම් දේ කරන්නට ලැබීමත් මගේ භාග්‍යයක්. මීට අමතරව විද්‍යා සන්නිවේදකයන් ලෙස මහාචාර්ය කාලෝ ෆොන්සේකා, මහාචාර්ය නන්දදාස කෝදාගොඩ, ආතර් සී ක්ලාක් වැනි අයගේ ආදර්ශයන් ද මට බෙහෙවින් මග පෙන්වූවා.

8) වර්තමානයේ මාධ්යවේදියෙකු ලෙස ඔබ තෘප්තිමත්

නව මාධ්‍ය හා ප්‍රධාන ධාරාවේ මාධ්‍ය යන දෙකෙහිම ස්වාධීන සන්නිවේදකයකු ලෙස මා උද්‍යෝගිමත්ව හා තෘප්තිමත්ව ක්‍රියා කරනවා. මගේ සමකාලීනයන් බොහෝ දෙනකුට මෙන් මට (ජීවිතයේ කර ගන්නට බැරි වූ යම් දේ ගැන) ‘ඇරියස්’ නැහැ. මට පාසලේදී ‘ගොඩයා’ කියා විසුලු කළ සගයාටත්, මා තරුණයකුව සිටියදී මට වෘත්තීය හිරිහැර කළ දෙටු මාධ්‍යවේදීන්ටත් මා පසු කලෙක ස්තුතිවන්ත වූවා. ඔවුන් නොදැනුවත්ව මා දිරිමත් කළ නිසා. මට මා ගැන හීනමානයක් හෝ අධිතක්සේරුවක් ද නැහැ. මා තරග දුවන්නේ පෙර දිනයක සිටි මා සමග පමණයි.

අඩු වැඩි වශයෙන් මා ද අයත් වන ලාංකික මාධ්‍ය කර්මාන්තය ගැන නම් මට බරපතල විවේචන තිබෙනවා. අපේ ප්‍රධාන ධාරාවේ පුවත්පත්, රේඩියෝ හා ටෙලිවිෂන් ආයතන තුළ ප්‍රබල ලෙස ගතානුගතිකත්වය හා අධිපතිවාදයන් ක්‍රියාත්මකයි. දේශපාලනික හෝ ව්‍යාපාරික අරමුණු වෙනුවෙන් පොදු උන්නතිය පාවා දෙන්න අපේ සමහර කතුවරුන් හා දෙටු මාධ්‍යවේදීන් පැකිලෙන්නේ නෑ. මේ හැම විසමතාවකටම වරද මාධ්‍ය හිමිකරුවන්ට පමණක් පවරන්න අමාරුයි. මාධ්‍යවල වෘත්තියභාවයේ පිරිහීමට ප්‍රධාන වශයෙන්ම වග කිව යුත්තේ ක්ෂේත්‍රයේ ප්‍රවීනයන්. මේ ගැන මා රාවය තීරුලිපියෙන් දීර්ඝ ලෙස විග්‍රහ කොට තිබෙනවා.

9) මාධ්යවේදියෙකුගේ සමාජ වගකීම ගැන ඔබ දරන මතය ?

පොදු උන්නතිය (public interest) වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටීම, හා සියලු අධිපතිවාදයන්ට එරෙහි වීම මාධ්‍යවේදීන්ගේ මෙන්ම බුද්ධිමතුන්ගේ ද වගකීම යයි මා විශ්වාස කරනවා. එහෙත් මේ විපරීත කාලයේ බොහෝ මාධ්‍යවේදීන් මෙන්ම බුද්ධිමතුන් ද කල්ලි ගැසී, ගුරුකුල හදා ගෙන, අධිපතිවාදයන් ප්‍රවර්ධනය කරමින් සිටිනු අප දකිනවා.

රට, ජාතිය හා ආගම පෙරට දමා බඩ වඩා ගැනීමත් ජයට කැරෙනවා. ජන දුක මාකට් කරන, පීඩිතයන්ගේ පෞද්ගලිකත්වයට ගරු නොකරන,  ජනයා රවටන මිථ්‍යා ව්‍යාපාරවලට උඩ ගෙඩි දෙන ආකාරයේ මාධ්‍ය කලාවක් අද තිබෙන්නේ. එයින් අත් මිදී, ඩිජිටල් මාධ්‍ය හරහා තරුණ තරුණියන් සමග නව සන්නිවේදන කලාවක් බිහි කළ හැකි යයි මා සිතනවා. දැන් මගේ කාලය වැඩිපුර වැය කරන්නේ කුරුවල් වී හා කාලකන්නි වී ඇති මහා මාධ්‍ය යළි හරවත් කරන්න නොව, අලුත්ම ඩිජිටල් මාධ්‍ය පරපුරක් දිරි ගන්වන්නයි. අයාලේ ගිය අපේ මහා මාධ්‍ය ‘ඩයිනොසෝරයෝ’ වඳ වී ගියාවේ!

10) ආධුනික මාධ්යවේදීන්ට ඔබ දෙන අවවාදය කුමක්ද?

ලෝකයේ සිටි විශිෂ්ඨතම විද්‍යා සන්නිවේදකයකු වූ ආචාර්ය කාල් සේගාන් දුන් උපදෙසක් මට සිහිපත් වනවා. මා ගරු කොට ගන්නේ මෙයයි. “හැම දෙයක්ම තර්කානුකූලව විමසා බලන්න. නමුත් සංශයවාදී  වීමේත් (being sceptical) සීමා තිබෙනවා. හැම දේ ගැනම උවමනාවට වඩා සැක උපදවන්නට ගියොත් කිසිදු නව අදහසකට ඔබේ මනසට ඇතුල් විය නොහැකි වනවා. විවෘත මනසකින් ලොව දෙස බැලීමත් වැදගත්. එහෙත් මනස සීමා විරහිතව හැම දේටම විවෘත කළොත් වැදගත් හා නොවැදගත් අදහස් තෝරා ගන්නට නොහැකි වනවා. අපට අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ සංශයවාදී බවෙහි හා විවෘත මනසකින් යුතු වීමෙහි මනා තුලනයක් පවත්වා ගැනීමයි.”

 සාකච්ඡා කලේ   වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග,


August 16th, 2018


The thoughts we express through the words we utter and the pictures we paint for others always have an immortal effect on the global society. This tiny world of us has confined itself to the android cellular toy in our pocket. Nothing is secret and nothing covert. Soon our dictionaries would be missing the word ‘secrecy’. The fact of the matter is that we all are standing in the very centre of a market-place where shoulders are touching shoulders. Just say something and see it spreading on and on. So we have to be very much careful even when whispering.

The other side of the picture is that the mischief mongers, whether they are in media or in politics or in any other social set-up, exploit this closeness for their own vested interests. Usually this exploitation is termed as ‘propaganda-exploitation’ and the exploiters commonly use it for negative motives. Unfortunately the countries like Pakistan are the worst victim to this ‘propaganda-exploitation’ and the worst example of this exploitation, one could see at different Indian TV channels and in Indian newspapers.

The diseased brains behind this exploitation seem in a state of pain and agony after the peaceful and successful completion of election process in Pakistan. Seems they were ‘hoping’ for something like semi-martial-law in the country or they thought they would get an opportunity of maligning the pro-democratic face of the Pakistan Army if the terrorists succeeded in delaying the election process but luckily nothing like that could happen.

Now those mischief-mongers are in search of new avenues of their own desires. With the help of their facilitators in Pakistan they are trying to float an idea that the relationship between Imran Khan and the Pakistan Army would soon end up in fiasco because Imran Khan has started talking about friendship between Pakistan and India. These mischief-mongers are simply trying to spread an impression that the Pakistan Army is always in a capacity of creating hurdles in the way to democracy. Spreading this type of disinformation about the Pakistan Army and other security institutions of Pakistan, including the ISI, is nothing new.

Particularly the ISI has ever been the most favourite target for the Indian media. On 4th of this August, a report was published in different Indian newspapers which said, While Pakistan prime minister-elect Imran Khan talks about friendship with India, the country’s spy agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence, is building up elaborate plans to embarrass India during 71st Independence Day functions in London”.

The report blamed that the ISI is using discredited Khalistani groups to further its agenda and backing them to organize pro-Khalistan rally in London during India’s Independence celebrations. The report alleged that a team from Pakistan, headed by Abas Rana is visiting Surrey and meeting pro-Khalistani groups to hold anti-India protests and raise Khalistan issue on the occasion. Now fact of the matter is that Pakistan’s no institution has ever tried to interfere in India’s internal affairs.

If the Kashmiris or the Sikhs are planning to register their protest in London, it is purely a personal issue of them. They along-with so many others from the Naxalites, from the Dalits and countless from the low-caste Hindus have been facing the worst kind of human-rights violation at the hands of narrow-minded Hindu extremists. To raise their voices in protest against these atrocities is their basic right and certainly they do not need any support from the ISI. If a pro-Khalistan group ‘Sikhs for Justice’ plans to hold a joint press conference with Kashmiri freedom seekers in London, what has the ISI to do with this activity?

It is the right of the Sikhs to get support of the other crushed ones of India for the success of their expected Khalistan Referendum2020. Even last year, in the same days, the Sikhs and Kashmiris had registered their protest in London and same was the blame game played by the Indian media against the ISI and Pakistan. Instead of blaming Pakistan and instead of searching the links of ISI in every matter, the Indian media must try to tell the Indian government that human rights’ violation is the actual reason which compels the crushed ones to raise their voices of protest at international forums.

Just give the Kashmiris, the Sikhs and the Naxalites their right of self determination and shower honour and respect onto the Dalits and other low-caste communities, the storm of protest and remonstration would simply settle down.

For a peaceful tomorrow, the world around us demands from us a social and economic boycott of all those who are involved in human rights violations, in any shape and in any form.


August 16th, 2018

By Carter Sherman  Courtesy Vice News

One Catholic priest raped a 7-year-old girl while she was in the hospital after getting her tonsils out, then raped her again when she was 13. Another raped an altar boy hundreds of times, reportedly telling him, This is what all good altar boys do.” Yet another regularly raped five sisters within the same family.

None of those priests — all of whom are named in a stomach-turning reportissued Tuesday by a Pennsylvania grand jury on sex abuse in six of the state’s eight Catholic dioceses — will likely be prosecuted or even be held civilly liable. The crimes took place decades ago, and in Pennsylvania, victims of child sex abuse only have until their 50th birthday to file criminal charges and until their 30th birthday to file civil lawsuits.

We heard from plenty of victims who are now in their 50s, 60s, 70s, and even
one who was 83 years old,” the grand jury wrote in its 1,300-page-plus report, which represents the most extensive government look at sex abuse in the U.S. Catholic Church and what the grand jury called its playbook for concealing the truth.”

We want future victims to know they will always have the force of the criminal law behind them, no matter how long they live,” the grand jury continued in the report. And we want future child predators to know they should always be looking over their shoulder — no matter how long they live.”

Now, Pennsylvania state lawmakers are set to consider whether to grant the grand jury’s request. Pennsylvania House Majority Leader Dave Reed said that the House will now vote on a proposal to eliminate the state’s statute of limitations for cases that may involve child sexual abuse. Under the bill, people who were abused as children could prosecute their attackers at any age and sue them up until their 50th birthday.

The crimes reported by the grand jury are horrendous, and the cover-up, even worse. The days of protecting abusers must end,” Reed wrote in a statement posted to his website Tuesday. It is time for all of us as policymakers, but more importantly, as humans, to stand up against the betrayals of the most vulnerable among us.”

The state Senate already passed the bill unanimously in February 2017, but it stalled out in a House committee four months later.

The proposal would not include the creation of a civil window,” which give victims time to retroactively file civil cases against their abusers, regardless of when the crime happened or how old they are now. Such windows are particularly important, advocates say, given that Supreme Court precedent bars prosecution if a statute of limitation has already passed — even if that statute of limitation is later lengthened.

At the time of most of the crimes described in the grand jury report, Pennsylvania gave childhood sex abuse victims just two years to file civil lawsuits, and five to pursue criminal prosecutions. That means that, right now, the 7-year-old girl raped by her priest, as detailed in the report, probably cannot pursue either criminal prosecution or civil litigation. It’s likely that most of the victims in the report can’t.

The grand jury called on lawmakers to create a two-year civil window for the more than 1,000 people whose sexual abuse is detailed in their report.

These victims ran out of time to sue before they even knew they had a case; the church was still successfully hiding its complicity,” they wrote. Our proposal would open a limited ‘window’ offering them a chance, finally, to be heard in court. All we’re asking is to give those two years back.”

Pennsylvania state Rep. Mark Rozzi, who was raped by a priest at 13, also supported setting up such a window. “There’s no compromise here,” he told local outlet PennLive on Tuesday. Let’s make no mistake. There’s no compromise in these recommendations. We need to pass them exactly how they’re recommended.”

On Tuesday, Aug. 15, 2018, a Pennsylvania grand jury accused Cardinal Donald Wuerl, Archbishop of Washington, of helping to protect abusive priests when he was Pittsburgh’s bishop. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

The Catholic Church has ardently opposed creating civil windows, arguing that they unfairly surface old accusations and could result in massive financial liability. And the Church isn’t wrong: In 2003, California gave childhood sex abuse survivors one year in which to file civil lawsuits. More than 500 people eventually took part in a $660 million settlement, the largest of its kind at the time, for abuses that went back seven decades.

There was no cover-up going on,” Bishop David Zubik, of the Catholic Diocese of Pittsburgh, said at a news conference Tuesday, according to the New York Times. I think that it’s important to be able to state that. We have over the course of the last 30 years, for sure, been transparent about everything that has in fact been transpiring.”

The grand jury, clearly, had little sympathy for the Catholic Church’s worries.

As a consequence of the cover-up, almost every instance of abuse we found is too old to be prosecuted,” its members wrote. Priests were raping little boys and girls, and the men of God who were responsible for them not only did nothing; they hid it all. For decades.”

READ: States are trying to make it easier to punish the next Larry Nassar

Pennsylvania has already found itself enmeshed in multiple controversies over its statutes of limitations. For example, the sole sexual assault prosecution against Bill Cosby — he’s been accused of sexual assault or rape by more than 45 women — took place in Pennsylvania because it was the only state in which the case’s statute of limitations had not expired. Andrea Constand, the woman whom Cosby was eventually convicted of assaultingbrought her case against him just weeks before the state’s statutes of limitations would’ve expired.

And in 2012, lawyers working on the child sex abuse case against former Penn State coach Jerry Sandusky were contacted by one alleged victim who’d missed out on his chance to sue, because he came forward just nine months too late.

Cover image: Former priest James Faluszczak, who says he was molested by a priest as a teenager, reacts as Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro speaks during a news conference at the Pennsylvania Capitol in Harrisburg, Pa., Tuesday, Aug. 14, 2018. (AP Photo/Matt Rourke)

හර්ෂාචාර්යතුමා කද හරහා ඇණකොන්ඩා.. අලුත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී කට උත්තර නැතිවෙයි..

August 16th, 2018

lanka C news

දෙරණ රූපවාහිනී නාලිකාවේ පැවති ‘අලුත් පාර්ලිමේන්තු’ වැඩසටහනේදී නියෝජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය ආචාර්ය හර්ෂ ද සිල්වා විසින් කල ප‍්‍රකාශයක් නිසා බරපතළ ලෙස අසීරුතාවයට පත්විය.

2005 ජූලි මාසයේ අස්සන් කරන ලද ගිවිසුමක් හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ යුගයේ සිදු වූයේ යයි දිගින් දිගටම පැවතීම නිසා නියෝජ්‍ය ඇමතිවරයා මෙසේ අපහසුතාවයට පත්විය.

එම කාලයේ දී මෙරට ජනාධිපති ධුරයේ සිටි චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග මහත්මිය වැඩසටහන මෙහෙයවූ සංක අමරජිත් පෙන්වා දුන්නේ බලවත් සේ අපහසුතාවයට පත් කරමිනි.

හර්ෂාචාරියා ඇනකොන්ඩා !

වගකීමෙන් බොරු කියන මේ වගේ ඇමතිල දැක්කොත් අටපට්ටමට කියනෝනෙ සෙනිකවම..

Posted by රට වෙනුවෙන් අපි on Fimmtudagur, 16. ágúst 2018

හර්ෂාචාරියා ඇනකොන්ඩා !

වගකීමෙන් බොරු කියන මේ වගේ ඇමතිල දැක්කොත් අටපට්ටමට කියනෝනෙ සෙනිකවම..

Gepostet von රට වෙනුවෙන් අපි am Donnerstag, 16. August 2018

‘19’ සංශෝධනයේ හිලක්.. මහින්දට නැවතත් ජනාධිපතිවරණයට වරම්.. ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයට තීරණාත්මක මූලික අයිතිවාසිකම් පෙත්සමක්..

August 16th, 2018

හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට තුන්වන වතාවටත් ජනාධිපතිවරණයට තරඟ කිරීමේ හැකියාව ඇති බවට නීති විශාරදයන් මත පළ කරන බව ඩේලි මිරර් පුවත්පත වාර්තා කරයි.

19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය අනුව තුන්වැනි වතාවට ජනාධිපතිවරණයක් සදහා තරග කල නොහැකි වුවද එම සංශෝධනය අතීතතයට බලපාන ලෙස සම්මත වී නැති බවද ඔවුනගේ මතයයි.

අතීතයට බල නොපාන ලෙස මෙම සංශෝධනයව සම්මත වී ඇති නිසා හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට මෙන්ම හිටපු ජනාධිපතිනි චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග මහත්මියටද නැවත වතාවක් ජනාධිපතිවරණයකට තරග කිරීමට නීත්‍යානුකූල සුදුසුකම් ඇතැයි මෙම පිරිස අදහස් කරයිද වාර්තාවේ දැක්වෙයි.

කෙසේ වෙතත් මෙම කාරණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ මතය ඉදිරිපත් කළ යුතුව ඇති අතර ඒ සඳහා ඉදිරි දිනවලදී මූලික අයිතිවාසිකම් පෙත්සම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය වෙත ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට ඉඩ ඇතැයි ද පුවත්පත වැඩි දුරටත් සදහන් කරයි.

Foreign Ministry evades Right to Information (RTI) query on UK wartime dispatches from Colombo

August 16th, 2018

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

Foreign Ministry has refrained from responding to a query whether it would brief the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) as regards wartime British High Commission dispatches that cleared the Sri Lankan military of alleged massacre of 40,000 civilians on the Vanni east front.

Sri Lanka brought the war to a successful conclusion in May 2009.

The Island recently sought clarification in this regard from C.A.H.M. Wijeratne, Senior Director General (Legal) in accordance with the Right to Information (RTI) Law enacted early last year. Wijeratne recently received approval from the parliamentary High Posts Committee to take up appointment as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Poland.

British High Commission dispatches from its Defence Attache Lt. Colonel Anthony Gash’s Office during January-May 2009, placed the number of maximum killed at 8,000 with one fourth of them being LTTE cadres. They were placed before the House of Lords in Oct last year.

The Island submitted the following query to the Foreign Ministry: The HRCSL is in the process of vetting SLA personnel assigned for UN missions in various parts of the world. One hundred and one SLA personnel are awaiting clearance since early March this year to join UN mission in Lebanon. The Island learns that the HRCSL has not been officially informed of British military dispatches therefore still goes by unsubstantiated original accusations. May I ask whether the Foreign Ministry intends to brief the HRCSL in this regard?

The Foreign Ministry has sent us the following response: “The HRCSL was requested to carry out the local civilian screening process required for the deployment of personnel as required by UN Secretary General’s decision No 2012/18. The Foreign Ministry made available a copy UN document that dealt with human rights screening process of UN personnel.

However, the Foreign Ministry desisted from responding to the specific query regarding its duty to brief the HRCSL in respect of fresh information.

Meanwhile, a senior military official yesterday told The Island that the armed forces were awaiting the finalization of the Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) meant to govern the deployment of officers and men under UN command. Speaking on condition of anonymity, the official said that they (the military) along with HRCSL recently had a video conference with Geneva and New York based officials to discuss the available draft. “We are concerned about some aspects of the original draft and,therefore, certain amendments were suggested. We are confident an agreement can be reached soon to enable the HRCSL to begin the vetting process.”

A major section of the 150-man 12th Force Protection Company (FPC) assigned for United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNFIL) is awaiting the completion of the clearance process. The group comprising 101 personnel was originally scheduled to leave on March 6, 2018.

The UNFIL mission consists of troops from Sri Lanka Sinha Regiment (SLSR), Sri Lanka Engineers (SLE), Sri Lanka Signal Corps (SLSC), Mechanized Infantry Regiment (MIR), Commando Regiment (CR), Special Forces (SF), Corps of Engineer Services (CES), Sri Lanka Army Service Corps (SLASC), Sri Lanka Army Medical Corps (SLAMC), Sri Lanka Electrical and Mechanical Engineers (SLEME), Sri Lanka Army Ordnance Corps (SLAOC), Sri Lanka Corps of Military Police (SLCMP) and Sri Lanka Army General Service Corps (SLAGSC).

SLA joined UNFIL mission in 2010, a year after the conclusion of the conflict. Since then, 11 contingents has served there.

Responding to The Island query the official said that the military appreciated the HRSCL was in charge of the vetting process. Pointing out that previously contingents had been vetted by the UN, the official said that once consensus could be reached on SOP vetting process could be accelerated.

MR, CBK eligible to contest again ?

August 16th, 2018

Kelum Bandara Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Some legal experts are of the opinion that former President Mahinda Rajapaksa is not debarred from contesting the Presidential Election for the third time, it is learnt.

These legal experts believe though the 19th Amendment barred anyone from seeking the Presidency for the third time, it did not have retrospective effect.

That they believed, it did not apply to the past Presidents, who served two terms.

Therefore, they opine that Mr Rajapaksa had the legal eligibility to contest the Presidential polls if he is interested.

However, the Supreme Court has to give its opinion in this regard. For that purpose, it is likely that a voter will make a Fundamental Rights application to the Supreme Court in the future.

No need to downsize military Sarath Fonseka

August 16th, 2018

By Kelum Bandara Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Military strength should be maintained above 150,000

Country’s military needed to face not only internal threat but also external threat

PM should be next candidate

There are corrupt Police officers harassing my people

No point in complaining to Law and Order Minister

Just because these people are doing political work for us, the Police are throwing them behind bars. They are innocent, having families with children. The Police get hold of them, plant some drugs or cartridges and arrest them. If it is more than two grams of drugs, they will end up in jail for life. That is very sad

When I undertake visits to the national parks as the Subject Minister, a lot of my constituents seek to come with me to see wild animals. Then, a few youths get into a vehicle and follow us. A group came with me to Wilpattu recently in this manner. There was an accusation made by one media channel. I was accused of keeping underworld figures as my bodyguards. That is nonsense. After that, the Police started going after these people. I know for sure these people are not involved in any criminal act now.

If they wanted to do what the Police do now, they could have introduced some drugs and sentenced my people to life. It never happened. Today, we are unable to control these corrupt Police officers.

Wildlife and Sustainable Development Minister Sarath Fonseka shares his views on politics and responds to allegations about harbouring underworld criminals.

QHow do you view the current political situation?

The political situation continues without any major event. The Government will continue to operate.

The Opposition is also weak although they try to make a hue and cry, criticizing the Government.

They have their own skeletons in the cupboard. They cannot forget what they have been doing in the past. The Government can continue. There is no problem in the United National Party (UNP). Yet, the Government will have to deliver during the next one-and-half years. People are not happy about what has been going on for the last three years. People indicated their displeasure at the last Local Government Elections.

QIn what areas did the Government fail in your view?

The Government was unable to look after the interests of their supporters, who were ill-treated during the previous regime. They were expecting job opportunities, grassroots level development work etc.

There are people who put their maximum effort to unseat the previous regime. If these people cannot get their problems solved, they will not be happy.

QThe Government is to launch Gam Peraliya Programme to revive the rural economy. Are you happy about it?

Gam Peraliya is ok. We are trying to fathom what kind of development work we can do. There are some suggestions from the Treasury and the Finance Ministry. Some of these things are not applicable to our areas.

QLike what?

If you take the Western Province, projects such as electrification and tank renovation are not applicable. Here, the requirements are different. In Gampaha, we do not want electricity. We want water. We cannot renovate even playgrounds in our area with just Rs.1 million allocated. We can only mow grass with that amount of money at a playground here. Any repair will cost at least Rs. 10 million.

QYou broke ranks with the previous ruler citing several reasons. Today, you sound unhappy with the present system as well. …

Not that I am unhappy. Everybody in the Government is unhappy. Everybody has understood the shortcomings I just mentioned. Our complaint against the last Government was that they were corrupt. There were a family rule, dictatorship, and nepotism. There was no freedom for the Judiciary, the Police, and the Elections Commission. We have to put these things on right track. Actually, there are problems at the grassroots level.

QI am asking about your concerns then and now. How do you compare and contrast?

What I just mentioned are the complaints against the previous regime.

QThe present Government is also facing corruption charges. Isn’t it?

The bond issue is the only thing against the present Government. We cannot go on talking about it the whole time. It is one case. Action has been taken against it. Just because of one case, we cannot say the whole Government is corrupt. There was unlimited corruption at that time under the last Government.

QRecently, you told the media that the Rajapaksas did not arrest your supporters on false charges of keeping drugs, but on the contrary, it happened today. What is the message you tried to convey?

We have given freedom to the Police. There is the Police Commission. There is no political interference. But, we have lost control over the Police.

As a government, we have to ensure that the Police, Judiciary or any organization operate in the right direction if we give them freedom.

If some corrupt DIGs are doing all sort of irregular, unruly things, it will have a lot of adverse effects. There is a bunch of Policemen. They are trying to do politics. They are harassing our supporters. They are on a political agenda. The Government should be able to stop this nonsense. If the Government cannot stop these things, I will say, at least, the Rajapaksas had control over the Police, though they did some wrong things. For the right thing or the wrong thing, they had control over it. We have lost control over it. That is what I am complaining about.

QDoes it mean that the Rajapaksas were better than the present ones?

They had control. Whatever it is, we were the opponents of the Rajapaksas. They arrested a lot of my people. Some people were kept behind bars for four months, others for 400 days. But, if they wanted to do what the Police do now, they could have introduced some drugs and sentenced my people to life. It never happened. Today, we are unable to control these corrupt Police officers. Just because these people are doing political work for us, the Police are throwing them behind bars. They are innocent, having families with children. The Police get hold of them, plant some drugs or cartridges and arrest them. If it is more than two grams of drugs, they will end up in jail for life. That is very sad. If the Government cannot stop it, then there is a problem with the Government.

QIn your view, who is instigating these things in the Government?

I have not suspected anyone in the Government so far. There are political forces in my area that is Kelaniya. I am suspecting an SLFPer there. He has got hold of some corrupt Police officers ranging from the DIGs to Inspectors. Already, there is a DIG, who was sentenced to death. Two other DIGs are in remand jail. I am not blaming the whole of the Police Department. There is 10-15per cent of corrupt people there. They will do anything for money, alcohol and food.

QThe present Inspector General of Police (IGP) is accused of doing politics by the Opposition. What is your view of him?

I do not know whether he is politically biased. I know there have been some complaints against him. If these sorts of things happen in the Police, the IGP has to take the blame. He is not controlling it properly.

QIs it because he is inefficient or politically biased?

I know him as a middle-rung Police Officer at that time-in 1990s; he had worked as an SSP. He was a very good Police Officer at that time. Yet, in his present status, there are people critical of him obviously. Some people must be having valid reasons to be critical. If the Policemen behave like this, I have to blame the IGP and others down the rank. He is a good man. I have nothing against him.
qAt that time, you were surrounded by the Army Commandos as your guards. Now, some politicians accuse you of hiring underworld criminals to guard you. What do you feel in this regard?

No civilian is guarding me. I have the Police guard for me. There are 17 Policemen. Five of them are from the Special Task Force (STF). They give me security wherever I go. In the Kelaniya area, there are some elderly and young people. They had faced charges in the past. Some had been exonerated even. None of these charges are related to drug dealing or anything. Some people had been involved in cases like fisticuffs and shootouts. That is the past. Once I went to Kelaniya, people of all sorts are supporting me.

There are criminally charged persons, who contested the elections from the UNP and got the highest number of preferential votes once. There is one in Ratnapura. After that, he was sent to the gallows. There are MPs against whom there are numerous charges. Everybody has the right to do politics. We cannot chase them out.

Interestingly, when I undertake visits to the national parks as the Subject Minister, a lot of my constituents seek to come with me to see wild animals. Then, a few youths get into a vehicle and follow us. A group came with me to Wilpattu recently in this manner. There was an accusation made by one media channel. I was accused of keeping underworld figures as my bodyguards. That is nonsense. After that, the Police started going after these people. I know for sure these people are not involved in any criminal act now.

QDidn’t you raise this matter at the Cabinet or with Law and Order Minister Ranjith Madduma Bandara?

I spoke to the Minister on a number of times. One day, he got down STF DIG M.R. Latheef and told him about this. The very same day, Latheef went and arrested a person. Another one was arrested after four or five days later. Complaining to the Minister did not do any good for me. I had made complaints to the Minister four times. Today I met Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and complained to him. I requested the Prime Minister to assign the CID to do investigations. The Prime Minister asked me to give it in writing. I will give a letter to him. The Prime Minister promised me to direct the CID. I have faith in the CID.

QIn your view, who should be the next presidential candidate?

It must be Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. He is our party leader. I was fielded in 2010 as the candidate. That was soon after the war. The UNP was down at that time. Nobody had the courage to contest at that time. If I did not come forward, Mahinda Rajapaksa would have won uncontested virtually. Last time, I had a discussion with Mr. Wickremesinghe. Every time, I met him, I asked him to contest. He did not contest. He wanted the common candidate for his own reasons. I had 375,000 votes for my party at that time. I had 17 Provincial Councilors.

QWhat are the chances of winning?

If the party works hard, it is possible. I have told the Prime Minister. In certain areas, he has to change his attitudes.

QLike what?

He must get involved with grassroots level politics. He should look into the interests of electoral organizers. If he does that, he can ensure that he will win.

QThe UNP is relatively weak in the Sinhala majority areas. What do you propose to correct it?

The UNP must start improving certain areas. We must have the Buddhist monks’ organization and get it more and more involved in the party matters. Some of our organizers are not active in villages.

QPresident Maithripala Sirisena is also interested in contesting next time. What do you think of him?

If he is interested, he will be contesting representing his party. We cannot support that party anyway. We have to support the UNP candidate.

QIn the north, there are talks about the possible resurgence of the LTTE. As the Army Commander who led the military to win against the LTTE, what is your assessment?

We eliminated the LTTE. We created the background for peace and reconciliation and to develop those areas. Some development has taken place. It is not enough. There are some Tamil politicians trying to play it to the gallery. They still try to talk about separatism. That cannot be allowed. Sinhala people in the south will not agree to that. As for power devolution, we will have to go for a referendum if it is to be done. The majority of the people are against it. Tamil people are interested in economic development not in politics. We have to know what the people are asking for. We should meet the requirements of people, not of the politicians. Some Tamil politicians talk about removing the military from the north. We cannot give into such pressure without any basis. You cannot remove the military from the country.

QIs there any need to downsize the military?

The military needs presence everywhere in the country. You cannot say the military must be in the south not in the north. Downsizing is not required in my opinion. In my personal view, the minimum strength of the Army should be maintained above 150,000. It is not only an internal problem. The country’s military must be ready to face any threat including the external threat.

Singapore is a very small country. They have a military force of three million personnel though. Every citizen is trained to fight. They are not mobilized, though. The total removal of the military from some areas in the north should not be done.

I have heard the Army Commander boasting about the reduction of land occupied by the military, handing over land back to people and closing down so many camps. That is stupid. You cannot be so proud that you close down every camp and hand over every inch of land back to people. We must study, listen to people on the ground and do a proper assessment.

QDoes it mean that you are not in agreement with the latest release of military–occupied lands?

You must not do it due to political pressure. You must do it methodically. Now the Army Commander is trying to please the politicians by pulling out the military. I hear from some of the ground Commanders that some are not happy about the way he is closing down camps. That is a problem.

QThe Army Commander must be doing it at the orders of the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces who is the President. Isn’t it?

It is not the duty of the Army Commander to please the bosses all the time. The Army Commander is responsible for the security of the country.

QCan he ignore or disregard the President as the Defence Minister?

Politicians are not educated on military deployment. They do not understand it. Long ago, in 2002, I was the Jaffna Commander. I was asked by the Government to close down some areas of the High Security Zones. I was a Major General at that time. I refused it considering the security situation.

QToday, you are with those who governed at that time..

That is a different thing. Now, they have accepted my way of doing things.

Seven vehicles allocated to Bathiudeen exceeds limit

August 16th, 2018

Tharindu Jayawardana Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Seven additional vehicles had been allocated to Industry and Commerce Minister Rishad Bathiudeen, violating the circular by the President’s Secretary specifying that the maximum amount of vehicles that can be allocated to a minister was three.

Accordingly, it was learnt that the total amount of vehicles that had been allocated to Minister Bathiudeen is ten. It was further learnt that the number of drivers allocated to the minister was eight.

(The information in this regard was received under the Right to Information Act after making a request to the Additional Secretary to the relevant ministry on July, 11, 2018). 

නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ රටට හානිකර වගන්ති 24ක්

August 16th, 2018

ඩබ්ලිව්. කේ. ප්‍රසාද් මංජු  උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

නව ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පත සම්බන්ධයෙන් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා මෙහෙයුම් කමිටුවට ඉදිරිපත් වී තිබෙන විශේෂඥ කමිටුවේ මූලික ලියවිල්ලෙහි රටට එරෙහි බරපතළ කරුණු 24ක් හඳුනාගෙන තිබෙන බව ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය ප්‍රකාශ කරයි.

හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතාගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් රැස්වූ ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයේ පක්‍ෂ නායක රැස්වීමේදී මෙම කරුණු 24 පිළිබඳ හෙළිවූ බව ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයේ නියෝජ්‍ය ප්‍රධාන සංවිධායක, රත්නපුර දිස්ත්‍රික් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රි රංජිත් ද සොයිසා මහතා ‘මව්බිම’ට ප්‍රකාශ කෙළේය.

එම විශේෂඥ කමිටු වාර්තාව සැකසීමේදී 6:4 වශයෙන් විශේෂඥ කමිටු සාමාජිකයන් 10 දෙනා බෙදී තිබෙන බවත්, මෙහි බරපතළකම සම්බන්ධයෙන් රටේ ජනතාව දැනුවත් කිරීමට ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය ක්‍රියා කරන බවත්, රංජිත් ද සොයිසා මන්ත්‍රිවරයා පෙන්වා දෙයි.

නව ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ගෙන ඒමට මෙම ආණ්ඩුව සූදානම් වන්නේ බෙදුම්වාදී බලවේග සහ කොටි හිතවාදීන් ඇතුළු ජනවාරි 08දා වෙනස වෙනුවෙන් සහයෝගය දැක්වූ පිරිස් සතුටු කිරීමට බවත්, එය එසේ සිදුවීමට ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය ඉඩ ලබානොදෙන බවත්, රංජිත් ද සොයිසා මහතා වැඩිදුරටත් ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.


August 15th, 2018


The Yahapalana government is now acting as a ‘wake up call.’ When Yahapalana took over people found that Instead of the benevolent government they expected, ‘we have got a government ‘which has every intention of ruining the country’. This did not result, as   the USA hoped, in turning a confident   society, into a frightened, cowed one. It has instead created a furious, disappointed public who wish to give Yahapalana a good whack. The public are angry with Yahapalana for deceiving them, but they are even angrier with themselves for getting deceived.

The result is a deep anger, visible public militancy, and voluntary action. This could be seen in the determined way the public behaves in certain instances. In August 2017, at Kataragama the worshippers found the devale door locked at puja time. TV camera showed the   crowd who had come to worship, going in an angry group to the Basnayake nilame’s house, storming it, taking the keys and starting the puja. (Derana news 22.8.17)

In September 2016, there was voltage damage to   electrical equipment in at least 120 houses at Ambana pahe kanuwa, Elpitiya. Angry villagers detained CEB officials and seized their     vehicles. They were finally released after talks between the villagers and police and high CEB officials.

Survey Department officials who visited Kashyapa in Habarana in August 2017, to survey the land to be acquired for the proposed railway project between Kurunegala and Habarana were driven away by a group of angry protesters. About 100 persons took part in the protest against the acquisition of their land. Television news of 11.10.2017 showed a demonstration by those affected by the Uma Oya project. Observe the deep anger. ( at  21.14)

There is an insistence on citizen rights, demand for immediate redress. A packet of ‘chicken Kotte’ bought for dinner at Ambalantota had a large frog instead of chicken. The customer had immediately gone to the Public Health Inspector’s office in the area and lodged a complaint.

There is loud expression of grievances, open resistance, open aggression and of course open contempt for the government they elected. There is alertness and an aggressiveness that I have never seen before. Communication and mobilization have become very easy, due to the rapid growth of mobile phone usage. Smart phones are in use in the rural areas too. Users of these mobile phones ‘know about the goings on in power centers.’ Public in the rural areas knew about the Bond scam, observed analysts. Here is a selection of events which illustrate this Yahapalana wake up call”.

The first event I have selected is one full of noise and action. There was a meeting at Nailiya Viharasthanaya in Kurunegala in September  2017, where government officials, ministers  and public had met to discuss matters regarding the Central Expressway section t from Potuhera to Kurunegala. Around 200 residents from the areas of Amunawatte, Henmulla, Weherabanda, Gattuwana, and Boyagana had come for the discussion. They complained that they would lose land to the Expressway. An official  tried to explain matters regarding the Central Expressway, but the residents of the area kept interrupting him and protesting. The discussions heated up.  The Deputy Minister tried to address the gathering. The crowd shouted at him.

A heated exchange took place.  The residents insisted strongly that the expressway be built on columns to avoid flooding, to pay adequate compensation and to make transparent the system of compensation. They handed over to the Deputy Minister a petition with their demands. They wanted the Minister to assure them in writing that their demands would be met. The Deputy Minister said he did not have the authority to do so. The situation worsened, the officials and minister had to be escorted out of the premises under police security. As the officials left, the residents in the area booed at them in protest. The participants then proceeded towards the Boyagane-Malpitiya junction, a kilometer away from the temple and blocked the Kurunegala-Colombo main road. This caused heavy traffic congestion in the area for over three hours.

Until Yahapalana came, there was no public fuss over the issue of garbage disposal. After Yahapalana, a fundamental rights petition was filed against Meetotamulla garbage dump. The Petitioner stated that the Kolonnawa city is a highly residential area, with high population density. In the middle of this highly residential area is huge and growing garbage dumping site, with a huge mountain of garbage, which has now grown to over 18 acres in extent.  Approximately 750 to 1,200 tons of garbage come into the site on a daily basis from the Colombo Municipal area. The stench is now becoming unbearable for the families and children and that there are tremendous and serious health hazard,

There are other sustainable solutions but Yahapalana is not considering them. Instead, Yahapalana is  getting ready to demolish another 100 houses to expand the site for a further 3 acres, said the Meetotamulla group . There are companies who are interested in purchasing the garbage) and who are willing to recycle the garbage at their own expense in an environment friendly manner.

Authorities have been trying to dump garbage collected from Colombo at garbage dumps in several locations since the decision to halt further dumping at Meetotamulla. However, these moves also have been met with strong protests by residents of these areas. At Nugape off Wattala (Muthurajawela), residents protesting over dumping of garbage. They said that the land is a part of Muthurajawela wetlands and it needs to be protected.

It was the same at Karadiyana. Television news showed protestors, angrily and noisily driving away garbage trucks from Karadiyana and Meetotamulla. Scores of tractors filled to the brim with garbage from Colombo on their way to the Karadiyana Waste Management Facility were turned back by angry protesters at Karadiyana yesterday as mobs stormed the tractors, crying, Stop Karadiyana from turning into another Meetotamulla” and Don’t ruin our city. We don’t want Colombo’s garbage here. The situation here is bad as it is.”

Garbage trucks entering the Karadiyana Waste Management Facility were stopped by protesters yesterday who asked that garbage from Colombo not be taken to the Facility. The protesters obstructed the movement of all garbage trucks from 8 a.m.-12 p.m. Residents of Karadiyana  said that they were fine with their own garbage from Kesbewa and Boralesgamuwa being taken to Karadiyana but would oppose any garbage from outside.

There was strong opposition to the dumping of garbage in other places too, and the government reacted equally strongly. Derana news 25.4.17 showed police with shields and batons controlling the crowd opposing garbage at Uragodawatte and Muturajawela. Police also  fired tear gas and water cannon to disperse people who were blocking trucks transporting garbage collected from Colombo to a site in Maligawatta, Dompe in April 2017.

Derana news 22.4.17 showed Police attacking the many demonstrators at Wattala, who said they did not want Colombo garbage. Several Catholic priests also intervened on behalf of the protesters. It was a prolonged fight and continued even after the garbage trucks went on the journey out. There was also strong protests from villagers at Wellawaya about dumping garbage.

Yahapalana responded to the garbage issue with a love call of its own. Yahapalana issued a special gazette notification making garbage management an essential service. Any type of obstruction to carry out these services will be deemed as an offence and those involved in such activities can be arrested by a Police officer without a warrant. Those found guilty of such offences face rigorous imprisonment following prosecution.

Patali Champika Ranawaka warned that there should be a limit to public protest and anti democratic detonations. The government will not tolerate attempt to wreak havoc. The government had the power to dump garbage at any location found suitable for the purpose and none could oppose that action. LSSP rejected this. People have the right to protest and express their objection towards issues, said the LSSP.

Professionals became alarmed, when they saw what Yahapalana was doing. In November 2017, two Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) Engineers  filed a writ application in the Court of Appeal, seeking a ‘Stay’ order on the implementation of the country’s long term power generation plan. This was due to  a dispute between the CEB and the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL), the country’s power sector regulator, over the generation plan approved by the latter.

The petitioners argued that 1st respondent, PUCSL, has neglected, and failed to comply with procedural requirements, when approving the CEB’s Least Cost Long Term Generation Expansion Plan (LCLTGEP) 2018-2037. PUCSL has arbitrarily  amended the generation plan without first consulting the transmission licensee, the CEB, and forcing conditions of its own on the CEB regarding the plan. The 1st respondent has no powers whatsoever to do so. It is acted with ulterior motives to discredit coal power generating plants and promote Liquid Natural Gas (LNG) plants.

The public also  set up organizations to fight environmental issues. The ‘National Movement to Protect Sri Lanka’ held a protest march in Colombo against the privatization of unused state plantation land. They alleged that a Minster, (name withheld) had through the Cabinet Paper given out 60,000 acres in the Central Province for private businesses. Another minister had  given out 4,000 acres of flood plain land to his supporters.

‘Movement for Land and Agricultural Reform’ (MONLAR) said in March 2018,  that six water projects were being planned in the North Central Province. They were to take water from tanks whose storage capacity had been greatly reduced over the years. “These tanks were built for farming but now the government plans to implement project to supply drinking water to towns in the province. MONLAR  also alleged that the government was preparing a National Resource Plan 2018-2050 to privatize many state owned lands for industries, large scale agriculture and foreign investments.  There has been a systematic attack on farming and we believe that the government wants to destroy local agriculture.

‘Organization for the Protection of Muthurajawela’ ,was formed by a small group of committed residents    to expose ‘the racket that was being carried out under the guise of a development project at Muturajawela. The Agrarian Development Department  had  granted permission to a private business entity to develop 65,102 perches of land within the Muturajawela sanctuary for Rs 500 per perch.  Muthurajawela  sanctuary was the lifeline of people in the area and its destruction would lead to serious environmental problems, they said.

The group decided to go public when their efforts to stop the activity failed. We took on the task of exposing the unscrupulous officials, politicians, and businessmen involved in the destruction of Muthurajawela. This had led to threats to our lives and our families, but once we committed ourselves to the task, we did not stop till we brought it to the attention of the President, said one member.” A member who was a professional photographer had made a short film using drones. It showed the destruction caused to Muthurajawela. Within seven days of uploading it on the web, we not only had prompt responses from authorities in this country but also from overseas activists.

Many years ago this area was paddy land, said this group. As it was once a paddy land, he said. It comes under the purview of the Agrarian Development Department but authority to develop the land can only be done with the permission of the CEA and the Wild Life Department after an Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) is submitted. This has not been done. Also sanctuaries consist of both state-owned land and privately owned properties. Activity can take place in private land as long as it does not cause damage to the environment and harm to flora and fauna.

This group had earlier taken action on the dumping of garbage at Muthurajawela A large number of residents supported by the clergy   protested.’ They forwarded  a fundamental rights petition signed by 35 residents, seeking intervention to stop the sanctuary being turned into a garbage dump. The Supreme Court granted leave to proceed and interim relief to the petitioners by directing the 11 respondents not to dump garbage.

There  is now a deep sense of personal dignity. Persons who were hitherto expected to take  blows and insult  meekly, are now refusing to do so. Provincial correspondents demanded that former Navy Commander and current Chief of Defence Staff Admiral Ravindra Wijegunaratne apologize in public for assaulting a provincial journalist on Dec. 10, 2016 at Magampura Mahinda Rajapaksa port in Hambantota. The former Navy Commander assaulted the provincial journalist of Hiru TV and Divaina newspaper Roshan Gunasekera in public while he was covering a workers’ protest and, therefore, the apology, too, should be tendered in public, they said. The Navy had, in response, submitted a letter to the Supreme Court,  regretting the incident.

R.P. Karunaratne Bandara,  principal of Nivanththaka Chethiya Maha Vidyalaya in Anuradhapura  filed a fundamental rights petition. The petitioner was serving as the principal of the Pahala Halmillewa Dutugemunu Maha Vidyalaya by letter dated 28.05.2015 issued by Provincial Education Director (Anuradhapura). He was transferred as the principal of Nivanththaka Chethiya Maha Vidyalaya in Anuradhapura with immediate effect on exigencies of service.

The petitioner stated that he assumed duties as the principal of Nivanththaka Chethiya Maha Vidyalaya and discharged the functions to the satisfaction of the Education Authorities, parents, teachers, and students. The petitioner stated on September 6, 2016, he was informed over the telephone by the Secretary to the school development committee that the Chief Minister will be attending the school on September 9 at 9:30 am for a ceremony to lay the foundation stone in order to commence the work relating to the proposed new school building. He stated that it was a sudden decision taken by the respondents and he was given only two days notice to make all the required preparations for the said ceremony of laying the foundation stone by the Chief Minister.

In the heat of the events, the petitioner had handed over a sheaf of beetle leaves to the Chief Minister to cordially welcome him. However due to an inadvertent oversight said bundle had been turned the wrong way around which mistake was brought in to his attention subsequently. He further stated that the Chief Minister made quite cynical comments when addressing the gathering alleging that there were school principals who do not know as to how the bundle of beetle leaves should be handed to a guest and alleged that he failed to get sufficient number of parents for his meeting.

The petitioner was informed by the Provincial Education Director requesting him to come to the Chief Ministry of the North Central Province. He stated that he went to the Chief Ministry and he was informed that he would be transferred to a different school with immediate effect on the orders given by the Chief Minister. The reason given for the alleged transfer is the unhappiness of the Chief Minister with regard to the events that transpired at Nivanthaka Chethiya Maha Vidyalaya. Subsequently, he was informed that he has been transferred to Rambewa Maha Vidyalaya in Anuradhapura. He sought a declaration that  the respondents have violated his fundamental rights guaranteed under Article 12(1) and 14(1)(g) of the constitution.

The Supreme Court ordered the former North Central Province Chief Minister to personally pay Rs. 250,000 as compensation to a school principal. The Supreme Court also issued an order directing the state to pay Rs.50,000 to the petitioner as legal costs. The Supreme Court further issued an order directing the Provincial Education Director to transfer the petitioner back to Nivanththaka Chethiya Maha Vidyalaya in Anuradhapura within two months.

 Five farmers who were assaulted by the police in Tambuttegama last month filed complaints at the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka yesterday. They complained that police used tear gas and water cannon on February 28 2018  to disperse around 2,000 farmers demonstrating against a drinking water project,  organized  By MONLAR which was to use water from Rajanganaya tank. Over 50 farmers were arrested. And released on bail. They told the media that they had been brutally assaulted in custody. They also alleged that the police grabbed the money they had at the time of arrest.

Gamaralalage Siril Kumara of Kitulgala  who was engaged in the lawful business of toddy tapping ,filed a Fundamental Rights petition in the Supreme Court, along with two other relatives naming  the OIC, Sub Inspectors, sergeants of the police station as well as the IGP as respondents. He was challenging the activities of the Kitulgala Police to produce persons who refuse to comply with the wrongful demands to provide toddy free of charge, before Courts purportedly in relation to illicit liquor offenses.

The Petitioners stated that officers of the Kitulgala Police engage in the wrongful and illegal practice of requiring persons engaged in the lawful business of Toddy tapping in the Kitulgala area to bribe the said officers of the Kitulgala with quantities of Toddy for their consumption. When the toddy tappers refused to do  so, they were charged with illicit liquor offenses. . They  also prosecute persons on the false basis of possession of illicit liquor to meet the prosecution targets set by their superiors. Persons prosecuted in such a manner are compelled to plead guilty for the possession of small quantities of illicit liquor and pay penalties ranging from Rs.1,000 to Rs.15,000. The failure to comply with such illegal demands results with further harassment and intimidation by the police officers.

The Petitioners stated on July 28, 2017 at around 4.30 p.m. the 3rd and 4th Respondents arrived at the 1st Petitioner’s residence and took into possession a small quantity of Toddy which was lawfully tapped by the 1st Petitioner and claimed that the 1st Petitioner has illegally tapped Toddy. When the 1st Petitioner offered to provide the Permit issued by the Department of Excise the 3rd and 4th Respondents refused to accept the said document stating ”we don’t care about those things” and demanded that the 1st Petitioner prepare himself to go to the Police Station.

The petitioners stated that the 1st Petitioner having not committed any offense, as he lawfully might, refused to comply with the unlawful and illegal instructions given by the 3rd and 4th Respondents, being very well aware that the 1st Petitioner would be falsely and wrongfully arrested, remanded overnight and produced before the Magistrate of Ruwanwella on a possession of illicit liquor charge. Thereafter the 3rd and 4th Respondents forcefully dragged the 1st Petitioner out of his residence and assaulted the 1st Petitioner whereupon the 1st Petitioner collapsed to the ground due to the excruciating pain he was subjected to.

The Petitioners state that the brazen attack on the 1st Petitioner who was laying on the floor in pain was in full view of those who were gathered including the 2nd and 3rd Petitioners, who commenced recoding the incident using their mobile telephones. They stated the assault on the Petitioners the wrongful and arbitrary arrest of the Petitioners and institution of action on false and fabricated charges leveled against the Petitioners are violation of the 2nd Petitioners’ fundamental rights guaranteed by Articles 11, Article 12(1), and Article 13(1) of the Constitution of the Republic. They further sought a sum of Rs.5 million as compensation from the respondents.

Right to Information Law came into force in February 2017, the public responded almost immediately. There has been an impressive response from the ordinary public at accessing information that had hitherto not been available to them, said a Sunday Times editorial.

The Right to Information (RTI) Commission  received many requests for information. They included information on state recruitments and alleged irregularities or malpractices in government and provincial councils, overseas travel details of politicians, unauthorized constructions, audits of school development societies, compensation payments for land acquisitions, information on school admissions, rental agreements entered into by public corporations.

Other requests included information released in regard to the detailed monthly accounts of the School Development Society of Royal College, Colombo from March 2016 to 14 February 2017. The Elections Commission was ordered to release an internal circular containing an administrative instruction to elections officials. Directions were issued to the Road Development Authority (RDA) to release decision reports on compensation payments to landowners in the Hikkaduwa Divisional Secretariat whose land had been acquired for an ongoing road development project. The Education Ministry was directed to provide files containing details of the residences of children admitted to schools under the criteria that they are ‘children of persons working in Institutes which directly affect school education.’ General details of Grade One admissions to schools were also asked for and  provided.

The public are no longer prepared to suffer silently. They make noisy protests and utter ultimatums. They do not wait for political parties to provide the leadership  either, they leap into it directly, and do not hesitate to call media conferences.

The fishing community objected violently to the 2018  increase in  the price of petrol. The     fishing community  of Negombo, Wennapuwa, and  Marawila held a joint media conference to protest, very aggressively and strongly, against the increase of petrol price. They want the price reduced otherwise there will be an all island strike of the  fishing community. They do not care even if they die in the process. You did this without informing  us, they said. They did not want tokens, they want to buy the petrol direct. Negombo Municipal Councilors also spoke up. They said that they are ready to send this government home.

The fishing community also held aggressive demonstrations at Hungama, Hambantota, Godawaya, Rekawa, Kalametiya and Welipatana. These  obstructed traffic ,police arrived and dispersed them. The demonstrators said they  planned to have an all island demo with black flags. The petrol increase was described as ‘mara ugula’.

There are protests over  local matters too. At Mulleriyawa 500 residents  demonstrated against the burning of hospital waste from Colombo. The crematorium must not be used as an incinerator, they said. Residents of several villages backed by Buddhist monks staged a protest near the Maningamauwa temple, to stop a business concern which planned to obtain water for a bottled water project, from a well bordering Ma Oya. This would cause an acute water shortage.

A cultural centre built at 4 Million in Ihala Karannagoda in Maduruwala remained unopened though construction was completed two years ago. Villagers want it opened, Handicraft training centre,  Ittepana, was kept closed. Residents are demanding that it be reopened. Panadura Pasmanhandiya bus service started in  the 1970s was terminated. This service was very useful to residents of Nalluruwa, Pinwatta and Kalpitiya villages. They want it restored. There was a demonstration asking  the government to improve Hunnasgiriya section of the  Kandy-Mahiyangana road.

There is simple  resistance too. In 2017,  Kandy trishaw drivers objected to meters. They want this revoked for Kandy. This will affect their income. Kandy streets are mostly one-way roads. There are 2000 trishaws register with municipality and over 3000 unregistered.

There were a lot of open protests regarding schools from 2016 onwards. Parents of Dammadinna Vidyalaya, Galkulama, Nachchaduwa protested against the shifting of the Vidyalaya. Parents of    Sri Bodhi Vidyalaya at Giridara, Pugoda staged a demonstration demanding that the school be  managed better. Tug of  war between two politicians had affected it and the principal who had been transferred could not be released as a result. Parents and old boys of Pannala national school staged a demonstration opposite the school demanding a new principal for the  school, as there were many discrepancies.

Parents of Nivanthika chetiya Maha Vidyalaya in Anuradhapura demonstrated against the transfer of its principal. A very large crowd of parents of the Sri Gunananda Navodaya School at Mapalagama staged a massive demonstration bringing the entire traffic from there to Elpitiya and Baddegama to a complete halt again the transfer of the incumbent principal. Students also  took part.

At Hambantota Suriyawewa national school 23 children who were to be enrolled in the primary schools were not taken in. now they have no school. Parents of Sri Rahula junior school at Ambagaswewa, Polonnaruwa, said that have decided not to send their children to school till education authorities solve the problem of shortage of teachers which has been dragging on for a very long time. Parents of Kedaratamale Vidyalaya in Parasangahawewa wanted five  teachers out who neglected their duties. At Nugagolla Maha Vidyalaya in Wilgamuwa  pupils had lost 20 minutes of the time at Grade V scholarship exam due to a serious lapse of the invigilators. Parents had complained to the police and demonstrated.

Parents, past pupils and well-wishers of Galle All Saints’ College staged a protest against the government’s decision to relocate the school premises out of Galle Fort yesterday. About    500  protestors marched from the college to Galle District Secretariat and launched their demonstration opposite the secretariat obstructing the Colombo- Matara highway. They sat on the highway shouting slogans against the state’s decision. They were told that the government had decided to  relocate 15 state institutions including All Saints College located in the Galle Fort out of the ancient Dutch Fortress locality before December end this year. ( continued)

What’s ‘National’ in Yahapalana’s National “UNITY” Government?

August 15th, 2018

Since the January 2015 Presidential Elections, we have been experiencing a wave of irregularities bordering illegalities. That the holier than thou West has taken patronage of the ruling party together with their international coterie of players denies any prospects of highlighting or negating the irregularities taking place. However, these wrongs need to be etched into the country’s historical records. Some of the agreements & Bills currently being signed will certainly be questioned in the future & can be negated on account of these constitutionally questionable fault lines. The creation of a ‘National’ Government has been nothing of NATIONAL INTEREST but based on preventing MPs from fleeing to the opposition by dishing out Ministerial portfolios and perks.

Article 3 of the constitution of the Republic of Sri Lanka declares the sovereignty is in the people and is inalienable. Sovereignty cannot be limited or curtailed but the powers of the government & its institutes can. The President, Prime Minister, Ministers & all others that make up a government have only limited sovereign powers for they serve only for a term as elected & selected by the People.

MPs are only ‘agents’ of the people according to Justice Wanasundara’s judgement on the 13th amendment in 1987.

The people whose constitutional rights have been violated have scope to address their grievance. Article 17 of Chapter III gives entitlements to Sri Lanka’s citizens. Article 125 & 126 afford the opportunity to apply to the Supreme Court for citizen’s violation of fundamental rights.

A political party’s manifesto may not be a legally binding document but it is morally binding. A party’s manifesto is the basis on which people decide to vote for it. There was no mention of any national government in either of the 2 main political party manifestos in 2015 before the general elections.

Ironical & noteworthy is the manner in which the present President who left the SLFP & contested under another political party using a swan symbol who after becoming elected as the President returned to the SLFP to become its chairman. Not only is the President the head of the SLFP but he is also the head of the UPFA too.

It was this President who through the Central Committee of the SLFP promoted the notion of ‘National Government’. The voters of SLFP or UPFA have at no time given their consent to forming any national government. How democratic is it of a President who left the SLFP & the UPFA to manipulate both in such a manner contrary to the wishes of their vote base?

There was no NATIONAL GOVERNMENT before the August 2015 general elections. There was only an INTERIM GOVERNMENT comprising the minority UNP & dissident SLFP/UPFA MPs who pledged support to the Ranil-Sirisena 100 day program.

Generally, a National Government is formed at times of a national crisis as England did from 1931 to 1939. However, even during the last phase of the conflict the UNP was not interested to help the former government by forming a national government to face the international pressures that came to stop the military end to the LTTE. If a national government was needed at all it was during this phase.

After January 2015 what was formed was not a National Government but a National Unity Government but signed by only 2 parties though comprising other parties.

But as far as we know a MOU was signed only between 2 political parties – the SLFP & the UNP. The general secretaries of the SLFP & UNP signed the MOU on 21 August 2015 to last 2 years & covering 10 points.

Neither of these two parties contested as a single party to enter parliament before 2015 or even after 2015. They both came to Parliament through various alliances and this questions what right both have to sign MOUs with only each other completely ignoring the parties that formed the alliance to contest election & enter Parliament. If SLFP contested under the UPFA banner & entered parliament it must get the approval of all the UPFA constituent members in taking decisions because they entered parliament on an alliance & voters voted because of this alliance.

Not stopping there of the 29 national seats, 11 seats are given to candidates that the voters have rejected. Democracy has been flouted by this action since the names of 29 national list seats are gazetted before elections so the voting public are well aware of the national list nominees of every political party before elections. This is another example of politicians flouting the will of the people. Worse is when defeated candidates taken through the National List are given key ministerial portfolios. They are not suited for any role leave alone enjoy any perks of office using the tax payers money as they do not enjoy the will of the people.

In reality the so-called national government comprises the UNP, the JVP & TNA both supporters of the regime change & a handful of opportunistic SLFP & UPFA members. So how national” is this government?

In January 2015, a Presidential Election was held. It was not a General Election, therefore the unanswered question is – how could the President-elect appoint a new Prime Minister from a party that didn’t have a majority in Parliament without removing the sitting Prime Minister?

The last general election was held in 2010 with UPFA winning 144 seats (4,846,388 / 60.33%) UNP winning 60 seats (2,357,057 / 29.34%) TNA winning (233,190/ 2.90%) & JVP winning (441,251 / 5.49%)

The UPFA increased its 144 seats to 163 seats (72.4%) majority in Parliament on account of 19 MPs crossing to the UPFA. 7 of these have been from the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. 11 have been from the UNP.

When President Sirisena contested elections under the SWAN symbol as a common candidate leaving the SLFP/UPFA combine, the UNP constituted only 47 MPs in Parliament. It was from this 47 UNP MPs that Ranil was appointed Prime Minister without a general election & following a presidential election – thus creating a new precedent. This seriously questions the validity of Ranil Wickremasinghe as PM & the decisions made by the ‘government’ that had no majority in Parliament, no mandate from the people & existed on the basis of cobbling opportunist MPs together. This was a serious breach of democratic principles & good governance that brought the President to power.


8 January 2015

Presidential Election

9 January 2015

Maithripala Sirisena appointed President commencing a 100 day program which was to end on 23 April 2015 with a general election. In May 2018 the President he did not know who drafted the 100 day program & he knew nothing of its contents!

Ranil Wickremasinghe appointed Prime Minister (UNP had only 47 seats in Parliament & questions on what basis he was appointed PM without even a general election being held or removing the sitting Prime Minister D. M. Jayaratne or his resigning.

11 January 2015

As part of the 100 day program 11 January pledged to appoint a 25 member cabinet. However, a day later he appoints a 27-member cabinet which increased to 30 with the 19a.

10 defect to join President Siriena-Ranil alliance & declares Sirisena as leader of the SLFP.

  1. Sarath Amunugama,
  2. Reginald Cooray,
  3. Vijith Vijithamuni Soysa,
  4. Jagath Pushpakumara,
  5. B. Navinna,
  6. Nilwala Wijesinghe,
  7. Piyasena Gamage,
  8. Athavuda Seneviratne
  9. Janaka Bandara Tennakoon
  • Chief Minister of the North Western province Dayasiri Jayasekera

12 January 2015

More UPFA MPs join Sirisena-Ranil alliance

  1. Felix Perera,
  2. Lalith Dissanyake,
  3. Neomal Perera,
  4. Dayasritha Tissera,
  5. Thilanga Sumathipala,
  6. R. M. Abdul Cader

President Maithripala Sirisena appointed 27 Cabinet Ministers, 10 State Ministers and 08 Deputy Ministers

Cabinet Ministers

  1. Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe – Minister of Economic Development & Policy Implementation
  2. Ravi Karunanayake – Minister of Finance
  3. Joseph Michael Perera – Minister of Home Affairs
  4. John Amaratunga – Minister of Public Order, Disaster Management
  5. Duminda Dissanayake – Minister of Irrigation
  6. Rajitha Senaratna – Minister of Health and Indigenous Medicine
  7. Kabir Hashim – Minister of Highways and Investment Promotion
  8. Sajith Premadasa – Minister of Housing and Samurdhi
  9. Naveen Dissanayake – Minister of Tourism
  10. Wijedasa Rajapaksa – Minister of Justice
  11. Arjuna Ranatunga – Minister of Ports and Shipping
  12. Patali Champika Ranawaka – Minister of Power and Energy
  13. Rishad Bathiudeen – Minister of Industry and Commerce
  14. Gayantha Karunathilake – Minister of Mass Media
  15. Palani Diganbaram – Minister of Plantation Infrastructure Development
  16. Akila Viraj Kariyawasam – Minister of Education
  17. M. Swaminadan – Minister of Resettlement, Reconstruction and Hindu Affairs
  18. Rauff Hakeem – Minister of Urban Development, Water Supply and Drainage
  19. Thalatha Athukorala – Minister of Foreign Employment
  20. Ranjith Madduma Bandara – Minister of Internal Transport
  21. Harrison – Minister of Social Services and Social Welfare
  22. K.D.S. Gunawardena – Minister of Land
  23. Chandrani Bandara – Minister of Women’s Affairs
  24. Karu Jayasuriya – Minister of Buddha Sasana
  25. Lakshman Kiriella – Minister of Plantation
  26. Mangala Samaraweera – Minister of Foreign Affairs
  27. Gamini Jayawickrama Perera – Minister of Food Security

Ministers of State

  1. Nandimithra Ekanayake- Culture and the Arts
  2. Radhakrishnan- Education
  3. Faizer Mustapha- Aviation
  4. Palitha Range Bandara- Power and Energy
  5. Dilip Wedaarachchi- Fisheries
  6. Bernadeen Rose Senanayake- Children’s Affairs
  7. Rajiva Wijesinghe- Higher Education
  8. Ruwan Wijewardene- Defence
  9. Velayudhan- Plantation Industries
  10. Niroshan Perera – Youth Affairs

Deputy Ministers

  1. Champika Premadasa- Industry and Commerce
  2. Harsha de Silva- Policy Development & Economic Affairs
  3. Eran Wickramaratne- Highways and Investment Promotion
  4. Sujeewa Senasinghe – Justice
  5. Wasantha Senanayake- Tourism
  6. Vijayakala Maheswaran- Women’s Affairs
  7. Ajith P. Perera- Foreign Affairs
  8. Anoma Gamage- Irrigation

16 January 2015

UPFA MP Nimal Siripala de Silva appointed Opposition Leader

31 January 2015

PM Ranil says Elections after Parliament is dissolved on 23 April 2015. Interim budget passed.

18 February 2015

1st rally held by Rajapakse faction in Nugegoda stuns the yahapalana government.

26 February 2015

Following the 18th February successfully rally, the Sirisena-Ranil combine response was to declare the creation of a ‘National’ Government & to increase the 27 Cabinet MPs to 45, non-Cabinet MPs from 18 to 55!

45 appointed in January 2015 increased to 100 by February 2015! In just a month those that came to power to reduce the government numbers actually increased it.

27 February 2015

Govt issues Treasury Bonds

22 March 2015

President Sirisena declares a National Government as there was no majority to push through reforms. As such 26 SLFP MPs were enticed to form a 77-member government.

23 March 2015

Nimal Siripala confirms he will remain Opposition Leader despite formation of National Unity Government

23 March 2015

UPFA MP Vasudeva Nanayakkara proposes Dinesh Gunawardena as Opposition Leader

24 March 2015

SLFP becoming part of Government

30 March 2015

Motion signed by 58 Opposition MPs supporting nomination of Dinesh Gunawardena as Opposition Leader

23 April 2015

100 days officially over. Parliament is NOT dissolved.

28 April 2015

The 19a Bill was passed in Parliament with a 2/3 majority after 174 amendments. 212 voted in favor, 1 abstained, 10 were absent and Admiral Sarath Weerasekera being the only MP to vote against it. Key features included

  • President cannot dissolve Parliament until 4 ½ years
  • Presidential term shortened to 5 years
  • President could not remove or change the Prime Minister (Article 46(2)
  • Prime Minister was head of the cabinet which the President enjoyed
  • While promising a 30-member government the 19a included clause for a national unity government allowing 45 cabinet ministers & 55 non-cabinet & deputy ministers.
  • Appointment of a National Executive Council
  • Creation of Constitutional Council that was to appoint 10 independent commissions (election, public service, national police, audit service, human rights, investigate allegations of bribery or corruption, finance, delimitation, national procurement, university grants)

19a passed most of the executive powers of the President to the Prime Minister.

26 June 2015

Parliament dissolved & elections scheduled for 17 August 2015. Parliament was to have been dissolved on 23 April 2015 in keeping with the pledge made on the 100 day program launched from 9 January 2015.

17 August 2015

Elections held. UNF (UNP plus an alliance of parties) received 5,098,916 or 45% of the vote (106 seats – last general election UNF had only 60 seats). The UPFA (SLFP plus an alliance of parties received 4,732,664 or 42% of the vote (95 seats). The difference was just 366,352 votes.

Noteworthy is that inspite of obtaining 6,217,162 in January 2015 combining UNP, JVP, TNA, SLMC other minority parties & anti-Rajapakse votes, 7 months later at the August General elections the votes had reduced to 5,098,916. In other words 1,118,246 had got fed up with the Ranil-Sirisena combo in such a short period.

Clearly UNP did not have a majority which was the key reason why Sirisena’s response was to suggest the formation of a national government to avert a crisis.

21st August 2015

Ranil Wickremasinghe appointed Prime Minister. MOU signed between general secretaries of UNP & SLFP for 2 years based on 10 points. Another noteworthy feature was that the MOU prohibited crossovers between the two parties during this period.

31 December 2017

MOU between SLFP & UNP expires

Why is it that a MOU is signed between only the SLFP & UNP? Both parties never contested elections as a single party except as an alliance. The so-called National Government comprises UNP, SLFP dissidents, SLMC, TNA, DNF, TPA and even JVP indirect support. Therefore, why have they not been signatories to such an agreement. What has been ‘national’ about any of the decisions taken most often under secrecy, hidden from the public and much confusion with decisions being taken ad hoc & never in consultation or with the approval of their own cabinet.

Who are signatories of this National Unity Government & how is it different to the MOU signed between SLFP dissidents & UNP? On what basis to all these groups of individuals exist except to enjoy perks of office, waste tax payers money, sell national assets, dole out strategic areas to foreign companies without considering or weighing the consequences?

The 100 day program promised not more than 25 cabinet, that increased to 30 through the 19a & then by floating ‘national’ the yahapalana government as of June 2018 has 42 cabinet ministers, 24 state ministers, 22 deputy ministers totally 86 ministers plus a new segment called supervisory ministers with a plethora of additional perks. So what is the people getting from all this? Where is the good governance that was promised in 2015?

How many detrimental agreements have been signed in secret?

How many illegalities & irregularities have taken place since 2015?

How many times has the State being compromised for personal agendas of those in government?

How have the government actually protected the National Army, the sovereignty of the State & secured the interests of the citizens?

Shenali D Waduge

UNP has two choices: Name Presidential Candidate now or Perish

August 15th, 2018

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

  • Approximately seventeen (17) months for the announcement of Presidential Election
  • UNP seems to be in a lethargic and slipshod ramble towards coming disaster
  • Indecision is one of the characteristics that the people hate
  • Ranil should waste no more time. Name the candidate now or perish

Doubt increases with inaction. Clarity reveals itself in momentum. Growth comes from progress. For all these reasons, BEGIN.” ~Brendon Burchard

Today is August 15, 2018. The date for Presidential Election will be called by the Commissioner General of Elections between November and December 2019.

That leaves us with approximately seventeen (17) months. The two main protagonists will be a nominee from the United National Party (UNP) and another representing the Pohottuwa (Flower bud) in combination with the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) or someone from the Pohottuwa by itself.
The SLFP without the Pohottuwa support, if the recently held Local Government elections are of any reliable measure, would end up in the category of an also-ran.

Yet, one simply cannot ignore the erosion of the UNP voter bloc. It has been in evidence for the last twenty years.

Ever since the assassinations of Lalith Athulathmudali, R. Premadasa, and Gamini Dissanayake, in that order, the UNP has been suffering from a great deal of buyer’s remorse. No changes of any fundamental nature or creative and forward-looking transformation, with the galloping technological advancement of society, has been introduced to the Party.

Against the backdrop of the maddening rush on the part of the Pohottuwa bigwigs to ensure a plausible approach to the forthcoming Presidential Election in 2020, the UNP seems to be in a lethargic and slipshod ramble towards a coming disaster.


But those who wield power now, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the rest of the Cabinet seem lost and forlorn


The obvious has been neglected. The demand for punishment of the Rajapaksa, the rest of the First Family and their henchmen for their atrocities when they were in office, is still vocal and real.

But those who wield power now, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the rest of the Cabinet seem lost and forlorn.

Indecision is one of the characteristics that the people hate to see in a leader. On the other hand, risk-takers and those who dare to go to the edge of the possible are perceived as heroes. As Otto von Bismarck, the Prussian (German) Statesman of the 19th century, succinctly vocalized, ‘Politics is the art of the possible, the attainable — the art of the next best’.

So, the question is, can the UNP find such a daring man or woman in their midst, who will go to the edge of the abyss and challenge it without turning back?

The United National Party had such leaders and that was in the past. D. S. Senanayake, J. R. Jayewardene, Gamini Dissanayake, R. Premadasa and Lalith Athulathmudali were such outstanding ones.

They made politics the art of the possible.

Against great odds they were unrelenting; they challenged the status quo and dared to go further; they made their followers do the same-go thus far and further.

The people recognized that unequal quality in them and reposed their trust and faith in them. And they were successful. It may be an unattainable dream to expect leaders of such calibre from amongst the current crop of leadership in the UNP.

However, before jumping into this complex mosaic of the UNP leadership, one must examine the real and looming needs of the people.

The country is meandering along without any definitive goal. A rudderless boat has no shore to reach. In the midst of such uncertainty, against the valour of storms and contradictory forces of political nature, if the UNP is showing any signs of hesitancy or indecision, the people will interpret such indecision and hesitancy, and quite rightly so, as an abyssmal weakness. If there is any characteristic of the UNP and its leadership has been very consistent in displaying it is that extremely negative indecision.

Waiting until the nominations are called to start an election campaign is another element of naiveté the UNP has shown during this period, 1994 to 2015.

This foolhardy approach to elections is a direct byproduct of that quality, which has shaped and defined the United National Party and its current leadership.

Conceding certain valid and legitimate issues that could be embraced and owned by the UNP has betrayed the very essence of faith and trust in which the grassroots hold the Party.

Lack of charismatic leadership at the top has cost the Party its usual capability of attracting new votes, especially the fairer sex and youth. It is not rocket science to decipher the common and simple formula of message + process = campaign. Therefore, good message + good process = good campaign.

The UNP as one single political entity won a majority as against a plurality of votes and seats in Parliament only on three occasions. One was in 1952 after the demise of D. S. Senanayake and the second was in 1977 under the leadership of J. R. Jayewardene and third when R. Premadasa succeeded J. R. Dudley, J. R. and Premadasa were leaders of a bygone era.

That era will never come back, nor will the values and cultural ethos would never revisit our body politic in the future. In politics, everything is context as well as relative. The current societal makeup is such, in an ever-evolving technological life, changes are measured in seconds, not days, months and years. What would have taken weeks to see in print about a scandalous story on a politician are now ousted in seconds on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram or any scurrilous websites on the internet.


Ranil still can muster enough support to win the next Presidential Election and that chance is slim but still a fighting chance


Unless and until today’s politicians are ready and adequately equipped to handle this fast-developing aspect of communication, they should leave the field of politics as a livelihood.

In internet warfare, the UNP is far behind its rivals. That lack of awareness on the part of the UNP as an organism engaged in politics is not acceptable in the context of politics that is engulfing all and any human condition and exploiting that human condition to the advantage of the exploiter.

Being involved in the day-to-day activities of running a Government is no excuse. Managing their incumbency is part and parcel of Government-management.

Ranil Wickremesinghe’s tragic lack of awareness of this aspect of political life is a great encumbrance to the advancement of his Party’s ‘younger guns’. The delegation of powers to the younger guns, unleashing their potential to the four corners of the country, exposing them to the vagaries of changing climates of hard and gruesome political life of a nation should be treated as a welcoming burden a leader has to bear.

Successful leaders of any field have shown the enormous advantage of such delegation.

Whichever way one turns, it is certainly not a kindly scenario one beholds. Progressive erosion of a voter-base cannot and should not be disregarded as an outlier.

For more than twenty years the UNP has been experiencing this negative voter-response at successive elections. Past election results show that each time the UNP fielded a candidate other than the one who had appeared on the earlier occasion, the new one has won. Dudley Senanayake after D S Senanayake in 1952, J R Jayewardene after Dudley Senanayake in 1977, R Premadasa after J R Jayewardene in 1989. Since then it’s been a total disaster. How the current leader Ranil Wickremesinghe takes this, the writer simply does not know. Also, this writer would not speculate as to how Gamini Dissanayake would have fared in 1994 after R. Premadasa’s death as it is utterly futile to indulge in such conjecture.

Yet, one cannot ignore the results of the 2001 elections, which in the estimation of the writer is a definitive outlier in terms of statistics.

Why the 2001 election results remains an outlier is proven by the results that followed in every election that was held thereafter, whether it was Presidential, Parliamentary, Provincial Council or other local government elections. The leader of the UNP who happens to be the current Prime Minister seems to have burnt all his chances.

Yet, Ranil still can muster enough support to win the next Presidential Election and that chance is slim but still a fighting chance.

What does he have to do in order to galvanize his party and attain an incredible victory? He has seventeen months.

He has his new Party Secretary in place, he has his Party Organizational Structure in gear and above all, he has a very credible and daring National Organizer, who is, to quote Star Trek TV series, willing and able to go ‘Where no National Organizer has gone before’.

That is Navin Dissanayake. With Sajith Premadasa undertaking to look after the South and Navin to go to all corners of Sri Lanka, the way his father Gamini Dissanayake did during the Presidential Election in 1988 in support of Sajith’s father R. Premadasa, Ranil still can pull a rabbit out of the hat. But it is a Herculean Task.

Therefore, it is beyond doubt that announcement of the next Presidential Candidate now, not next week or month but now is a sine qua non.

To build a structure of a sophisticated election campaign takes time. Branding of the campaign, rebranding of the candidate, fund-raising, recruiting the right personnel, preparation of a colourful and attractive manifesto, planning and manning the campaign in the districts, micro-targeting the particular electorates and districts, construction of the core message, constant feeding of material to the media, running an unmatchable social media campaign take time.

So, Ranil Wickremesinghe, waste no more time. Name your candidate now or perish.

Celebrated war hero now sells fish

August 15th, 2018

By Pushpa Weerasekara Courtesy : Sunday Lankadeepa

The untold suffering and dedication of the war heroes, who were engaged in a thirty-year-armed-conflict, are indescribable. They were once treated as the saviours of this nation. However, this is the tragic story of a war hero, who waged war on behalf of territorial integrity and peace.

Parts of fish, ‘Theppili’ get cut systematically with the knife that moves with the instant batting of an eye-lid. First its the fins, later gills, scales, intestines and veins are removed before the tail is cut. These tasks take less than one minute for Sagara, who squats on the ground to cut and clean the fish. He says that it is simple for him to cut even ten thousand kgs. of Theppili per day, in this manner.

There are about ten or fifteen customers forming a queue, opposite K.B.Ratnayake Vidyalaya, awaiting their turn to buy fish from Sagara. All pieces of fish cut by him are put into a plastic basin. Priyanka is the one who puts the required amount of fish to a shopping bag. She is Sagara’s partner in life.

When the popularity of Sagara began to rise after the war victory, he had to face certain issues

She peeps into the nearby Tri-Shaw to check on her three-year-old child, who is asleep. There is a specialty about Sagara for us to pen this story.   

We received the information that a war hero was selling fish. We came to know that Sagara, who was known as ‘Galewela long Sagara’ while serving in the Commando Unit of the Army, was selling fish to make a living. We knew that ‘Malu Sagara’, who is selling fish at the Matale junction, now is the same person who was once known as ‘ Galewela long Sagara’. We then went in search of his house in Kurundankulama. During an interview, Sagara put the wealth of experience in his possession to good use in recalling a heroic past.

Amurtha Hastha Navaratna Abeykone Mudiyanselage Sagara Nuwan Bandara is a native of Watagala in Galewela. He became popular among his colleagues in the army as ‘Initial Bandara’ because he had several initials before his name. He was also known as ‘Long Bandara’ alias’ Galewela Sagara’ due his extraordinary height and ability. He was known by several pseudonyms in the Army and at present he is known by many names like ‘Malu Sagara’ and ‘Malu Koma’ while at the Matale junction he is known as ‘Koma’.

Once a rebel youth

Sagara was educated at Budugehinna Maha Vidyalaya in Galewela up to grade ten. He was known to be an unruly person. He may have decided to join the Commando Force for that reason itself. He joined the 22nd Regular Force of the Sri Lanka Army (Gemunu Watch) on December 25, 2004. He received his basic training from Boossa Regiment school.

Later, he was trained as a commando at the Kudaoya Commando Training School and passed out in 2006. Although as many as 800 soldiers received training, only 138 passed out.This is because such a serious training is required to become a commando in the Army.

Sagara was known to be a very clever solider and was nicknamed by his colleagues as ‘Initial Bandara’, due to his lengthy name.

In the war front

The first experience of Long Bandara was the ‘Thoppigala’ operation. He recalled suffering a slight wound during that operation. Sagara belonged to a group of eight who was led by Sergent Pathirana. They waited in ambush in a village where ordinary Tamil people lived. Their group was forced to scatter all over the place and they also experienced a break in communication during one occasion. Seven soldiers returned, except Sergeant Pathirana. The beating of a drum was heard all over the village, but the soldiers, who were unaware of it, began to sleep.

Meanwhile, the soldier, who was on sentry duty, heard the noise of wires being cut. When the whole camp awoke, after receiving his information, they realised that the enemies had surrounded the camp. The first attack that Sagara faced was indescribable. The soldiers, who were asleep, awoke and began attacking the enemies. Sagara suffered a slight injury.

According to Sagara their first experience in taking on the enemy was a success.

Sagara engaged in the fishing trade

A road in name of the Sergeant

It transpired later that the LTTE had captured Sergeant Pathirana and obtained all the information regarding the Commando Soldiers by torturing him. Sergeant Pathirana had been dragged by his hands and legs using tractors. The beating of the drum was a warning to ordinary Tamil people to leave the villages in the event of a forthcoming attack.

Sagara was shocked by this tragedy and he lived in agony. However, he had written his colleague’s name in red using lacquer on a wooden plank. He hung the plank prominently on the wooden wall of a nearby bookshop. The wooden wall gave the directions to Thoppigala.

Terrible operation

After Operation Liberation of Thoppigala, Sagara was engaged in operations in the Mannar area. Sagara recalled how the operation in Mannar was successful under the leadership of Sergeant Kumarasinghe. Sergeant Kumarasinghe was known as ‘ Hichcha’.

As mentioned earlier a team is formed with a group of eight men. A troop is formed with three such groups. Irrespective of seniority, these groups were engaged in war to achieve big targets. There was healthy competition between these Commando groups. About 100 commandos were engaged in operations; the operation known as ‘Rice bowl’.

Celebrating with tattoos

The commanding officer had asked what they wanted because the eight-man group, including Sagara, had attacked big targets by travelling about 30 – 40 km in the thick jungles. Sagara requested permission to celebrate the occasion with tattoos. The permission for tattoos was given. During the war such permission for tattoos was not given to army soldiers. Army Commander Sarath Fonseka came and boosted our morale. The high officers also encouraged us. We got maximum benefits and a deserving rest after the operation,” he said.

His photo was used in the ticket books of 60th Centenary Celebration of the Army

Disguised as Tiger rebels

When the enemies infiltrated our forward defense line, we were deployed to repair the fences and clear them. Then we had to go forward about 20 to 25 metres.

We were being checked at the enemy points. When we go for operations we carry food and water which was sufficient for 2–3 days. We go for an operation dressed in a uniform similar to those worn by the LTTE and fitting sandal soles to the boots. Then the eight of us spread out. We have protected others and achieved our targets. A journalist once asked, While you are in an operation, don’t the soldiers attack? My reply was, why not? When we go off the lines, we inform our units about the directions and the places where we wish to go. We remove these rebel uniforms when we return to the camps. There were occasions when we were sandwiched between the LTTE and the soldiers” he said.

An eight-hour recce in a toilet pit

When I set foot in Wellimulliwaikkal first, I did not know the area. I was the one who went first from our group. We reached this area towards nightfall. The houses were like shanties. Although we tried to proceed without being noticed by the people, I fell into a pit. It was a toilet pit dug by the people temporarily. I remained in the pit with the weapons for eight hours until dawn. My duty was to obtain the information by going forward.

It was after our recce that the civilians in their hundreds and thousands surrendered to the army. All our high-ups knew about that operation. I managed to came back after the operation which made me filthy”,  recalled Sagara.

He remembers with pride not sustaining any injury after that incident. He said that a firm foundation was laid for him to lead his life meaningfully due to these experiences. He said with a touch of pride that it wasn’t a difficult task to cut fish to earn a living.

Publicity through photos

It is using these types of stories that artistes and film directors portray the heroics of security forces. The result of these efforts is either a great film or a tele-drama. Despite the little attention given to the war by film makers newspaper journalists did not forget our heroic soldiers. With the televisions giving air time and newspapers decorating their pages with the news about the heroics of soldiers, it did not take so long for Sagara to become a prominent personality. Banners and cut-outs began to mushroom all over the country containing his photographs.

Sagara’s friends saw his photos being displayed all over the country. The photographs that prominently show that war was won features Sagara.

When Sagara’s photograph became famous and highlighted in the media, local and foreign journalists began to focus their attention on this handsome youth. At a time, when the leaders in the war front were given prominence, stories were written about this unique character too. His photograph was published in the front page of the magazines as well. His photo was used in the ticket books of 60th Centenary Celebration of the Army and also in the posters of the Commando Force.

Leaving the Army

When the popularity of Sagara began to rise after the war victory, he had to face certain issues that compelled him to leave the Army. The photographs, that were published in a foreign magazine, were taken with the advice of the high officers of the Army. However, when those photos began to become continuously popular, he was ignored by the Army. He was transferred to the Head Quarters. He was sent for shows. He did not take leave for six months. A high officer of the army was a friend of his. Some media men invited him for meals. They started associating with his family members and their problems aggravated. They decided to send him home as a result. In the meantime, the problems within the Army began to escalate and he was compelled to desert his place of employment.

It is an accepted fact that the soldiers engaged in action have to face unimaginable experiences. Such soldiers may not be suitable for office work as well. Sometimes, Sagara may have been in such a position. He had evaded the Army, but his unruly behaviour was not on the wane. He was involved in an incident with the Galewela Police. It was a civil incident. As a result, he was arrested by the Army and was forced to spent six months in the ‘cell’. He had spent some time in ‘ Gal palliya’ and some media men had attempted to get him released from this place. However, he was released due to the efforts of high-ranked officers. But he lost his rank as a result of being punished. Arrangements had been made to rehabilitate him, but he was fed up with Army, a place which he had not served even for eight years.

After leaving the Army he went in search of jobs, armed with his photographs. Being a married man, he did not feel the burden because his wife, Priyanka, worked in the Army Hospital in Anuradhapura. He had met her when he was admitted to the hospital with severe injuries. Priyanka could not identify him as a soldier because he had his hair dyed and wore tattoos. At that time he was in civvies. He had explained to the journalist how she became his wife despite her protests. With the passage of time, he started selling fish with the little money he had in order to survive. Today he is a wholesale fish trader. He is engaged in the sale of fish from the river. He sells them wholesale to shops, markets and hawkers. He cuts the fish using a box of ice, pair of scales and a knife by the side of the road. Priyanka, who stopped working four years ago, assists him.

He engages in his trade mostly on Sundays and is seen near K.B.Ratnayake Vidyalaya. He spoke in agony because he had to face difficulties due to some Government officers.

He said, I remember the service we rendered on behalf of the war. We went on for months giving our commitment. We were good as long as the war raged. After the war, we are ignored as coconut refuse,” he complains.

It’s no surprise that these types of thoughts occupy his mind. A gigantic banner, covered with dust, is displayed at his home. I requested him to keep it clean. His quick reply was filled with uncontrollable emotions.

For what purpose should I keep it clean? How many places did I go in search of jobs? I was not offered a job even considering my service. Now we live with the grace of the Gods, by selling fish. We get some money when fish is available. On the other days we live by selling the furniture in our house,” says Sagara. His thoughts are diverse. This man, who speaks with pride when recalling the times with his Army colleagues, also speaks with great frustration. He spoke about the injustice caused to him and his friends after the war. But, the truth about all this is not known. But one thing is certain. Nine years have passed after the rebels were crushed in the war. It seems that the practice of appreciating the services of war heroes has gone with the wind. It is a mistake committed by us with regard to heroes like Sagara. It pricks our conscience when we think about the peace that we enjoy today.


Ranil changed his decision to quit politics, says prelate

August 15th, 2018

Yohan Perera and Athula Bandara in Anuradhapura Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe changed his decision to give up politics and leave the country several years ago following the advice of several leading Buddhist monks including the late Maduluwawe Sobhitha Thera, the Chief Incumbent of Mirisawetiya Venerable Ethalawetunu Wawe Dhanatilaka Thera said yesterday.

The Venerable Thera expressed these sentiments during a religious ceremony held at the Mirisawetiya Cheithiya to mark the present government’s completion of three years in office last evening.

Prime Minister Wickremesinghe was planning to give up politics and leave the country for higher studies but gave up the idea following the advice of leading monks including the late Venerable Maduluwawe Sobhitha Thera and myself. We told him not to give up politics and remain here. I personally phoned him and told him to change his decision and he heeded my request,” the thera said.

He said the Prime Minister was very good at selecting and deciding on things.

Mr. Wickremesinghe was heavily criticized for talking of Wi-Fi and he also predicted that coconut pluckers were going to own mobile phones around 30 years ago but today what he said has been proved to be correct,” the thera pointed out.

Weedkiller glyphosate ‘doesn’t cause cancer’ – Bayer

August 15th, 2018

Courtesy BBC

Pharmaceutical group Bayer has dismissed claims that an ingredient used in weed killers is carcinogenic.

The German company, which owns agriculture giant Monsanto, says herbicides containing glyphosate are safe.

On Friday, Monsanto was ordered to pay $289m (£226m) damages to a man who claimed the products caused his cancer.

A Californian jury said Monsanto should have warned users about the dangers of its Roundup and RangerPro weedkillers.

Bayer completed its $66bn takeover of Monsanto in June.

A gardener sprays plants with pesticide in Florida
Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image captionMany gardeners use the common weed killers

A Bayer spokesperson told the BBC the two companies operate independently. In a statement the company said: “Bayer is confident, based on the strength of the science, the conclusions of regulators around the world and decades of experience, that glyphosate is safe for use and does not cause cancer when used according to the label.”

The landmark lawsuit was the first to go to trial alleging a glyphosate link to cancer.

The claimant, groundsman Dewayne Johnson, was diagnosed with non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma in 2014. His lawyers said he regularly used a form of RangerPro while working at a school in Benicia, California.

He is among more than 5,000 similar plaintiffs across the US.

Glyphosate is the world’s most common weedkiller. The California ruling could lead to hundreds of other claims against Monsanto.

The company said it intends to appeal against the verdict.

Bottles of Monsanto's Roundup are seen for sale June 19, 2018 at a retail store in Glendale, CaliforniaImage copyrightGETTY IMAGES

What is glyphosate and is it dangerous?

Glyphosate was introduced by Monsanto in 1974, but its patent expired in 2000, and now the chemical is sold by various manufacturers. In the US, more than 750 products contain it.

In 2015, the International Agency for Research on Cancer, the World Health Organisation’s cancer agency, concluded that glyphosate was “probably carcinogenic to humans”.

However, the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) insists it is safe when used carefully.

The European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) also says glyphosate is unlikely to cause cancer in humans.

Last November 2017 EU countries voted to renew the licence of glyphosatedespite campaigns against it.

BBC North American correspondent James Cook reported that in California – where a judge recently ruled that coffee must carry a cancer warning – the agriculture industry sued to prevent such a label for glyphosate, even though the state lists it as a chemical known to cause cancer.

What happened in the groundsman case?

Jurors found on Friday that Monsanto had acted with “malice” and that its weed killers contributed “substantially” to Mr Johnson’s terminal illness.

Following an eight-week trial, the jury ordered the company to pay $250m in punitive damages together with other costs that brought the total figure to almost $290m.

Mr Johnson’s lawyer, Brent Wisner, said the jury’s verdict showed that the evidence against the product was “overwhelming”.

“When you are right, it is really easy to win,” he said.

‘මුර කරනා රූකඩයක් සිංහාසනයේ හිදුවා.. රට විකුණන සොරදෙටුවා අගමැති පුටුවේ නැටුවා..’ මහින්ද සුලග වේදිකාවේ කවියා ෆේස්බුක් කළඹයි..[Video]

August 15th, 2018

රංගන ශිල්පියෙකු හා කවියෙකු වන සමන් ඒකානායක විසින් කඩුවෙලදී පැවති ජන හමුවක ගායනා කරන ලද කවි පෙලක් මේ දිනවල සමාජ ජාලාවන්හි අතිශයින්ම ජනප‍්‍රියය.


August 14th, 2018


Soon after a Yahapalana government elected to the office in 2015, the major promise (under the social inclusion policy) given to the country, was to introduce anti-discrimination law and a drafted bill for the legislation also published, but it was withdrawn and the reason to withdraw the bill was informally publicized that certain minor parties did not like to the law.  The general public of Sri Lanka has understood that minority parties consider that discrimination to lower class people or other religions is a right of them, however, democratic societies don’t recognize this wonderful right and principally accepted that human have equal rights irrespectively any dictions or differences.  Nevertheless, the Rajapaksa regime was in power recognised the requirement of anti-discrimination legislation. People have not seen any statement or comments made by Yahapalana advocates or international human right organizations on the government stand in regard to anti-discrimination and this situation is very astonishing to people who trust on democracy in Sri Lanka.

Why Sri Lanka had been suffered by an ethnic-based civil war for a long time?  Many policymakers in the country did not seriously consider the root cause of the problem.  It seems that the minority ethnic groups in the country had a reasonable feeling of discrimination being done by the major ethnic group, though there is no convincing evidence for it.  The basis for ethnic problems in all over the world appears to be no any other reasons than the feelings of minority ethnic groups that they are discriminated by the majority.  When compared to animals, human being is subject to provoked by discrimination, which motivates acting against discriminators by peaceful or violent manner (The Ghandian movement in India) and when there are economic, social, cultural or ethnic differences in the society, discrimination feelings have an upward trend.

Discrimination feelings are vigorously influenced by colour bars, racial and religious differences, provincial differences, caste dictions, political and social ideology and many other diverse factors and people are naturally reacting against discriminators, if there is no effective comportment to the issue.  The experience in some countries showed that the response from the people subject to discrimination was violent. The best example was South Africa.  From the point of views of academics and psychologists, the lack of a cultural design in the society for preventing discrimination is the major cause for collective violence.  Historically, there is no hard evidence that Sinhala majority in Sri Lanka has discriminated minority provoking them to take arms against Sinhala majority.  In fact, it was not clear whether LTTE terrorism was a military response against Sinhala majority, but not a single Tamil leader has expressed that Sinhala people discriminate Tamils except few Tamil leaders such as Mr Sundaralingam and Mr A. Amirairthalingam. However, certain reactions of LTTE such as killing people in Dollar and Kent farms, Killing Buddhist monks in Arantalava, killing innocent people who were travelling in Buses and Trains, and Killing people attacking to Central Bank and Telecom office displayed that the war was indirectly against Sinhala majority as the bulk of deaths in those reactions were people of Sinhala majority.

Tamil people are reluctant to state that their community is discriminated by Sinhala people as there is no provable evidence for such a statement. In some instances, Tamil leaders expressed that Sinhala government does the discrimination, but they were purely political rhetoric for attracting votes from minority. Similar statements were made by Tamil politicians before independence and at that time rulers were British, who were regarded as democratic administrators. The democracy is defined as a rule of majority and if Sinhala people were the majority of the population, the majority of Sinhala representatives would be elected to the state assembly.  On the other hand, visible truth is that the majority of Tamils in the country are peacefully living with Sinhala people and there are no records that Sinhala people in the government services or the government services in the country have rejected to provide services to Tamils. All kind of services in Sri Lanka are provided together without any discrimination to minorities.

LTTE terrorist’s movement was originated with the support of India and Indian policy was to create puppet regimes in surrounding countries and originally LTTE movement was armed by India against the UNP regime, which was led by Mr JR Jayawardane.  After the defeat of LTTE terrorism, Indian strategy failed, however, associated with the old enemy, UNP to get revenge from the Rajapaksa regime, which worked to bring China closer. Therefore, it is clear that the issue was not discrimination to ethnically related Tamils but having a close relationship with China.

According to past experience in Sri Lanka the minority attitudes toward violent reactions of LTTE was seemingly justified by Tamil leaders as such violence have severely affected to the majority.  If we stand on impartial point of views, humans are equal whether they are belonging to minority or majority. if any violence recorded against majority or minority, they are crimes against humanity and it could not be justified or excluded that any violence done by minority against majority is justifiable and the violence of the minority are also needed to treat as criminal acts. Many ordinary people of Sri Lanka have general understanding that the Geneva process on the war crime investigation appears to be partially justification of minority violence and the behaviour of Arm forces to protect humanity (minority and majority) was accused as a war crime.  International official of human rights has not explained to Sri Lankans that they are performing impartial role and they take actions against LTTE also for monumental crime that committed during 30 years.  However, there is no one to take responsibility on behalf of LTTE, but Arm forces and the government of Sri Lanka have to take responsibility for impartial role of arm forces. The opinion of general public is that there is no justice in Geneva process as they are appeared to be bias against the arm forces of Sri Lanka.

The behaviour of Tamil parties in regard to the introduction of anti-discrimination law, appears that the minority attempt to justify discrimination, if discrimination is done by the minority. If high caste Tamils discriminate lower class people, it is justified. Many lower-caste Tamils are not allowed to enter some temple of high caste Tamils, which against the social inclusion that the major social policy of European union.  Many educated Sri Lankans are of opinion that the halting of anti-discrimination law was a mistake and if Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna comes to power, it should be passed by them and anti-discrimination should be a law of the country. Mr. SWRD Bandaranaike was the person first adapted social inclusion by his Sanga, Weda, Guru, Govi and Camkaru Policy.

Since the manifestation of human being to this world, the diversity has been a part of our planet.  Diversity exists not only in the human being but also in other areas such as weather, soil structure; water, forestry and many other areas.  The diversity in the environment is being treated as an asset to human being, however, the diversity among human is shown as a negative factor because many violence in the world is caused by people due to diversity.

Many economists and social scientists interpret that Japan achieved a quick economic progress after the World War 2 as the major contributing factor was a single ethnic group in the country, where had a strong trust on each other and a single ethnic community did not support to discriminate Japanese citizens or create discrimination feelings among Japanese people.  One language and one ethnic base maintained harmony among the Japanese nation.  This truth also can be seen at reasonable extent in Korean, Vietnam and Chinese societies.  The rapid economic growth in those Asian societies was supported by the uniformity of the ethnic base of citizens. Despite the unity in Asian nations, we can see disastrous events in Indian sub-continent countries.

In Western societies, it is observable that the uniformity in skin colour of people has contributed to economic and social progress because the uniformity in skin colour was a factor in maintaining ethnic harmony. This may be a critical point because wars such as Norman invasion and Nazism were between white people in the history. The uniformity in skin colour was not really contributed to avoid wars or social problems. Even in the modern world, there is a war between West and Middle East, despite both groups have same skin colour.  However, when there was a labour shortage for economic development, Western society allowed black and brown skinned people entering into their countries as the white majority needed the labour of black and brown skin people. This means that when people are economically prosperous, they tend to ignore differences

As a result of ethnic mixture, discrimination mentality created in the Western society. In such a situation, Western countries introduced anti-discrimination laws to tackle the problem rather than dividing their countries by power sharing in new constitutions.  The fundamental beliefs and actions in Western countries for Asian and African countries to divide countries by introducing power sharing constitutions.  However, in western countries introduced anti-discrimination laws rather than power sharing and division of countries. For example, Britain faced with serious divisive problems but never changed its unitary status of the country.  On the other hand, white people positively tolerated ethnic entrance as it supported to their economic wellbeing.  The Western example proves that when people are economically in a better condition, they are ready to ignore ethnic differences and intolerance.  The best examples from Asia for this argument is Singapore and Malaysia, where the majority of Chinese and Malays tolerate entrance of other ethnics such as Indians, it creates jobs and business to them.

Sri Lanka also can develop a homegrown solution to ethnic problem rather than listening to ill advices of Western countries. The Sri Lankan government needs analysing the historical background of the ethnic issue without bias.  The historical evidence of Sri Lankan society provides information that, in spite of Sinhala and Tamil names Sri Lankans have a uniform ethnic base and two factors contributed to hate the peaceful environment were religion, and discrimination.  According to Mahavamsa, Senna, Gutthika, and Elara invaded Sri Lanka with Soli, Pandi and Kerala soldiers who horribly discriminated and abused Sinhala people and later invaders such as Maga also followed the same discriminatory and destructive policies in the country.  That is how discrimination and hate began between the two communities in terms of Mahavamsa.  There is no doubt that religious differences, social discrimination and physical abuses of South Indian invaders massively contributed to ethnic problems in the country.


August 14th, 2018


According to historical evidence, administrators in the history were dictators, who haven’t had mental abilities or lateral thinking power to manipulate effective solutions and approach for problem-solving.  They tried to control the society in iron pits.  Religious leaders and administrators in the history fuelled the issue and ignorance of them without skills for problem-solving, ethnic issues expanded from generation to generation.

Although Mahavamsa attempted to interpret that ethnic issues in Sri Lanka began with South Indian invaders, before embarkation of Vijaya, Sri Lanka’s society divided as ethnic or religious basis as Yakka, Naga, and Devas in the history before Vijaya embarked on the country.  The differences in that society were based on religious or ethnic reasons, which were unknown to the present.  We have no written historical evidence on the society before Vijaya, but the story of Lord Buddha’s visit to Sri Lanka reasonably proves that Sri Lanka had violence between communities before embarkation of Vijaya.

The other significant point in relation to the history that Sri Lanka was under Western rules for about 500 years and the western rulers did not challenge the country’s unitary status and Portuguese supported King Senerat to crush so called Jaffna Kingdom and unite Sri Lanka in a unitary status.  They never allowed to annex Sri Lanka to India.  In Sri Lanka, 75% of people are Sinhala and only 25% consist of all other ethnic groups.  The responsibility of the government is to protect all ethnic groups not only minority groups looking for their votes to be in power.

In this historical background, Sri Lanka’s government requires to identifying root causes for ethnic problems.  Many independent thinkers look at this problem from the point of view of discriminatory feelings of people among minority and lack of economic opportunities to them in the current society.  Usually, the yahapalana analytical point of views is based on policies of political parties, which are quite biased towards the majority because the existence of them is determined by the votes of the minority.  The government should look at the independent point of views because the ethnic issue is not like short-term politics; it is an issue that is moving forward from generation to generation making massive destruction to the country.

Why the minority has discriminatory feelings? In the past political administrators introduced laws encouraging discrimination of minority for purely their own political advantages.  When compared to Western society, Sri Lanka’s political system always encourages discrimination of minority through laws and religious leaders always fuelled the issue supporting discrimination, which is fundamentally against their religious philosophy.  Politicians wanted to create the power bases rather than ethnic harmony.  Religious leaders wanted to take revenge rather than achieving Nirvana in doing good things.

When analysing Sri Lanka’s ethnic problem, nobody can ignore that the problem is fuelled by South Indian Politicians, who have vicious elements against Sri Lanka.  Generally, Tamils in Sri Lanka are much better off than Indian Tamils.  Economically, socially and educationally Sri Lanka Tamils are equal to Malaysian Tamils, however, Indian politicians attempt to use the issue as a vehicle to gain power in India aggravating of Indian Tamils using unknown problem in Sri Lanka.  Honestly, they do not concern about Sri Lankan Tamils whether they are in a better position or not.  Indian Tamil politicians are not concerned on Tamils in Malaysia or Singapore because they do not needs Indian supports.  This situation created due to the economic prosperity of Tamils in Malaysia and Singapore.  When Sri Lankan Tamils gained much higher economic status than Indian Tamils, then they won’t cry for Sri Lankan Tamils and they press Indian politicians to achieve similar economic prosperity.

To resolve the problem now, it is needed to forget the past and introduce anti-discrimination law rather than a divisive 13th amendment to the constitution or a new constitution which appear to be more divisive.  Under the anti-discrimination law, each and every citizen in the country are equal irrespective of any differences.  Racial verification law in Australia applied to every citizen in the country and nobody can even refer to a race with a discriminative motive.  Sri Lanka’s situation is completely different, it is allowed to discriminate minority by actions as well as words of mouth. Why the government cannot stop this discriminatory environment through encouraging a strong united Sri Lanka without differences.  For the minority to accept Sri Lanka’s government action, it needs government decisions on ethnic issues, which are transparent to everybody.

If the government plays a double game with the issue (like yahapalanaya), it would not be successful.  The government needs to especially address religious leaders and tell them directly and in an open manner that they are supposed to prepare people achieving haven or nirvana rather than working against achieving it through preaching for hate.  Lord Buddha clearly stated that for hate will not remove hate but love   will remove hate. In this situation what Western countries did is useful to Sri Lanka too.  B.F Skinner, a famous psychologist expressed that the concept of human nature and a good society through cultural design are the foundations of human behaviour.

Sri Lanka’s ethnic problem was created by human behaviour which has been influenced by the environment that is supporting to discriminatory feelings of the minority.  Human beings are both controllers and controlled.  When the government creates a good environment through a cultural design, ethnic problems could be eliminated forever and ever.

Politicians in Sri Lanka are corrupt irrespective of whether they are in government or in opposition, whether they are socialist or capitalists.  Tamil politicians are more corrupt than Sinhala politician and they discriminate their own Tamils based on various factors such as castes, regions, family backgrounds, educated place and many other factors using.  When the current government elected soon it wanted introduce anti-discrimination law but it was withdrawn without giving any reasons.  It seems that the government does not want to solve problem but want to continue the problem like a beggar’s wound.

How to create a good society or good environment in the country without discriminatory elements, B.F Skinner indicated that a good society could be created by a cultural design, which means that the society should introduce laws, rules, and regulations.  Controls are essential to make people more sensitive to the consequences of human behaviour. In Sri Lanka’s society it seems that human behaviour is too open in regards to sensitive matters, such as religion, race, caste and many other things.  The cultural design means rules, regulations, and procedures in the society.  Sri Lanka needs to introduce anti-discrimination law and variety of rules and regulations like in Western society to control human behaviour and eliminate discrimination feelings of minority ethnic groups in the country.

The division of Sri Lanka’s land, creating ethnic-based provinces would not support to change the human behaviour or discriminatory feelings of people.  Sri Lanka’s political parties still not considered a cultural design for uniting the country. It has already experienced that so-called ethnic solution under the provincial government was not successful, in fact, it has created serious fiscal problems to the country increasing spending and creating a huge budget deficit and pressure to spending process of country.  So far, we can observe that ethnic solutions coming from the West are too divisive and they have in mind that a federal system would be a solution to the problem but it is a mirage, a small country needs a unitary administration system with well-designed laws, rules, and regulations.  If any ethnic solution would be a long-term economic burden to the country, such solutions need rejection because the economy is the fundamental base of existing all the community of the country.

Many Western countries, South India and local Tamil politicians do not talk about cultural design for uniting Sri Lankan communities.  They talk and support for dividing Sri Lanka for increasing hate and strategies for extravagant problems in the future.  Leaders of Sri Lanka must have a base of thinking that any solution, which is a challenge to the economic progress of the country that should be rejected and the unitary status of the country should be an essential condition because it would help successful implementation of economic projects of central government.

What kind of anti-discrimination laws are needed by Sri Lanka?  This is also quite a significant issue that attracts wider debate and point of views from different communities.  The fundamental bedrock of anti-discrimination laws is to recognize the equality of human beings whether they are Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim or any other, and also recognizes the equal rights for them.  Sometimes, anti–discrimination laws might challenge certain personal laws such as Thesawalamai Law, Muslim Law, Kandyan Law and Buddhist Temple Law and there should be required to adopt effective strategies to avoid possible clashes between anti-discrimination laws.  According to current legal systems of Sri Lanka, when there are problems within personal laws, judges apply common law provisions, which may be Roman law provisions, statutory laws or judge-made laws.  If the parliament passes a law in relation to anti-discrimination it would become a common law which could not be challenged by personal laws. Sri Lanka is to citizens of Sri Lanka, which means that there shouldn’t be any restrictions in access to land and doing business to any group of citizens whether they are Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim or any other.  Current personal laws badly discarnate citizens.

සීගිරි බිතු  සිතුවම් සංරක්ෂණයේ අභියෝග

August 14th, 2018

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

සිංහල ඉතිහාසයේ  මහා සුරු විරු කම් පෑ නරපතියන් මෙන්ම මහා කාලාකාමී හැකියාවන් ගෙන් සමන්විතව සිටි නරපතියන්ද වූහ.ධාතුසේන මහරජු ගේ පුත් කාශ්‍යප ගැන කිව යුතු වන්නේ සිය ආරක්ෂාව වෙනුවෙන් ඉඳි කල බලකොටු නගරය මහා කලාගාරයක් බවට පත් කර ගත් ආකාරයයි. ඇතෙමෙක් මේ සීගිරි බල නගරය හඳුන්වන්නේ ආලකමන්දාව යනුවෙනි. රාවණ ගේ පරපුරේ කුවෙර ගේ ආලකමන්දාව යනුවෙනි. කෙසේ වෙතත් ලංකාවට කීර්තියක් අත් කර දුන් ස්මාරයකයන් අතර  සීගිරිය ඉදිරියෙන්ම ඇත. එය ලෝක උරුමයක් ලෙසට යුනෙස්කෝව විසින් නම් කරන ලද්දේය  . එහෙත් සැබවින්ම සීගිරිය යනු ජාතික උරුමයකි. සිංහලයන්ට සිය අභිමානය කියැ පෑ හැකි විස්මිත නිර්මිතයකි. සීගිරිය නිර්මාණය කොට එහි කලා කෘති නිර්මාණය කොට දැන් අවම වශයෙන් වසර එක්දහස් පන්සීයක කාලයක් ගතව ඇත්තේය. කලක් ඝන වනයට යටව පැවතුණු සීගිරිය 1831 වර්ෂයේදී   හෙළි පෙහෙළි කර ගනු ලැබිණ. එච්.සී.පී.බෙල් මහතා 1851 වර්ෂයේදී සීගිරිය තරණය කළේය. මහාචාර්ය සෙනරත් පරණවිතානයන් ද ඒ මග ගනිමින් සීගිරි කලාගාරය නැවත ප්‍රකෘතිමත් කිරීමටත් සීගිරි කුරුටු ගී කියවා ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරලීමටත් කටයුතු කළේය.

             ලක්දිව  චිත්‍ර කලාව පිළිබඳ අධ්‍යනය කිරීමේදී සීගිරි චිත්‍ර මුල් තැනක් ගනී. දැනට අපට සීගිරියෙන් හමුවනුයේ චිත්‍ර 22ක් වැනි සුළු ප්‍රමාණයකි.ක්‍රි.ව.8 වන ශතවර්ෂයේ දී ලියවී ඇති සීගිරි කුරුටු ගීයකට අනුව රන්වන් ලියන් 502කගේ චිත්‍ර පිළිබඳව සඳහන් වේ.ප්‍රධාන වශයෙන් සීගිරි චිත්‍ර බටහිර ගල් පර්වතයෙහි ඇඳ තිබෙන අතර ඊට අමතරව දැරණියගල ගුහාව,  බක්කිගල ගුහාව,නයිපෙන ගුහාව(පරුමක ලෙන) යන ස්ථානවලින් ද සිතුවම් හමු වී තිබේ. මිනිස් ප්‍රමාණයට වඩා තරමක් කුඩා ලෙස සුකුමාල ලලනාවන්ගේ උඩුකය රූප  වළාකුළුවලින් නික්මෙන්නාසේ ඇඳ තිබේ. මෙම චිත්‍ර ඇඳීමේදී වර්ණ භාවිතය විශේෂය. වර්ණ සකසා ගැනීමේදී රජරට බහුලව දක්නට ඇති අමුද්‍රව්‍ය භාවිතා කර තිබේ. එනම්,ගොකටු කිරි, මකුළු මැටි, රණවරා ආදිය වේ.මෑතකදී ඉතාලියේ ඉක්‍රොම් අයතනයේ  විශේෂඥ ෆැබ්රීසියෝ බන්ධනී විසින් කරන ලද අධ්‍යනයකදී හෙළි වී ඇත්තේ චිත්‍ර සිතුවම් කිරීමේ පෘෂ්ඨය ස්ථර තුනකින් යුක්ත බවයි.ඒවා රතු මැටි (හුඹස් මැටි) ශාක කොටස් සිහින් වැලි වලින් සමන් විතය. ස්ථර දෙකක පමණ හුණු මද වශයෙන් යොදා ගෙන තිබේ.එම වැලි මැටි බදාමය බන්ධනය කිරීමට ගිවුල් ලාටු වැනි ස්වභාවික ගම් වර්ග භාවිතා කර ඇත. ලලනාරූප ශරීර හැඩයන්ට අනුකූලව තෙලිතුඩ හසුරුවාලීම නිසා සීගිරි සිතුවම් ඈතට පෙනෙනුයේ වර්ණයෙන් අඹන ලද රූප ලෙසය. සිංහල සාහිත්‍යයේ   දක්වා ඇති අගින් සිහින් වූ ඇඟිලි,සිහිනිඟ,මස්පිඩු පිරුණු පුළුලුකුල,වට වූ පුන්පියයුරු,දෙතොල් සහ දෙකොන සිහින්ව ගිය දිගු ඇස් සීගිරි සිත්තමින් අලංකාර වී යයි සිතේ.

         මෙම අලංකාර චිත්‍ර කාලයේ විපරීත බවින් දේශගුණික විපරීත බවින් ද මුදවා ගන්නට නොහැකිය. මිල කළ නොහැකි සීගිරි බිතු සිතුවම් වරින් වර විනාශව යන්නට කරුණු ගොනු වන්නේ එහෙයිනි. වරක් සාහසිකයෙකු විසින් සීගිරි සිතුවම් මත තීන්ත ගා කුලු ගෙඩියෙන්ද පලුදු කර තිබුණි. නවසිය හැටේ දශකයේ දී මෙම විනාශය මග හරවා සිතුවම් යලි යථාතත්වයට පත් කිරීමට ඉතාලි ජාතික ලුසියානො මරන්සි පැමිණ ගියහ. පසුගිය කාලයේද ඒවා නැවතත් අභියෝග රැසකට මුහුණ දුන්හ.සීගිරිය සම්බන්ධව වගකීම දරන ආයතන කීපයකි. එකක් පුරාවිද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවයි. අනෙක මධ්‍යම සංස්කෘතික අරමුදලයි. නව සිය හැටේ දශකයෙන් පසුව සීගිරි චිත්‍ර නැවත අභියෝගයට ලක් විය. ඒ එම චිත්‍ර මතින් විශේෂයෙන්ම ලලනාවන්ගේ මුහුණු වසා ගෙන පැතිරුණු සුදු පැහැ වලා පටලයක් නිසාවෙනි.මෙම ලිපිය සැකසෙන්නේ පුරාවිද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව විසින් එම අභියෝගය ජය ගන්නට සහ නිවරදි පරිදි සංරක්ෂණයට ගත් ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයන් පෙන්වා දීමටයි.

       අපගේ පැරණි චිත්‍ර ශිල්පීන් විහාරස්ථාන බිතු සිතුවම් මෙන්ම මෙවැනි ලෞකික සිතුවම් ඇඳීම පිණිස ස්වභාවික අමුද්‍රව්‍යන්ම යොදා ගත්හ. ඒවා වියැකී යන කල්හි. නැවත ඒවා මත සිතුවම් අදිමින් සංරක්ෂණ ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයන් අනුගමනය කළහ.එයට හේතුව බෞද්ධ සංස්කෘතිය  ජීවමාන උරුමයක් ලෙසින් සැලකූ බැවිනි. මහනුවර දළාද මාළිගාවට කොටි ත්‍රස්තයන් එල්ල කල බෝම්බ ප්‍රහාරයෙන් පසු. එහි වරිච්චි බිත්ති මත ඇඳ තිබූ පැරණි බිතු සිතුවම් යලි මතු විය. රජ දවස සංරක්ෂණ  ක්‍රියාදාමය එලෙසයි. විසි වන සියවසේ  මෙම චිත්‍ර සංරක්ෂණයට නවීන රසායන ද්‍රව්‍යයන් යොදා ගන්නට සිදු විය.1943 දී ෂානා වුල්ලා ඛාන් හිටපු පුරාවිද්‍යා කොමසාරිස් රාජා ද සිල්වා මහතා සහ මහාචාර්ය නන්දා වික්‍රමසිංහ යන  යන විද්වතුන් මේ සීගිරි චිත්‍ර සංරක්ෂණයේ පුරෝගාමීන් වූහ. ඉන්පසු නන්දා වික්‍රමසිංහ මැතිණිය යටතේ එහි දෙවනියා වශයෙන් කටයුතු කළ 1983 දී පුරාවිද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට එක්වුණු යූ .වතුගේ මහතා දැනට පුරාවිද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ   රසායන සංරක්ෂණ අංශයේ අධ්‍යක්ෂ ධූරය දරයි.

    1968 ඔක්තෝබර් 13 දින සීගිරි චිත්‍ර විනාශ කළ පසු මරන්සි මහාතා ගේ උපදෙස් මත ඒම චිත්‍ර  වල ගා තිබූ තීන්ත ඉවත් කර නැවත යථා තත්ත්වයට පත් කර ගන්නා ලදී. 2004 වසරේ දී යට සඳහන් කළ පරිදි ලලනාවන් ගේ මුහුණ මතින් පැතිර ගිය සුදු වලා පටලය කුමක්දැයි නිවරදිව හඳුනා ගන්නා ලද්දේ යූ. වතුගේ මහතාය.ඔහු එම සොයා ගැනීම විස්තර කරන්නේ මෙසේය.

       සීගිරි චිත්‍ර සංරක්ෂණය පිළිබඳ නිරන්තර අවධානයෙකින් ඉන්නට සිදු වන්නේ ඒ චිත්‍ර ලෝක උරුමයන් අතරට එක් වීම නිසයි. මෙම චිත්‍ර සංරක්ෂණයට අපට වරින් වර යුනෙස්කෝ සංවිධානයේ විශෙෂඥයන් ගෙන උපදෙස් ලැබෙනවා. මම රසායන සංරක්ෂණ අංශයට එක් වූවාට පසු ඉන්දියාවට ගොස්  පුහුණුව ලබා පැමිණියා.2004 වර්ෂයේ දී මා දැක්කා මෙම චිත්‍ර නැවත යම් අභියෝගකට මුහුණ දී තිබෙන වග ඒවා සඳහා යම් අකාබනික රසායන වර්ග කීපයක් යොදමින් යථා තත්තවයට පත් කිරීමට වෑයම් කරමන් සිටින අවදියේ 2010 දී පමණ මේ විනාශය පත්‍ර මාර්ගයෙන් ප්‍රසිද්ධ වුණා. එම වාර්තා නිසා මට එරෙහිව පරික්ෂණයක් පවා සිදු වුණා. එහිදී මහාචාර්ය ජගත් වීරසිංහ මොහාන් අබේරත්න මහාචාර්ය නිමල් සිල්වා වැනි විද්වතුන් ගේ කමිටුවක් පත් කලා.නමුත් ඔවුහු තහවුරු කලා මම භාවිත කළ රසායන ද්‍රව්‍ය මගින් එම විනාශය සිදු නොවුණ බව. ඒ සමගම යුනෙස්කෝවේ අනග්‍රහය මත ඉතාලි ජාතික බන්ධනී ද ලෝක උරුම කාර්යාලයේ කැකුලේ සහ ක්‍රිස්ටීන් ප්ලෙෂර්  මෙහි පැමිණ මේ චිත්‍ර ගැන පර්යේෂණ කරමින් වාර්තා දෙකක් එළි දක්වා තිබෙනවා. ඊට අමතරව පුරාවිද්‍යා පශචාත් උපාධි අයතනය මගින් කල පරීක්ෂණය මගින් (පොලිවිනියුල් ඇසිටේට් ) වැනි දෙයක් මෙම පටලය තුළ තිබෙන බව තහවුරු කර ගත්තා.මම කලින් නිගමනය කළ සැකය ඔවුන් තහවුරු කර තිබෙනවා. ඒ කියන්නේ මේ මතුව තිබෙන්නේ ජිප්සම් විශේෂයක්. 2014 වසරින් පසුව මම නිවි හැනිල්ලේ මෙම චිත්‍ර යළිත් සංරක්ෂණය ආරම්භ කොට අද වන විට එය අවසන් කොට තිබෙනවා. මෙම වලා පටලය මතු වීමට හේතුව මරන්සි මහතා විසින් කැඩුණු බදාම සවි කිරීමට භාවිතා කල පෙසොලෝනා බදාමයේ ජිප්සම් සහ ගම් වර්ග තිබීමයයි අනුමාන කරනවා.. වාතයේ තෙතමනය සමග එක්කාසු වී මේවා සිහින් පටලයක් ලෙස විසිරෙන්නට පටන් ගත්තා. නමුත් මම තේරුම් ගත්තා අකාබනික රසායන වර්ග කීපක් පාවිච්චි කිරීමෙන් මෙම උවදුර පහ කර ගත හැකි බව. මොකද මැටි බදාම වල සහ වර්ණ වල තිබෙන කාබනික රසායන සහ අකාබනික රසායන ප්‍රතික්‍රියා කරන්නේ නැහැ. එම වෑයම සාර්ථක වුණා. දැන් ඒ ගුහාවේ චිත්‍ර නැවත යථා තත්වයට පත්ව තිබෙනවා.

            සැබවින්ම මෙම අත්දැකීමෙන් අපට පසක් වන්නේ ඉතාමත් අවම පහසුකම් යටතේ වුවද පුරා විද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේනේතුවේ  විශේෂඥයන්ට ලංකාවේ සංරක්ෂණ කටයුතු කළ හැති ආකාරයයි.2016 දී දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ ඡායාරූප අංශයේ අර්ජුන මහතා සහ පිරිසක් එක්ව සීගිරිචිත්‍ර නව ඩිජිටල් ක්‍රමයට පිටපත් කිරීම එක් උදාහරණයක්. ඒ ඡායාරූප මගින් සිදුවන හානි ඉතා ඉක්මනින් හඳුනාගන්නට හැකිවනවා. එම නිර්මාණ ශීලී තත්ත්වය වැඩි දියුණු කිරීමට නම් නව තරුණ නිළධාරීන් ඉදිරියට ගත යුතුය. වැඩි දුර පුහුණුවට විදේශ වලට යවා යලි මෙහි ගෙන්වා ගෙන ලංකාවේ බිතු සිතුවම් මෙන්ම වාස්තු නිර්මිතියන් ආරක්ෂා කර ගත යුතුයි.එහෙත් ශෝචනීය තත්ත්වය නම් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ සිටින නිළධාරින් බොහොමයක් සරිලන වැටුපත් නොලැබීමත් උසස් වීම් නොලැබීමත් වැඩි දුර පුහුණු සඳහා අවශ්‍ය පහසු කම් නොලබමින් කළ කිරීමෙන් පසු වීමයි. වතුගේ මහතා ද තව වැඩි කලක් යන්නට ප්‍රථම විශ්‍රාම යන්නේය.ඉන්පසු ඒම රික්තය පිරවීම ලෙසෙහි පහසු නොවේ. ඇමති වරුන්ගේ  සහ ලේකම් වරුන් ගේ බල අරගල වලට මැදි වී මිරිකී තිබෙන මෙවැනි වටිනා ආයතන යලි නගා සිටුවීමට නම් ඒවායේ මුල් පුටුවලට පුරාවිද්‍යාව මෙන්ම රටේ සංස්කෘතිය ස්පර්ශ කරන අවංක නිළධාරීන් පත් විය යුතුය.ලංකාවේ ස්මාරකයන් සියල්ල අයත් වන්නේ ජාතික උරමයන්ටයි. ඒවා කෞතුක වටිනා කමකින් යුක්ත වුවද ජීවමාන සංස්කෘතියේ පැතිකඩයන්ය. ඒවා කලමනාකරනයට පුරාවස්තු ආඥා පණත ප්‍රමාණවත් නැත. ඒ වෙනුවට ජාතික උරුම කළමනාකරන පණතක් අවශ්‍ය වන්නේය.එසේ  නොවන  විට සීගිරිය වැනි අගනා ජාතික උරුමයන් චීනයට හෝ ඉන්දියාවට පවරා දීමට යමෙක් කටයුතු කරන්නේ නම් එය පුදුමයට කරුණක් නොවේ..

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

ශ‍්‍රී ජයවර්ධන පුර රෝහලේ සිදු කරනු ලබන මරණ පරීක්‍ෂණ සඳහා මුදල් අයකිරීමට තීරණය කිරීම සම්බන්ධවයි.

August 14th, 2018

වෛද්‍ය ජයන්ත බණ්ඩාර ප‍්‍රධාන ලේකම් සමස්ත ලංකා වෛද්‍ය නිළධාරීන්ගේ සංගමය

වෛද්‍ය අතුල කහඳලියනගේ,
ශ‍්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර රෝහල,


ශ‍්‍රී ජයවර්ධන පුර රෝහලේ සිදු කරනු ලබන මරණ පරීක්‍ෂණ සඳහා මුදල් අයකිරීමට තීරණය කිරීම සම්බන්ධවයි.

ශ‍්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර රෝහල් කළමණාකරන මණ්ඩලය විසින් 2018. 06. 28 දින කරන ලද තීරණයක් අනුව නිකුත් කරන ලද ලිපියක් අනුව ශ‍්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර රෝහලේදී සිදුකරනු ලබන මරණ පරීක්‍ෂණ සඳහා එක් මරණ පරීක්‍ෂණක් වෙනුවෙන් රු. 2500/- ක මුදලක් අයකිරීමට තීරණය කර ඇති බව දන්වා ඇත. එම මුදල ගෙවන තුරු මෘත ශරීරය නිදහස් නොකරන බව එහි දක්වා ඇත.‍

ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාව තුල රජයේ රෝහල් තුලදී මරණ පරීක්‍ෂණ සඳහා මුදල් අයනොකරනු ලබන අතර ශ‍්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර රෝහල තුලදී සිදු කරනු ලැබූ මරණ පරීක්‍ෂණ සඳහා මුදල් අයකරනු ලැබුවේ නැත. ශ‍්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර රෝහලේ සිදු කරනු ලැබූ මරණ පරීක්‍ෂණ සිදු කරනු ලැබුවේ කලූබෝවිල රෝහලේ වෛද්‍යවරුන් හා හදිසි මරණ පරීක්‍ෂකවරුන් විසිනි.
මෙසේ ඔබ පරිපාලනය යටතේ පවතින ශ‍්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර රෝහලේ මරණ පරීක්‍ෂණ සඳහා මුදල් අයකිරීම තීරණය කරනු ලැබුවේ කුමන කරුණු මතද යන්න පැහැදිලි කරන ලෙස ඉල්ලා සිටිමු.


වෛද්‍ය ජයන්ත බණ්ඩාර
ප‍්‍රධාන ලේකම්
සමස්ත ලංකා වෛද්‍ය නිළධාරීන්ගේ සංගමය

ජීවිත බේරා ගැනීම

August 14th, 2018

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග

මම  පරමාදර්ශී වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු හෝ  පරමාදර්ශී මිනිසෙකු නොවෙමි. එහෙත් මාගේ වෘත්තිය හරහා මට මිනිස් ජීවිත රැසක් බේරා ගැනීමට හැකි විය. ඉන්ටර්න්වරයෙකු ලෙස මාතලේ රෝහලේ ජීවිත අවදානම් සහිතව රෝහල් ගතවූ රෝගීන් බොහෝ දෙනෙකු හට  පළමු ප්‍රතිකාරය රෝහලේදී ලබා දී ඉන් පසු විශේෂඥ වෛද්‍යවරු හරහා අදාල දිර්ඝ ප්‍රතිකාරයන් ලබා ගැනීමට සලස්වා ඔවුන් ගේ ජීවිත බේරාගත්තෙමි.  වරක්  කඩු පහරවල් ලබා බොහෝ කැපුම් තුවාල සහ අධික රුධිර වහනය තිබූ රෝගියෙකු  ඉරිදා දිනයක සවස රෝහල් ගත කෙරුනි. එදින වාට්ටුවේ සියළු වෛද්‍යවරු නිවාඩු ගොස් සිටි අතර විශේෂඥ වෛද්‍යවරයා දුරකථනයෙන් සම්බන්ධ කර ගැනීමටද නොහැකි විය. ඉන්ටර්න්වරයෙකු ලෙස මම අභියෝගය භාර ගෙන කැපුම් තුවාල මසා රුධිර වහනය නවතා ඔහුට රුධිරය පාරවිළනය කොට රෝගියාගේ ජීවිතය බේරා ගත්තෙමි. සඳුදා දහවල් දොලහත් පසුවී වාට්ටුවට ආ විශේෂඥ වෛද්‍යවරයා ඉතා උදාසීන දෙනෙත් වලින් මා කල වික්‍රමය ගැන අසා සිට පසුව කිසිවක් නොකියා වාට්ටුවෙන් පිටවී ගියේය. මගේ හිටපු බොස් යම් ආකාරයක වෘත්තීය දැවීමකට ලක්ව සිටි අතර මිනිසුන් ගේ ජීවිත බේරා ගැනීම නිසා ලබන සතුට ඔහුට වින්දනය කරන්නට නොහැකි විය. එය එක්තරා ආකාරයක අවාසනාවකි. 

පළමු පත්වීම ලබා ගෙන මිනිපේ ප්‍රදේශයේ නොදියුණු ග්‍රාම ප්‍රදේශයක තිබූ ග්‍රාමීය රෝහලකට ගිය අනෙකුත් බොහෝ වෛද්‍යවරු කලාක් මෙන්  පීපී කොට දුප්පත් ගොවි ජනතාව සූරා නොකෑවෙමි. ඒ මා තුල තිබූ යහ ගුණයක් නිසා නොවේ. බෙහෙත් ගැනීම සඳහා වී ගෝනියක් රුපියල් පණහට විකුනන , නිතරම බත් සමග මයියොක්කා කොළ මළවාගෙන කන ,දිනපතා  කසිප්පු බොන  අලසව දිවි ගෙවන  සහ  කපටි දේශපාලකයන්ව වන්දනා කරන  කෘෂවී ගිය ශරීර වලින් යුත් මනුෂ්‍ය පරාණ දැක ඇතිවූ කළකිරීම නිසාය. එහෙත්  මේ මනුෂ්‍ය පරාණ ගනනාවක් මා මගේ ශක්ති ප්‍රමාණයෙන් බේරා ගත්තෙමි. 

වරක් ඉතා බරපළ ලෙස ඇදුම සෑදී හුස්ම ගැනීම අවහිර වී මරණාසන්නයෙන් සිටි කාන්තාවකට මම මේ ග්‍රාමීය රෝහලේදී ප්‍රතිකාර කලෙමි. ඇයට ශිරා ගත කිරීම සඳහා ඇමීනොෆිලීන් නම් ඖෂධය දීමද ඉතා අපහසු විය. ඇයගේ ශිරා සියල්ලම ඇකිලී තිබුනි. මේ අසීරුතාවන් මැද රෝහලේ ලයිට්ද ගියේය. (ලයිට් යාමට හේතු වූයේ ප්‍රදේශයේ බීමත් මිනිසුන් විසින් බයිසිකල් චේන් කරකවා විදුළි වයර් වල පැටලීම සඳහා විසි කිරීමයි. පසුව මම ග්‍රාම නිලධාරීන් ලවා මේ ක්‍රියාවේ බරපතලකම  ජනතාවට පෙන්වා දුන්නෙමි )  ලයිට් ගිය විගස මට කුණුහරප මතක් විය. කෙසේ නමුත් ටෝච් එලියේ ආධාරයෙන් ශිරාවක් පාදාගෙන එම ඖෂධය එන්නත් කොට ඇයට ඔක්සිජන් ලබා දීම සඳහා ඇම්බු කලෙමි. මෙසේ පැය භාගයක් පමණ යන විට ඇය මඳ වශයෙන් හුස්ම ගන්නට වූවාය. මේ කාන්තාව සති දෙකක් පමණ රෝහලේ නැවතී සිට සුවය ලබා ගිය අතර ඉන් මාස තුනකට පමණ පසු තමන් ගේ කුඹුරේ ගොයම් පැල සිටවනවා දැක මට අසීමිත සතුටක් ඇති විය. 

නාරි හා ප්‍රසව ජේෂ්ඨ වෛද්‍ය නිලධාරී  ලෙස සේවය කල සමයේදී මම බොහෝ සංකූලතා තිබූ ඝර්භිනී මාතාවන් මෙන්ම බිළිදුන් ගේ ජීවිත බේරා ගත්තෙමි. එසේම ගබ්සාවන් කොට   ආසාදන සංකූලතා මෙන්ම ජීවිත අවධාන තිබූ කාන්තාවන් රැසකගේ ජීවිත බේරා ගත්තෙමි. මේ  කාලයේදී  මිය යාමට ආසන්නව සිටි සෙලවීම් රහිත නිසා භ්‍රෑණයා මිය ගිය බවට සැක කොට  වාට්ටුවේ පසෙකට දමා සිටි කාන්තාවක් ඉන්ටර්න් වෛද්‍ය චන්දන චන්ද්‍රසේකර සමග එක්වී හදිසි   සීසර්  ශල්‍යකර්මයකට ලක් කොට බිළිඳාගේ ජීවිතය බේරා ගත්තෙමි.   

නිර්වින්දන වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු ලෙස සේවය කරන සමයේදී ජීවිත රැසක් බේරා ගැනීමට සහාය දීමට මට හැකි විය. මේ අතරින් මට නිතරම සිහිපත් වන සිද්ධියක් තිබේ. වරක් බඩවැලේ සංකූලතාවක් නිසා ජීවිත අවධානම තිබූ දින හතරක් වයසැති බිළිඳෙක් හදිසි ශල්‍යකර්මයකට ලක් කිරීම සඳහා  ශල්‍ය වෛද්‍ය  විශේෂඥ බී.ජී.එන් රත්නසේන මහතා විසින් ගෙන එන ලදි. මෙම රෝහලේ නිර්වින්දන විශේෂඥ වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු නොසිටි අතර අවධානම තිබුනේ මගේ කර මතය. මම සාර්ථකව බිළිඳාව නිර්වින්දනය කලෙමි. අප දෙදෙනා විසින් බිළිඳා ගේ ජීවිතය බේරා ගත්තෙමු. මේ සිදුවීමෙන් පසු ශල්‍ය වෛද්‍ය  විශේෂඥ බී.ජී.එන් රත්නසේන මහතා තුල මා කෙරෙහි  ඇල්මක් ඇති විය. එසේම ඔහු මගේ හැකියාවන් විශ්වාස කලේය. මේ කාලයේ විදේශ වෛද්‍ය උපාධිධාරීන් සහ දේශීය වෛද්‍ය උපාධිධාරීන් අතර ඝට්ටන මතුවී තිබූ අතර වරක් ඔහු ශල්‍යාගාරයේදී විදේශ වෛද්‍ය උපාධිධාරීන් පිරිසක් විවේචනය කොට මාගේ සිත රිදේදෝ කියා සිතුනු නිසාදෝ ”  අපි මේ කියන්නේ රුවන්  වගේ ෆොරින් ග්‍රැජුවෙට්ලා ගැන නෙවෙයි  කියා කීවේය. 

විශේෂඥ මනෝ වෛද්‍ය නීල් ප්‍රනාන්දු මහතා යටතේ යුද හමුදා රෝහලේ මානසික සෞඛ්‍ය වාට්ටුවේ සේවය කරන විට විශාදය , පශ්චාත් ව්‍යසන අක්‍රමතාවය (PTSD)  වැනි මානසික රෝගී තත්වයන් වලට ලක් වීම නිසා දිවි නසා ගැනීමට යොමු වී සිටි සොල්දාදුවන් රැසකගේ ජීවිත බේරාගත්තෙමි. තවද  නිලධාරීන් ගේ සෙසු නිලයන් ගේ හිරිහැර වලට ලක්ව ජීවිත එපාවී සිටි සොල්දාදුවන්ටද අප සහාය වූයෙමු. මින් එක් සොල්දාදුවෙකු මගේ මතකයට එයි. ඔහු සේවය කලේ පනාගොඩ කඳවුරේය. ඔහුට එක් නිලධාරියෙකු විසින් නිරන්තරයෙන්ම හිරිහැර කරන ලදි. යුද හමුදා භාෂාවෙන් මේ වදයන්ට කියන්නේ වහ කරනවා  / ෆලෝ කරනවා කියාය. කෙසේ නමුත් මේ සෙබලා තමන්ට හිරිහැර කරන නිලධාරියාට සහ ඊට උපකාර කරන ජේෂ්ඨ සොල්දාදුවන් කිහිප දෙනෙකුටද වෙඩි තබා ඉන් පසු තමාටද වෙඩි තබාගෙන දිවි නසා ගැනීමට ප්ලෑන් කොට තිබුනි. අපගේ මැදහත්වීම මගින් මේ  ව්‍යසනය මැඞලනු ලැබීය. උක්ත සොල්දාදුවාට වෙනත් සහන සේවා ස්ථානයක් අප ලබා දුන්නෙමු. එසේම මේ හිරිහැර නිසා ඔහුට වැළඳුනු ආතති සහිත ක්ලමථ සමායෝගී ආබාධයද උපදේශනය සහ ඖෂධ මගින් සුව කලෙමු. සුවවූ පසු සෙබලා තමා සැලසුම් කර ගෙන සිටි මාරක ක්‍රියාවලිය පිලිබඳ මට හෙළි කොට අප විසින් ජීවිත ගනනාවක් බේරා ගත් බව ප්‍රකාශ කලේය. යුද හමුදාවේ සේවා කල කාලයේදී මා විසින් ප්‍රතිකාර කල සෙබළුන් ගේ අනුවේදනීය කතා එක් රැස් කොට සංග්‍රාමයෙන් පසු කියා පොතක් ලියූවෙමි. මෙම පොත 2005 වසරේදී  සරසවි ප්‍රකාශකයන් විසින් එළි දක්වන ලදි. 

කැනඩාවට පැමිණි පසු මට නිව් ෆවුන්ඩ්ලන්තයේ ෆැමිලි ෆිසිෂියන් හෙවත් පවුලේ වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු ලෙස රැකියාවක් ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා අවස්ථාවක් ලැබුණි. මේ සඳහා මූලික විභාගයන් ද සමත්ව තිබූ නමුදු මාගේ ආශාව වූයේ  වෛද්‍ය මනෝ චිකිත්සනය කෙරෙහිය. කෙසේ නමුත් මම දෙලොවක් අතර තනි වූයෙමි. නිව් ෆවුන්ඩ්ලන්තයේ පවුලේ වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු ලෙස රැකියාවක් ලබාගෙන ගියහොත් මට සිදු වන්නේ කැස්සට , උණට බෙහෙත් කරමින් සංකූලතා ඇති රෝගීන් විශේෂඥ වෛද්‍යවරුන්ට යොමු කරමින් ඒකාකාරී වෘත්තීය ජීවිතයක් ගත කිරීමටය. තවද පවුලේ වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු රෝගියෙකු බලන විට පැයකට ලැබෙන්නේ ඩොලර් 30 වැනි මුදලකි. එහෙත් මනෝ චිකිත්සනය සඳහා පැයකට ඩොලර් 150 – 200 අතර ප්‍රමාණයක් ලැබේ. මා මුදල් පසුපස නොපැන්නුවද මුදල්ද ජීවිතයේ වැදගත් සාධකයක් බවට පත් වෙමින් තිබුනි. මාගේ පුතාද තව වසර කීපයක් ඇවෑමෙන් ඇමරිකාවේ හෝ කැනඩාවේ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයකට යනු ඇත. ඒ සඳහා විශාල මුදල් ප්‍රමාණයක් අවශ්‍ය වෙයි. මේ නිසා මම මනෝ විද්‍යාව සහ මනෝ චිකිත්සනය වැඩිදුර ඉගෙනීම පිණිස කැනඩාවේ යෝක් විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයටත් , සෙනෙකා මෙන්ම හම්බර් විද්‍යාල වලටත් ගියෙමි. නිව් ෆවුන්ඩ්ලන්තයේ ෆැමිලි ෆිසිෂියන් විකල්පය අත හැරීම ගැන මගේ මව මට බොහෝ සෙයින් දොස් කීවාය. එහෙත් මිනිසා කල යුත්තේ ඔහුට සිත ගිය දේය. 

වර්තමානයේ මම ඇඩික්‍ෂන් මෙඩිසින් හෙවත් මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය නිසා මනෝ කායික වශයෙන් රෝගී වූ පුද්ගලයන් සඳහා මනෝ චිකිත්සක ප්‍රතිකාර කරමි. එසේම  පශ්චාත් ව්‍යසන අක්‍රමතාවයෙන් පෙලෙන රෝගීන් සඳහා ප්‍රතිකාර කරමි. රෝහල් සහ ක්ලිනික් කිහිපයකට දිනපතා යමි. එසේම උතුරු ඇමරිකානු විශ්ව විද්‍යාල කිහිපයක ආරාධිත දේශකයෙකු ලෙසටද පශ්චාත් ව්‍යසන අක්‍රමතාවය පිලිබඳ පරියේෂකයෙකු ලෙසටද සේවය කරමි.  දිනපතා මගේ දැණුම වර්ධනය කර ගන්නෙමි. ආචාර්‍ය උපාධිය සඳහා සූදානම් වන්නෙමි. 

කැනඩාවේද මම ජීවිත බේරා ගන්නෙමි. මාගේ රෝගීන් ලෝකයේ විවිධ ජාතීන් වලට අයත් පුද්ගලයෝ වෙති. මම මනෝ සමාජීය පුනරුත්ථාපනය විශ්වාස කරමි. ඖෂධ මගින් පමණක් ජීවිත බේරා ගත නොහැකිය. ඒ නිසා මාගේ නිර්දේශයෙන් අඩු ආදායම්ලාභී රෝගීන් බොහෝ දෙනෙකුට ආබාධිත ශුභ සාධන ගෙවීම් මම ඔන්ටේ‍රියෝ රජය හරහා ලබා දුන්නෙමි. මොවුන්ට මසකට ඩොලර් 1300 පමණ ලැබේ. මේ මුදල් මගින් ඔවුන්ට නිවාස මෙන්ම අනෙකුත් මනෝ සමාජීය අවශ්‍යතා ඉටු කර ගත හැකි විය. බුදුන් වහන්සේද බණ කීවේ මිනිසුන් ගේ කුසගිනි නිවාය.එහෙත්  කැනඩාවේ වෙසෙන මාගේ සොහොයුරාට මා විසින් කරන මනෝ සමාජීය සේවය ගැන අවබෝධයක් නැත. වසරකට ඔහු තම වැටුපෙන් විශාල මුදලක් ටැක්ස් වශයෙන් ගෙවයි. ” අපි ගෙවන ටැක්ස් ගෙවල් වල ඉඳගෙන ටීවී බලන  කුඩුකාරයන්ට ගෙවනවා ” කියා ඔහු මැසිවිළි කියයි. යම් දිනක ඔහු මාගේ මනෝ සමාජීය සේවය තේරුම් ගනු ඇතැයි කියා මා සිතමි.

උතුරු ඇමරිකාවේදී මා විසින් බේරා ගත් ජීවිත ගනනාවකි. ඔවුන් සෑම දෙනෙකුටම තමාට ආවේනික අතුල්‍ය කතාවක් තිබේ. මා විසින් වර්තමානයේ ප්‍රතිකාර කරන මැන්ඩි (නියම නම නොවේ) කැනඩාවට එන්නේ පැරණි යුගෝස්ලාවියාවෙනි. වසර විස්සකට අධික කාලයක් නිසා විවිධ මත් ද්‍රව්‍ය භාවිතා කිරීම නිසා ඔහුගේ මනසත් ශරීරයත් ක්‍ෂයවී තිබේ. අධික විශාදයෙන් පෙලෙමින් නිවාස අහිමි මිනිසෙකු ලෙස ඉබාගාතයේ යමින් සිටි මැන්ඩි දිවි තොර කර ගැනීමට ආසන්නව සිටියේය. මම ඔහුට ආබාධිත ශුභ සාධන වැටුපක් ලබාදී ඔහුව ගෘප් හෝම් හෙවත් මානසික රෝග රැඳවියන් බලා ගන්නා නිවාසයක නතර කලෙමි. මත් ද්‍රව්‍ය භාවිතය නිසා ඔහුගේ දත්මුල් කුණුවී තිබූ අතර දන්ත ප්‍රතිකාර වෙත යොමු කොට ඒවා සුවපත් කලෙමි. මසකට වරක් ඔහු  මනෝ චිකිත්සන ප්‍රතිකාර සඳහා පැමිනෙයි. ඔහු තුල තිබූ විශාද තත්වය බොහෝ දුරට අඩුවී තිබේ. වර්තමානයේ ඔහුගේ ජීවන මට්ටම හොඳය. මිය යන තෙක් ඔහුට කරදරයකින් තොරව ජීවත් වීමේ හැකියාව තිබේ. ඔහු මාව හඳුන්වන්නේ මයි ගාර්ඩියන් ඒන්ජල් කියාය. මම ඒ පදවි නාමයට සුදුසු පුද්ගලයෙකු නොවෙමි. මා කලේ මගේ ඩියුටියයි.   

ඉතලියානු සම්භවයකින් යුත් ඩැනී (නියම නම නොවේ) මා වෙත මනෝ චිකිත්සනය සඳහා යොමු කරන්නේ මනෝ වෛද්‍ය පීටර් සෙලීනාය. ඔහු තුල ක්‍රොනික් ඩිප්‍රෙෂන් හෙවත් දුස්සාධ්‍ය විශාද තත්වයක් තිබේ. දෙවරක් ඔහු දිවි නසා ගැනීමට ගියේය. ප්‍රති විශාද ඖෂධ සඳහා ඔහු තුල ප්‍රතිරෝධයක් තිබේ. EMDR වැනි මනෝ චිකිත්සන ප්‍රතිකාර වලින් ඩැනී තුල තිබූ දුස්සාධ්‍ය විශාද තත්වය අඩු විය. තවද මම ඔහුව ආනාපානාසති භාවනාව කිරීමට පුරුදු කලෙමි. වර්තමානයේ දිවි තොර කර ගැනීමේ අදහසක් ඔහු තුල නැත. මීට සති කීපයකට උඩදී දුරකතනයෙන් මට කතා කල ඩැනී තමන් දැන් රැකියාවක නිරත වන බව කීවේය. 

සනී (නියම නම නොවේ) කැරිබියානු සම්භවයක් තිබෙන කැනේඩියානුවෙකි. ඔහු හිටපු උමං දුම්රිය රියැදුරෙකි. වරක් ඔහු දුම්රිය ධාවනය කරන විට එක් කාන්තාවක් ඔහුගේ දුම්රියට පැන්නාය. ඇයගේ ශරීරය කෝච්චියේ රෝද වලට යට වන කම්පනයද ඔහුට දැනුනේය. එම සිදුවීමෙන් පසු  ක්‍රමිකව  ඔහු තුල  පශ්චාත් ව්‍යසන අක්‍රමතාවය වර්ධනය විය. නින්ද නොයාම නිසා ඔහු මත් ද්‍රව්‍ය සහ මත් පැන් වලට ඇබ්බැහි විය. ඔහු රැකියාවටද නොගියේය. ඔහුගේ සේවා ස්ථානයේ ප්‍රධානියන් සනී ව්‍යාජව රෝග ලක්‍ෂණ පෙන්වන බවට සැක කොට ඔහුගේ වැටුප් අත් හිටවන ලදි. මේ නිසා ඔහු තවත් කළකිරීමට පත් විය. සනී මවෙත යොමු කිරීමෙන් පසු මම පුරා මාස තුනක් එක දිගට ඔහුට ප්‍රතිකාර කලෙමි. එසේම ඔහුගේ සේවා ස්ථානයේ ප්‍රධානියන් අමතා ඔවුන් ගේ සැක දුරු කලෙමි. මේ නිසා ඔවුන් සනී හට සහන කාලයක් දුන්නෝය. වරක් සනී ” ඔබ මාගේ ජීවිතය බේරා ගත්තා කියා කීවේය ” රෝගී තත්වය සහ ආර්ථික ගැටළු නිසා තමන් ඕවර් ඩෝස් හෙවත් ඖෂධ අධි මාත්‍රාවක් ගෙන දිවි නසා ගැනීමට සිතාගෙන සිටි බවත් මා විසින් ඔහුට සහනය සැලසූ නිසා ජීවිතය ගැන යළි විශ්වාසය ඇතිවූ බවත් ඔහු කීවේය.  

මෙලෙස වසර ගනනාවක් පුරා ජීවිත බේරා ගත් නිසා මා වීරයෙකු හෝ ප්‍රශංසනීය පුද්ගලයෙකු කියා මා නොසිතමි. මා කලේ මගේ රැකියාවයි. එසේම මා දන්නා වෛද්‍යවරු බොහෝ දෙනෙකු මටත් වඩා ජීවිත සංඛ්‍යාවක් ගලවාගෙන තිබේ. සමහරු දිනපතා ජීවිත විශාල ගනනක් බේරා ගනිති. ජීවිත බේරා ගැනීම අපගේ වෘත්තිය සමග බැඳී තිබේ. එම නිසා වර්ජන මගින් රෝගීන් ගේ ජීවිත අවදානමට පත් කිරීම නොසුදුසු බව මම සිතමි.   2000 වසරේදී තිබූ වෛද්‍ය වැඩ වර්ජනයකදී බසයකට හැපී උතුරු කොලඹ ශික්‍ෂණ රෝහලේ දැඩි සත්කාර ඒකකයට ගෙනා තරුණයෙකුට  වැඩ වර්ජනය පසෙකට දමා මම ප්‍රතිකාර කලෙමි. ඒ ගැන අද දිනයේ මම අවංකවම සතුටු වෙමි. 

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග

මම කවදාවත් දේශපාලනයට එන්නේ නෑ – සංගා තහවුරු කරයි I will never enter politics  Sanagakkara Confirm

August 14th, 2018

Dr Sarath Obeyskera 

තමන් කෙඳිනකවත් දේශපාලනයට නොපැමිණෙන බවත් ඒ පිළිබඳව කිසිම කැමැත්තක් නොමැති බවත් ශ්‍රී ලංකා හිටපු සුපිරි පිතිකරු කුමාර් සංගක්කාර පවසයි.සිය ෆේස්බුක් ගිණුමට ඊයේ ඔහු කළ ප්‍රකාශයක දැක්වෙන්නේ තමා දේශපාලනයට පැමිණීමට නියමිත බවට වාර්තාවන තොරතුරු පිළිබඳව තමා උනන්දුවූ බවයි.ක්‍රිකට් ක්‍රීඩාවෙන් පසුව සිය පළමු අවධානය තමන් වෙනුවෙන් වසර ගණනාවක් කැප කළ පවුල වෙනුවෙන් පූර්ණ වශයෙන් යොදවා ඇති  බවත් ඔහු පවසයි.තමන්ට කිසිම ආකාරයක දේශපාලන උනන්දුවක් නොමැති බවත් දේශපාලනය හා ජනතා සේවය ඉතාමත් වගකීමෙන් කළ යුතු බවත් ඔහු පෙන්වා දෙයි.

Imran Kahn never had the ambition to be the Prime Minister of Pakistan. During his cricket carrier he may have learnt certain tricks and how things can be done as a politician,

Cricket has been a Gentlemen’s Game until up to recent times. Cricketers keep changing the colours when they play with different games, Politicians do the same. They keep changing colours. Cricketers fix matches and politicians fix elections .Cricketers (some) take bribes, Politicians (mostly) take bribes .Cricketers change balling and batting sides .Politicians change sides often. Cricket fosters harmony and also hatred among people and nations

It is possible that Kapil Dev or Sunil Gavaskar contests next Indian Election and win Winning streak may propagate to Sri Lanka if Sangakkara, Murali or Mahela follows thru.

Three crickets running these three countries can work together and fix” all the problems like they fix matches Sometimes…Like the fans in Pallekale and Colombo who cleaned garbage in the stadium .winning cricketing leaders  can clean the country of corruption ,

There may be one difference.

In cricket captains are changed when they keep losing but in politics they cling to captaincy despite losing many elections.

Cricketers wear ball Guards when they play to protect their balls

Politicians do not have balls” to guard!

Dr Sarath Obeyskera

Copyright © 2018 All Rights Reserved. Powered by Wordpress