Geethanjana Kudaligamage

Rajapakse, regional politics, ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-Eurocentric DevelopmentalismƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚ and the western hegemony (Part 14-)

As I was writing this article, the 18th amendment was pending to be submitted before the parliament for approval. Other than some NGOs and some opposition political parties, there is no significant public participation in opposing this move. The silence of the public can be taken as their tacit approval for the amendment to the constitution that removes the two term limit of a person serving in the office of presidency. After witnessing the successful end of the war largely due to the power invested in executive presidency, many Sri Lankans view executive presidency as a necessary tool that can be helpful to maneuver the nation in the postwar troubled waters including development.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ As far as the presidential candidate has to seek peopleƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s mandate each and every time he/she pursue office, I do not see a greater danger in the amendment. But for the benefit of a just society, any constitutional affair must be given proper space and time for discussion and debate. And also it is necessary to safeguard a free and fair election process and a legal system to prevent misuse of the system by corrupt politicians in future. Decolonization of the system of judiciary and law and order is utmost important for a healthy function of the society currently corrupted by colonial traditions of the past. However at a proper time, we all desired to see something entirely different to our current constitution; what the nation must consider is to get rid of this entire JRJ constitution and establish a new form of government empowering native masses at a right time. Now the question is why people think that current president Rajapaksa must be given a chance to contest more than two times? The reason can be identified as the failure of our system that is based on colonial democracy which again designed and devised to create political systems on absolute dependency ofallspheres ofideology, economics, political and social to the west.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ A compromise

From the Sri Lankan public point of view, deciding to keep executive presidency is a historic political compromise. On the one hand, they were fighting against the constitutional totalitarianism of JRJƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s constitution and its executive presidency ever since it was introduced by then UNP administration in 1978. And on the other hand, currently they desired to see their countryƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s development programs to be continued by a steady and powerful administration without any disruption in this post war era. In other words, fifteen years from now, they want to see that ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”ship of hopeƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ the ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”Pride of Sri LankaƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ to be sailed from Hambantota shipyard with the manufacturer tag reading ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”This ship is proudly made in Sri LankaƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢. That is the hope of the nation. Sri Lanka is about to take a decision, which is not the best or the politically correct one, but may be a pragmatic decision of the necessity of the political circumstances aroused out of the current political jumble in Sri Lanka.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ What is this political jumble, or ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”the aberrationƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢? This political jumble is nothing but the instability that is hanging in the air that can disrupt the system at any given time by our colonially inherited second hand democracy controlled by a culturally hybrid minority of Colombian bourgeoisies. In this jumble, everybody becomes politically correct only when they are in the opposition. Some will view government actions in negative perspective and do everything what so ever to undermine our national interests, if needed, with the help of external forces. They make mockery of parliamentary democracy keeping this never ending cycle of poverty of masses forever. They import incompatible political slogans time to time from their western masters, give interviews to western corporate media for the purpose of denigrating the nation while being recipients of salaries out of poor taxpayersƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ money. In short, they never allow any administration to do anything that their masters in the west do not wish to see happening in Sri Lanka. That tradition of colonial democracy is the political aberration we have. That is the absolute obstacle or the design that colonial master has put in place in their former colonies to prevent us getting out of the poverty they have left behind.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ There are good reasons for the people of Sri Lanka to take risks to try different possibilities. Through their experience, they knew that they cannot realize their dream of progress, or in other words, sailing their ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”ship of hopeƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ due to the continual presence of, what I call, ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”the external fourth dimensionƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ active in our national political culture that messing with the natural and spontaneous function of our democracy constantly undermining our political stability. They also knew that this fourth dimension might have toppled the government in the midst of Nantikadal battle if there wasnƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢t all that powerful executive presidency in place to keep the ship floating. They also came to know that none other former presidents utilized the power of executive presidency effectively for the benefit of national security, but only president Rajapaksa had the courage to do it. And also with utter surprise, they saw that external ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”fourth dimensionƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ tried every possible trick very hard to transfer that sensational bullet hole, not in PrabhakaranƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s forehead but on RajapaksaƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s head, however miserably failed due to powerful presidency of the constitution. Actually if there was no executive presidency during the climax of the war, we could have witnessed some of our leaders might have ended their political carriers in the same way like RanjanWijayaratne ended his carrier. So after thirty years of opposing, battering and kicking the executive presidency for its negative aspect, at last Sri Lanka has seen a positive silver streak in this ever-perilous presidency for the first time, during the most crucial hour of need in our history. Finally they have determined to have a steady administration under the current president Rajapaksa, and to allow him to remove the two-term restriction from the constitution. Is this a wiser idea? Well, they might say that they do not have any other option, because our parliamentary system is utterly corrupt.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ Colonial democracy, the rule of them, by them and for themƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ 

Frantz Fanon once said, ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-The slave who never struggles for freedom, who is simply granted the permission of the master, will forever remain a slaveƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚. IsnƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢t that absolutely true in regard to Colombian mentality? Sri Lanka is suffering from this decease of mental slavery. The hybrid Colombian class shows all symptoms of this decease. Although it is said that former colonies are free of direct rule of the west, ongoing events reveal that freedom is something still to be earned. Our social consciousness still carries the burden of colonialism and it still desires remaining as mental slaves to our bygone master largely due to the absence of the above said freedom struggle. Freedom struggles not only brings physical freedom but also it brings the ideological discourse that emancipates people from mental subservience. The British colonial administration craftily offered the independence with allegorical half-baked English ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”PieƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ of colonial democracy to black skinned Colombian Tom and Dicks, posturing as if they were a generous bunch of well-wishers of SL democracy. But the truth behind this offer was to bypass the anti-colonial liberation struggle of multitude, knowing the fact that the Colombian ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”DicksƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ will never have the chance of eating English ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”PieƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢freely in any such event of the independence gaining through a true liberation struggle of mass-movement. They knew that, In such a mass movement, not the Colombians but the true natives will gain power.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The recently concluded liberation struggle against western and Indian sponsored terrorism in Sri Lanka provided the opportunity for the nation to fill this void of the freedom struggle partly. Under such symbolic relationship, they saw the image of Robert Brownrigg through David Miliband. Today Sri Lanka sees her future through the bullet hole in the forehead of Prabhakaran and through which, they clearly see that the sun is spectacularly rising from the Eastern horizons. What they see through this bullet hole is a previously racially divided foggy landscape damped by racial blood of all races is getting illuminated and revitalized by the rays of the new sun. They have witnessed the usefulness of a devil to destroy another devil. Then they have embraced the executive presidency as a necessary devil capable of taking the nation through the next battlefield of progress across the Western dominated economic devils-land to the Promised-Land. Although it is risky, they invest their faith on an individual in place of a system. They firmly believe that president Rajapaksa will positively use this necessary devil of executive presidency to overcome all odds of corrupt colonial democracy to take the nation to the pledged progress.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ After all, the colonial democracy of Sri Lanka was artificially established by colonial terror. The system was still largely based on feudal power apparatus of colonial class structure. Even after going through a bloody liberation struggle, even India still suffers from the same problem.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ However, after losing so many elections, the disgruntled Anglophone mercantile class of Sri Lanka, the Colombians, play every trick to create every obstacle preventing the government to transcend from current difficulties to the next level. They play the intermediate role between external forces and the nation. And as a matter of fact, we all know that the majority of the members of NGOs are coming from or supporters of this Colombian class with colonial inheritance.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ Under such condition, people of Sri Lanka may think to use an authoritarian regime to fix unfixable issues of the nation. And they also know, if there are any other nation in Asia developed in the recent history, they were developed by strong leadership of individuals who exercised enormous power to counter the adversaries that tried to disrupt the advancing forces of their progress.ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ 

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ System versus individual

When systems become untrustworthy, and when they are contaminated by parasites disrupting the natural function of those systems, people tend to abandon them and begin to rely on individuals. This is what exactly happening in Sri Lankan polity today. Our system has been inflicted by many different viruses and parasites, externally manipulating and disrupting the natural function of it. On the one hand we have this leader of the opposition running around the world begging for punishing Sri Lanka; on the other hand we have externally funded entire Colombian political class working day and night for their western masters to mess with internal issues. Most of the crucial events are externally financed, like the issue of the attempt of buying a member of the parliament just before the election. The NGO parades are publicized in Western media as mass movements of our society. But all these NGOs are functioning on externally imported political slogans creatinga political atmosphere making the scene unclear to picture the true mass movements due to so many fake activists working on payrolls of external parties.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ There are so many versions of public opinions, making it utterly impossible to recognize whatƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s true and whatƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s fake among them. Due to externally pumped artificial slogans coupled with resources, the public opinion just has become a matter of advertising. There are assigned group of people to shout with readymade slogans coming out of shores, then there are corporate media agents readily standing by to pick them up and distribute them throughout the world. This is the made up story what is pictured in western media as public opinion in Sri Lanka today.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ On top of that, there are NGOs, function hand in hand with western and Indian espionage agencies, Western HR organizations, decrees and diplomatic pressure of western foreign offices; all these have something to do with our internal politics limiting genuine participation of the people in the system. For above reasons, the outcome of our democracy is not natural or real, but fake. They are made to be appeared real largely due to the power of western corporate media. So how can people rely on systems if they are out of control and rotten up to very core of them?

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ People have realized that the system is rotten from its very essence of it, and therefore they seem to rely on their trusted individuals. No doubt, this is a risky political gamble. But apparently they consider that trusting individual is lesser risky gamble than the strengthening the rotten hand of the parliamentary system. They do not want to trust those ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”PagarƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ driven parliamentarians, soulless opposition, and corrupt ministers; instead they want to trust an individual. Are the people of Sri Lanka responsible for this political gamble? No, not at all. The actual responsibility goes to the western and Indian manipulations in the national political realm that led the masses to distrust and discard the whole system.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ Today the people of Sri Lanka have realized that the system has gone out of their hand. Then they want to counter it through unconventional manner by investing so much power into the hand of the person they trust, and giving him as much time as he needs to fix issues as they want. Since the system has become irrational and irreparable, people have become more emotional. They are going to make a deal with an individual sidelining a system that is entirely treacherous.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ In fact, in a previous article I said that, ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-colonial Sri Lanka has been built on a fake structure that has been reached to its limits. In order to go into future, SL ought to demolish not only this fictitious structure itself, but also its ruins. Indeed, as political history revels, there is nothing right or wrong as such in political actions but only justified measures, justified to the given circumstance and their contexts.ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚ Same is valid even regarding executive presidency and its restrictions. What people want to see is that president Rajapaksa demolishing this colonial structure and rebuilding the nation on a new foundation empowering historically marginalized native of the land.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ False notion of control

Like many other third world countries experiencing today, Sri Lankan democracy, have become a sham reducing the whole system into a just a comedy of elections, giving a false notion to the masses to think that they are in control of the system by casting a mere vote. But in reality this is just a part of the deceptive magic of the current version of third world democracy. We all know that the magic never created a rabbit out of the hat, but played a trick before the eyes of the audience. This false notion of control of the system by masses, as Zizek put it, is like pressing the ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”close doorƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ button of an elevator. By pressing the button we tend to think that we are in command of closing the door. But in reality, this button doesnƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢t have anything to do with the closing the door of elevators. The door closes by itself and at its own time. Actually by casting our vote, although we have the feeling of control, we control nothing in the post-election politics.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ After the elections, in the part of representational democracy, the external fourth dimensions take control over the economic, political and social function of national politics. PeopleƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s sovereign rights will be taken away through ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”backdoor maneuveringsƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ by other forces. Economical and development policies will be taken over by international financial institutions such as IMF, WB and ADB. Structural changes being applied however they are damaging the domestic lives. Then the internal political function will be overshadowed by externally manipulated social factions working for their pay masters. In such events, if necessary, they will topple governments by just changing proportions in parliaments until they get their lackeys into power. The colonially inherited political system of Sri Lanka has been devised by internal and external manipulative parties who can conduct the system and funnel the process in such a way to fulfill their desired objectives. In order to reestablish a natural function of this political system, we must destroy the whole colonial system and rebuild it from ground zero level opening wider participation of the true masses of the land. Can president Rajapaksa do it?

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The line of defense

On the other hand, people of SL consider current government of SL is progressive only insofar as it serves as a line of defense against powerful western nationsƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ dictates in every sphere of bio political life of the island. These influences have been ranged from internal and external affairs of, economic, political and ideological sectors of the nation. If we use the more popular leftist term ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-right to self-determinationƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚ in place of sovereignty, post independent Sri Lanka has been denied to enjoy this so-called right to ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”self-determinationƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ by India and the west. Current government struggles within this ambiguous field of denial of her fundamental right of determining nationƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s future out of external influence. But each and every decision she makes in that direction irritates the west and at times even India. So they try very hard to drag Sri Lanka back to their sphere of influence taking decisions behalf of us. As the famous saying goes, ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-the right to self-determination of subaltern nations is really a right to secession from the control of dominant powersƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚. For most of Sri Lankans, Rajapaksa administration is engaged in that part of the struggle. For some Sri Lankans, Rajapaksa administration is subservient to India and resistant to the west.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”FirewallƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ that Rajapakse administration trying to erect up against western virus intrusions of NGOs and UN interference seeking complete paralysis of the system, is a necessary action as well as a can be a double egged weapon if hold it wrongly. The anti-imperialist policies of Rajapaksa regime do not really desired to drive away foreign capital but rather want to shun away its package of subjugation in order to establish above said ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”right to self-determinationƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢. In this case, the nation remain progressive only if the nation is capable to endure strictly as a fortified line of defense against more powerful external forces trying to derail the will of the nation through malicious mechanisms. Many Sri Lankans believe president Rajapaksa can perform that part effectively.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ However as Hardt and Negri points out, as much as these protective walls appear in their protective function against external forces, however, they may easily play an inverse role with respect to the internal population it protects. This inverse effect is something administration must be very careful of. What we must be careful of and preventing of happening is that the flip side of the firewall that would affect our society. The structure that resists the foreign power is itself can be a dominating power that can exert its power inopposite direction creating internal oppression, repressing internal difference and opposition in the name of national unity and security. Because this strategy of ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”national protectionƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ is a double egged sword at times seem necessary despite its destructiveness, but for the sake of long-term strategic advantage, better to abandon it sooner than later.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The constant pressure that instigated from western countries desired to force Rajapaksa regime to take this destructive path to create a material condition for an uprising within. The only path remaining for Rajapaksa regime is to rely on masses and keeping them on its side. To keep masses on his side president Rajapaksa may have to create a people friendly socio-political atmosphere free of colonial legacies of the past.

(To be continued)