MORALITY OF PERVERTED INTEREST OF INDIA IN THE13TH AMENDMENT.
Posted on June 16th, 2013

Vichara Bandara

Some leading news papers recently reported that India’s External Affairs Minister has conveyed to the Government of Sri Lanka that withdrawing Police and Land Powers to the Northern Provincial Council) by the Government of Sri Lanka would be “at its own risk” and would force the New Delhi Government to react with “firm measures.” He has also cautioned that Sri Lanka would be isolating itself in the international community.”

This report has been repeated in Sri Lankan news papers as well. If there is any truth in this report it appears that India which hatched and forced the 13th Amendment to the constitution of Sri Lankaon a spineless Sri Lankan government is now demanding the proverbial pound of flesh and wielding the big stick for the full implementation of this obnoxious piece of legislation.

It is on record that Rajiv Gandhi, who was the chief architect of the Indo- Sri Lank Accord, had given an assurance to Prabhakaran that ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”the newly-created North-Eastern Province for Tamils will enjoy as much powers as Tamil Nadu enjoys in India.ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚ (Triumph of Truth: The Rajiv Gandhi Assassination-Investigation by Kaarthikeyan and Radhavinod Raju Karthikeyan).

In their eagerness to fulfill this promise the Indian GHOST writers of the 13th Amendment while adopting the Indian model and granting vast powers to the Provinces have not taken into consideration the fact that Sri Lanka has an Executive President elected by the popular vote of all citizens of the land.

They have also ignored the bicameral structure of the Legislatures of States of India which provides an essential check on hasty legislation and promotes good governance.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The attached document is an attempt to compare and contrast the powers enjoyed by the States of India under the Indian constitution and the powers conferred on the Provinces of Sri Lanka under the 13th Amendment to the constitution of Sri Lanka. In the context of the fast moving events on the subject the document has been prepared with some haste and may need refinement. But the purpose is to draw attention to the treacherous trap that has been set.

Not only is 13 A following the Indian model, it confers more power to a Province of Sri Lanka exceeding the powers enjoyed by the States of India, from the time of Independence. Some political analysts surmise that this was a ploy by the predominantly South Indian authors of the Bill to establish a new model of devolution, which South Indian States could demand in the future.

This is in spite of the wide disparity in the territory covered and the population between a State of India and Sri Lanka. For example Tamil Nadu (the State which is most concerned with power sharing in Sri Lanka) is 130,000 square km and has a population of 72 million. It is mind boggling to compare this with a one million population of the Northern Province in an area of 8900 square Km. Chennai Corporation headed by a Mayor has a population of 5.6 million people is only a municipality.

Devolution of power must be to the people and the unit of devolution must take into consideration the number of people in such a unit. Districts of Colombo, Gampaha, Kalutara, Kandy, Kurunegala and Ratnapura have populations of more than that of the Northern Province, which is only 1,072,001(Census 2012).

The legality of the 13th Amendment has been discussed in many forums and today there is a private members Bill proposing the repeal of this legislation mainly on legal grounds.

It must be pointed out that other than the strictly legal grounds it violates the Directive Principles of State Policy of the Constitution of Sri Lanka as given at Section 27 (4) which states that ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…- the State shall strengthen and broaden the democratic structure of government and the democratic rights of the People by decentralizing the administrationƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚¦ Decentralization and devolution are different concepts as explained in the World Bank website http://www1.worldbank.org/publicsector/decentralization/admin.htm

Whereas there are many legal, political and administrative rationales why the 13th Amendment must be repealed, for the present it is proposed to focus on the specific provisions in the 13th Amendment, which deviate drastically from the relevant provisions of the Indian Constitution or not provided for in the 13 th Amendment and demonstrate that India has no moral justification to call for the full implementation of the 13th Amendment.

It is clear that the effort of the ghost writers of the13th Amendment was to provide self government in the ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-areas of historical habitation of Sri Lankan Tamil speaking peoplesƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚ and not for the devolution of power to the people of the whole of Sri Lanka.

In his last Budge Speech the President expressed unequivocally that ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-Devolution should not be a political reform that will lead us to separation but instead it should be one that unifies all of us. It should not involve high spending and complex governance structures that will impose further burden on people.ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚

AsƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚  the Secretary of Defense rightly pointed out although the LTTE was defeated militarily the separatist ideology is not dead. It exists in a latent form locally but is most active internationally. Even the TNA refuses to accept a Unitary framework of government and is agitating for powers for the Provincial Councils beyond that of the13A. As Dr. Gunadase Amarasekera has pointed out recently, ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”SampanthanƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s speech made a few months ago in Batticaloa wherein he outlined their roadmap provides enough evidence as to their final goal ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢¢”š¬…” separate state and EelamƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢.

The Central Government of India is subject to manipulation of a regime hostile to Sri Lanka in Tamil Nadu. Western interests through the local and international NGOs are conniving with the UNHRC to destabilize the country. In this background it would be very unwise if Sri Lanka compromises its security interests just to satisfy the wishes of the Indian Government. Sri Lanka should not ignore the lessons of Yugoslavia, Sudan and East Timor.

India has no moral right to insist on giving more powers to the puny Provincial Councils of Sri Lanka than what has been enjoyed by the Sates of India since independence. India has no right to coerce Sri Lanka even to continue with the Provincial Council scheme which is legally flawed, wasteful and ineffective and rejected by the vast majority of Sri Lankans.

The following table shows the extent to which 13A has been used to confer powers to the Provinces of Sri Lanka in excess of powers enjoyed by the States of India and where 13A has excluded some of the more positive provisions embedded in the Indian Constitution on devolved power.

COMPARISON OF POWERS VESTED UNDER 13A IN THE PROVINCES IN SRI LANKA WITH THOSE ENJOYED BY THE STATES OF INDIA

INDIAN CONSTITUTION (IC)

SRI LANKA 13th AMENDMENT (13A)

POWERS OF PARLIAMENT

   
 

1. In terms of Article 3 – the Parliament of India may

(a) Form a new State by separation of territory from any State or by uniting two or more States or parts of States or by uniting any territory to a part of any State;

(b) increase the area of any State;

(c) diminish the area of any State;

(d) alter the boundaries of any State;

(e) alter the name of any State:

This can be done with a simple majority of votes in the Parliament provided that the President seeks the views of the States on the proposal.

 

In the case of Article 154(A) it is obligatory on Sri Lanka to establish a Provincial Council for every Province. The Parliament of Sri Lanka can join one or more Provinces but cannot resort to other options as provided for in the IC. For example boundaries of a Province cannot be altered even with the concurrence of the Provinces affected.

 

It is obvious that this provision is merely to facilitate the joining of the Northern and Eastern Provinces and establish the Tamil Homeland

 

   
2) Article 239 A – provides for the creation of a Capital Territory which does not come under any State.

 

There is no parallel provision in 13A.
   
3) Reference Article 243 -, a number of institutions for the empowerment of the people at sub State level such as Panchayat shall be onstituted in every State. Under the IC it is a andatory requirement that the States establish the Village level Panchayats for peopleƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s participation in governance. The IC devotes a whole chapter to the subject of Panchayats ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ In 13A it is relegated to a mere Subject in the Provincial Council List under Gramodaya Mandalayas and leaves itƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚open to a Provincial Council to council to confer additional powers on Gramodaya Mandalayas.ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚

This diminishes the importance of the very concept of empowerment of the people.

 

   
4) Residual Powers

Reference Article 248 (1) -, Parliament has exclusive power to make any law with respect to any matter not enumerated in the Concurrent List or State List and such power shall include the power of making any law imposing a tax not mentioned in either of those Lists.

 

13A has the following vague provision.

154 G (10)- Nothing in this Article shall be read or construed as derogating from the powers conferred on Parliament by the Constitution to make laws, in accordance with the Provisions of the Constitution (inclusive of this Chapter), with respect to any matter, for the whole of Sri Lanka or any part thereof.

Legal opinion consider that the words within brackets i.e. (inclusive of this Chapter) by itself are a derogation of the Powers of Parliament.

   
5). Under Article 249 (1) – if the Council of States has declared by resolution supported by not less than two thirds of the members present, that in the national interest it is necessary that Parliament should make laws with respect to any matter in the State List it shall be lawful for Parliament to make laws for the whole or any part of the territory of India with respect to that matter, while the resolution remains in force and shall remain in force for such period not exceeding one year as may be specified therein In terms of Article 154 G (2) even if one Provincial Council does not (b) agree to an amendment or repeal of the provisions of the 13A or the Ninth Schedule (Provincial Council List) such a Bill has to be passed in Parliament by the special majority required by Article 82 of the Constitution.

This is a disproportionate and ridiculous restriction when the entire 13A can be repealed through the same process of a special majority of the Parliament.

It is clear that the intention of this restriction was to grant veto power to the then planned Northeastern mega province.

   
6) Article 250. (1 -) vests the power in the Parliament, while a Proclamation of Emergency is in operation, to make laws for the whole or any part of the territory of India with respect to any of the matters enumerated in the State List. Such law would be valid for a period of six months after the Proclamation has ceased to operate and any law made by a State repugnant to the extent to the law made by Parliament shall be inoperative.

 

There is no provision in the 13A on vesting in the Parliament the power to make laws on matters in the State List when a Proclamation is made under the Public Security Ordinance. However, during the continuance in force of a Proclamation issued in the event of Failure of administrative machinery under paragraph (1) of Article 154L, laws can be made by Parliament or the President or other authority delegated by the President, but they can be amended or repealed by the Provincial Council without a time bar.

 

7) Article 254 – empowers the Parliament to enact at any time any law with respect to a law made by a State on the same matter including a law adding to, amending, varying or repealing the law so made by the Legislature of the State. In terms of 154G(5)(a), Parliament may make laws with respect to any matter set out in “the Concurrent List”) only after such consultation with all Provincial Councils as Parliament may consider appropriate in the circumstances of each case. In the case of India there is no requirement for consultation with the States.
   
8) Under Article 257 -, the executive power of the Union shall also extend to the giving of directions to a State as to the construction and maintenance of means of communication declared in the direction to be of national or military importance: There is no parallel provision in 13A.
   
9) Under Article 312 -, Parliament may create all India services [(including an all-India judicial service)] common to the Union and the States.

At present the All India Services are the Judicial Service, Indian Administrative Service, Indian Police Service and the Indian Forest Service. The officers of the All India Services are recruited and trained by the Union Government (“the Centre”).

a) ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚  All India recruitment makes possible minimum and uniform standards of administration throughout the country. It enables the induction of the best available talent to these services.

b) ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚  With personnel drawn form different States, each State cadre gets a leavening of senior officers from outside, whose vision and outlook transcend local horizons.

c) ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚  Systemic deputation from the State to the Union broadens the vision of the officers so deputed and brings to the Union an experience of closeness to actual realities.

There is no parallel provision in 13A.

 

   
1).ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚  Article 44 – requires the (Indian) State to endeavor to secure for the citizens a uniform civil code throughout the territory of India. 13A has no such requirement, the absence of which could lead to many legal tangles.

 

   
2). Article 76 (3) – gives the Attorney General of India, the right of audience in the performance of his duties in all courts of India. The 13A has no such provision. ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ 13A has no such provision.

 

   
3) Article 136 – enables the Supreme Court, in its discretion, to grant special leave to appeal from any judgment, decree, determination, sentence or order in any cause or matter passed or made by any court or tribunal in the territory of India. In (Article 154 P (6) the right of appeal is to the Court of Appeal.

 

   
4). Article 139 A – empowers the Supreme Court, in cases where questions of substantial and general importance are involved to withdraw cases pending before High Courts and dispose of the cases by itself.

The Supreme Court may, transfer any case, appeal or other proceedings pending before any High Court to any other High Court.

 

13A does not have any such provisions.

 

 

5) Article 141 of the Indian There is no parallel provision in the 13A.

Constitution stipulates that the law declared by the Supreme Court shall be binding on all courts within the territory of India.

 

There is no parallel provision in 13A.

 

POWERS OF THE PRESIDENT

 

1) As per Article 156. (1) -, the Governor appointed to an Indian State shall hold office during the pleasure of the President.

(I) Has intentionally violated the provisions of the Constitution;

(ii) is guilty of misconduct or corruption involving the abuse of the powers of his office; or

(iii) is guilty of bribery of an offence involving moral turpitude.

 

Under Article 154B (4) (a) ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ a Provincial Council, with the approval of a two thirds majority of the members of the Council, may present an address to the President advising the removal of the Governor on the ground that the Governor;

(I) has intentionally violated the provisions of the Constitution;

(ii) is guilty of misconduct or corruption involving the abuse of the powers of his office; or

(iii) is guilty of bribery of an offence involving moral turpitude.

   
2) Under Article 222 – 222 it is the President who may, after consultation with the Chief Justice of India, transfer a Judge from one High Court to any other High Court. Reference Article 154P (2)ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚  the transfer of Judges is vested in the Chief Justice.
   
3). Under Article 258 (1) – the President may, with the consent of the Government of a State, entrust either to that Government or to its officers, functions to which the executive power of the Union extends. Neither the President nor the Parliament of Sri Lanka has parallel powers under 13A.
   
4.) Reference Article 263 -, the President may establish a Council to inquire into and advise upon disputes between States and also recommend better co-ordination of policy and action in respect to that subject,

There is no parallel provision in the 13A to the Constitution of Sri Lanka.

There is no parallel provision in 13A.
   
5).ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚  Under Emergency Provisions, Article 352 -, the President is empowered to make a Proclamation which remains valid for one month unless before the expiration of that period, it has been approved by resolutions of both Houses of Parliament:

 

Under Article 154 L (3) such a Proclamation under the Public Security Act will cease to operate at the expiration of fourteen days, unless before the expiration of that period it has been approved by a resolution of Parliament:

 

   
7). Under Article 356 -, in a situation where the Government of a State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution, The President may (a) assume to himself all or any of the functions of the Government of the State and all or any of the powers vested in or exercisable by the Governor or any body or authority in the State other than the Legislature of the State; (b) declare that the powers of the Legislature of the State shall be exercisable by or under the authority of Parliament;

(c) make such incidental and consequential provisions as appear to the President to be necessary or desirable for giving effect to the objects of the Proclamation, including provisions for suspending in whole or in part, the operation of any provisions of this Constitution relating to any body or authority in the State:

 

 

Under 154(L) in 13A under a similar situation the President may by Proclamation –

(a) assume to himself all or any of the functions of the administration of the Province and all or any of the powers vested in, or exercisable by, the Governor or any body or authority in the Province other than the Provincial Council;

(b) declare that the powers of the Provincial Council shall be exercisable by, or under the authority of Parliament;

 

But 13A does not empower the President to suspend the operation of provisions of the Constitution relating to any body or authority in the State, which the President of India can do under Article 356 sub section (1c).

 

Moreover a Proclamation made by the President of Sri Lanka unless approved by the Parliament is valid only for 14 days whereas, such a Proclamation made by the President of India is valid for two months before it is submitted to Parliament.

 

While the President of Sri Lanka can dissolve the Parliament after one year, without adducing reasons he cannot dissolve a Provincial Council! It can be done by the Governor of the Province and only on the advice of the Chief Minister of the Province. This is a clear derogation of the powers of the Sri Lanka President vis a vis the powers enjoyed by the Indian President under IC.

 

   
Under Section 160 – The President may make such provision as he thinks fit for the discharge of the functions of the Governor of a State in any contingency not provided for elsewhere.

 

 

There is no such provision in 13A.

 

GOVERNOR

 

Power of the Central Government under the Constitutions of both India and Sri Lanka are vested in the post of Governor and exercised by him where necessary in consultation with the President.  
   
 

1) As per Article 156. (1) -, the Governor appointed to an Indian State shall hold office during the pleasure of the President.

 

Sarkaria Commission on Centre State Relations, appointed by the Government of India, chaired by Justice R. S. Sarkaria, published in the year 1988, states that ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-while discharging his role as a constitutional sentinel and a vital link between the Union and the State, the Governor may have incurred the displeasure of the political executive in the State. Therefore, the removal of a Governor through the process of impeachment by the State Legislature or in pursuance of a written request from the Chief Minister, following a resolution of the Legislative Assembly, may not ensure objectivity and impartialityƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚.

 

 

Under Article 154B (4) (a), a Provincial

Council, with the approval of a two thirds majority of the members of the Council, may present an address to the President advising the removal of the Governor on the ground that the Governor

(I) Has intentionally violated the provisions of the Constitution; (ii) is guilty of misconduct or corruption involving the abuse of the powers of his office; or

(iii) is guilty of bribery of an offence involving moral turpitude.

This power vested with a Provincial is not conducive to independent action by the Governor, particularly as an offence of misconduct and abuse of power are subject to wide interpretation. It is a sword of Damocles hanging over the head of the Governor.

   
2). Article 165. (1) – requires that the Governor of each State shall appoint a person who is qualified to be appointed a Judge of a High Court to be Advocate-General for the State.

(2) It shall be the duty of the Advocate-General to give advice to the Government of the State upon legal matters. Article 177 empowers the Advocate-General for a State the right to speak in, and otherwise to take part in the proceedings of, the Legislative Assembly of the State.

 

There is no parallel provision in 13A.
   
3). By Article 192 (1) – the Governor is vested with the power of deciding on whether a member of a House of the Legislature of a State has become subject to any disqualifications mentioned in clause (1) of article 191 and his decision on the matter shall be final.

3). By Article 192 (1) – the Governor is vested with the power of deciding on whether a member of a House of the Legislature of a State has become subject to any disqualifications mentioned in clause (1) of article 191 and his decision on the matter shall be final.

There is no parallel provision in 13A.
   
4). Reference Article 213 – the Governor, under certain circumstances is empowered to promulgate ordinances.

 

There is no parallel provision in the 13A.
5). Under Article 258 A – the Governor of a State may, with the consent of the Government of India, entrust to that Government or to its officers functions to which the executive power of the State extends. The Governor of a Province in Sri Lanka has no parallel power.
   
6). Under Article 315 (4) -, the Governor of a State may request the Public Service Commission for the Union, with the approval of the President, agree to serve all or any of the needs of the State. There is no parallel provision in 13 A.
   
 

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ Composition of Provincial Councils.

 

   
The election of members of a Provincial Council is based on the Provincial Councils Elections Act (No. 2 of 1988) – Sect 3 which is on the basis of one member for every 40,000 residents in an administrative district andƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚  a member for every 1000 square kilometers of area in that administrative district.

In India in terms of Section 171- one-third shall be elected by electorates consisting of members of local authorities, one-twelfth shall be elected by electorates consisting of persons residing in the State who are graduates of a university of India or with equivalent qualifications to that of a graduate of any such university; one-twelfth shall be elected by electorates consisting of persons who have been for at least three years engaged in teaching within the State and the the remainder shall be nominated by the Governor from among persons with special knowledge or practical experience in Literature, science, art, co-operative movement and social service. The nature of the composition and the bicameral structure of the Legislature of the Indian State provides a higher caliber of representation and an essential check on hasty legislation and promotes good governance.

The lack of a selective representation and the absence of a second chamber in Provincial Councils of Sri Lanka make them highly politicized unrestrained governing power in the Province.ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ 

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ 

Readers are invited to check out the above material in the following websites on the Constitution of India and that of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution of Sri Lanka.

http://lawmin.nic.in/olwing/coi/coi-english/coi-indexenglish.htm

http://www.lawnet.lk/process.php?st=1987Y0V0C0A13S&hword=%27%27&path=6

 

14 Responses to “MORALITY OF PERVERTED INTEREST OF INDIA IN THE13TH AMENDMENT.”

  1. Lorenzo Says:

    13 amendment is worse than Endian constitution.

  2. Senevirath Says:

    “””LAK MAVATA ME SA VIPATHAK KALA U>N>P KARAYANTA SAAPAVEVWA

    vena monava thava kiyannada?

  3. Susantha Wijesinghe Says:

    Endia is wallowing in a cess pool of racial, communal, and religious dis-harmony. Hence they are green with jealousy, watching Sri Lanka developing at break neck speed, with peace on all fronts. It is tantamount to sadism.

  4. jayasiri Says:

    VICHARA BANDARA……as usual I admire the value of your judgement & comments. HOW CAN WE ALL convince our president HE Rajapaksha & ministers & MPs to do the roight thing.

    We need a united effort of like minded people like you, to join in sending a message to our leaders. That India is planning to de-stablize Sri Lanka, as she did from the indepndence days of 1948.

    India made our leaders run to India for a slightest appearence of a problem, because our leaders fail to THINK & unite under ONE leadership. India has taken advantage of our silly & un-important issues, which they know they can capitalize on.

    Hope you & other concerned citizens, including Sri lankans abroad can join and see this amendment is taken out completely, including the provincial councils. They have made these UNACCETABLE & COSTLY ventures ,just to BANKRUPT Sri Lanka & our leaders follow them to the letter.

    I can understand poor JRJ accomodating, just to avoid humailation.. BUT our duly elected President NEED NOT bow down to India at all. Our people ae more educated, we are RICH, ( per capita wise) and we have certain values to uphold.

    That Toilet stete trying to dictate to us, how our govt. should govern Sri lanka, where on earth is that is allowed??

    I hope learned people like you, must get together with Sri Lanka associations in Australia, USA, Canada & UK and provide solutions to our President. Because I feel that President is surrounded by advisors, who are giving him wrong advice.

    If INDIA invades, let them…….We faught sanctions by US & UK, after we nationalised oil companies, then we fought and won the WAR with the terrorists………Now why can’t we fight India. India should be taught a lesson that she never forgets.

    I hope I could do more……but as retiree, I can only suggest & plead our citizens both in lanka & abroad to, NEVER give up this fight to abolish PCs & 13th Amenment……….

    Thank you ALL………..~ J

  5. Dilrook Says:

    13A was promised to the LTTE and Tamil Nadu leaders in 1987. It was drafted by India when India and LTTE were on best of terms. India even offered money to the LTTE in July 1987 simply for agreeing to small compromises. 13A aims to create an expendable suckling state in India’s periphery.

  6. NAK Says:

    I think it is time we stand up to India’s threats. We cowed down in 87 but it didn’t do us any good and worse India was not even on our side after that. If we cow down now we will be forever cowed down by India to its dictates. I feel whatever punishment they can come up with for disobeying them is better than where they are leading us now.
    What the government should do is to allow the resolution brought by the JHU to repeal the 13A in the parliament and pass by a simple majority if not 2/3rd and put to the people of this country at a referandum. The people’s desire shall remain supreme and India has no say in it.

  7. Christie Says:

    Dont forget the Tamil terrorist oitfit is in fact an Indian terroroist outfit.

  8. Voice123 Says:

    Yes isn’t Sambanthan in New Delhi right now, taking orders from his masters?

  9. Christie Says:

    The problem now is most of the Sinhala politicians are using the Provicial Councils for their own advantage and they do not want to give up those adnatages. They dont care about the nation or the Sinhalese but their own political and economivc benefits they get under the sysytem.

  10. Ananda-USA Says:

    Christie,

    “The problem now is most of the Sinhala politicians are using the Provicial Councils for their own advantage and they do not want to give up those adnatages.”

    Absolutely! This is ONE MORE REASON to DISSOLVE the Provincial Councils which has become another useless layer of bureaucratic monsters sucking the lifeblood off the already heavily burdened citizens of Sri Lanka.

    These parasites form a part of the “Bamunu Kulaya” in Government, derisively so identified by Wimal Weerawansa!

  11. Mr. Bernard Wijeyasingha Says:

    “Firm measures” “risk isolation”? India is the one that not only trained the Tamil tigers but flew over Sri Lankan air space to give food and essentials to the Tamil Tigers. Those acts were well beyond the concept of “firm measures’ they were cruel and vicious with a self interest of dividing Sri Lanka. “Risk isolation”? India has managed to convince the US to slap not one but two human rights violations on the SL army – during a time of war and gave a pass to the those in India who actively supported the actions of the Tamil Tigers. Those human rights measures were meant to isolate Sri Lanka and again India failed. She lost her proxy war with Colombo using the Tamil Tigers and once she saw defeat she lost again in isolating Sri Lanka. The problem with India is she sees herself so powerful within the parameters of the sub continent but when it comes to China or the world India does not amount to much. She even cannot gain a SC seat. India has done her worst on Sri Lanka so let her try again. On the other hand Sri Lanka has now gained an alliance with China with the signing of the “strategic partnership” between Sri Lanka and China now all Sri Lanka needs to do is do the same with Russia. Invite Putin to Colombo and see New Delhi’s reaction.

  12. Fran Diaz Says:

    Eelam has been made out as Tamil low caste/Dalit origin peoples’ paradise. On the contrary, they will merely be ‘cannon fodder’ Eelam people. Also, the Caste Structure will be imposed on Tamil Only Eelam via Tamil Nadu to ensure obedience. Tamil people ought not to fall for this Eelam paradise/freedom gimmick. They did once, and suffered. Tamil People : Learn from past experiences. If any elections happen in the North, choose wisely so that future suffering is avoided for all.

  13. Mr. Bernard Wijeyasingha Says:

    To quote the article:”Some leading news papers recently reported that India’s External Affairs Minister has conveyed to the Government of Sri Lanka that withdrawing Police and Land Powers to the Northern Provincial Council) by the Government of Sri Lanka would be “at its own risk” and would force the New Delhi Government to react with “firm measures.” He has also cautioned that Sri Lanka would be isolating itself in the international community.” Words are wasted on Jayalalithaa and New Delhi but a single action would negate India’s growing strangle hold on Sri Lanka. Simply close the Sri Lankan Embassy in India and invite the Indian Ambassador to return to India and close the Indian Embassy till India gives in writing a document that has legal value that New Delhi will not interfere into Sri Lankan politics. In the interim give the building that housed the Embassy to the Chinese to use for business or strategic purposes. That is how simple it would be to negate New Delhi and Chennai.

  14. Ananda-USA Says:

    India appoints a New Ambassador for Sri Lanka. He seems to be well qualified for the job; let us hope he will be sympathetic to Sri Lanka’s National Security concerns.

    His appointment to Sri Lanka instead of to a cushy high-profile Western Country after his assignment to Venezuela reflects the high-priority India assigns to relations with Sri Lanka, particularly at this time when the PC elections are looming in Sri Lanka.

    …………………
    New High Commissioner of India to Sri Lanka arrives in Colombo

    ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.

    June 18, Colombo: India’s new High Commissioner to Sri Lanka Yashvardhan Kumar Sinha arrived in Colombo on Tuesday, the High Commission of India in Colombo announced today.

    Sinha is a seasoned diplomat and during his career of 32 years, has handled several important assignments at the Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi and in Indian diplomatic missions in the Middle East, Europe, South America and the Permanent Mission of India at the United Nations headquarters in New York. Before coming to Sri Lanka, he was Additional Secretary in the Pakistan-Afghanistan-Iran division at the Ministry of External Affairs in New Delhi.

    He was Ambassador of India to Venezuela from January 2007 to August 2009 and Consul General of India in Dubai from August 2003 to December 2006. Earlier, he served as Minister and Deputy Chief of Mission at the Indian Embassy in Abu Dhabi (UAE) from March 2002 to July 2003.

    Before 2003, Sinha worked in different capacities at Indian Missions in Saudi Arabia, Italy; and in the Ministry of External Affairs in New Delhi. In the mid-1990s, he served at Indian Mission in Pakistan and at the Permanent Delegation of India to United Nations, New York.

    Y.K. Sinha was born on October 4, 1958. After post-graduation in History from Delhi University, he joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1981. He was member of the Secretariat of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) Summit, held in New Delhi in 1982 and CHOGM Summit held in 1983. He studied Arabic language at the American University, Cairo from 1983 to 1985.

    He is married to Girija, and they have two sons: Ambuj and Vinayak.

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