History of Tamil Politics and the suicidal steps taken
Posted on January 6th, 2017

Kanthar Balanathan


  1. Megha from Kalinga came to Jaffna with people from Madurai and other places in 1258. Megha did not name the North as Tamil Eelam. Megha is an Indian.
  2. In 1255 Chandrabanu captured the North. Chandrabanu was born in Thailand. Chandrabanu was an invader like Kalinga Megha.
  3. Aryachakravarti dynasty (1262–1450). They did not name the North as Tamil Eelam. Arya are not Tamils. Most of them are Indians.
  4. House of Siri Sanga Bo (1450–1467). They did not name the north as Tamil Eelam.
  5. Aryachakravarti dynasty(restored) (1467–1619). They did not name the North as Tamil Eelam. (Invaders).
  6. Portuguese Empire (1619-1624). They did not name the North as Tamil Eelam. (Invaders)

Did any of the administration develop the North? Was there any structural transformation? The low caste people were left alone. They were not fed by the dam crown or the elites. They were not allowed to enter the city, then how can they be looked after?


During the Portuguese period Tamil elites looked after themselves. They converted their religion to Catholism. Got jobs and had enough to feed. The low caste people and conscious people did not change their religion, but continued to be Hindus.


During the Dutch period, similar environment. Tamil elites were able to go to Netherland. They sucked the Dutch and transferred their assets to Nederland. Even now, a clown (Remigius Kanagarajah) from Netherland claims that Jaffna belongs to him, as if he bought it from someone. He looks a Thailand man. Well, there are people who resemble Thai in the North anyway.

During the periods of Portuguese and Dutch: Was the region subjected to structural transformation? Was there any development? NO!


Then the British came. It was a dam good era for the elites. Most of them were able to go to London and study Law. They concentrated to do Law with ulterior motive.

During the British period:

Elites looked after their kith and kin.

Naganathan family went to India. Naganathan (යකඩයා) grew up in India and qualified as a doctor from Madras University. Just before they knew independence was to be given all of the Ramanathan family came back to SriLanka to capture power. Same with Chelvanayagam. He came back from Malaysia as a boy. This is how they all recouped to capture power. The elites have been diverting te focus of the poor mass and the low caste Tamils by the name of Tamil Eelam. They do not know that they will be the victims if Tamil elites are given power. This is how the elites have been feeding the illiterate Tamils who were instigated for Tamil Eelam after 1948.


Bandaranaike – Chelvanayagam Pact, 1957


District Development Councils, 1979

Presidential Warrant
Report of Presidential Commission – Chapter 1
Presidential Warrant, 23rd August, 1979
appointing Commission to report on District Development Councils


Whereas it appears to me to be necessary to establish a Commission of Inquiry for the purposes hereinafter mentioned:

Now, therefore, I, Junius Richard Jayewardene, President, reposing great trust and confidence in your prudence, ability and fidelity, do, in pursuance of the provisions of section 2 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act (Chapter 393), by these present appoint you, the said –

Victor Tennekoon, Esquire,
Abdul Caffor Mohamed Ameer, Esquire,
Professor Alfred Jeyaratnam Wilson,
Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam,
Nugegoda Gabadage Pablis Panditharatna, Esquire,
Mohamed Reyal Thassim, Esquire,
Dr. Joseph Anthony Leopold Cooray,
Kanapathipillai Navaretnarajah, Esquire,
Professor Kingsley Muthumuni de Silva, and
Mohamed Abdul Azeez, Esquire

to be my Commissioners to inquire into and report on the following matters:-

(i)               the existing structure of Local Government with a view to ascertaining the manner in which economic development activity in a District could be planned and coordinated at the level of the District through, District Ministers and Development Councils;

(ii) the constitution and composition of such Councils including the method by which representatives to such Councils may be selected.

(iii) the powers, functions and duties that such Councils may exercise, discharge and perform;

(iv) the determination of the subjects that shall devolve on such Councils having regard to the proposals dated 22nd, June 1978, relating to District Ministers and such Councils;

(v) the appointment of officers and servants to such Councils;

(vi) the manner in which such Councils shall direct and supervise the activities of local authorities in respect of sanitation, health, education, road construction, co-operatives, village irrigation schemes and settlement under major irrigation schemes;

(vii) the financial structure and the methods of taxation in relation to such Councils;

(viii) the relationship between;

(a) the District Ministers and such Councils;

(b) the District Ministers and the Central Government;

(c) such Councils and the Central Government; and

(d) one such Council and another such Council.

And I do hereby appoint you the said Victor Tennekoon, Esquire, to be the Chairman of the said Commission.

And I do hereby authorize and empower you, the said Commissioners, to hold all such inquiries and make all other investigations into the aforesaid matters as may appear to you to be necessary, and require you to transmit to me within two months from the date hereof, a report thereon under your hands, setting out the findings of your inquiries and your recommendations:

And I do hereby direct that the inquiry relating to the aforesaid matters shall not be held in public:

And I do hereby require and direct all public officers and other persons to whom you may apply for assistance or information for the purposes of your inquiries and investigations to render all such assistance and furnish all such information as may be properly rendered and furnished in that behalf:

And I do hereby declare that the provisions of section 14 of the aforesaid Commissions of Inquiry Act shall apply to this Commission:

Given at Colombo, under the seal of the Republic of Sri Lanka, this Tenth day of August, One Thousand Nine Hundred and Seventy Nine.

By His Excellency’s Command
W.M.P.B. Menikdiwela,
Secretary to the President.


Chapter 1 of Presidential Commission Report
We think it is important to place at the forefront of our Report a note on our understanding of our Terms of Reference. This may be somewhat unusual but has been rendered necessary because in response to our invitation through the Press to make representations relevant to our Terms of Reference, certain views have been expressed under the belief that our task is to inquire into the validity or otherwise of and to find a direct solution to the ethnic problems which have manifested themselves in a demand for a separate state.

It is appropriate to state at the outset that this exercise is not intended to explicitly deal with any such problems.

The scheme that we have envisaged would be applicable to all of the 24 districts in the Island irrespective of their ethnic composition and is not intended to provide a different political or administrative structure for any particular part of the country.
This exercise takes place within the parameters of our Terms of Reference and the Constitution which clearly excludes any scheme which conflicts with the unitary character of the Republic of Sri Lanka.

The proposals in our Report do not involve the sharing of, or alienation, or diminution of the sovereignty of the People with respect to legislative executive or judicial powers.

Our Terms of Reference requires us to examine the structure of Local Government in Sri Lanka, and to report on how best economic development activities of each district should be planned and coordinated through District Ministers and Development Councils.

Article 2 of the Constitution provides:
2. The Republic of Sri Lanka is a Unitary State.”

This is one of the entrenched provisions of the Constitution in that any amendment thereof requires not only a two-thirds majority in Parliament, but also the approval of the People at a Referendum by Article 83 of the Constitution.

The Language provisions in Chapter 4 as well as Fundamental Rights in Chapter 3 of our Constitution are also specifically directed towards the protection of minorities. Provision is also contained in Article 126 for the right of seeking redress from the Supreme Court in the case of any infringement or imminent infringement of any Fundamental Right or language right recognized by Chapter 3 and Chapter 4 of our Constitution.

A further safeguard is found in Article 156 which provides for the establishment of the office of a Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration (Ombudsman) charged with the duty of investigating and reporting upon complaints or allegations of the infringement of Fundamental Rights or other injustices by public officers and officers of public corporations and local authorities.

Thus our Constitution reflects the three basic principles or essentials of democracy – the sovereignty of the People, minority rights and political equality; and in giving equal rights to all persons the Constitution is directed towards the breaking down of all barriers of race, religion or caste, of education, of culture and of want of opportunity.

In any society, the effective enjoyment of these rights requires not only their formulation but also adequate measures for their observance by those in authority.



Dudley Senanayake – Chelvanayagam Agreement 1965


TAMIL EELAM – SRI LANKA Agreement entered into between Mr. Dudley Senanayake, Prime Minister of Ceylon (and leader of the United National Party) and Mr. S.J.V. Chelvanayagam, leader of the Thamil Arasu Katchi (Federal Party) on the 24th March 1965.

On the basis of this Agreement, the Federal Party extended support to the United Natioanl Party to form the Government and the Federal Party nominee, Mr.M.Thiruchelvam was appointed to the Cabinet as Minister of Local Government.
However, the Agreement was not given effect to by the Dudley Senanayake Government and this led to the withdrawal of the Federal Party from the Cabinet in 1968

Mr. Dudley Senanayake and Mr. S.J.V. Chelvanayagam met on 24-3-65 and discussed matters relating to some problems over which the Tamil speaking people were concerned, and Mr. Senanayake agreed that action on the following lines would be taken by him to ensure a stable Government:

1. Action will be taken early under the Tamil Language Special Provisions Act to make provision for the Tamil language to be the language of administration and of record in the Northern and Eastern Provinces.

2. Mr.Senanayake also explained that it was the policy of his Party that a Tamil speaking person should be entitled to transact business in Tamil throughout the Island.

Mr.Senanayake stated that it was the policy of his Party to amend the Language of the Courts Act to provide for legal proceedings in the Northern and Eastern Provinces to be conducted and recorded in Tamil.

3. Action will be taken to establish District Councils in Ceylon vested with powers to be mutually agreed upon between the two leaders. It was agreed, however, that the Government should have power under the law to give directions to such Councils in the national interest.

4. The Land Development Ordinance will be amended to provide that all citizens of Ceylon shall be entitled to the allotment of land under the Ordinance. Mr. Senanayaka further agreed that in the granting of land under colonization schemes the following priorities will be observed in the Northern and Eastern Provinces:

(8) Land in the Northern and Eastern Provinces should in the first instance be granted to landless persons in the District;

(b) Secondly – to Tamil speaking persons resident in the Northern and Eastern Provinces; and

(c) Thirdly – to other citizens in Ceylon. Preference being given to Tamil citizens resident in the rest of the Island.

Sgd sgd

Dudley Senanayaka S.J.V. Chelvanayagam



Annexure C Proposals, 1983

Subsequent to Genocide’83 and the death of thousands of Tamils at the hands of Sinhala mobs in July/August 1983, Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi sent her representative, Mr. G. Parthasarathy for discussions with Sri Lanka. The proposals which emerged as a result of discussions between the Government of India and the Government of Sri Lanka during August/November 1983 were presented as Annexure “C” to a statement submitted by President Jayawardena to the All Party Conference on the 1st of December 1983. However, the Government of Sri Lanka failed to adopt these Proposals at the All Party Conference discussions which commenced in December 1983 and ended inconclusively in December 1984.

In terms of paragraph six of the President’s statement of December 1st, 1983, the following proposals which have emerged as a result of discussions in Colombo and New Delhi are appended for consideration by the All Party Conference. These proposals are in the context of the unity and integrity of Sri Lanka and will form the basis for formulating the Agenda of the All Party Conference.
(1) The District Development Councils in a Province be permitted to combine into one or more Regional Councils if they so agree by decisions of the Councils and approved by Referendum in that district.
(2) In the case of the District Councils in the Northern and Eastern Provinces respectively, as they are not functioning due to the resignation of the majority of Members, their union within each province to be accepted.

(3) Each Region will have a Regional Council if so decided. The convention will be established that the leader of the party which commands a majority in the Regional Council would be formally appointed by the President as the Chief Minister of the Region. The Chief Minister will constitute a Committee of Ministers of the Region.
(4) The President and the Parliament will continue to have overall responsibility over all subjects not transferred to the regions and generally for all other matters relating to the maintenance of the sovereignty, integrity, unity and security and progress and development of the Republic as a whole.
(5) The legislative power of the Region would be vested in the Regional Councils which would be empowered to enact laws and exercise executive powers in relation thereto on certain specified listed subjects including the maintenance of internal Law and Order in the Region, the Administration of Justice, Social and Economic Development, Cultural matters and Land Policy. The list of subjects which will be allocated to the Regions will be worked out in detail.

(6) The Regional Councils will also have the power to levy taxes, cess or fees and to mobilise resources through loans, the proceeds of which will be credited to a Consolidated Fund set up for that particular Region to which also be credited grants, allocations or subventions made by the Republic. Financial resources will be apportioned to the Regions on the recommendations of a representative Finance Commission appointed from time to time.

(7) Provision will be made for constituting High Courts in each Region. The Supreme Court of Sri Lanka will exercise appellate and constitutional jurisdiction.
(8) Each Region will have a Regional Service consisting of (a) officers and other public servants of the Region and (b) such other officers and public servants who may be seconded to the Region. Each Region will have a Regional Public Service Commission for recruitment and for exercising disciplinary powers relating to the members of the Regional Service.

(9) The armed forces of Sri Lanka will adequately reflect the national ethnic position. In the Northern and Eastern Regions, the Police forces for internal security will also reflect the ethnic composition of these Regions.

(10) A Port authority under the Central Government will be set up for administering the Trincomalee Port and Harbour. The area which will come under the administration of the Port Authority as well as the powers to be assigned to it will be further discussed.
(11) A national policy on land development and the basis on which the Government will undertake land colonisation will have to be worked out. All settlement schemes should be based on ethnic proportions so as not to alter the demographic balance subject to agreement being reached on major projects.
(12) The Constitution and other laws dealing with the official language Sinhala and the national language, Tamil, be accepted and implemented as well as similar laws dealing with the National Flag and Anthem.
(13) The Conference should appoint a committee to work out constitutional and legal changes that may be necessary to implement these decisions. The Government would provide its Secretariat and necessary legal offices.

(14) The consensus of opinion of the All Party Conference will itself be considered by the United National Party Executive Committee and presumably by the executive bodies of the other parties as well, before being placed before Parliament for legislative action.



The Thimbu Declaration-1985

The Thimbu Declaration-1985 – Joint statement made by the Tamil delegation consisting of EPRLF, EROS, PLOT, LTTE, TELO and TULF on the concluding day of phase of the Thimbu talks on the 13th of July 1985.

It is our considered view that any meaningful solution to the Tamil national question must be based on the following four cardinal principles.

Recognition of the Tamils of Sri Lanka as a nation.

Recognition of the existence of an identified homeland for the Tamils in Sri Lanka.
Recognition of the right of self-determination of the Tamil nation.
Recognition of the right to citizenship and the fundamental rights of all Tamils who look upon the island as their country.

Different countries have fashioned different systems of governments to ensure these principles.
We have demanded and struggled for an independent Tamil state as the answer to this problem arising out of the denial of these basic rights of our people.

The proposals put forward by the Sri Lankan government delegation as their solution to this problem is totally unacceptable. Therefore we have rejected them as stated by us in our statement of the 12th of July 1985.
However, in view of our earnest desire for peace, we are prepared to give consideration to any set of proposals, in keeping with the above mentioned principles, that the Sri Lankan government may place before us.


Indo – Sri Lanka Agreement, 1987

The President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, His Excellency Mr. J.R. Jayawardena, and the Prime Minister of the Republic of India, His Excellency Mr. Rajiv Gandhi, having met at Colombo on July 29, 1987.

Attaching utmost importance to nurturing, intensifying and strengthening the traditional friendship of Sri Lanka and India, and acknowledging the imperative need of resolving the ethnic problem of Sri Lanka, and the consequent violence, and for the safety, wellbeing, and prosperity of people belonging to all communities in Sri Lanka.
Have this day entered into the following agreement to fulfill this objective.


1.1 Desiring to preserve the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka:

1.2 Acknowledging that Sri Lanka is a “multi-ethnic and a multi-lingual plural society” consisting, inter alia, of Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims (Moors) and Burghers:

1.3 Recognizing that each ethnic group has a distinct cultural and linguistic identity which has to be carefully nurtured:

1.4 Also recognizing that the Northern and the Eastern Provinces have been areas of historical habitation of Sri Lankan Tamil speaking peoples, who have at all times hitherto lived together in this territory with other ethnic groups:

1.5 Conscious of the necessity of strengthening the forces contributing to the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka, and preserving its character as a multi ethnic, multi lingual and multi religious plural society in which all citizens can live in equality, safety and harmony, and prosper and fulfil their aspirations:

2. Resolve that

2.1 Since the government of Sri Lanka proposes to permit adjoining provinces to join to form one administrative unit and also by a referendum to separate as may be permitted to the Northern and Eastern Provinces as outlined below:

2.2 During the period, which shall be considered an interim period (i.e. from the date of the elections to the Provincial Council, as specified in para 2. B to the date of the referendum as specified in para 2.3) the Northern and Eastern Provinces as now constituted, will form one administrative unit, having one elected Provincial Council. Such a unit will have one Governor, one Chief Minister and one Board of Ministers.

2.3 There will be a referendum on or before 31st of December 1988 to enable the people of the Eastern Province to decide whether:

A) The Eastern Province should remain linked with the Northern Province as one administrative unit, and continue to be governed together with the Northern Province as specified in para 2.2 or:

B) The Eastern Province should constitute a separate administrative unit having its own distinct Provincial Council with a separate Governor, Chief Minister and Board of Ministers

The President may, at his discretion, decide to postpone such a referendum.

2.4 All persons who have been displaced due to ethnic violence or other reasons, will have the right to vote in such a referendum. Necessary conditions to enable them to return to areas from where they were displaced will be created.

2.5 The referendum when held will be monitored by a committee headed by the Chief Justice, a member appointed by the President, nominated by the Government of Sri Lanka, and a member appointed by the President, nominated by the representatives of the Tamil speaking people of the Eastern Province.

2.6 A simple majority will be sufficient to determine the result of the referendum.

2.7 Meetings and other forms of propaganda, permissible within the laws of the country, will be allowed before the referendum.

2.8 Elections to Provincial Councils will be held within the next three months, in any event before the 31st December 1987. Indian observers will be invited for elections to the Provincial Council in the North and East.

2.9 The Emergency will be lifted in the Eastern and Northern Provinces by August 15, 1987. A cessation of hostilities will come into effect all over the Island within 48 hours of the signing of this Agreement. All arms presently held by Militant Groups will be surrendered in accordance with an agreed procedure to authorities to be designated by the government of Sri Lanka.

Consequent to the cessation of hostilities and the surrender of arms by Militant Groups, the Army and other security personnel will be confined to barracks in camps as on 25th May 1987. The process of surrendering of arms and the confining of security personnel and moving back to barracks shall be completed within 72 hours of the cessation of hostilities coming into effect.

2.10 The government of Sri Lanka will utilize for the purpose of law enforcement and maintenance of security in the Northern and Eastern Provinces the same organizations and mechanisms of government as are used in the rest of the country.

2.11 The President of Sri Lanka will grant a general amnesty to political and other prisoners now held in custody under the Prevention of Terrorism Act and other Emergency Laws, and to Combatants, as well as to those persons accused, charged and/or convicted under these Laws. The government of Sri Lanka will make special efforts to rehabilitate militant youth with a view to bringing them back into the mainstream of national life. India will co-operate in the process.

2.12 The government of Sri Lanka will accept and abide by the above provisions and expect all others to do likewise.

2.13 If the framework for the resolutions is accepted, the government of Sri Lanka will implement the relevant proposals forthwith.

2.14 The government of India will underwrite and guarantee the resolutions, and co- operate in the implementation of these proposals.

2.15 These proposals are conditional to an acceptance of the proposals negotiated from 4.5.1986 to 19.12.86. Residual matters not finalized during the above negotiations shall be resolved between India and Sri Lanka within a period of six weeks of signing this Agreement. These proposals are also conditional to the government of India co-operating directly with the government of Sri Lanka in their implementation.

2.16 These proposals are also conditional to the government of India taking the following actions if any Militant Groups operating in Sri Lanka do not accept this frameworK of proposals for a settlement, namely,
A) India will take all necessary steps to ensure that Indian territory is not used for activities prejudicial to the unity, integrity and security of Sri Lanka.

B) The Indian Navy/Coastguard will co-operate with the Sri Lanka Navy in preventing Tamil Militant activities from affecting Sri Lanka.

C) In the event that the government of Sri Lanka requests the government of India to afford military assistance to implement these proposals the government of India will co-operate by giving to the government of Sri Lanka such military assistance as and when requested.

D) The government of India will expedite repatriation from Sri Lanka of Indian citizens to India who are resident here, concurrently with the repatriation of Sri Lankan refugees from Tamil Nadu.

E) The government of Sri Lanka and India will co-operate in ensuring the physical security and safety of all communities inhabiting the Northern and Eastern Provinces.

2.17 The government of Sri Lanka shall ensure free, full and fair participation of voters from all communities in the Northern and Eastern Provinces in electoral processes envisaged in this Agreement. The government of India will extend full co-operation to the government of Sri Lanka in this regard.

2.18 The official language of Sri Lanka shall be Sinhala. Tamil and English will also be official languages.
3. This Agreement and the Annexures thereto shall come into force upon signature
In witness whereof we have set our hands and seals hereunto.

Done in Colombo, Sri Lanka, on this the twenty ninth day of July of the year one thousand nine hundred and eighty seven, in duplicate, both texts being equally authentic.

Junius Richard Jayewardene, President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka Rajiv Gandhi, Prime Minister of the Republic of India

Annexure to the Indo – Sri Lanka Agreement
1. His Excellency the President of Sri Lanka and the Prime Minister of India agree that the referendum mentioned in paragraph 2 and its sub-paragraphs of the Agreement will be observed by a representative of the Election Commission of India to be invited by His Excellency the President of Sri Lanka.

2. Similarly, both Heads of Government agree that the elections to the Provincial Council mentioned in paragraph 2.8 of the Agreement will be observed and all para military personnel will be withdrawn from the Eastern and Northern Provinces with a view to creating conditions conducive to fair elections to the Council.

3. The President, in his discretion, shall absorb such para military forces, which came into being due to the ethnic violence, into the regular security forces of Sri Lanka.

4. The President of Sri Lanka and the Prime Minister of India agree that the Tamil Militants shall surrender their arms to authorities agreed upon to be designated by the President of Sri Lanka. The surrender shall take place in the presence of one senior representative each of the Sri Lanka Red Cross and the India Red Cross.

5. The President of Sri Lanka and the Prime Minister of India agree that a Joint Indo Sri Lankan Observer Group consisting of qualified representatives of the government of Sri Lanka and the government of India would monitor the cessation of hostilities from 31 July 1987.

6. The President of Sri Lanka and the Prime Minister of India also agree that in terms of paragraph 2.14 and paragraph 2.16 (C) of the Agreement, an Indian Peace Keeping Contingent may be invited by the President of Sri Lanka to guarantee and enforce the cessation of hostilities, if so required.


Exchange of letters

between the President of Sri Lanka and the Prime Minister of India

July 29, 1987

Please refer to your letter dated the 29th of July 1987, which reads as follows:-

Conscious of the friendship between our two countries stretching over two millennia and more, and recognizing the importance of nurturing this traditional friendship, it is imperative that both Sri Lanka and India reaffirm the decision not to allow our respective territories to be used for activities prejudicial to each other’s unity, territorial integrity and security.

2. In this spirit, you had, during the course of our discussion, agreed to meet some of India’s concerns as follows:-

I) Your Excellency and myself will reach an early understanding about the relevance and employment of foreign military and intelligence personnel with a view to ensuring that such presences will not prejudice Indo Sri Lanka relations.

II) Trincomalee or any other ports in Sri Lanka will not be made available for military use by any country in a manner prejudicial to India’s interests.

III) The work of restoring and operating the Trincomalee Oil Tank will be undertaken as a joint operation between India and Sri Lanka.

IV) Sri Lanka’s agreement with foreign broadcasting organisations will be reviewed to ensure that any facilities set up by them in Sri Lanka are used solely as public broadcasting facilities and not for any military or intelligence purposes.
3. In the same spirit, India will:

I) Deport all Sri Lankan citizens who are found to be engaging in terrorist activities or advocating separatism or secessionism.

II) Provide training facilities and military supplies for Sri Lanka security services.

4. India and Sri Lanka have agreed to set up a joint consultative mechanism to continuously review matters of common concern in the light of the objectives stated in para 1 and specifically to monitor the implementation of other matters contained in this letter.

5. Kindly confirm, Excellency that the above correctly sets out the Agreement reached between us.

Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

Yours sincerely, sgd Rajiv Gandhi
His Excellency,
Mr. J.R. Jayawardena,
President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka,
This is to confirm that the above correctly sets out the understanding reached between us.
Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.
sgd J.R. Jayawardene President
His Excellency, Mr. Rajiv Gandhi, Prime Minister of the Republic of India, New Delhi.


Supreme Court rules N-E merger “unconstitutional, illegal and invalid”
Mon, 2006-10-16 16:56

Colombo, 16 October, A bench of five judges, headed by the Chief Justice, Sarath N. Silva, ruled that the temporary merger of the northern province with the eastern province is “unconstitutional, illegal and invalid”. The ruling was delivered at 11.35 a. m. today.

The two provinces were merged temporarily in 1987 under the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement signed by the Indian Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi and the Sri Lankan President J. R. Jayewardene. It was a part of the Indian-proposed package to solve the problem. But the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement virtually collapsed.

The Supreme Court decision is a setback for the Tamil parties which have been campaigning for the legalizing of the merger on a permanent basis.  The JVP launched a nation-wide protest against the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement.

In a farewell guard of honor accorded to the departing Rajiv Gandhi a Sri Lankan naval rating hit him on the head with the butt of his gun.

According to the legal experts, there is provision for the President who merged both provinces with his signature to de-merge it also with a stroke of the pen.

A bench of five judges comprising of Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva, Supreme Court Judges Nihal Jayasinghe, N.K. Udalagama, Nimal Gamini Amaratunga and Rupa Fernando agreed to the submissions to the petition filed by the JVP that the North and the East should be separated and administered as two separate provinces.

The petitioners were JVP Parliamentarians for Trincomalee and Digamadulla Messrs. Jayanthe Wijesekera and Wasanthe Piyatissa respectively and a resident of Digamadulla.

The respondents were the Governor for North and East, Commissioner of Elections and Attorney General.

The counselors for the petitioners were Messrs. H.L. de Silva, S.L. Gunasekera and Gomin Dayasiri.

Mr. Wimal Weerawansa, Information Secretary of the JVP speaking after the decision was given said the JVP was able to correct a wrong that had existed for 19 years and thanked the counselors for the petitioners for their contribution for the unitary state of the Motherland.

Counselor Mr. H.L. de Silva said Supreme Court accepted all the submissions made by the petitioners.

The counselors for the petitioners were. H.L. de Silva, S.L. Gunasekera and Gomin Dayasiri garlanded by JVP leaders.



Chandrika – LTTE Talks: 1994/95 

“I have studied and acquired considerable knowledge on guerrilla warfare when I was a student in Paris, and we knew how they would behave. We conducted talks on the basis that the LTTE would not agree to any peaceful settlement and lay down arms.” President Kumaratunga, Sri Lanka Sunday Times, 20 August 1995

Exchange of Letters between LTTE leader and Sri Lanka Prime Minister, 9 & 12 September 1994

Press Release – LTTE International Secretariat, 10 September 1994

BBC interview –  LTTE Leader, 13 September 1994 Sri Lanka Prime Minister to LTTE Leader, 21 September 1994

LTTE Leader to Sri Lanka Prime Minister, 23 September 1994 Tamil Eelam News Letter, October 1994:

Priority for day to day problems  Sri Lanka Prime Minister to LTTE Leader, 6 October 1994

LTTE Leader to Sri Lanka Prime Minister, 8 October 1994

Secretary, Sri Lanka Prime Minister to LTTE Leader, 11 October 1994

Commencement of Talks between LTTE and Sri Lanka – 13 October 1994

Joint Sri Lanka – LTTE Statement at end of First Round of Talks 13 -14 October 1994

Letter from Sri Lanka Prime Minister to LTTE Leader, 21 October 1994

Peace: Can Chandrika Deliver the Goods?- Tamil Eelam News Letter October 1994.

Text of Leaflets dropped by Sri Lanka on Jaffna – October 1994

Towards a Just Peace or just a peace offensive? – Nadesan Satyendra – November 1994

Sinhala chauvinism bears its fangs – Nadesan Satyendra – November 1994

Sri Lanka Deputy Defence Minister to LTTE Leader,  19 November 1994

LTTE Leader to Sri Lanka Deputy Defence Minister, 20 November 1994

Sri Lanka Deputy Defence Minister to LTTE Leader, 22 November 1994

LTTE Leader to Sri Lanka Deputy Defence Minister, 25 November 1994

Sri Lanka Preparing for War? – Tamil Eelam News Letter, December 1994

Sri Lanka Deputy Defence Minister, to LTTE Leader –  7 December 1994

LTTE leader  to Sri Lanka Deputy Defence Minister, 8 December 1994

Sri Lanka Deputy Defence Minister to LTTE leader, 13 December 1994

LTTE leader  to Sri Lanka Deputy Defence Minister, 15 December 1994

Sri Lanka Deputy Defence Minister to LTTE leader, 19 December 1994

LTTE Leader to Sri Lanka Deputy Defence Minister – 21 December 1994

Sri Lanka Deputy Defence Minister to LTTE Leader –  29  December 1994

LTTE leader  to Sri Lanka Deputy Defence Minister, 1 January 1995

Declaration of Cessation of Hostilities, 5 January 1995

Exchange of Letters between Mr.Tamilselvan & Secretary to Sri Lanka President, 13 January 1995

LTTE leader to Sri Lanka President, 25 February 1995

(1) LTTE leader to Sri Lanka President, 25 February 1995

(2) Press Release by Political Committee of LTTE – 26 February 1995

Press Release -Political Committee of LTTE – 7 March 1995

Sri Lanka President to LTTE Leader, 9 March 1995 LTTE leader to Sri Lanka President, 16 March 1995

LTTE Leader to  Sri Lanka President, 22  March 1995 Sri Lanka President to LTTE leader, 24  March 1995

LTTE leader to Sri Lanka President  28 March 1995 Sri Lanka President to LTTE leader, 1 April 1995

LTTE leader to Sri Lanka President  6 April 1995 Sri Lanka President to LTTE Leader – 12 April 1995

LTTE Political Wing Leader Thamilchelven’s Statement, 17 April 1995

LTTE Leader to Sri Lanka President – 18 April 1995

LTTE Press Release, 19 April 1995

Statement – Political Committee of LTTE – 23 April 1995

BBC interview – LTTE Leader Velupillai Pirabaharan – 27 April 1995

Tamil Eelam News Letter April 1995:

Government propaganda and international public opinion  Statement by International Secretariat of LTTE, 26 May 1995

Petition by Swiss Federation of Tamil Associations to President Kumaratunga – 3 June 1995 What went wrong with the peace process? – M.Vasantharajah, 25 June 1995

The Chandrika – LTTE Talks: Dr. S. Sathananthan – July 1995

Failed Peace Process: the Reasons – Dr. Rajan Sriskandarajah, October 1995 President Chandrika: Peace Dove with War Medal – Natkunam –  November 1995


All Tamil politicians were focussed on demanding power and wealth from SL, however, they failed in developing the North. All what they were shouting for is – Tamil Eelam, Tamil Eelam. The idiosyncrasy of the 21st century.

The main focus here should be to investigate under who regime separatism, terrorism commenced. Undoubtedly it directs that, since independence, the separatism, terrorism were instigated under the UNP administration. We all know that UNP is the stooge of the west. Then again, UK, wherever they left giving independence, they left a problem so that the country will run back to them for solution. Can the UNP guys deny this fact?

To be continued….

One Response to “History of Tamil Politics and the suicidal steps taken”

  1. Dilrook Says:

    Tamil Eelam was coined by Ponnambalam Arunachalam in 1922 (Wilson, AJ). It was never there before. There were no Ceylon Tamils before 1911. It is an artificial ethnic group created by the same person in 1911. These Tamils were correctly known as Indians (Malabars) until then. All other countries that received a large influx of south Indians during British time (Malaysia, Singapore, Burma, Thailand, South Africa, etc.) still classify them as Indians and not as Tamils, etc. Many problems and confusions could have been avoided had Sri Lanka followed the pre-1911 ethnic classifications.

    The real target of Tamil Eelamists is not the infertile, barren and arid north but Colombo and the surrounds.

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