KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Maha Sangha played a significant role in mobilizing support for the 1956 victory. The Sangha used their traditional leadership role in the villages to influence the public to vote for the MEP. 1956 was the climax of a political awakening that had started long before.

Ananda Meegama traces the beginning of this activism to Anagarika Dharmapala (1864- 1933). Anagarika said that it was the duty of the bhikkhus to participate vigorously in the Buddhist revival which had started. Dharmapala’s views caused only a slight ripple in the Sangha during his own lifetime, said H.L.Seneviratne. Conservative Buddhists avoided the Anagarika, added Meegama.

 But from 1930 the Anagarika’s words started to take effect. ”Sinhala Baudhaya” Wesak Kalapaya 1934 published an open letter to the Sangha requesting their active participation in the issues that were shaking the country. The Buddhist revival now had political overtones.

The Maha Sangha responded. The 1930s produced dynamic bhikkhus who played a major role in the political struggles of the time. There was Udakandawela Siri Saranankara, (1902-1966) who became the first President of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka. 

 Uda Kandawela Siri Saranankara

There was also Yakkaduwe Pragnarama (1918-1986). Yakkaduwe was head of Vidyalankara Pirivena from 1934. He spent his entire life developing the Vidyalankara Pirivena, said Meegama.  It was Yakkaduwe who developed Vidyalankara, said Walpola Rahula. The idea of converting Vidyalankara Pirivena to a University was first mooted by Yakkaduwe, said DB Dhanapala.

Ven. Yakkaduwe Pragnarama

DB Dhanapala said that Yakkaduwe rarely shaved, chewed betel all day, was slow in movement and speech and appeared sleepy looking. ‘He would sit cross legged on a   couch and write throughout the night and in the morning would lie down on the same couch and sleep.  Meegama said Yakkaduwe was very austere in his ways.  He was rarely seen in the public. He rarely participated in functions  and he did not make public speeches.   

However, Yakkaduwe was actually very active and very influential at several levels. Yakkaduwe had set up a Council to examine and revise the Buddhist texts.  He was also a  respected Sinhala scholar. Peradeniya and Vidyodaya gave him honorary degrees. He had tried to bring the written and spoken Sinhala closer to each other.

Yakkaduwe wanted the bhikkhus around him to take an interest in the political goings on of the time.  He was a strong influence on several bhikkhus, including Walpola Rahula. There was series of strikes in 1942-44. Walpola Rahula, Nattandiye Pannakara, Kotahene Pannakirthi  inspired by Yakkaduwe , spoke  to the public. They drew attention to the poor living conditions of the masses and the huge gap between the rich and the poor.

Yakkaduwe was also behind the bhikkhu movement which campaigned in support of the Free Education Act of 1945. Walpola Rahula and other bhikkhus were seen regularly in the galleries of the State Council during the free education debate.

DS Senanayake did not like the stance the bhikkhus were taking regarding the Free Education Bill. He saw the implications and decided that the political bhikkhus had to be stopped in their tracks.

On January 13 1943 at prize giving at Dharmaraja Vidyalaya, Matale he criticized the bhikkhus for their interest in the activities of State Council and their present in the galleries there. Bhikkhus not dabble in politics, he said, they   should stay safely confined to the forest or temple as persons who had retired from the world.

Walpola Rahula replied at the speech at Prince College, Kotahena a few days later. Dinamina and Daily News carried full reports of DS Senanayake’s speech. Lake House called these monks ‘Kahakadayo’.

There was a public furor but in addition, the public interest was aroused as to what the actual role of the bhikkhus was. Vidyalankara thought a public reply was necessary. On February 13 1947 Vidyalankara issued a manifesto under the signature of Kiriwattuduwe Sri Pragnasara,   Principal of Vidyalankara.This document was to become the manifesto of the Vidyalankara monks. It  was written by Yakkaduwe.

It was Yakkaduwe  who , behind the scenes, encouraged the bhikkhus  to  be activist , said Meegama,. Yakkaduwe had told the bhikkhus of Vidyalankara that if they agreed to this document, they would have to face much danger and worry in the years to come and not to support it if they were scared.

The Vidyalankara manifesto prepared by Yakkaduwe said, of course Vinaya rules must be observed and of course bhikkhus must promote religion. But conditions today are different from those in the time of Buddha and the life of the monk has also changed. Bhikkhus  are now actively engaged in anti temperance work, social work etc. They are Presidents of societies as well.   working for the welfare of society,  is not enough, said the Manifesto. bhikkhus must  also take action to  obstruct that which is detrimental to the country.

The idea that religion and politics should be kept separate is something introduced by the British, concluded the Manifesto. They are attempting to create a gulf between bhikkhus and laity. We should not give into this. In ancient times bhikkhus were in the foreground of political movements.

DS Senanayake wanted the Manifesto withdrawn.   He also wanted State Council to pass laws giving the Mahanayake right to disrobe, fine or  imprison political monks. He tried to   prevent these bhikkhus from receiving alms as well .Nothing came of this.

But it infuriated the  bhikkhus .They held a meeting at the BTS headquarters,   chaired by Ven. Palannoruwe Wimaladharma and decided that they alone should determine what they should and should not do. Laymen cannot decide and they cannot interfere. The bhikkhus   formed the Lanka Eksath Bhikshu Mandalaya to defend themselves, propagate their ideas, and to educate and waken the public. Vidyalankara started a weekly paper Kalaya’ to propagate their views.

DS Senanayake had roused a hornets’ nest.  Political leaders did not usually criticize the Maha Sangha.  There was a furor in the country.  Speeches, articles, letters were written, for and against. Opinion in the country was divided. Then in June 1946 came the definitive Bhikshuvakage Urumaya by Walpola Rahula. The book sold out in three weeks. A second edition appeared   in 1948.

 Yakkaduwe Pragnarama therefore  has a special place in the 1956 revolution, said Meegama.  It was he who prepared the text on the duty and role of the Sangha which led to Bhikshuvakage Urumaya” by Walpola Rahula.

Vidyalankara monks campaigned for the 1947 election, throughout the country, but mostly in Mirigama and Kelaniya, the constituencies of DS Senanayake and JR Jayawardene. DS Senanayake asked Ven. Henpitagedera Gnanasiha, a formidable monk, to support his  election campaign, promising to fund Gnansiha’s Bhikkhu institute at Pathakada when he won, but Senanayake he did not keep his word    and Henpitagedera was displeased. The UNP did not get a large majority at the 1947 election.

 JR Jayewardene was even more determined than DS Senanayake to crush the political bhikkhus. In September 1947 when Walpola Rahula and another monk were traveling they were stopped by mob led by Aspa John, a strongman supporter of JR . The mob pulled out the two bhikkhus and assaulted them till they were unconscious. They were saved form   death only because the crowds that had gathered protected them.

The Buddhist were not crushed by any of this. Buddhist demands  intensified in the 1950s. They wanted specific gains. Bandaranaike speaking in   May   1950 said that Buddhism should be given a special place. This had been promised in the 1815 Convention. Lanka Eksath Bhikshu Mandalaya under Polwatte Buddhadatta supported  the   idea. GP Malalasekera, President of the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress said that the 1815 provision must be enforced without delay.  The 1815 Convention said, The religion of Boodho, professed by the chiefs and inhabitants of these provinces, is declared inviolable, and its rites, ministers, and places of worship are to be maintained and protected.”

 The idea of a special place for Buddhism was ridiculed, by its opponents, with cartoons, and editorials. DS Senanayake said publicly at meetings, that there should be no state intervention for Buddhism. That would lead to religious dissension. When a Buddhist delegation went to meet him, DS Senanayake had said’ Anaduwa saranan gatcchami,’ which angered the public as well.

The 1950 session of the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress sessions saw   Malalasekera and P de S Kularatne responding to what DS Senanayake had said. 11 resolutions were passed at this Sessions and a book titled Buddhism and the state was published in 1951, giving these 11 resolutions.

Despite these efforts, the Buddhist lobby   failed to get anywhere with the UNP government   of DS Senanayake (1947-1952) or Dudley Senanayake (1952-1953). Then Sir John became Prime Minister  in  1953 . Sir John was even worse. He had threatened to disrobe political bhikkhus. The Buddhists were agitated and angry.

The 1953 session of the ACBC was a turbulent one, with delegates shouting that the ACBC must wake up.  This session was a historical one. At this session a committee, later known as Buddhist Commission, was appointed to look into the position of Buddhism in Ceylon.  From June 1954 to May 1955 the Buddhist Commission went round the country, taking evidence.  

They held sittings in 37 towns. Henpitagedera Gnanasiha had in 1953, formed Buddha Sasana samithis in Ratnapura district. these had expanded into other districts . The Buddhist Commission found these samiti very helpful for their work. The samitis also spread the Commission findings among the Buddhist public.

The report of the Buddhist Commission was released in February 4, 1956. A week later the government was dissolved   and the country got ready for the General election of 1956.

The year 1956 also saw the formation of the Eksath Bhikshu Peramuna, this was the successor to Lanka Eksath Bhikshu Mandalaya formed in 1946. The  Peramuna was the most effective body of political monks of the modern period said PA Saram .

The emergence of an aggressive Buddhist movement which brought the Maha Sangha to the forefront  was another significant development of 1956, said Wiswa Warnapala. The Sangha became an active social and political force in modern Sri Lanka, he added.

In ancient times the Sangha had a legitimate role in the political affairs of the country. They guided the king. They did not wield power directly. This traditional role was now resurrected in a modern setting.  The Sangha is now a permanent part of the political culture of Sri Lanka, concluded Wiswa.

BUDDHA JAYANTI 1956

One of the first events the new government had to organize was the Buddha Jayanti, which was celebrated on 23 May, 1956. The Buddha Jayanti of 1956 commemorated the 2500^th anniversary of the birth, enlightenment, and Parinibbana of Gautama Buddha. Buddha Jayanti was celebrated on a massive scale in Sri Lanka. These celebrations, which I recall clearly, gave a great fillip to the Buddhist revival of the time. It evoked much enthusiasm.

During Buddha Jayanti, each month a foreign leader would preside over the celebrations in different towns.  Those who came were Mahendra of Nepal, Sihanouk of Cambodia, MIkasa of Japan and Chou en Lai, of China. Chou was a media favorite. He was cheerful, friendly, quotable and displayed a zest for exploration. Ven. Othani high priest of Japan also came.

The Buddha Jayanti project was started by the previous UNP government but SWRD was on the Executive Committee at that time too.  SWRD took over the Buddha Jayanti when he won the 1956 election.  He continued to be keenly interest in the Buddha Jayanti despite his duties as PM, said   Ananda Guruge, who administered the Buddha Jayanti project. 

Bandaranaike   ‘put his heart and soul into the project and worked with exemplary devotion and diligence,’ said Guruge. We met frequently and he never missed a meeting.  Often he would come a few minutes early, and send for me or one of my assistants to get a clarification on the agenda, or gather facts.  Bandaranaike looked carefully at the composition of the Buddha Jayanti committee and the Cabinet memorandum.

Lanka Bauddha Mandalaya   with a Sangha Sabha of 175 and a gihi Sabha was set up to carry out the event. The Sangha could not agree as to who should speak at the main celebration and SWRD dealt with the matter tactfully. He showed flexibility and refreshing sense of humour which led to satisfactory results, recalled Guruge.

Bandaranaike was interested in three Buddha Jayanti projects, restoration of Maligawa, encyclopaedia of Buddhism, and the religious awakening movement.   He suggested a Board of international editors for the Buddhist encyclopaedia and also that they meet in Colombo to decide on format, coverage and comprehensiveness.  He offered many valuable suggestions on the technical aspects of the project, said Guruge.

Guruge says an elephant stampeded at Buddha Jayanti celebration at Attanagalla Raja Maha Viharaya. Instead of running away, SWRD took charge and had the people taken to safety. He had dragged Guruge to a side, by his collar. (Continued)