Jun 2000 : Column 45WH
Westminster Hall
Wednesday 7 June 2000 [Mr. Michael J. Martin in the Chair]
Sri Lanka Motion made, and Question proposed, That the sitting be now adjourned.--[Mr. Pope.]
9.30 am

Mr. Simon Hughes (Southwark, North and Bermondsey): I am very glad to have the opportunity of a debate on the civil war in Sri Lanka, although I am sad that we need to have such a debate. I am grateful to the Minister for his attendance. Coincidentally, he and I were last together at the lunch given by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office for the high commissioner of Sri Lanka before his departure, so we were able to speak together to people with an interest just a few days ago.

I should like to declare my interest. It starts with nostalgia: when I was a little boy, the story that I was told very often was how my mother gave up the chance of an appointment to be on the British forces staff in Kandy to marry my dad. I think that the ultimatum my dad gave her was "there or me". My mother always said that she regretted, at least up to 49 per cent., making the choice to marry my dad and not go to what was then Ceylon. But from then on, my family always had an interest and an aspiration to go there.

Sri Lanka became independent just over 50 years ago and was recognised as one of the world's beautiful and historic countries. We in Britain increasingly felt that we had strong links with Sri Lanka. I retained my nostalgic interest until I moved to London and gradually met more and more people from all the different communities in Sri Lanka. I got to know their character and their contribution here, as well as the deep sense of despair and desperation of many about what was going on at home. That led, over the following years, since I have been in the House, to an increasing interest and a desire to do something to help the process of peacemaking in Sri Lanka.

At the beginning of last year, I went to Sri Lanka for the first time. I arrived on new year's day with Simon Hunt, who works with me here, and with a Sri Lankan Sinhala party colleague of ours, Dai Liyanage, who has recently finished his year as mayor of Medway. The visit was also made with the encouragement of the Tamil community in this country, whose headquarters in London had moved into my constituency. I have been often to Eelam house and talked to people there.

So I come to this debate with historical interest, the experience of having been to Sri Lanka and increasing concern that the country, which has huge opportunity and possibility, is frustrated at nearly every turn by the civil war which has effectively been going on, unbroken, since 1983. That in many ways handicaps a country that would naturally be so outgoing, effervescent, fun-loving and enriching--and I am not just talking about the cricket. I should add that I have enjoyed nearly all the recent Sri Lankan contributions to cricket, although the

7 Jun 2000 : Column 46WH
last match that I witnessed, not very far from here, was not a great English success. [Interruption.] The Minister, with at least two partisan interests, no doubt has to split his allegiance somewhat. The point about cricket may be superficial, but it is representative. The country wants to contribute internationally in all sorts of ways, but often it cannot do so to the full. At International Development questions the other day, I asked the Secretary of State what her Department's priorities in Sri Lanka were for this financial year. Her answer was this: Finding a lasting solution to the long-running conflict is the major priority in reducing poverty in Sri Lanka.--[Official Report, 3 May 2000; Vol.349, c.130.]

She sent me the country strategy paper produced by the Department for International Development at the end of last year. This well-written document makes it clear that although poverty exists, there is little "extreme" poverty. It says that groups of extreme poor exist in the conflict zones, but that resolution of the war is the first priority in reducing poverty, and that for future stability, the fundamental causes of chronic conflict in Sri Lanka also need to be addressed. The country, with its huge potential for economic development, is perpetually thwarted by the endemic conflict within its borders. I should like to give some statistics. The population of Sri Lanka is between 18 and 19 million people. About three quarters are Sinhala and about 18 per cent. are Tamil. Some 7 per cent. of the population are Muslims, of Moorish extraction, and there are small Burgher, Malay and Veddas communities. The Sinhala community is effectively Buddhist--about 70 per cent. of the population are Buddhist. That is very important--Buddhism is written into the constitution, as pre-eminently important, which I respect. I had helpful and constructive discussions with some Buddhist religious leaders when I was there. The Tamil community is effectively Hindu--15 per cent. of the population is Hindu. Then, 8 per cent. is Christian, and there is a Muslim population of 8 per cent. too. Sinhala is the predominant language, and Tamil the minority language. Interestingly, the language that is the great link between both communities is English. I was told very clearly by everyone that the development of English in Sri Lanka is a unifying feature and is not perceived as a colonial or ex-colonial contribution at all.

When I was there, I confirmed how much the politics of Sri Lanka is dynastic. Some families have been in power for generations--the current President's mother is still the Prime Minister, for example. That means that there is a determination for the Sinhala to defend the unity of the country, because it is the centre of their world tradition. There is also a desire for independence among many of the Tamils. That is not the universal Tamil view, but there is a huge desire for self-determination, and that will not go away. As in all other places, we cannot pretend that there are not different communities with their own aspirations which will want to re-assert their differences until self-determination is achieved. As a result, there has been, effectively, a continuing attempt by each community to assert its predominance. There is a form of

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