You are foolish or bullshit ?

July 30th, 2017

 Chandrasena Pandithage

You are foolish or bullshit ?

Oh president

You store your harvest in an International Air Port

It’s a surprise!

Too much harvest. Hm.

 

Oh you stop cultivation in paddy lands.

Unbelievable,

Son of farmer.

Oh! Dear, now you are running here and there,

searching rice to import here.

Marvelous ruling practice. Ha! Ha! Haa.

Oh my god! Now you ask Bangladesh to improve our harvest.
Why Bangladesh?
Go back to your home town.

King Maha Parakrama Bahu is waiting for you.

He will ask the above question

The answer is both.

කටාර්හි නවතම අර්බුදයත රවී කෙල හලයි, ඒ.එස්.පී. රැුස් විහිදයි.

July 30th, 2017

දුෂාන් ලියනගම

කටාර් හි වෙසෙන ශ‍්‍රි ලාංකික පවුල්වල දරුවන්ගේ අධ්‍යාපනය වෙනුවෙන් එම දෙමාපියන්ගේ මූල්‍ය හා ශ‍්‍රම දායකත්වයෙන් මෙන්ම ගොඩනගා ගත් තම රාජකාරි සබඳතා වල ශක්තීන් මත වසර 2001 දී දරුවන් 14 දෙනෙකු ඇතුළත් කර ගනිමින් පිහිටුවා ගත් හා ශී‍්‍ර ලංකීය අනන්‍යතාවය රැුකෙන පරිදි පවත්වාගෙන යන ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා ස්ටැෆඞ් පාසලට අදවන විට හෙනහුරෙක් කඩා පාත් වී ඇත. කටාර් රියාල් මිලියන 9 ක මුදලක් එකතු වී ඇති පාසල් අරමුදලට .තට්ටු. කිරීමට අභිනව විදේශ ඇමති රවී කරුණානායක බලාපොරොත්තු වෙයි. ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් රතු එළි දැනටමත් නිකුත් කර ඇති අතර, එම මුදල් ලංකාවට ගෙන්වා ගැනීමේ .තෝල්කයා. ලෙස කටයුතු කරන්නේ එම රටේ තානාපති ලෙස පෙනී සිටින එහෙත් තමනට ආණුඩුකාරධූරයක් නොමැතිව හැ`ඩූ කදුලින් පසුවන කුප‍්‍රකට ඉඩම් හා දේපල බිස්නස්කාරයෙකු වන ඒ.එස්.පී. ලියනගේ නැමැත්තාය. මේ හේතුවෙන් දැනට පාසලේ 1000ක් පමණ ඉගෙන ගන්නා ¥ දරුවන්, 50 ක් පමණ ගුරුභවතුන් මෙන්ම දෙමාපියන් ද සේවකයින් ද දැඩි කනස්සල්ලටත් කලකිරීමටත් පත්ව සිටිති.

මුලින්ම කිවයුත්තේ, මෙය කටාර් පමණක් නොව දමාම්, මස්කට්, ඩුබායි, බහරේන් ඇතු`ඵ රටවල් ගණනාවක දශක 2 කට වඩා කාලයක පටන් ප`ඩින`ඩි, ගොඩනැගිලි කුලී, පොත්පත්, විදුලි බිල්, රජයේ ගාස්තු යනාදි සියලූ වියපැහැදම් දරාගෙන, කිසිදු ශ‍්‍රි ලංකා රජයක අනුග‍්‍රහයකින් තොරව, මු`ඵමනින්ම දෙමාපියන්ගේ කර මතින් පවත්වාගෙන යන ශ‍්‍රී ලාංකීය පාසල් පද්ධතියක් බවයි. හැම පාසලකටම ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ඇත. පේට‍්‍රන් ලෙස ශ‍්‍රි ලංකා තානාපතිවරයා පෙනී සිටියි. කලමනාකරණ මණ්ඩලයක් මගින් තීන්දු ගනියි. ඊට අමතරව දෙමාපිය සංගමයක් ද ඇත. සියලූ මුල්‍ය කටයුතු විගණනයකට යටත් වෙයි. අදාල රටේ නීති රීති වලට ද යටත්වෙයි. මේ සියලූ පාසල් ලාභ නොලබන පදනම මත පවත්වාගෙන යයි.

මෙතෙක් පැවති කිසිදු රජයක අතපෙවිමක් මේ කිසිදු පාසලකට නොතිබුුන අතර එක තඹ සතයක්වත් ශ‍්‍රි ලංකා රජයෙන් ලබා ගෙන නැත. එහෙත් අදාල අරමුදල පරිහරණය කිරීම අත්හිටුවා ඇති අතර ඊට හේතුව ලෙස තානාපති කියා සිටින්නේ මුල්‍ය වංචාවක් වාර්තා වි ඇති බවත් ඒ සඳහා කොළඹින් අධීක්ෂණ කණ්ඩායමක් එවනු ඇති බවත්ය. තවද එම ගිණුම සභාපතිවරයාගේ පුද්ගලික නමින් පවත්වාගෙන යන බවත්ය. එහෙත් කටාර් හි ක‍්‍රියාත්මක ශ‍්‍රි ලංකීය සංගම් නියෝජිතයින් අමතා කළ එම ප‍්‍රකාශය තානාපති විසින් එය .පාසලේ නමින්. පිහිටු වූ ගිණුමක් ලෙස සංශෝධනය කිරීමට සිදු වූයේ සභාපතිවරයාගේ නිවැරදි කිරීම මතය. මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් පෙරලා ප‍්‍රශ්න කිරීමට යාමේ දී එක් අයෙකුට දැඩි ස්වරයෙන් කතා කළ තානාපතිවරයා ,මම ඉන්නේ ඔබලාට උත්තර දීමට නොව ඔබලා ඉන්නේ මට ඇහුම්කන් දීමට, බව කියා සිටි අතර මෙම ස්ථානයේ සී.අයි.ඞී ය ගැවසෙන බවත් වැඩිය දැගලූවොත් පොලිසියට භාර දෙන බවත් කියා සිටියේ ය. ඔහු වරෙක පොලිසිය ද කැදවූයේය. කිසිදු අවසානයකින් තොරව අතරම`ග රැුස්වීම නවතා දමා උඩුමහලට දිවගිය තානාපතිවරයා එසේ රැුස් විහිදුවන්නේ කටාර් හි වසර ගණනාවක් වෙසෙන සාඩම්බර ශ‍්‍රි ලංකීකයින්ට බව අමතක කළේය. ආ ගිය බොහෝ තානාපතිවරුන්ගේ විවිධ හැසිරීම් රටාවන් අපි දැක ඇත්තෙමු. සල්ලි මල්ලක් තිබූ පලියට තානාපති තනතුරු පිරිනැමූ යහපාලනයේ රෙද්ද ගැලවී අවසන් ය. රවී කරුණානායක වැනි මහ බැංකු හොරුන්ට ජනතාව පාඩම් උගන්වන දවස වැඩි ඈතක නොවේ. පන්සලේ පිංකැටෙන් නොනැවතී විදේශයන්හි පිහිටා ඇති ශ‍්‍රි ලංකා පාසල් අරමුදල්වලට අතපෙවීම නව විදේශ ප‍්‍රතිපත්තියේ කොටසක් බව දැන් පැහැදිලිය. එහෙත් නරින්ට කුකුල්ලූ භාර දෙන දෙමාපියන් කටාර් හි සොයා ගැනීමට නොහැකි වනු ඇත.

ඉනාමළුවේ සුමංගල හිමි දඹළු විහාරයේ ටිකට්වලින් කෝටි 1095ක් කොල්ල කාලා..

July 30th, 2017

 lanka C news

රංගිරි දඹුල්ල රජමහා විහාරයේ භාරකාරත්වය කලින් දරන ලද ඉනාමළුවේ සුමංගල හිමියන් විසින් 1996 සිට 2016 වසර දක්වා එම විහාරස්ථානය ලැබෙන ආදායම්වලින් රුපියල් කෝටි 1095ක මුදලක් කොල්ල කා ඇති බවට එම විහාරස්ථානයේ වත්මන් විහාරාධිපති ගොඩගම මංගල හිමි විසින් ඇමති අකිල විරාජ් කාරියවසම්ට දන්වා ඇතැයි සති අන්ත පුවත්පතක් වාර්තා කර ඇත.

මෙසේ කොල්ල කා ඇත්තේ විහාරස්ථානය නැරඹීමට පැමිණෙන විදෙස් සංචාරකයන්ගෙන් ප්‍රවේශපත්‍ර සදහා අය කරන මුදල් බවත් එම මුදල් මධ්‍යම සංස්කෘතික අරමුදලට, පුරාවිද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට, දඹුලු රජමහා විහාරයේ සංවර්ධන අරමුදලට බැර කර නැතැයිද උන් වහන්සේ පෙන්වා දී ඇත.

මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් විධිමත් පරීක්ෂණයක් පවත්වන්නැයිද ගොඩගම මංගල හිමියෝ ඇමතිවරයාගෙන් ලිඛිතව ඉල්ලා ඇතැයිද වාර්තාවේ දැක්වෙයි.

ඉනාමළුවේ සුමංගල හිමි දඹළු විහාරයේ ටිකට්වලින් කෝටි 1095ක් කොල්ල කාලා..

The Dambulla Temple – Improved Communication Approaches For Conservation of Living Religious Heritage Sites

July 30th, 2017

by M.L. WICKRAMASINGHE Courtesy The Island

July 29, 2017, 12:00 pm
The Rangiri Dambulu Viharaya (the Golden Mountain Temple of Dambulla) is sadly in the limelight for the wrong reason. The purpose of this article is to provide a bird’s eye view of the Dambulla Temple, its history, grandeur and sanctity, and the status as a UNESCO World Heritage site, to encourage more Sri Lankans to undertake a pilgrimage or a visit to the Dambulla temple. My recent pilgrimage to the Dambulla temple gave me a calmness of mind as a Buddhist and immense happiness as a Sri Lankan of what we can offer to World Heritage.

The article also touches upon the invaluable national role performed by the Maha Sangha from time immemorial with integrity and self sacrifice and hence suggests the desirability of State party empathizing with the Buddhist monastic perspectives and traditions in jointly developing a conservation strategy for the Dambulla temple.

This is particularly important as UNESCO’S and World Heritage Centre’s thinking on conservation of living religious heritage sites have undergone substantial change, especially in regard to the role of religious communities (meaning clergy of respective religions) in the conservation of these heritage sites. For example, UNESCO’s ‘Steering Group on Heritage of Religious Interest’, advocates for the Conservation Community to make a special effort to recognize “that values and traditions attached to heritage of religious interests as well as use requirements may contradict the views and standard working practices of the conservation community, thus requiring understanding and adaptation”. The Group also requests that “religious communities be considered as key partners in site management and in the creation of new approaches for joint management”.

The UNESCO document titled ‘Annex 1 Research on Integrated Implementation Strategy’ provides the following rationale for the above suggestion: “Legal protection is not sufficient for the preservation of living religious and sacred sites and their transmission for future generations as their survival depends on the custodial role played daily by the religious communities in caring for these as living heritage” . (whc.unesco.org/en/religious-sacred-heritage).

The history of the Dambulla temple (as per stone inscription) begins with King Valagambahu (89-77 BC). However, the presence of Buddhist monks in Dambulla pre-dates the temple. A stone inscription indicates that a cave had been donated to Maha Sangha by King Saddhatissa, (brother of King Dutugemunu) during 77-59 BC, proving that Buddhist monks had been in residence in Dambulla caves, prior to King Valagambahu seeking refuge in Dambulla caves due to a Chola invasion. About 80 such natural caves with drip- ledges cut to prevent rain water trickling in were found on the Dambulla rock. On winning the throne back from the Cholas, King Valagambahu built the Dambulu Vihara in gratitude for the monks of Dambulla who had helped him.

The ‘Paschima’ (western) Vihara was the first cave to be converted by King Valagambahu and initially contained five statues and a small dagoba. The dagoba was named after Valagambahu’s queen Somadevi, who jumped off the royal carriage to lighten it, so that the carriage could gather speed to escape the enemy carriage that was in hot pursuit.

King Valagambahu also converted the biggest cave (‘Maharaja Vihara’ -Temple of the King) and the smallest cave (Devaraja Vihara-Temple of King of Gods) into temples.

The Maharaja Vihara is the largest and the most vibrant. Here the devotees can pay obeisance to 56 statues of Buddha. A unique feature is the existence of a dagoba inside a temple building. It is cut out of existent rock. Around the Dagoba are eight statues of Buddha, again an unusual placement-as normally only four Buddha images facing the four cardinal directions are located around a Dagoba. Further away, there is a large sleeping Buddha statue. Another unique feature is the non-stop dripping of water from a minute crack on the cave roof, even during extreme dry seasons. The water believed to contain sacred properties is used in daily rituals.

The Devaraja Vihara is sanctified by the 27 foot long Parinibbana statue (statue depicting the passing away) of Lord Buddha. It is shaped out of the existing rock. There are four Samadhi Buddha statues and a standing statue of Ananda Thero, too.

King Nissanka Malla of Polonnaruwa added a number of Buddha statues to the three Viharas existing at that time. His main contribution was the gilding of the new and the many existing statues in real gold. The word ‘rangiri’ (golden rock) was added to the name of the temple due to the gilded statues. The King Nissanka Malla’s inscription dominates the rock face on the right hand side as one enters the Temple complex through the main entrance.

King Kirthi Sri Rajasinghe(AD 1747- 1782) built the Maha Aluth Vihara (Great New Vihara) comprising 58 Buddha statues, and added more Buddha statues to the Western Vihara built by Valagamba. Significantly, Kirthi Sri Rajasinghe caused painting and repainting of about 22000 sq. feet of wall and ceiling surfaces (spread over the five viharas) with murals. The mural containing thousand Buddhas painted on the granite ceiling is awe-inspiring. ( 1012 paintings of Lord Buddha to be precise).The murals were done by families of traditional painters living in a village called Nilagama.

Senaka Bandranayake reflecting on the Dambulla temple murals writes- ” The(se) murals at Dambulla are the largest preserved group of rock and wall paintings in the region after….. Ajanta. …….belonging to a pan-regional tradition that extends across South and Southeast Asia……Dambulla is undoubtedly one of the finest and most impressive expressions of this tradition.” ……”. (From the book- The Cultural Triangle of Sri Lanka, UNESCO-CCF,1993)

The Devana Aluth Vihara ( -The Second New Temple) comprising 11 statues of the Buddha -the last to be built- is credited to Chief Minister Duullewe of the Kandy.(AD 1895-1913).

The complex of these five cave viharas, are known as the ‘Dambulu Viharaya’ and is a sacred place of worship for all Sri Lankan Buddhists.

Bandaranayaka, explaining further states that the Dambulla Temple “…constitute one of the largest complexes of ancient cave or rock shelter architecture in the South and South East Asian region………This is a distinctively Sri Lankan expression of a broad South Asian temple concept and has few parallels elsewhere. Dambulla is undoubtedly the largest, the most dramatic, best preserved and most integrated example of this type of Buddhist vihara in Sri Lanka

From the very inception, the Dambulu Vihara had been managed by a long line of Chief Monks. The first chief incumbent was Jayamangala Sumana Thero. Ananda Marasinghe in his book ‘Dambulu Len Viharaya’ based on research of Professors Mangala Ilangasinghe and Anuradha Seneviratna reproduces some of the names.

Dambulla temple certainly has archeological and cultural value. However, as the above descriptions prove it is first and foremost a Buddhist Temple and the majority of cultural artifacts are objects of religious worship. The Dambulla temple complex contains 151 Buddha statues and hundreds of murals depicting Buddhist events. The area belonging to the temple was also sanctified by hundreds of monks including Arahants from, at the very least, the first century BC. Thus the statement of the present Chief Monk of the Temple to the effect that Dambulla temple was a Buddhist heritage, before it became a cultural heritage is correct and has to be understood in that monastic perspective.

UNESCO too accepted this view in 1989. Two reasons were adduced by UNESCO to justify the inclusion of Dambulla as a World Heritage site. Reason 1- was the excellence of the religious art and statuary found in the monastic ensemble and their significance for Sri Lanka, south and southeast Asia Reason, and their excellent degree of preservation. 2- is UNESCO’s acceptance that “Dambulla is an important shrine in the Buddhist religion in Sri Lanka”.{Report: World Heritage List No.561, The Golden Rock Temple of Dambulla, ICOMOS,1991, Adobe Acrobat Document 561-ICOMOS -663-en (1).pdf)}

Thus the Chief Incumbent of the Dambulla Golden Temple Complex, becomes a key stakeholder in any activity and decision-making connected with the Temple.

The institution of Buddhist monks in Sri Lanka are known as ‘Jathiye Muradevatawas’- the Guardians of the Nation. When the Country faced deep adversities, the Buddhist monks always provided moral, psychological, and ethical momentum as well as political advocacy to the Nation to come out of adversity.

One of the best examples of such moral leadership was the silent but unyielding battle waged to protect the ‘oldest recorded tree in the world’-The Sri Maha Bodhi.

The protection and sustenance provided for the Sri Maha Bodhi for about four centuries in the abandoned former capital of Anuradhpura is a story of ‘sadhdha’ (intelligent faith), moral courage, self-sacrifice, and valour. The main characters of this epic story were the Bhikkhus who stayed put in the Mahavihara, (their pupils, and their pupils and so on), despite the mass exodus of people to Polonnaruwa due to periodic South Indian invasions. Generations of Bhikkus and some of the lay families tasked with serving the Bodhi Tree, braved the Chola military attacks, the ever-advancing forest, periodic drought, semi-starvation, and disease, as well as nightly incursions of elephants and other roaming wild animals for the sole purpose of protecting the Bodhi Tree. For these Buddhist Monks the Bodhi Tree was more valuable than their lives.

Professor W.I. Siriweera in an article titled ‘The Sacred Precincts of the Srimahabodhi Tree in Anuradhapura’ ( in “Maha Bodhi Tree in Anuradhapura Sri Lanka-the Oldest Historical Tree in the World’ edited by HSS Nissanka) acknowledges this epic feat: “….. the history of the Srimaha Bodhi in the fourteenth, fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries has to be reviewed as the history of the preservation of the tree as well as the continuation of the ritual therein by these dedicated monks”. Thus the Monks of Sri Lanka have a proud tradition of preserving Buddhist heritage sites.

The latest example of selfless service by the Maha Sangha occurred during the terrorist armed conflict. Many Chief Monks as well as junior monks did not abandon their temples and continued to reside in their temples in the north, the east, and the threatened villages, despite threats to their lives, to protect the temples and the lay communities. The Nayaka Theros such as venerable Tantitirimale Hamuduruwo and venerable Dimbulagala Hamuduruwo paid for this national service with their lives.

In this context, it is hoped that the Authorities would not consider it high-handed for a citizen to make some suggestions through the media on appropriate communication approaches to facilitate greater understanding between the two key stake holders regarding the Dambulla temple situation.

A communication approach that encompasses and exhibits a deferential attitude towards the clergy; use of non-prescriptive, participatory, and dialogue-based communication techniques; and use of ‘cause-effect analysis method’ as necessary to resolve complex issues ( first used by Lord Buddha in ‘Patichcha Samuppada’ – dependent origination methodology) would be helpful in making progress on Dambulla temple conservation.

This suggestion is absolutely not an attempt to imply that such approaches are not presently used by State organizations. Neither is this meant to be prescriptive. The purpose is to express an opinion that such or a similar communication approach would certainly improve the quality of dialogue and make the monastic establishment feel that they are important partners in the conservation process. This in turn would quicken the achievement of the common objective of the State and Temple stakeholders. Such a communication approach would help Sri Lanka to work within the guidelines offered by the Steering Group on Heritage of Religious Interest of the World Heritage Centre. The Group has unequivocally accepted the principle that religious communities (respective clergy) are vital co-stakeholders connected to decision-making on and conservation of heritage sites of religious interest.

(The writer is an ex-Journalist, Communication Researcher and a retired Officer of the International Civil Service of the United Nations System.)

China to help SL produce thin-film solar cells

July 30th, 2017

Sandun A Jayasekera Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Sri Lanka will be soon producing thin-film solar cells on a commercial basis with technological cooperation from China as a means of popularising the use of solar panels for domestic power generation, Science, Technology and Research Minister Susil Premajayantha said.

He said a number of young technicians were being trained on ‘Modern Solar Power Technology’ at the Colombo, Ruhuna, Jaffna and Kelaniya universities.

“I paid a visit to China last week with some Sri Lankan scientists to obtain first hand experience on solar power technology. The Chinese government is helping us to develop solar power technology in Sri Lanka. I hope we will be in a position to drastically reduce the use of costly thermal power generation which is also an environment pollutant,” the minister said.

He said producing it locally on a mass scale would help the government’s plan to phase out coal and thermal power generation and increase solar power generation to 800 MWs by 2030.

Thin-film technology has been cheaper but less efficient than conventional c-Si technology. However, its quality standards have significantly improved over the years. The lab cell efficiency for CdTe and CIGS is now beyond 21%, out-performing multi-crystalline silicon, the dominant material currently used in many solar crystalline systems.

Losing port just as it started earning money – Jayantha Samaraweera (English)

July 30th, 2017

Losing port just as it started earning money – Jayantha Samaraweera (English)

Govt has anger towards people of Hambantota – Rajapaksa (English)

July 30th, 2017

Govt has anger towards people of Hambantota – Rajapaksa (English)

Protest staged against signing of Hambantota port agreement (English)

July 30th, 2017

Protest staged against signing of Hambantota port agreement (English)

Dry Zone Drought and empty tanks:A blessing in disguise?

July 30th, 2017

by Garvin Karunaratne Former Government Agent, Matara District

The plight of the dry zone farmer and the depleted water in the tanks has come to centre stage again. It is July. The dry zone had little rain in April. July and August are the driest months. Once in a decade the rains do fail around this time.

Our forebears tackled this situation with a cascade system of tanks, maintained with great care. The tank was the lifeblood of farmers. The land under each tank was allocated in an ingenious manner. The paddy land was generally divided into three blocks, a small block, a medium block and a large block, and everyone in the village had an equal amount of land in each block. The farmers with their Vel Vidane (Field Headman), depending on the water, decided which block they would cultivate. Those blocks were called Purana Vela.

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Ruins of the ‘Seetha Maligaya’ (Cool Palace) have surfaced as water levels of the reservoir decreased following the drought. According to historical sources the palace was built by King Parakramabahu the Great as his summer residence. Pic by Roshan Thushara

That system was not known to modern land administrators and they allocated additional land to some farmers, based on landlessness. The recent allocation, Akkara Vela, led to major problems in deciding which block to cultivate. We in our modern way have messed up the systematic land allocation. We have also neglected the maintenance of the tank administration and the Nuwara Kalaviya peasants have to bear the brunt of it.

The irrigation works in the dry zone have been neglected for long. Since the colonial days, the administration of irrigation has been done by the Government Agent, with a Vel Vidane, an official from among the villagers, appointed by the Government Agent, at the field level. It was the Vel Vidane who held the “kanna’ meetings (meetings that decided when to start cultivation etc.) and ensured the distribution of irrigation water. When the Paddy Lands Act was established (1962 in Anuradhapura) the administration of irrigation works was transferred to the Agrarian Services Department. When I served as Assistant Commissioner of Agrarian Services in Anuradhapura in 1962, I was close to the peasants, organizing them into cultivation committees, working with them to repair and rebuild their tanks. Though the Paddy Lands Act specified that the committees were to be elected by ballot, I decided that they be elected by consensus. That paid great dividends.

The farmers were keen to maintain their tanks. The Committees held the kanna meetings regularly and some committees were even entrusted with the task of rebuilding the tanks – the work had formerly been done by private contractors. The farmers were very enthusiastic and we did wonders in repairing tanks. Farmers loved the dedicated officers helping him; there were three Assistant Commissioners and ten divisional officers, all veterans who worked a twelve hour throughout the week.

However, in two years we had also created many enemies among private contractors who were laid out of work by the committees themselves, hiring D4 and D8 tractors to dig into the tank beds and pile up the earth onto the bunds. Some Irrigation officers, too, who worked more for the contractors were hounded out, and if I remember right, out of 28 village cultivation officers close upon ten were charged with corruption and interdicted. They got together and influenced the Lord of Nuwara Kalaviya, Minister Maithripala Senanayake. One day, I returned home after inspecting tanks. My phone rang. It was Navaratne, the Senior Assistant Commissioner in charge of the administration. He said ‘You have been transferred with immediate effect. Don’t step into your office henceforth. Officers will come tomorrow to investigate your work. Report to work in Colombo.’ I managed to get the transfer changed to Kandy and I left within one week. The officers who probed my work found nothing wrong. The work continued with the committees attending to maintaining the tanks – the officers working half-heartedly. Thus ended my attempt to rebuild the irrigation works in Nuwara Kalaviya!

The rot set in when the Paddy Lands Act was abolished in the late seventies and the cultivation committees ceased to exist. There was a vacuum in irrigation administration and the peasants had to fend for themselves. No kanna meetings were held. The tanks were not maintained; the influential people even encroached on the tanks, tank bed cultivation was common, and as a result the tanks got silted. Last year, looking at the Basawakkulama tank I could spot several permanent structures at the edges of the tank.

This was the scene when I went back to Nuwara Kalaviya in 1999 – a full three decades after I had left the area. In the ancient system of irrigation, it was ‘Rajakariya- the two weeks’ free labour from everyone in the village – that enabled the infrastructure of tanks to be maintained and with the abolition of Rajakariya by the Colebrook Commission the maintenance of the entire irrigation system came to a standstill. ‘The British government proclaimed that no community of labour was required and any headmen who called out the working men of his district for repairing dams of canals would be dismissed (Despatch 31 of Feb 27, 1857, quoted by Galle Punyawardena)’. However, the Vel Vidanes called the kanna meetings where the farmers agreed to maintain the canals. With the abolition of rajakariya any tank development required funding from the Treasury, which was not easily available. Earlier, under annual rajakariya, the proper maintenance of irrigation systems was regularly carried out.

Those who repair tanks bring in earth from far away to build the bunds. In my visit of 1999, at Basawakkulama,’the bund had just been filled with earth brought from outside. It was clear that the method that I had followed—taking the earth from the tank bed for building up the bunds—had been abandoned. In the method that we followed in the 1960s, with every cube of earth that was removed, the capacity of the tank increased.

Today, with the lack of a Vel Vidane or the Cultivation Committees the tank administration is not done properly. This has led to the neglect of the tanks and the canals. The ancients had an intricate system of irrigation works. In the 1960s the Jaya Ganga, the massive canal that brings water from Kala Weva to the tanks in Nuwara Kalaviya was well maintained.

How can the drought be contained?

The depleted tanks and the drought can be turned into a blessing. How?

Every Village Cultivation Officer should be directed to draft plans for the earth to be dug out of the tank bed and pile it up onto the bunds, for which the peasants will be paid. It will be possible for each officer to design such work on for least six to ten tanks. It is necessary that proper designs are done after measuring the heights of the tank bunds, the sluices and the spillways and this precise action requires the expertise of a Village Cultivation Officer. The earth moved has to be calculated both by the extent piled up, as well as the area dug up, with measurement sheets being used. The funds will have to come from the tank development budget.

If I had been working as Senior Assistant Commissioner of Agrarian Services, in charge of the entire island today as had been in 1967, by now several Village Cultivation Officers and Technical Assistants, with the vehicles, their theodolites and drawing equipment would have been ordered to go to Nuwara Kalaviya to survey village tanks and lay out earth work, for the tank beds to be dug and bunds raised and strengthened. Officers would be asked to work in Nuwara Kalaviya for around a month. This will be costly because the officers and jeep drivers will have to be paid subsistence. I would have also secured accommodation for the enlisted officers in circuit bungalows, which would have been turned temporarily into design drawing offices. Though costly, the input in terms of the work done to build the tanks will stand the country in good stead. I would have found funds from savings in budgets.

In my days I even authorised brick building on the tank beds during the drought season.

My voice is that of a petty officer. The situation warrants the attention of our leaders, who ought to direct that the Government Agents and the Divisional Secretaries with the Grama Niladharis to work on the designs that the Village Cultivation Officers will provide. Bringing officers from other districts and even obtaining a few engineers from the Irrigation Department to supervise the designs and the construction would be ideal.

Suggestions for Improving the Quality of Our Legislators

July 30th, 2017

Presentation at the OPA / Association of Scientific and Techinical Officers Seminar 

Let me begin with some very simple concepts, since these will help us to understand what exactly we should aim for in trying to improve the quality of our legislators. First, we should examine the role of Parliament, what it is meant to do, and how it can do this effectively. Second, we should examine the role of Parliamentarians, and what is required for them to fulfil their roles effectively.

At its simplest, Parliament is there to make laws. That is why the title of this seminar refers to legislators. So we need to consider what Parliamentarians need to know to make laws in the interests of the country. Connected with this is the passing of regulations which are required by laws to give them teeth.

But there is a second function of Parliament that springs from its legislative function. Amongst the most important laws it makes are those affecting the finances of the country; hence the need to have an annual budget, which is discussed at length. So we need to consider what Parliamentarians need to know not only to use the resources of the country productively, but also to develop resources.

Thirdly, since it is Parliament that allocates as it were the finances which are used by the executive branch, it must make sure these are used in accordance with the provisions it makes. Hence it must monitor the use of funds by the executive.

These are the principal functions of Parliament. But because we are still steeped in the Westminster system, we confuse the functions of Parliament as Parliament with those of the executive branch of government, which on the Westminster model is based in Parliament. Even though we moved in 1978 to an Executive Presidency, we have – uniquely amongst countries which elect an Executive President independently of a parliamentary election – maintained the rest of the Executive in Parliament. Incidentally I should note that my despair about what passes for Departments of Political Science in this country is that there has been no serious research about both the rationale and the impact of J R Jayewardene’s decision to violate the commitment of his manifesto to have an executive outside Parliament.

So, sadly, our Parliamentarians, all of whom hanker after Executive office, do not realize what their responsibilities are as legislators, nor as the guardians of the finances of the country against the excesses of the executive branch. The scrutiny of legislation by Parliamentarians is non-existent. And though there are some admirable individuals in the financial oversight committees, the ridiculous attendance figures at these committees make it clear that most Parliamentarians could not care less about such responsibilities.

The problem is exacerbated by the other function of Parliamentarians, which we have to accept as a reality, though it has nothing to do with legislation or financial oversight. This is the representative function. Parliamentarians represent particular segments of the population, and they have a responsibility to look to the welfare of those they represent. They must obviously do this if they wish to continue to be elected, but such work is also necessary because otherwise the interests of particular areas will not be highlighted.

Unfortunately Sri Lanka has, again uniquely, developed an electoral system that confuses the issue. Because all elected Parliamentarians have to seek votes in a whole District, and therefore have to work for all the people in the District, their energies are diffused. They cannot concentrate on coherent development programmes that will enhance amenities and create economic opportunities for a targeted area, because they are always looking over their shoulders to see what the competition is up to. And that competition is as much if not more from their own party as from elsewhere.

It is true that in theory Parliamentarians are allocated to particular constituencies, and they will do more for those areas. But it beggars belief that our electoral system still binds them to the District as a whole, so that they are beset with problems from all over the District and cannot ignore these – nor indeed trying to fit individuals from all over the District into government jobs.

One obvious remedy is to change the electoral system. I still find it shocking that the most important structural change in the manifesto on which President Sirisena won the 2015 Presidential election has been forgotten. He himself promised, in seeking the support of his own party for the 19th amendment, that he would not dissolve Parliament before it also passed the 20th amendment. But he broke that promise under pressure. His chief coalition partner has indicated that he does not want a change, but it is appalling that those who believe in good governance are not agitating for this, and are instead pursuing matters the benefits of which are debatable. Given that the President has made it clear that he knows the present system contributes to corruption, it seems to me a duty that all those concerned with purposeful reform should pursue, to ensure change in the electoral system.

I should add that there is a simple solution that could be implemented immediately to at least improve the situation. When Jayewardene realized that his original conception of Proportional Representation, a pure list, led to those at the bottom abandoning the party, he introduced choice. But instead of one vote per person, he gave three, to ensure that all candidates campaigned all over the District, and fought with others in their party for preferences. This is absolutely unnecessary. If voters had just one preference vote, candidates would be confined to their constituencies, and would not squander massive amounts on propaganda all over the District. And while it might be argued that those with smaller constituencies would be at a disadvantage, this could be remedied by allocating the seats each party won at the election on the basis of proportions of the votes of their constituency they obtained.

Such a system would also help with the selectivity that parties should exercise in choosing candidates. Now, because candidates are nominated on the basis of the District as a whole, there are no clear criteria to choose the best representative possible – and therefore a range of criteria is employed including say relationship to already established politicians. What is preferable is a system whereby individuals apply to be candidates for a particular constituency and have to establish their credentials with regard to that particular constituency. Rival claims can then be assessed consistently, with a clear focus on benefit to the people of the particular constituency.

I have argued at length for constituency based candidates because that seems essential. But connected with this is the idea of seeking excellence in candidates, and that should contribute also to improving the quality of the judgment Parliamentarians will exercise with regard to the first three functions of legislators that I began by describing. At present, given the intensity of the competition for nomination in each District, and the power as it were exercised by those with the resources required to campaign throughout the District, general awareness and analytical capability are ignored. When it is a question of picking just one individual for one area, these qualities too can be assessed.

But while obviously it would be good to have more thoughtful people in Parliament, we need also to accept that there will be differences not only with regard to thinking capacity but also common sense. It is therefore vital that we develop systems to help legislators do their duty.

One obvious remedy is better familiarization sessions for parliamentarians when they are elected. I was horrified by what I received, which was only information on the perks available to me. But when I first used to visit Parliament, and had the benefit of seeing how a capable Secretary General worked, I saw that familiarization included explaining the Committee system, what the Committee stage of legislation involved, and how private members could contribute through questions and motions.

All that has gone by the board. Private members motions are a joke, and the time available is monopolized by a few individuals, whereas there should be a process of selectivity that privileges national impact. The provisions we tried in the last Parliament to introduce into Standing Orders, to ensure that questions were answered promptly and in person, have been totally ignored in the pitiful changes the government has now introduced into Standing Orders.

And worst of all, Parliamentary Commitees still continue a joke. They have turned into places where individuals raise parochial questions pertaining to constituency, or rather, District problems. There is obviously need of such a forum, but we tried to suggest that such problems should be looked at in the Ministry, where relevant officials could be summoned without them having to waste their time in Parliament with many not wanted at all, but having just to sit there. And instead of all members who bother to attend Committees having to listen to problems of individual schools or bridges, the concerned MP could deal on an individual basis with those in executive authority.

Committees in Parliament are meant to look at policies, assess legislation, examine expenditure. For this purpose, Committees should be small, and individuals should sit on just two or three committees, where they can concentrate on issues of principle. The Committee itself should develop collegiality, so that members of all parties would work together to develop common objectives and monitor achievements. They would be assisted by experts who would be available to provide the required background information and data.

One reason Parliamentarians do not attend committees is that they do not see what purpose they achieve. If they are given teeth, a few individuals could make a difference, in selected areas. That would at least restore to Parliamentarians the title of legislators, whereas now they are simply treated as lobby fodder.

To sum up then –

a) We need to change the electoral system

b) We need, pending that, to focus the attention of candidates, and of parties in selecting them, on individual constituencies. Given voters just a single preference vote will help to concentrate attention.

c) We need to encourage parties, in selecting candidates, to be aware of the general analytical capabilities required, with regard to law-making as well as financial oversight. It may be a good idea for parties to post the general capabilities of each candidate for Parliament, and then to draw up, after the election, a schedule of broad areas in which candidates have expertise.

d) We need to make committees effective by setting them at a manageable size that encourages collegiality, and selecting members in terms of their interest in the subject. The schedule suggested above would be useful to parties, and would indicate to the public the expertise being brought to bear on policy questions. Where any area lacks expertise, Parliament should have consultants available to advise and educate. A possible schedule is appended.

e) We need to ensure better training for new Members as they enter Parliament, so that they have a clear understanding of their various responsibilities.

f) We need to ensure the effective functioning of parliamentary processes, with due attention to the reports of committees, the opportunity for private members to raise issues and promote legislation, and entrenching the accountability of the executive to Parliament by making responses to committee recommendations as well as questions mandatory, with sanctions applicable in case of shortcomings

Schedule of subject areas in which Parliament needs expertise

a. Legal provisions

b. Finance

c. Public Administration

d. Foreign Relations and Security

e. Education

f. Health and Social Services

g. Industry, Trade and Commerce

h. Agriculture, Fisheries, Water Resources and the Environment

i. Housing, Construction, Transport and Highways

j. Power and Energy

නීති විරෝදී ගිවිසුමට සහය දුන්න මන්ත්රීවරු ………2020 ඔබේ චන්දය ඉල්ලන්න එයි.

July 30th, 2017

රනිල්ගෙ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ඒකාධිපතිවාදය

July 30th, 2017

නලින් ද සිල්වා

අද රටේ තියෙන්නෙ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ඒකාධීිපතිවාදයක්. මෛත්‍රිපාල ජනාධිපති වෙලා රනිල් අගමැති ලෙස පත්කරපු වෙලාවෙ ඉඳලා මේ ඒකාධිපතිවාදය ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙනවා. 2015 ජනවාරි අටවැනි දා ඉඳලා එය ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙන්න පටන්ගත්තා කිව්වත් කමක් නැහැ. එයට මූලික වශයෙන් වග කියන්න ඕන මේ රටේ ජනතාව කියන අය. බටහිරයන්ගෙ හා රෝ සංවිධානයෙ මෙහෙයීමෙන් ජනතාව කියන අය මුළා වෙලා මෛත්‍රිපාලට ඡන්දෙ දුන්නා. මහින්ද පැරදුණෙ සමහරුන් කියන විධියට මුස්ලිම් ඡන්ද නොලැබිච්ච හින්ද නො වෙයි. සිංහල බෞද්ධ ඡන්ද අවශ්‍ය ප්‍රමාණයට නොලැබිච්ච හින්දයි. එහෙම නොවෙයි කියන පඬියන් කළ යුත්තේ ජනාධිපතිවරණ ඡන්ද ප්‍රතිඵල විශ්ලේෂණය කිරීම පමණයි. මුහුණු පොතේ තරුණ තරුණියන් ඊනියා යහපාලනයක් සඳහා මෛත්‍රිපාලට ඡන්දෙ දුන්නා. ඒක සම්පූර්ණයෙන් ම මුහුණු පොත මගින් කරන ලද මෙහෙයුමක්.

මහින්ද ඡන්ද ප්‍රතිඵල සම්පූර්ණයෙන් පිටවෙන්න කලින් ම රනිල් මගින් ආණ්ඩුව භාරදුන්න. එහි වැරදි දෙකක් තිබුණ. එකක් ප්‍රතිඵල සම්පූර්ණයෙන් පිටවන තෙක් බලා නොසිටීම. දෙවැන්න මෛත්‍රිපාලට ආණ්ඩුව භාර නොදීම. සමහරවිට මෛත්‍රිපාල හොයා ගන්න අමාරු වෙන්න ඇති. සංධානයෙ අය සිදුවන දෙයින් තැති ගත්ත. ශ්‍රී ල නි ප මෙරට ජාතිකත්වයේ පක්‍ෂය වුණත් එහි නායකයන් අති විශාල පිරිසකට ජාතිකත්වයක් නැහැ. ඔවුන් බොරු සමාජවාදියො. මේ විසංවාදය බටහිරයන් හා රෝ සංවිධානය තේරුම් ගෙන තියෙනවා. ශ්‍රී ල නි ප මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් මහින්ද අතහැර යැමේ ප්‍රවණතාවක් තිබුණා. අද ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂෙ පොරවල් වෙලා ඉන්න කිහිප දෙනෙක් එදා ඇමතිවරුන් වෙන්න උත්සාහ කළා. කී දෙනකු මලික් සමරවික්‍රම හමු වුණා ද? මහින්දට මාස දෙක තුනක් යනකම් ඇතැමුන් දුරකතනයෙන්වත් සම්බන්ධ කර ගන්න බැරි වුණා. මේ තත්වය යටතේ මහින්ද ශ්‍රී ල නි ප නායකත්වය මෛත්‍රිපාලට භාර දුන්න. මහින්ද තව පෝය දෙකක් එදා බලං හිටිය නම් තත්වය වෙනස් වෙන්න තිබුණා. නුගේගොඩ රැස්වීමෙන් පසු මෛත්‍රිපාලට ජනබලයක් නැති බව පෙනී ගියා. දැන් පෝය දෙකේ කතාවල වැදගත් කමක් නැහැ.

මෛත්‍රිපාලට ශ්‍රී ල නි ප නායකත්වය පැවරීමෙන් ඡන්ද පනස්අට ලක්‍ෂයක අගය නැති වුණා. ඡන්ද පනස්අට ලක්‍ෂයකට අද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කිසිම වැදගත් කමක් නැහැ.  දහනවවැනි සංශෝධනයට ඡන්දය දීමෙන් සංධානය හා මහින්ද සියතින් ගෙළ සිඳ ගත්තා. අගෝස්තු මැතිවරණයෙන් සංධානය එ ජා පෙරමුණට පරාජය වුණා. ඒත් ආසන එකොළහක් පමණයි අඩු වුණේ. ඉන් පසුව රනිල් ශ්‍රි ල නි ප එකතු කරගෙන ඊනියා ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවක් හැදුවා. ශ්‍රී ල නි ප පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ නියෝජනය වන පක්‍ෂයක් නො වෙයි. ම එ පෙ, ජා නි පෙ වැනි පක්‍ෂ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව නියෝජනය නොකරන බව තීරණය කරන  රනිල්ට අවනත කතානායක ශ්‍රී ල නි ප පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පක්‍ෂයක් ලෙස පිළිගන්නවා. මේ රනිල්ගෙ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ඒකාධිපතිවාදය ක්‍රියාත්මක වන ආකාරය. මෙය නීති විරෝධි ආණ්ඩුවක් වුණත් ඒකට විරුද්ධව අධිකරණයට යන්න බැහැ.

මෛත්‍රිපාල ආසන හතළිහක් පමණ තිබූ රනිල් අගමැති කළ අවස්ථාවෙ සංධානය විශ්වාසභංග යෝජනාවක් ගෙන ආවෙ නැත්තෙ කියන එක ප්‍රශ්නයක්. ඒ වෙලාවෙ සංධානයට මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් බහුතරයක් සිටියා. සංධානය පිටුපස විදේශීය හස්තයක් තිබෙනව ද? සංධානය දහනවවැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයටත් ඡන්දය දුන්නා. මේ නිකම් ම සිදුවූ දේ නො වෙයි. අද පාර්ලිමේන්තුව රනිල්ගෙ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව වෙලා. රනිල් විහිළු කරමින් තර්ජනය කරමින් කතානායකට උපදෙස් දෙමින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ගෙන යනවා. මේ තමයි ඊනියා පාර්ලිමේන්තු ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය ලංකාව වගේ රටවල ක්‍රියාත්මක වන විධිය.

ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයට එක්කෝ තේරුමක් නැහැ. එහෙම නැත්නම් ඔවුන් කරන්නෙ රඟපෑමක්. ඊයෙ අත්‍යවශ්‍ය සේවා ගැසට් පත්‍රය පිළිබඳ විවාදය ආණ්ඩුව දිනුවා. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයට කෑ ගහල දිනන්න බැහැ. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙ සිදුවන දේ අධිකරණයක අභියෝග කරන්න බැහැ. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙ සිදුවන දේ හරි ද වැරදි ද කියලා තීරණය කරන්නෙ කතානායක මිසක් ජනමාධ්‍යවේදීන්වත් අධිකරණයවත් නො වෙයි. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය 2019 ගැන හිතනවා. ඒ අතර රනිල් තමන්ට අවශ්‍ය දේ කර ගන්නවා. ඊයෙ අඩු තරමින් හම්බන්තොට වරාය ගැන විවාදයවත් පවත්වගන්න ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයට බැරි වුණා. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය ලංකාවෙ ක්‍රිකට් කණ්ඩායම වගේ පරාජය උරුම කර ගෙන. රනිල්ගෙ කතානායක කෙනෙක් ඉන්න විට විපක්‍ෂය මෙයට වඩා කල්පනාවෙන් සැලසුම් සහගත ව වැඩ කරන්න ඕන.

අද ඡන්ද පනස්අට ලක්‍ෂයක් ගණන් ගන්නෙ නැහැ. ඒ වෙනුවෙන් ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය සාධාරණයක් ඉටු කරන්නෙත් නැහැ. මෙය පාර්ලිමේන්තු ඒකාධිපතිවාදයක්. බහුතරයේ ආධිපත්‍යයක් ගැන සිංහලයන්ට විරුද්ධ ව කෑමොර දෙන සිවල් සාමාජිකයන්ට හා පඬියන්ට හැටදෙලක්‍ෂයක් පනස්අටලක්‍ෂයක් පාගා දැමීම පෙනෙන්නෙ නැහැ. පඬියන් කෑ ගහන්නෙ 75:25 අනුපාතයක් ගැන. ඔවුන්ට එ ජා පෙ, සංධාන  52:48 අනුපාතය පෙනෙන්නෙ නැහැ. ඊනියා ජාතික ආණ්ඩුව සංධානයෙ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් හදන්නත් තිබුණා. එවිට අනෙක් බොහෝ පක්‍ෂ සංධානයට සහයෝගය දෙන්න තිබුණා.

හම්බන්තොට වරාය සම්බන්ධයෙන් තවත් සරදමක් තියෙනවා. එ ජා පෙ ඡන්දෙ ඉල්ලුවෙ වරාය බදු දෙන්න විකුණන්න නොවෙයි. සම්පූර්ණයෙන් ම එකී ව්‍යාපෘතියට විරුද්ධව. එවිට හැටදෙලක්‍ෂෙ ඡන්දෙ දීල තියෙන්නෙ වරාය චීනුන්ට දෙන්න නො වෙයි. එ ජා පෙ චීනුන්ට විරුද්ධවයි ඡන්දෙ ඉල්ලුවෙ. අද ඔවුන් චීනුන්ට රට විකුණනවා. ලංකාවෙ කිසිම ඡන්දදායකයකු චීනුන්ට රට විකුණන්න ඡන්දෙ දීල නැහැ. අද ආණ්ඩුව කටයුතු කරන්නෙ කාගෙ අවශ්‍යතාවකට ද?  කිසිම ආණ්ඩුවකට අනුනව අවුරුදු ගිවිසුම් පිටරට සමාගම්, ආණ්ඩු සමග අත්සන් කරන්න බැරිවෙන වගන්ති ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙ තියෙන්න ඕන.

ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය තමන් බලයට පත් වූ විගස මෙවැනි ගිවිසුම් අහෝසිකරන බවට ප්‍රකාශයක් කරන්නෙ නැත්තෙ ඇයි? ඒකෙ ඉන්න පඬියන් කියනව වෙන්න පුළුවන් එසේ අහෝසි කිරීම ඊනියා ජාත්‍යන්තර නීතියට විරුද්ධ කියලා. ජාත්‍යන්තර සුපිරිව්‍යුහයට විරුද්ධව කටයුතු කරන්න මගක් හදා ගන්න ඕන.

ඊයෙ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙ සිදු වූ දේ රනිල් හරියට ම දන්නවා. අඩුම තරමෙන් ඔහුගේ උපදේශකයන් දන්නවා. බැඳුම්කරයෙන් රනිල් පන්නන්න හිතන් ඉන්න අයට ඊයෙ වෙච්ච දේ හොඳ පාඩමක්. ඒක මෛත්‍රිපාලටත් පාඩමක්. රනිල් ඉවත් කිරීමට මෛත්‍රිපාල පියවර නොගත්තොත් මෛත්‍රිපාල ඉවත් කිරීමට රනිල් පියවර ගනීවි.

 

නලින් ද සිල්වා

2017 ජූලි 29

ණය ගෙවන්න වරාය විකිණීමේ බොරුව සහ ඇත්ත  ණය ගෙවන්න වරාය විකිණීමේ බොරුව සහ ඇත්ත යථාර්තය..!!!

July 30th, 2017

ශ්‍රී ලංකා වරාය අධිකාරියේ ඉංජිනේරු සහ විධායක නිලධාරී සංගම් 4ක් ඒකාබද්ධව නිකුත්කල මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනයක්

2016 වසරේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා වරාය අධිකාරිය උපයන සමස්ථ ආදායම රුපියල් බිලියන 44 කි.. ඒ ආදායමෙන් මෙහෙයුම් වියදම්, පරිපාලන වියදම්, ”ණය පොලියසහ වෙනත් වියදම් අඩු කිරීමෙන් පසුව පසුගිය 2016 වසරේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා වරාය අධිකාරියේ ශුද්ධ ලාභය රුපියල් බිලියන 11 කි (රුපියල් මිලියන 11,000).. එය 2015 වසරට සාපේක්ෂව රුපියල් බිලියන 5ක වැඩි වීමක්..

ශ්‍රී ලංකා වරාය අධිකාරිය එම වසරේදී ගෙවූ සම්පූර්ණ ණය සහ පොලී මුදල රුපියල් මිලියන 16, 700 කි.. එයට රුපියල් මිලියන 7, 100 වූ 2016 වර්ෂයේ හම්බන්තොට වරායේ ණය පොලී වාරිකයද ඇතුලත්..

ණය ගෙවීම සදහා වරාය විකිණීම අනිවාර්යයෙන් කල යුතු යැයි යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව උදේ හවා බොරු බේගල් ඇද බාමින් සිටින්නේ මෙවැනි තත්වයක් තුලය..

වරාය අධිකාරිය මේ ආදායම මූලිකව වාර්ථා කරන්නේ මීටර් 14.25ක් පමණක් ගැබුරු කොළඹ වරායේ ජය බහාළුම් පර්යන්තය (Jaya Container Terminal – JCT) සහ හම්බන්තොට වරායේ වාහන රැගෙන එන නෞකා මෙහෙයවීමෙනි.. ජය බහාළුම් පර්යන්තයේ නොගැඹුර නිසා 2015 වසරේ පමණක් වරාය අධිකාරියට අහිමි වී චීන සමාගමකට වැඩි කොටස හිමි CICT (Colombo International Container Terminal) පර්යන්තයට ගිය විශාල නෞකාසංඛ්‍යාව 194 කි..

මීට විසඳුමක් ලෙස වරාය ආදායම කිහිප ගුණයකින් ඉහළ දැමීමේ හැකියාව ඇති වරාය අධිකාරිය සතු මීටර් 17 කට වඩා ගැඹුරු කොළඹ වරායේ නැගෙනහිර පර්යන්තය (SLPA’s Eastern Container Terminal – ECT) සහ මීටර් 17 කට වඩා ගැඹුරු හම්බන්තොට වරායේ නවතම බහාළුම් පර්යන්ත සම්පූරණ කොට මෙහෙයුම් කටයුතු සදහා යොදා ගැනීම කල හැකි වූවත් මේ යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව එවැනි සංවර්ධනයකට යොමු වීමට අදහසක්වත් නොපෙන්වයි..

ඉදිවෙමින් පවතින මේ වරායේ ප්‍රථම අධියරේ බහාළුම් පර්යන්ත මේ වන විට ඉදිකිරීම් අවසන් කර ඇති අතර බහාළුම් මෙහෙයුම් දොඹකර ඇතුළු උපකරණ සවි කිරීමෙන් පසු නුඳුරු අනාගතයේ බහාළුම් මෙහෙයවීම් පහසුවෙන් සිදුකල හැකිය.. හම්බන්තොට වරායේ සල්ලි ගස සොලවන්නට හැක්කේමෙම බහාළුම් නෞකා මෙහෙයවීම් ඇරඹුණු පසුය..

එසේ බහාළුම් මෙහෙයුම් නොමැතිව තිබිදී පවා හම්බන්තොට වරායේ ආදායම ඉහළ ගිය හැටි මෙසේ සරලව දැක්විය හැක..

2011 වසරේ රුපියල් මිලියන 11
2012
වසරේ රුපියල් මිලියන 135
2013
වසරේ රුපියල් මිලියන 565
2014
වසරේ රුපියල් මිලියන 1277
2015
වසරේ රුපියල් මිලියන 2145

සත්‍යය පැහැදිළි කරනවා වෙනුවට අසත්‍යයම පවසමින් රටේ ජනතාව නොමඟ යවමින් තම පටු ලාභ හොයන ආණ්ඩුව මේ වරාය ක්ශ්‍රේත්‍රයට කරමින් සිටින හානිය සුළුපටු නොවේ.. ජාතික සම්පත් විකුණා දමා රට මංකොල්ල කෑමට එරෙහි වීම මෙරට සියළු පුරවැසියන් සතු යුතුකමක් නොව වගකීමකි..

මේ පිළිබඳව විස්තර කෙරෙන ශ්‍රී ලංකා වරාය අධිකාරියේ ඉංජිනේරු සහ විධායක නිලධාරී සංගම් 4ක් ඒකාබද්ධව නිකුත්කල මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනයක් මෙතැනින්.. 

https://drive.google.com/…/0B-EzJso25PxqSGFwbG9yWF9QYU0/view

Clean hands doctrine: US/UK & EU have no moral grounds to preach to any country

July 29th, 2017

Shenali D Waduge

Can a thief call another a thief? Can a murderer accuse another of being a murderer? Can those that commit horrendous crimes upon nations & people systematically and serially, accuse others of committing crimes when their own crimes are never taken up for trials because they are the judge, the witnesses, the jury & the prosecutors. The US/UK & EU nations are on a witch hunt against all other nations committing them of murder and crimes but what have these countries done about the crimes they have committed and these are far more horrendous than the one’s they accuse others of. Not only that, the crimes of the US/UK & EU cover the vast expanse of the world and cover 500 years of colonial rule, post-colonial rule and present neocolonial crimes. How can these nations with blood-soaked hands soiled from the plunder and murder of nations and their inhabitants speak of ‘accountability’ and ‘righteous rule’? Have these Western nations any moral standing to point fingers and preach to others?

The clean hands doctrine is based on the idea of basic fairness – if a plaintiff asks the court for an injunction to stop the defendant from dumping his trash in the plaintiff’s backyard, the defendant may argue that the plaintiff has also dumped her trash in the defendant’s backyard, and so the plaintiff has unclean hands” and should not receive the injunction she wants.

Similarly, we see the West countries & their sponsored bandwagon of human rights organizations promoting themselves as the peace doves & human rights angels completely whitewashing their sins of the past and present while going gun-ho against all other nations and accusing them of crimes many of which the West are indirectly involved in and spurring!

The U.S. Military killed hundreds of thousands of Japanese civilians with Napalm from 1944 – 1945. The bombing raid on Tokyo to burn 100,000 people to death, injure a million more, and leave a million without homes in the single deadliest air raid of World War II. How can we forget Hiroshima & Nagasaki. TWICE US dropped atomic bombs inspite of realizing the outcome from the first.

The U.S. Military Dumped 20 Million Gallons of Chemicals including the very toxic Agent Orange, on the forests and farmlands of Vietnam and neighboring countries on Vietnam from 1962 – 1971. 400,000 people were killed or maimed, 500,000 babies have been born with birth defects, and 2 million have suffered from cancer or other illnesses. In 2012, the Red Cross estimated that one million people in Vietnam have disabilities or health problems related to Agent Orange.

The CIA Helped Saddam Hussein Massacre Iranians and Kurds with Chemical Weapons including sarin, nerve gas, and mustard gas in 1988

U.S invaded Iraq under the pretext of the presence of weapons of mass destruction, similarly US has been manufacturing lies to invade & occupy nations. U.S. Military littered Iraq with toxic Depleted Uranium in 2003. This resulted in more than half of babies born in Fallujah from 2007 – 2010 were born with birth defects. According to Christopher Busby, the Scientific Secretary of the European Committee on Radiation Risk, “These are weapons which have absolutely destroyed the genetic integrity of the population of Iraq.”

When in 2004, journalists embedded with the U.S. military in Iraq began reporting the use of white phosphorus in Fallujah against Iraqi insurgents, the US military first lied then admitting to using the volatile chemical as an incendiary weapon.

Beteen 2003-2006 at the Abu Ghraib prison (a US Army detention centre) 3,800 Iraqi detainees were kept. Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba’s report on the tortures suffered were horrific. The tortures covered included videoing naked female/male detainees, arranging them in sexually explicit positions, keeping them naked for days, forcing males to wear female underwear, electric torture, filming forced sex with detainees. http://edition.cnn.com/2013/10/30/world/meast/iraq-prison-abuse-scandal-fast-facts/index.html

In 2002 Guantanamo Bay Detention Camp opened & close to 800 prisoners have been detained and tortured using enhanced techniques” like waterboarding. The youngest prisoner was just 14 years and kept for 7 years suffering tortures. Most do not even face trial or are even charged with a crime. They are simply kept and tortured.

James A Lucas writing to GlobalResearch makes a startling statement – US has killed more than 20million people in 37 victim nations since World War 2.

According to William Blum US has carried out 32 bombing campaigns on 24 different countries between 1945 and 1999. Thereafter, from 2001 Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, Yemen, Libya, Somalia & Syria have been bombed and continues to be bombed too.

William Blum has also compiled a list of 55 countries the US has overthrown/carried out regime change or set up puppet governments in.

However, Lindsey A. O’Rourke says US has tried to change national governments 72 times – 66 covert operations and six overt ones (Sri Lanka is not included yet) She says that during the Cold War 26 of the United States’ covert operations successfully brought a U.S.-backed government to power while the remaining 40 failed.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2016/12/23/the-cia-says-russia-hacked-the-u-s-election-here-are-6-things-to-learn-from-cold-war-attempts-to-change-regimes/?utm_term=.fb24879ffdd1

She also cites 16 cases of US meddling in foreign elections of which 75% of the time, the US was able to install its puppet government to power.

According to military historian and former U.S. Army Col. Andrew Bacevich US has bombed, invaded or occupied 14 Muslim countries since 1980. Iran (1980, 1987-1988), Libya (1981, 1986, 1989, 2011), Lebanon (1983), Kuwait (1991), Iraq (1991-2011, 2014-), Somalia (1992-1993, 2007-), Bosnia (1995), Saudi Arabia (1991, 1996), Afghanistan (1998, 2001-), Sudan (1998), Kosovo (1999), Yemen (2000, 2002-), Pakistan (2004-) and now Syria.

Afghanistan, Iraq & Libya are now in a state of chaos!

Nicolas J.S. Davies has prepared a list of 35 countries that US has supported fascists, drug lords and terrorists

That’s just a miniature account of the crimes committed by the US. How about NATO? Pretending to be ‘peace keepers’ NATO has been responsible for close to 6000 deaths in Yugoslavia, over 35,000 deaths in Afghanistan, close to 1million deaths in Iraq, more than 20,000 deaths in Libya, NATO’s actions violates its own charter that says to resolve disputes amicably and that its mandate is limited to territory of its member states – Yugoslavia, Macedonia, Albania and Bosnia were not members of NATO.

US & NATO are said to have used cluster bombs and white phosphorus.

The irony is that these very countries committing the most horrific crimes presently were the same countries that committed colonial crimes – invading territories, declaring them Christian and forcing indigenous to convert or face death, denationalizing people, ruining their ancient cultures, traditions and systems and forcing them to adopt western systems and creating generations of brown sahibs who would worship western imperialism.

The advent of neocolonial rule has been no better for all of the countries that were once invaded and occupied by the West which continues to fleece them and keep them in debt and rule over them using regime change & puppet governments.

As we have seen in the case of South America, Africa & Asia neocolonial rule has been no better than the colonial rule that ruined the lives of millions of people, carving artificial territories and declaring them ‘countries’ and then planting troubles which all of these countries are struggling to resolve as the West continues to interfere in the internal affairs of these nations using its puppet the UN and lackey UN officials.

In reading the above crimes it would make anyone laugh at the manner these Western nations are on a crusade on human rights completely ignoring their own crimes which are far greater and far more horrendous than those which they accuse. None of these Western crimes will ever see any international legal trials for all of the international systems are in their control, monitoring and sentence.

What a mockery of justice!

Shenali D Waduge

ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අපායේ දොරටුව අබියස… .

July 29th, 2017

තේජා ගොඩකන්දෙආරච්චි

2015 ජනාධිපතිවරණයට පෙර ප්‍රචාරණ වේදිකාවල පැවැත්වූ කතාවලදී, රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ විසින් උපහාසයෙන් සිනාසෙමින් පැවසුවේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ විශ්‍රාම සුවයෙන් පසුවෙද්දී, තමන් විසින් හම්බන්තොට වරාය නැව්වලින්ද, මත්තල, ගුවන් යානාවලින්ද පුරවන බවය. නමුත් එසේ පුරවන්නට නැව්ද, ගුවන් යානාද ගෙනෙන්නේ කෙසේද කියා ඔහු පැවසුවේ නැත. නමුත් අද වන විට ඔහු හම්බන්තොට වරාය නැව්වලින් පිරවීමට චීනයට භාර දී ඇත.

2015 ජනවාරි 8 දා ට කලින් මොවුන් මැතිවරණ වේදිකා ගණනේ පුන පුනා කියමින් ගියේ හම්බන්තොට වරාය යනු මහා ගලක් සහිත, පිහිණුම් තටාකයක් බවත්, එය මහා නාස්තිකාරී සුදු අලියෙකු බවත්ය. මේවා කියමින්, මේවාට නාස්තිකල මුදල් ගැන පවසමින් ඔවුහු මහජනතාවගේ මනස තමන් වෙත නම්මා ගත්හ. නමුත් එදා එසේ කියූ වත්මන් රජයේ ඇත්තන්ට නොපෙනුන වටිනාකමක්, හම්බන්තොට වරාය වෙත චීන රජය දුටුවේය. ඔවුන් බිලියන ගණන් ගෙවා මෙය තමන්ට පවරා ගැනීමට කටයුතු කලේ ඒ අනුවය. ඔබ ලෝක සිතියම නිරික්සන්නේ නම් ශ්‍රී ලංකාව පිහිටා ඇති ආකාරය අනුව, එය ඉන්දීය සාගරයේ වැටී ඇති මුහුදු මාර්ගවලට විවෘතව ඇති ආකාරය දකිනවිට, හම්බන්තොට, කොළඹ සහ ත්‍රිකුණාමලේ වරායන්හි ඇති වැදගත්කම අමුතුවෙන් නොකීවාට ඔබට වැටහෙනු ඇත. නමුත් අවාසනාවකට බලය සඳහාම කෑදරකමින් ඉහවහා ගොස් සිටි රනිල් ප්‍රමුඛ එජාප නඩය, මෙසේ එහි සැබෑ තතු වසන් කරමින් ජනතාවගේ මනැස් අන්ධ කරදැමූහ. ඔවුන් මේ වරාය චීනයට පවරා දුන්නේ එහි වටිනාකම නොදත් නිසා නොව හොඳින්ම දත් නිසාය. මේ අපට මතක ඇති කාලයේ පටන්ම තිබූ එජාපයේ ජන්ම ගතියයි. එනම් තමන්ට උරුමව ඇති දේ විකුණාගෙන කෑම මිස අන් මගක් නොදකින ආර්ථික නැඹුරුවයි.

වරාය පැවරීම ගැන සාකච්ඡා වූ කැබිනට් රැස්වීමේදී මේ නීච ගණුදෙනුවට විරුද්ධව කරුණු පවසා ඇත්තේ විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂ සහ චම්පික රණවක යන අමාත්‍යවරුන්ය. නමුත් මේ ඛෙදවාචකයේ ආරම්භය වූ යහපාලන රජය පිහිටුවීමේදී ‘ණය කන්ද’ ගැන ගැයූ ගීතිකාවලට මොවුන්ද අත්වැල් ගායනයෙන් හවුල් වූහ. හම්බන්තොට වරායේ ආදායමෙන්, මෙය ඉදිකරන්නයට ගත් ණය ගෙවන්නට වැයවන කාලය ගණන් හදා කියූ චම්පික රණවක ඇමතිවරයා, නියැන්ඩතාල් මානවයා හෝමෝ සේපියන් බවට පත්වීමට යන කාලය සමග එය සසඳමින්, මේ ණය ගෙවා අවසන් වනවිට මිනිසා වෙනත් සතුන් වර්ගයක් බවට පරිවර්තනය වී සිටිය හැකියයිද කීවා මතකය. එදා ඒ කිසිවෙකු මෙම ඉදිකිරීම් රටේ ආදායම් උත්පාදනය සඳහා යොදා ගන්නේ කෙසේද කියා සිතා බැලුවාවත්ද නොදනිමි. ඔවුන්ගේ වෛරයෙන් පිරි දෑස් යොමුව තිබුනේ එම වරායේ හෝ ගුවන් තොටුපලේ නාම පුවරුවේ සටහන්ව තිබූ ‘මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ …….’ යන වචන කිහිපය වෙත පමනි. විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂ ඇමතිවරයා පවසන්නේ ඉදිරියේදී පිහිණුම් තටාකයක් බවට පත්වන්නේ කොළඹ වරාය බවයි. ඇයිද කිවහොත්, මේ හම්බන්තොට වරාය බදුගත් චීන රජය අපේක්ෂා කරන්නේ තමන් වැයකල මුදලට උපරිම ලාභයක් බැවින්, තමන්ට හැකි තරම් නැව් ප්‍රමානයක් ඒ වෙත කැඳවා ගැනීමටය. චීනය ලෝකයේ වෙළඳපොල ආධිපත්‍ය පතුරුවන ආකාරය සැවොම දනිති. ඒ අනුව අනාගතයේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකා වරාය අධිකාරිය නිකම්ම කේඩෑරි ආයතනයක් බවට පත්වනු ඇත.

මේ පිලිබඳව විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂ මෙසේ කතා කරද්දී, මංගල සමරවීර සහ මහින්ද සමරසිංහ යන ඇමතිවරු ඔහුට පවසන්නේ ‘ගෝත්‍රික විදියට හිතන්න එපා’ කියායි. ඒ අතර හම්බන්තොට වරාය චීනයට පවරා, ඉඩම් අක්කර දහස් ගණනක්ද ඔවුන්ටම පවරා දුන් පසු හම්බන්තොට ‘සුර පුරයක්’ වනු ඇතැයි ඇමති සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස පවසන්නේය. මේ බව ජනතාවට පහදා දීමට රජය වෙනුවෙන් ඔහුම ඉදිරිපත් වෙයි. සාමාන්‍ය දෙමළ ජනතාවටවත් වැඩක් නැති ඊනියා සාමයක නමින්, රටෙන් කෑලි කඩා එල්ටීටීඊ සංවිධානයට ඩෙඟා නටන්නට භාර දුන් රනිල්ටත්, එල්ටීටීඊ සංවිධානයේ ලණු ගිල, ඔවුන්ට අවි ආයුධ, සිමෙන්ති කන්ටේනර පිටින් සැපයූ මියගිය ජනාධිපති ආර්. ප්‍රේමදාසගේ  ‘සහජාත’ පුත්‍ර රත්නයටත් මෙම ක්‍රියාවන්හි ප්‍රතිඵල මීට වඩා පැහැදිලිව අවබෝධ නොවීම පුදුමයක් නොවේ. ඇමති සාගල රත්නායක, මෙම ගිවිසුමේ, වසර 70 ක ට, 80 ක ට පසුව එන කොන්දේසි, එනම් එම කාලයට වලංගුවන ගිවිසුමේ නම්‍යශීලී කොන්දේසි ගැන ජනතාවට විස්තර කර දෙන්නේ ඔහුත්, අසා සිටින අයත් එතෙක් කල් ජීවත් වේ යැයි සිතාගෙනද?

මේ සියලුම ව්‍යසන අද ඊයේ කඩාවැටුනු ඒවා නොවන බව යම් දැනුම් තේරුම් ඇති අයෙකුට වැටහී යා යුත්තේ රනිල්ගේ දේශපාලන ජීවිතයට වසර 40 ක් සපිරුන බව කියමින් කේක් කපාගෙන කෑ රනිල් – මෛත්‍රී ඇතුලු සහචරයින් රැල දකින විටය. මෙම දේශපාලන සන්ධිස්ථානය වෙනුවෙන් රනිල් ඇතුලු එජාප නඩය ‘1977 න් පසු ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අත්කරගත් දියුණුව’ නමින් සැණකෙලි නටන්නට කටයුතු කරන මේ මොහොතේත්, 2014 වනතුරු ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ පමනක් සාමාජිකයෙකුව සිටි ජනාධිපතිවරයාටවත් මීට වඩා දුර නොපෙනීම පුදුමය. ඒ ඔහු, අද මේ සිදුවන ජාතික සම්පත් මංකොල්ලය සහ නොරටුනට විකුණා ජීවත්වන බංකොලොත් ධනවාදී ප්‍රතිපත්තියේ ආරම්භයද රනිල්ගේ සතලිස් වියැති දේශපාලන ගමනේ ආරම්භයත් සමගම සිදුවන බව, 2014 වනතුරු, වසර 50 ක ට ආසන්න වූද, එජාපයට බොහෝ සෙයින් වෙනස් වූද දේශපාලන ගමනක් පැමිනි අයෙකු ලෙස දැනගත යුතු නිසාය.

1977 ට පෙර පැවති යුගය යම් ප්‍රමානයකට මගේ මතකයේ පවතී. අදද සමහරුන් ‘සත් වසරක සාපය’ ලෙස එම යුගය හැඳින්වූවත්, එකල ගෙවූ ඒ සරළ ජීවිතය අද විමසා බැලීමේදී ඊට පසු කලෙක අප පසුකර පැමිනි ‘භීෂණ සමය’ට හෝ  ‘දුර්දාන්ත පාලනය’ට වඩා හොඳය කියා තවමත් සිතෙනු වැලකිය නොහැක. කෙසේ වුව ඒ වසර හත තුල රට ණය බරින් නිදහස් වූ ආකාරය සහ ස්වයං නිෂ්පාදන ආර්ථිකයක් ගොඩ නැගීමේ ප්‍රතිඵල ගැන ජනතාවට වැටහෙන පරිදි කියා දීමට නම් එකල පාලකයෝ අසමත් වූහ. 1977 ජුලි මස පැවති මහ මැතිවරණයේ ප්‍රතිඵලවලට අප සවන් දුන්නේ ගුවන් විදුලිය ඔස්සේය. එකල රූපවාහිනිය නොවීය. දේශපාලනය හරිහැටි වැටහෙන්නට තරම් මුහුකුරා නොගියද, එදා ඒ මැතිවරණ ප්‍රතිඵල මට දැනුනේ, කුමක්දෝ බියජනක ව්‍යසනයක පෙරනිමිත්තක් මෙනි. ඉවුරු කඩාගෙන පිටාර යන සැඩ ගංදිය කඳක් බඳුවූ ඒ දේශපාලන ප්‍රවාහය ඉන් මතු වසර 17 ක් පුරා සමස්ත ශ්‍රී ලංකික සමාජයම, සංවර්ධනය කෙසේ වෙතත්, ආර්ථික, සමාජයීය සහ දේශපාලනික වශයෙන් මහා සෝදා පාලුවකට ලක් කලේය. එසේ කඩාගෙන යන්නට තරම් දුර්වල ඉවුරු සෑදූ ඊට පෙර බලයේ සිටි රජයටද මේ චෝදනාවෙන් නිදහස් වීමක් නොමැත. නමුත් ඔවුන් මහ ලොකුවට කයිවාරු ගසන විවෘත ආර්ථික ප්‍රතිපත්ති නියමාකාරයෙන් භාවිතාකල රටවල්ද ලොවේ නැතුවා නොවේ. නමුත් එදා ඒ පෙරලියත් සමග ශ්‍රී ලාංකික දේශපාලනය තුල ටිකෙන් ටික පැලපදියම් වන්නට වූ ජඩකම සහ ආත්මාර්ථකාමිත්වය සමග මෙවන් න්‍යායයන් හරියන්නේ නැත.

එදා තමන් ලද 6/5 ක ජනබලය යොදාගත් ජේ. ආර්. ජයවර්ධන, ව්‍යවස්ථාව වෙනස් කරමින් විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය නිර්මාණය කරමින් තමන්වම ජනාධිපති ලෙස පත් කරගත්තේය. ඊට පෙර සිහිපත්කල යුතු වැදගත් යමක් තිබේ. 77 ජුලි මස මහ මැතිවරණය ජයග්‍රහණය කල විගස එජාප නායක ජේ. ආර්. ජයවර්ධන අගමැතිවරයා පොලිසියට පුරා සතියක නිවාඩුවක් ලබා දුන්නේය. ඒ අනුව ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පාක්ෂිකයන් මහත් දරුණු වූ පලිගැනීම්වලට ගොදුරු වෙත්දී, ඒවා වලකන්නට හෝ එම පැමිනිලි භාර ගන්නට සතියක් ගතවන තෙක් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පොලිසියක් ක්‍රියාත්මක නොවීය. ඊනියා ‘ධර්මිශ්ඨ සමාජය’ තුල ජේ. ආර්. භෞතීස්ම කරනු ලැබුයේ ‘අතිගරු ජනාධිපති උතුමාණන්’ යන නමිනි. වෙළඳ හා නාවුක කටයුතු අමාත්‍යවරයා ලෙස එදා ලලිත් ඇතුලත්මුදලි විවෘත ආර්ථික ප්‍රතිපත්ති ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට හඳුන්වා දුන් අතර ඔහුට අනුව එහි ප්‍රතිඵල නෙලා ගන්නට නම්, රටේ නගර, ගම් දනව් යාවන පරිදි මාර්ග පද්ධතිය දියුණු වීම අත්‍යවශ්‍ය විය. නමුත් එම අරමුණ හෝ විවෘත ආර්ථිකය හා බැඳුනු අනිකුත් අංග නිසි පරිදි ක්‍රියාත්මක වීද?

අපනයන වෙළඳපොලද වක්කඩ කැඩුවාක් මෙන් විවෘත වූයෙන්, රට තුලට ගලා එන්නටවූ දහසකුත් දේ අතර කිසිසේත් අත්‍යවශ්‍ය නොවන දේද වූයේ එහි පාලනයක් හෝ සැලැස්මක් නොවූ නිසාය. එහෙත් ඒ ඔස්සේ ශ්‍රී ලාංකික ආර්ථිකයේ කොඳු නාරටිය බඳුව තිබූ කෘෂිකර්මය සහ සහ තේ, පොල්, රබර්, කුරුඳු වැනි අපනයන වගාවන් මහත් ගරාවැටීමකට ලක්විය. ඉන් වඩාත්ම අසීරුතාවට පත් වූයේ උතුරුකරයේ සහ රජරට ජීවත්වූ කෘෂිකර්මාන්තය ජීවිකාව කරගෙන සිටි ජනතාවය. මෙසේ අඩාල වන කෘෂි ආර්ථිකයට සාධාරණ විකල්පයක් වශයෙන් කිසිදු වැඩපිලිවෙලක් රජය සතුව නොතිබුනා පමනක් නොව ඔවුන් එය නොසලකා හැරි බවද පැහැදිලිව පෙනුනෙන් එදා ව්‍යාප්ත වෙමින් ආ වර්ගවාදී ත්‍රස්තවාදයට තවත් හේතු කාරණා සැපයින. එය එසේ නොවීනම්, ඒ ඒ දේශපාලකයන්ගේ දේශපාලන න්‍යායපත්‍රවලට වැඩකල අතලොස්සක් ජනතාවට හැරුනකොට සාමාන්‍ය මිනිසුන්ට වෙනම රටක් අවශ්‍ය නොවනු ඇත. අවාසනාවකට වෙනත් රජයකට යුද්ධය සමග ගණුදෙනු කරනු විනා වෙනත් සවර්ධනයක නියැලෙනු නොහැකි වන පරිදි එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ 17 වසරක පාලනය අවසන් වනවිට වර්ගවාදී ප්‍රශ්නය ඔඩුදුවා තිබිනි.

මේ උතුරුකරයේ ජනතාවට මෙසේ තමන් කොන්වී යයි හැඟෙන්නට පමනක් නොව, තමන් මත මර්දනයේ රාජ්‍ය හස්තය ක්‍රියාත්මක වනබව අත්දකින්නටද බලපෑ ප්‍රධාන හේතුව එජාප පාලනයයි. ද්‍රවිඪ එක්සත් විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ එකල ප්‍රධාන විපක්ෂය විය. 5/6 ක බලයක් ඇතිව සිටි රජයේ බලය ගිලිහී තිබුනේ උතුරේ පමනි. 1981 සංවර්ධන සභා චන්ද මංකොල්ලය සිදුවන්නේ ඒ අනුවය. යාපනය පුස්තකාලය ගිනි තබා විනාශකල ඔවුහු සිවිල් වැසියන් බිය ගන්වමින්, පුවත්පත් කාර්යාල ගිනිතබමින් තිරශචීන චන්ද මංකොල්ලයක් සිදුකලහ. 1983 දී මුලු සිංහල ජාතියම අපකීර්තියට පත්කල කලු ජුලියේ සිදුවීම් මෙන්ම, එහි වරද, ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී මාවතක සිටි ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ පිට පටවමින් ඔවුන්ව තහනම් පක්ෂයක් බවට නම් කිරීමද ඉතිහාසයේ සිදුවූ මහත් ව්‍යසනයන් ලෙස දැක්විය හැක. මන්ද 80 දශකය අගභාගයේ සිදුවූ භීෂණ සමයට මග පෑදුවේ එම පක්ෂ තහනමයි. එය හුදෙක් පක්ෂ තහනමක් නොව එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ රජයේ හිතුවක්කාර පාලන සමයේ කරළියට ගෙනා ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය තීරණ අතර තවත් බරපතල විනාශකාරී තීරණයක් වීය.

1980 ජුලි මස දියත් වූ ඓතිහාසික වැඩවර්ජනයද ශ්‍රී ලාංකික ඉතිහාසයේ තවත් කලු පැල්ලමක් ලෙස සටහන්ව ඇත. ඉන්පසු 1987 -90 සමයේ රට මුහුණ දුන්, තරුණ ජීවිත 60,000 ට වඩා බිලිගත් භීෂණ සමයද අර 40 වසරක සංවර්ධනයේ නොමැකෙන සටහන්ය. මේවා නැවත නැවත මතක් කරන්නට සිදුවන්නේ ඒ පරණ මිනිසුන්ම යලිත් රට පරණ තැනටම ගෙන යන්නට තැත්කරන බවක් පෙනී යන හෙයිනි. ඉහත සඳහන්කල සිදුවීම් සමග බරපතල ලෙස නම ඈඳුන පුද්ගලයෙකු වන වත්මන් අගමැතිවරයා අද කේක් කවාගනිමින් තම 40 වසරක දේශපාලන දිවිය සමරන්නට සැණකෙලි නටන්නට උත්සාහ කරයි නම් එයින් ගම්‍ය වන්නේ ඔහු තමන් සහ තම පැරණි රජය මෙතෙක් කල කී දෑ නිවැරදිය කියා සිතන බවත්, ඉතිහාසයෙන් කිසිදු පාඩමක් ඉගෙනගෙන නැති බවත්ම නොවේද?

විවෘත ආර්ථිකය ඔස්සේද නොදනිමි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට මත්කුඩු එන්නට පටන් ගත්තේද 1981 දීය. පත්වීම් දීමට සම්මුඛ පරීක්ෂණ ‘රෙස්ට් හවුස්’ වල තැබූ බවට, පැවති සමගි පෙරමුණු රජයට චෝදනාකල නව එජාප රජය තම ප්‍රතිපත්ති ඔස්සේ, මුදල් උපයනු පිනිස කැමැත්තෙන්ම ‘රෙස්ට් හවුස්’ යන ප්‍රවනතාවක් බිහිකලේ රට තුල දිළිඳු – ධනවත් පරතරය බෙහෙවින් පුලුල් වෙත්දීය. මුදල් ඉපයුවොත් විඳින්නට ලෞකික සැප සම්පත් බහුලවූ රටේ හොඳින් හෝ නරකින් මුදල් ඉපයීමේ මාර්ගද බහුල වීම නිසා, දේශපාලකයන්, ඔවුන්ගේ හෙංචයියලා සහ ඔවුන් වටාද එල්ලුන කූඩැල්ලන්ගෙන් සැදුනු යැපීම් ජාලයක් රටතුල ඇතිවී, වංචා දූෂණ සංස්කෘතියක්ද බිහිවිය.

2015 බලයට එන කාලයේ හිටපු ජනාධිපති අරභයා ප්‍රකට වූ ‘ෆයිල්’ කතාවද, එකල ජේආර් විසින් රජයේ මැති ඇමතිවරු වෙතින් ලබාගෙන තිබූ බව කියන දාතම රහිත ඉල්ලා අස්වීමේ ලිපි කතාවේම නව මුද්‍රණයකි.

ජනතාවට 2015 දී වෙනසක් අවශ්‍යව තිබූ බව සැබෑය. නමුත් ඊට විකල්පය වූයේ නූල අදින බලය තම අත් තබාගත් රනිල්ගේ පදයට නටන මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන නොවන බව ජනතාවට පෙර වටහා ගත යුතුව තිබුනේ, මෛත්‍රීට තම චන්දය දීමට ජනතාව පෙලඹවූ ජවිපෙ වැනි දේශපාලන පක්ෂ සහ උගතුන් යයි කියන පිරිස්ය. අද ඉන් කොටසක් තමන් කරගසා පත්කරගත් පව්කඳ ගැන අවංකව පසුතැවෙන මුත්, එතරම් ඉක්මනින් අතීතය අමතක කිරීම ගැන නම් ඔවුනට සමාව දිය නොහැක.

රටට පිළිලයක්ව තිබූ ත්‍රස්තවාදී යුද්ධය අවසන් කිරීම සම්බන්ධව අවශ්‍ය වෙලාවේ, අවශ්‍ය තීරණ ගත් හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂට නිසි ගෞරවය ලැබිය යුතුය. නමුත් එය ඔහුට හෝ ඔහු වටකරගෙන සිටි උදවියට තමන් පමනක් සුඛිත මදිත වීමට දුන් බලපත්‍රයක් නොවේ. අනිත් නායකයන් විසින් සැහැල්ලුවට ලක්කර තිබූ නමුදු ඒ ජනතාව රටේ නායකයා වෙතින් අපේක්ෂා කල කාර්යභාරය එයයි. කෙසේ වුවද 2015දී සිදුවූ බල පෙරලියේදී, මිනිසුන් පිලිබඳව වටහා ගැනීමට රාජපක්ෂ තුල වූ නොහැකියාව කැපී පෙනුනි. නමුත් ඔහුව එසේ මනස් අන්ධභාවයට පත්කලේ අර අසීමිත බලතල සහිත විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමයයි. යුද ජයග්‍රහණයත් ඊට එක්වූ කල තත්වය වඩා බරපතල විය. 2010 න් පසු පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුල 2/3 ක බලයක් ඇතිව සිටි ඔහු ව්‍යවස්ථාව වෙනස්කර, විධායක ජනාධිපති තනතුර අහෝසිකර, එම විධායක බලය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ලබා ගන්නට කටයුතු කලා නම් කතාව මීට වඩා වෙනස් වන්නට ඉඩ තිබිනි. නමුත් ඒ වෙනුවට තෙවන වර ජනාධිපති පදවියට තරග කරන්නට ගොස් කල් තබාම බලය අහිමි කරගත්තා මදිවාට, ඒ තුල දැන් සිටින ඉහඳ පණුවන් රැළක් බඳුවූ ජරාජීර්ණ දේශපාලකයන් පිරිසට හිතේ හැටියට රට කා දමන්නට පාර කල් තබාම කපා දුන්නේය.

 
ඉතින් අද හම්බන්තොට වරාය පරම්පරා ගණනාවකට අහිමි කරවන ගිවිසුම් ගසද්දී, මේ වසර අවසානයට පෙර මත්තලත් එසේ පවරා දන බවට, ජනමතයකට කිසිදු ලෙසකින් මායිම් නොකර අගමැතිවරයා වහසි බස් දොඩවද්දී, ජනතාව සංවිධානය කර එකාවන්ව පාරට ඇදගෙන එන්නට, පාර්ලිමේන්තුව වටලා මෙම නිහීන වූද, නිර්ලජ්ජී වූද ක්‍රියාවලිය නවතන තුරු සටන් කරන්නට සමත් පෞරුෂයක් ඇති එක දේශපාලකයෙකු අප රටේ වේදැයි සිතන හදවත කකියයි.  

එසේ පාරට බැසීම පිනිස, තත්වයෙහි පවතින භයානකත්වය අවබෝධ කරගනු වෙනුවට, තෙල් සංස්ථා වර්ජනයේදී ඒ මිනිසුන්ට ඉතා පහත් ලෙස දොස් පවරන ජනතාව ඕනෑ තරම් සිටියහ. මේ මිනිසුන් වර්ජනය කලේ තම බඩ ගෝස්තරය වෙනුවෙන් නොව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට අහිමි වන්නට යන අනාගතය වෙනුවෙන් බව නොතේරෙන මෙවන් මුග්ධ මිනිසුන් සමග කුමන සටන්ද? එක අතකට ඒ ගැන අප පුදුම විය යුතු නැත. තම මැති ඇමතිලාට සුඛෝපභෝගී වාහන ගෙන්වන්නට මිලියන ගණන් නිර්ලෝභීව වැය කරන මේ රජය, අධ්‍යාපනයට අයවැයෙන් වෙන් කරනුයේ 2% කි. ඒ ප්‍රමානය තුලවත් පවතින ලිංමැඩි අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමය වෙනස් කරන්නට වැඩ පිලිවෙලක් නොමැති අතර, ඒ තුල බිහිවන උගතුන්ද පටු ආත්මාර්ථකාමී කුහකයන්ය. ඉතින් මෝඩයන් සිටින තරමට තම ක්‍රමය පවත්වාගෙන යාම මොවුන්ට පහසුය.

එදා එජාපයේ දුර්දාන්තපාලනය හමුවේ හිරිවැටී සිටි ශ්‍රී ලාංකික ජන සමාජයට ජනඝෝෂා, පාද යාත්‍රා තුලින් නව පණක් දුන්, එදා තරුණ තරුණියන් පැහැරගෙන යද්දී, ටයර් සෑයේ දැවෙද්දී, රනිල්ගේ මූලිකත්වයෙන් බටලන්ද වධකාගාරය පවත්වාගෙන යද්දී ඊට එරෙහිව එහි වද විඳි අසරණයන්ගේ මානව හිමිකම් වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි මහින්දලා, දිනේෂ්ලා කොහිද? ඔවුන්ද මේ ජඩ දේශපාලන සංස්කෘතිය තුල අන්ධව ගියෝද?

එදා සුහුඹුල් තරුණ වියේදී, එජාපයේ යෝධ මැර ප්‍රතිරූපයට එරෙහිව, ඔවුන් විනාශය කරා ඇදගෙන යමින් සිටි රටේ අනාගතය වෙනුවෙන් තම ජීවිතය දෙවන තැන තබමින්, වීදි බැසි ජවිපෙ සොයුරු සොයුරියන් අද කොහිද? මුදලින්, බලයෙන් ඉහඳ තැබූ සමාජයක ඔවුන්ගේ හඬ වියැකී ගියාද?

දැන්වත් එකාවන්ව පෙරට නොආවොත් අපේ දරුවන්ට අපේය කියන්නට රටක් ඉතිරි වේද?????

ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය 

July 29th, 2017

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග 

ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය සාමාන්‍යයෙන් අර්ථ දැක්වෙන්නේ තමාටම හෝ වෙනත් පුද්ගලයෙකුට හෝ පුද්ගල කණ්ඩායමකට හෝ යම් ජන සමාජයකට හෝ විරුද්ධව, හිතාමතාම බලය හෝ කායික ශක්තිය භාවිත කිරීම මඟින් ශාරීරික ආබාධ, මානසික ආබාධ මරණය හෝ වියෝගය ඇති කිරීම හෝ ඇතිවිය හැකි ලෙසට ක්‍රියා කිරීම ලෙසය. ( Krug, Dahlberg, Mercy, Zwi & lozano, 2002) දේශපාලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත‍්වය යනු දේශපාලන අභිමතාර්ථ සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීම සඳහා ප්‍රචණ්ඩකාරී ක්‍රියා යොදා ගැනීමයි. දේශපාලන අරමුණු ඉටුකර ගැනීම සඳහා ලොවපුරා මිනිසුන් සහ රජයයන් බහුල ලෙස යොදා ගන්නා ක්‍රමයක් වන්නේ ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වයයි. මේ අර්ථයෙන් ගත් කල දේශපාලන ප්‍රචන්ඩත‍්වයෙන් අධික ලෙස-

-බැටකන රටවල් අතර ශ්‍රී ලංකාවද සිටී. පසුගිය දශක කිහිපය පුරා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දේශපාලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වයේ නිම් වලලු පුලුල් වී තිබේ. ඡන්ද සමයේදී මැර පිරිස් කලහකාරී ලෙස හැසිරීම සාමාන්‍ය සිදුවීමක් බවට පත්ව ඇත. ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය ශ්‍රී ලාංකික සමාජය හා සංස්කෘතිය වෙලාගෙන ඇත. දේශපාලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය මෙන්ම එහිලා සබැදුණු සාධකද සංකීර්ණ හා බහුවිධ වුවත් ශ්‍රී ලාංකීය ජන සමාජය විනිවිද යන සහ වෙලාගත් සාධකයක් බවට ප්‍රචණ්ඩත‍්වය පත්වෙමින් පවතී.

දේශපාලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වයට මූලික හේතු පෙන්වා දෙන ඩන්කන් පීඩර්සන් ට අනුව අධික ලෙස ණය බරින් පීඩිත දුගී රටවල ආර්ථීක හා පාරිසරික පරිහාණිය, සම්පත් හීනවීම සහ ජීවිකා වෘත්තින් ඛාදනය යනාදී සාධක ජන සමාජයේ විවිධ කොටස්වල දරිද්‍රතාව හා ආහාර අනාරක‍ෂිතතාව තීව්‍ර කරයි. විලෝපිත ක්‍රියාමාර්ගවල තරගකාරිත‍වයද දේශපාලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත‍්වය සහ අභ්‍යන්තර යුද්ධ හටගැනීම යන සාධකත් සම්පත් හීනවීම නිසා තීව්‍ර වන වාර්ගික හා ආගමික ආතතියත් එකිනෙක හා බැදී පවතී ( ඩන්කන් පීඩර්සන් -දේශපාලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය. ජනවාර්ගික අර්බුදය සහ තත්කාලීන යුද්ධ සෞඛ්‍යය සහ සමාජ යහපැවැත්ම කෙරෙහි බලපෑම / Duncan Pedersen – political violence, ethnic conflict and contemporary wars : broad implication for health and social well – being ).

සාමූහික ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය ( Collective Violence )

සාමූහික ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය යනු තමන් යම් ( තාවකාලික හෝ යාවජීව ) කණ්ඩායමක සාමාජිකයින් ලෙස හදුන්වා ගන්නා පුද්ගලයින් විසින් තමන්ගේ දේශපාලනල ආර්ථීක හෝ සාමාජීය අරමුණු සාක්ෂාත් කර ගනු වස් තවත් කණ්ඩායමකට හෝ පුද්ගලයින් පිරිසකට විරුද්ධව ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය යොදා ගැනීමය.

විලියම් කොනසර් (William Kornhauser ) සාමූහික ප්‍රචණ්ඩත‍්වය පිළිබද සමාජ සම්බන්ධතා (Social Attachments Theory of Collective Violence ) ඉදිරිපත් කළ අතර එය යම් පුද්ගලයෙකු ප්‍රචණ්ඩකාරි කණ්ඩායමකට බැදීමේ හැකියාව කෙරෙහි ඔහුගේ සමාජ සම්බන්ධතා වල බලපෑම පිළිබදව අවධානය යොමු කරයගි සමාජ සම්බන්ධතා නොමැති මිනිසුන් තමනුත් සමාජයට අයත්ය යන හැගීම ඇති කර ගැනිම සඳහා මෙවැනි කණ්ඩායමකට බැදීමට වැඩි ඉඩකඩක් ඇතිබව එම න්‍යාය පැහැදිලි කර දෙයි.

සාමූහික ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය බොහෝ විට කණ්ඩායමක් විසින් සමාජය හැසිරවීමකි. එය හැසිරීමට විචල්‍ය ලෙස දර්ශීයව ප්‍රතිචාර දක්වයි. ඒක පාර්ශ්වික සහ රාජ්‍ය මැදිහත් වීම් හෝ අනුග්‍රහ නොමැති වීම එය සතර මහා ආකරයකින් බාහිරට විද්‍යාමාන වේ. නඩු නොවිමසා දඩුවම් කිරීම කෝලාහල කිරීම අපරාධ වැලක්වීමට නීතිය අතට ගැනීම සහ ත්‍රස්තවාදය වශයෙනි. මේවා වගකීමේ ස්වභාවය :පුද්ගල හෝ සාමූහික ) සහ සංවිධාන මට්ටම ( ඉහල හෝ දුර්වල ) අනුව පැහැදිලිව වෙන් කොට ගත හැකිය. ( Roberta Senechal De La Roche, Department of History, Washington & Lee University)

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේදී සාමූහික ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය ප්‍රකාශයට පත්වී තිබෙන්නේ සිවිල් කෝලහාල විරෝධතා වධබන්දන පැමිණවීම් කොල්ල කෑම් හා මාෆියා කල්ලි යුද්ධ ආදී වශයෙනි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේදී එය දේශපාලනික හා වාර්ගික මුහුණු වරක් ගෙන ඇති අතර මානසික සෞඛ්‍ය මෙන්ම අර්ථීකය කෙරෙහිද දැඩි බලපෑමක් එල්ල තරයි.

ළමා අවධියේ මානසික ආතති සහ ප්‍රචණ්ඩකාරී හැසිරීම

යමකු ළමා කාලයේදී අත්විඳින පීඩා බුද්ධි වර්ධනයට දැඩිව බලපාන අතර එය යමෙකුගේ සමාජ හැසිරීම කෙරෙහි සෘණාත්මකව බලපෑ හැකිය. සාමූහික හෝ පුද්ගල ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වයේ ගොදුරු බවට පත්වු ළමුන් සමාජය කෙරෙහි ක්‍රෝධය හා නොරිස්සුම් ගති දැක්විය හැකි අතර එය ප්‍රචණ්ඩකාරි ස්වභාවයකින් ප්‍රකාශයට පත්විය හැක. පර්යේෂණ වලට අනුව දේශපාලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වයේ යෙදුණු ජර්මානු බාඩර් – මයින්හෝෆ් කන්ඩායමේ (German Baader – Meinhof group ) හිටපු සාමාජිකයින් බහුතරයකට ආතතීන්ට ලක්වූ ළමා කාලයක් තිබී ඇත. ළමා අවධියේ අත්විදින අයහපත් හා සෘණාත්මක අත්දැකිම් සහ සමාජ ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය අතර සම්බන්ධතාව බොහෝ පර්යේෂණ සනාථ කරයි. මිනිසුන් අත්විදින පීඩා හා ප්‍රචණ්ඩත‍්වය මීලග පරම්පරාවට උරුම විය හැකි අතර එය විෂම චක්‍රයකට මඟපාදයි. සමූල ඝාතන වලින් බේරුණු පුද්ගලයින්ගේ දරුවන්ට පශ්චාත් ව්‍යසන ක්ලමථ අක්‍රමතාවය ( Post Traumatic Stress Disorder / PTSD ) වැලදීමේ නැඹුරුව පිළිබදව ආර් යෙහූඩා ඇතුලු පිරිස ( R. Yehuda, at all )1998 දී කරණ ලද අධ්‍යයනය ( American journal of psychiatry , 155 (9) : 1163-1171 ) මගින් තහවුරු වූයේ සමූල ඝාතන වලින් දිවි රැකගත් PTSD සහිත දෙමාපියන්ගේ දරුවන්ට PTSD වැලදීමේ අධික අවදානමක් ජීවිත කාලයටම පවතින බවත් පීඩාකාරි සිදුවීම්වලට පසු අන්‍යයන්ට වඩා වැඩියෙන් ඔවුන් ආතතියට ලක්වන බවත්ය. එබැවින් සමාජ දේශපාලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත‍්වය ජන සමාජයට දැඩි හානිකර බලපෑම් ඇති කරයි.

ආගමික මූලධර්ම වාදය සහ ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය

ආගමික මූලධර්ම වාදය මහත් විවාදාත්මක සහ මතභේදාත්මක විෂයක් මෙන්ම නූතන ලෝකයේ සාමූහික ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වයට හේතු වන සාධකයක්ද බවට පත්ව ඇත.
පසුගිය දශක කිපය තුල ආගමික මූලධර්ම වාදයේ පැතිකඩක් ලෙස ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේද සාමූහික ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය ක්‍රියාත්මක වී ඇති අතර එම නැඹුරුව තීව්‍ර වෙමින් පවතී තම ඇදහීම සහ විශ්වාස වල ප්‍රචණ්ඩකාරීත‍වය වැලද ගන්නා පූජකයින් මානසිකව අසමතුලිත පුද්ගලයින් වන අතර ඔවුන් අන්‍යාගමිකයින් දකින්නේ විරුද්ධ වාදින් ලෙසය. මොවුහු තම ආගමෙන් පිටස්තර පුද්ගලයින් පිළිබදව කටයුතු කිරීමේදි අන්‍යොන්‍ය අවබෝධයෙන් තොර වන අතර අන්‍යාගමිකයින්ට විරුද්ධව ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය භාවිතා කිරීම බොහෝ විට සාධාරණීකරණය කරති මොවුහු වෛරය දේශනා කරන අතර ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වයට තම අනුගාමිකයින් උසි ගන්වති. සාමූහික ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය අනුමත කරන පූජකයින්ට බොහෝ විට ඇත්තේ පීඩිත ළමා අවධියක් වන අතර ඔවුන් සමහරෙකු ලිංගික අපචාර වලටද ලක්වූවන්ය. ඔවුන්ගේ ක්‍රෝධය හා වෛරය පොදුවේ පැතිර තිබීමට හෝ තම ඇදහීම් වලට හෝ වර්ගයාට පිටස්තර පුද්ගලයින් වෙත පමණක් යොමූ වී තිබීමට හෝ හැක. ඔවුහු තමන් ගේ අනාරක‍ෂිත හැගිම් ආගමට එරෙහි තර්ජනයක් හෝ කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් හෝ ලෙස සලකන අතර ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය සාධාරණීකරණය කිරීමට එය යොදා ගනී.

ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වයට හේතු වන දේශපාලන අන්තවාදය

ලෙයාඩ් විල්කොක්ස් ( Laird Wilcox ) අර්ථ දක්වන පරිදි දේශපාලන අන්තවාදය යනු තම දේශපාලන මතිමතාන්තර ඉන් ඇති විය හැකි අවාසනාවන්ත ප්‍රතිවිපාක, ඒවායේ ප්‍රායෝගික නොවන ස්වභාවයන් හා ඒවාට විරුද්ධ මතවාද හා හැගිම් නොසලකා, තම මතයම මිස අන් කිසිදු මතයක් නොඉවසන ආකාරයෙන් අනුන්ගේ ජීවිත වලට නිදහසට සහ මානව හිමිකම් වලට ගරු නොකරන දේශපාලන ස්වභාවයක් වෙත ගමන් කරමින් තර්ක කිරීමට පමණක් නොව ප්‍රතිවාදින් විනාශ කිරිමේ අදහසද ඇතිවල අන්තගාමි ලෙස ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමයි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දේශපාලන අන්තවාදය විවිධ මුහුණුවර වලින් ක්‍රියාත්මක වන අතර බොහෝ විට ජාතිකත්වය හා ආගමික මතවාද උපයෝගී කරගනිමින් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් වේ. දේශපාලන අන්තවාදියෙකු යනු විශේෂයෙන්ම දේශපාලන කටයුතු වලදී පොදු සම්මතයෙන් බැහැර ක්‍රියාමාර්ග අනුමත කරන හෝ තෝරා ගන්නා අයෙකි. මොහුගේ සමාජ විරෝධි ආකල්ප බොහෝ විට සැගවී පවතින අතර සුදුසු අවස්ථාව එළඹි කල්හි ඒවා පිටතට ප්‍රදර්ශනය වේ. දේශපාලන අන්තවාදීහු බොහෝ විට ආගම හෝ ජනවර්ගය මත පදනම් වූ සර්වසම (homogeneous) සමාජයක් නිර්මාණයෙහිලා උත්සුක වෙති.

බහු වාර්ගික හා බහු ආගමික ස්වභාවය නොසලකා හරිමින් සර්වසම සමාජයක් නිර්මාණය කිරීම පසුපස ඇති ගැඹුරු මනෝ විද්‍යාත්මක පසුබිම කුමක්ද රෑ මෙය අන්තවාදියා තුල ඇති කෘරතර සමලිංගික ආශයන් විදහා දක්වයි.

මෙය ඇඩොල්ෆ් හිට්ලර් තුල දක්නට ලැබුණි. ජර්මනියේ සර්වම සමාජයක් තැනීමට ඔහු අපමණ වෙහෙසක් දැරීය. ආර්ය වර්ගය (Aryan Race) අනෙකුත් වර්ග අතර ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ වන බව හිට්ලර් විශ්වාස කළ අතර ඔහු අන් ජන වර්ග නොඉවසුවේය. ඔහුගේ අන්තවාදය කාමුක ස්වභාවයක් ඉසිලීය. හාවඩ් සරසවියේ ප්‍රකට පුද්ගල ලක්ෂණ විශේෂඥයකු (Personality Specialist) වූ හෙන්රි මරේට අනුව හිට්ලර් තම ලිංගිකත්වය පිළිබද ව්‍යාකූල විය.

DSM 4 ට අනුව සමලිංගිකත්වය මානසික රෝගයක් නොවන නමුදු සමලිංගික ආශයන් කෘරත්වය සමග මිශ්‍රව තිබේනම් සහ අදාල පුද්ගලයා එමගින් අධික ලෙස අසහනයට පත්ව සිටී නම් එමගින් රෝගී තත්වයක් හටගත හැක. තම ලිංගිකත්වය පිළිබද දැඩි ලෙස ව්‍යාකූලව සිටින තම කෘරත්වය සමග මිශ්‍රව තිබේන සමලිංගික ආශයන් පාලනය කරගත නෙහැකි දෙශපාලන අන්තවාදියා සර්වසම සමාජයක් ගොඩනැගීම වෙනුවෙන් ඕනෑම කැපකිරිමන් කරනු ඇත. ඔහු මෙම අන්තවාදී දර්ශනය තම ජීවිත අරමුණ බවට ජත් කර ගනී. ජර්මානුවන් වරක තම නිදහස එවන් පුද්ගලයෙකුට බාර කළහ.

දේශපාලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය සහ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය

දේශපාලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත‍්වය සමාජ සංවිධානයේ සියලු ස්ථර වලදී ප්‍රකාශයට පත්වේ. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දීර්ඝ යුද්ධය විසින් දේශපාලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත‍්වය සාධාරණීකරණය කරමින් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය මහත් විප්ලවකාරී වෙනසකට බඳුන් කර ඇත. ගිනි අවි නිදහසේ සංසරණය වීම මෙම තත්වය තීව්‍ර කළ අතර ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය එදිනෙදා ජීවිතයේ කොටසක් බවට පත්ව ඇත. බොහෝ දේශපාලකයින් එම තත්වයට උඩගෙඩි දුන් අතර එය බලය ලබා ගැනිම සහ විරුද්ධවාදීන් බිය ගන්වමින් පාලනය කිරීමට පහසු මාර්ගයක් ලෙස සැලකීය. දේශපාලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වයේ විෂම චක්‍රය ශ්‍රී ලාංකික ජන සමාජයේ සියලු ස්ථරවලට බලපෑම් එල්ල කළේය.

Uppsela සරසවියේ සාමය හා ගැටුම් පර්යේෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ ක්‍රිස්ටීන් හොග්ලන්ඩ් (Kristine Hoglund of the Dept. Of Peace and Conflict research – Uppsela University ) ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දේශපාලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත‍්වයේ ස්වභාවය මෙසේ විස්තර කරයි.

ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී දේශපාලන කෝණයෙන් බලන කල ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය හා අනාරක‍ෂිත බව මැතිවරණ ප්‍රතිඵල කෙරෙහි විවිධාකාරයෙන් බලපෑ හැකිය. ඡන්දදායකයින් ලියාපදිචි වීම අඩාල කිරීමට බිය වැද්දීම් හා තර්ජන භාවිත කල හැක. ජනගහනයෙන් විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් ප්‍රචණ්ඩත‍්වයට ඇති බිය නිසා ඡන්දය දැමීමෙන් වැලකී සිටියහොත් එය අවසාන මුලු ප්‍රකාශිත ඡන්ද සංඛ්‍යාවට බලපෑ හැක. මැතිවරණ ව්‍යාපාරය තුල සිඳුවන පහරදීම්ල තර්ජනය කිරීම් සහ දේශපාලන ඝාතන දේශපාලන ප්‍රතිවාදින් ඡන්ද ව්‍යාපාරයෙන් බැහැරව යාමට හෝ මැතිවරණය පැවැත්වීම වැලැක්වීමට හෝ හේතුවිය හැකිය. 

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම්। ජයතුංග 

Big Cleanup Needed  For Sri Lanka Cricket.

July 29th, 2017

Top Spin By Suni

July.31st 2017

This is indeed a bold topic as there is sufficient evidence to beleive Sri Lanka’s  cricketing shortcomings have been compounded by the inadequacies of the selection staff particularly at the highest level as Sri Lanka meanders into the loss column – painful to watch  as they slip deeper into the mire.The players are partially to blame but today they seem to have become players with little or no direction as the head honchos at administrative level play their own brand of pandu and continue unrestricted!

The latest loss to India at Test level bears rank testimony to this as well as the humiliation suffered at the hands of Zimbabwe where Sri Lanka has taken on the guise of a rudderless ship manned by incompetent personnel on a course towards destruction.It may not have been the time appropriate for Angelo Mathews to quit his captaincy in disgust but his sentiments are understandable.He was after all one of the up and coming young captains of the day when he started according to many cricketing authorities where to a degree he did indeed live upto the reputation.
All this is disheartening for a team with its past glory and accomplishments particularly when some of  these incompetents  refered to were once the contributors towards the past glory but seem to have lost their way, are worthless and self centered individuals intent on lining their own pockets only, in addition to their huge ego trips some bringing Sri Lanka to disrepute through their unscrupulous wheeling and dealing and authoritative intimidation and mistreatment of players some of whom have even had their careers jeapordized beyond reprieve.

While it is no speculation that the root cause of Sri Lanka’s problems have been brought on by decisions made at administrative level mostly, it is also somewhat definitive that lack of savvy and the incapacity to make judicious decisions relative to selection have been displayed by its so called adjudicators who have virtually bungled their way through sheer incompetence and landed Sri Lanka Cricket in the mess it is in today.

It is pathetic to see how he team has been struggling lately albeit compounded by injuries to players who would have made a difference but ironically  there have been players who could have performed equitably to the task, unjustifiably overlooked for selection so what has our high and mighty chairman of selectors to say in his defence that he has blundered together with the rest of the selection team and the compulsive gambling habits of the president of  Sri Lanka cricket?

True enough the Sri Lankans have been hit by injury and many who may have made a difference have been sidelined as a result and it brings to bear the importance of blooding young players which certainly is  no sin looking towards the future of the team but when the exclusion of key players currently in form appear to be deliberately motivated for reasons incomprehensible as well as petty as appears to be the case in many instances there seems to be something lacking in the work ethic as well as credibility of those responsible.

Perhaps it is high time Sri Lanka  focussed on rebuilding an all round bowling attack and not depend as much as they do on spin alone despite the high quality of the young spinners available today and the rhetoric  some pundits indulge in towards its merit!.
Concurrently the emerging young batsmen need to be put through a stringent crash course on how to face upto world class bowlers who make such a piecemeal of the Lankan Batting at times laced in blunders and bad judgement.

The current performances at Test level  are definitely in a shambles and the teams have not proved their mettle in the shorter versions of the game either and gone are the laurels they secured at World Cup, Champions Trophy and T-20 level in the past where the absence of former greats like Sangakkara, Dilshan and Jayawardena have become quite conspicuous!
A big cleanup of Sri Lanka Cricket at administrative level must surely be in the offing and the overall management needing to be in the hands of straight laced individuals who understand the game, not biased through political clout and are qualified for the responsibility!!

ONE MAN’S CRUSADE AGAINST A FAILING CEMENT PLANT Part II

July 29th, 2017

By Dr. Tilak S. Fernando

The heart of a cement plant is the grinding mill, says Ananda Karunarathne, where clinker is ground with gypsum (a soft white or gray mineral consisting of hydrated calcium sulfate) to manufacture cement. The original manufacturers of the mill at Galle had been Danish Company, and in today’s context, one would say it was a very conventional type and had three chambers with an output of 18 tons per hour. That meant grinding of weathered clinker was slow, yet the specific surface of the cement exceeded the set standards thus strengthening the output more than the expected norms or standards.

When Ananda Karunarathne made his maiden visit to the Galle factory on an inspection prior to taking over the factory the engineer, who was entrusted to look after the site, warned him not to touch the mixed stock of lime stone and clinker at the yard and stores with a warning that, ‘if you want to end your career here, you had better touch it’. This very statement made Ananda to take a tenacious decision to go for it. Finally the Corporation made Rs.7 million out of those written off clinker by introducing into the local market, which gave a tremendous boost to down south cement dealers as well as to the employees, who began to realize that ‘something was happening at the Galle Plant.”

Involved

Ananda Karunarthana’s efforts were rewarded with a cheque for Rs.100,000 by the Chairman of the Corporation, out of which 80 per cent of it he shared among his workers, who were really involved in achieving such results.

When he took over the Galle Cement Plant as the Manager, he observed the idling nature of the Galle Port too, where port labourers came in the morning, syndicated for a bottle of arrack and enjoyed their drink and went home! When things began to improve, head office staff and supervisors began to think it would be a viable entity to support and contribute as much as they could by signing for clinker deliveries to Galle port and deliveries.

The function of a seaport has to be efficient in discharging the cargo at a pace, without incurring any demurrages. To expedite this task Ananda introduced an incentive scheme to the port workers that really worked effectively to achieve set targets of unloading. During his first year in Galle, the production achieved 117,000 metric tons that was the highest since the inception of the plant. Previous highest record ever achieved was only 20, 000mt.

Mill modification

The heart of a cement plant is the grinding mill where clinker is crushed to produce cement. The mill at Galle had three chambers with steel grinding balls to crush the clinker into a powder form at the rate of 18 tons per hour, although the designed output was 20 tons per hour. Ananda Karunarathne having detected an old quotation from the original manufacturers, which was quite steep, wanted to modify three chambers into two, as he felt that he could do it with the help of the existing staff (he, being a mechanical engineer himself) considering the hassle involving in various forms of tender procedures where long drawn procedures were to adopt.

Lengthy discussions and studies took place and finally the green light was given to him to go ahead with the project with his own staff with the support extended by the Blue Circle Management team from the UK, who was in Sri Lanka at that time. In the modification process, the only spare part that needed to be imported was the diaphragm for the partition. The Sri Lankan technical support team did the rest of the work that brought a major breakthrough to the operation of the mill to increase the production by 60 per cent.

Quality Control Circles

Once, during a management meeting, at Colombo Headquarters, Sunil Wijesinghe, the then Chairman of the Employees’ Trust Fund (ETF) delivered an oration on Quality Control Concept and about QCCs (Quality Control Circles). At the end of the lecture, he discouraged the senior management not to emulate the Japanese system with a warning that there was a vast difference between Japanese and Sri Lankan way of manufacture. However, the General Manager K.V.H. Premachandra arranged Ananda to visit Malaysia on a study tour to observe and learn how ‘Circles’ in Malaysia really worked. His study tour was quite successful, the result being after several training sessions he managed to put up a couple of circles. At first, people viewed his attempts distrustfully, but once commenced and the establishment flourished with the QCC, it became a showpiece of Ruhunu Management System.

QCCs were established and practised in Japan initially and followed by many in most of the countries, particularly in Asia seemingly. Ananda Karunarathne was therefore able to attend world conventions as well as to nominate a few groups of his employees, which really boosted the morale of the staff. In the meanwhile, the adoption of QCCs went to many other working environments, consequent of which many establishments contacted Ananda Karunarathne with invitations to promote this concept in their works. Although it was a great effort to organise and coordinate and stage the first ever QCC Convention by any enterprise in Sri Lanka, Ananda Karunarthane’s efforts ended up as a great success. Subsequently, Ananda Karunarathne held the position of the Vice President of the Quality Control Circles Association of Sri Lanka (QCCASL). Finally the Ruhunu Plant became a model and a research centre for some of the MBA students from the Post Graduate Institute

Living example

The Ruhunu Plant was referred to as a living example of ‘Worker-Management Corporation’ because what people normally get to hear about government corporations is only loss making liabilities! Why does any institution tend to make losses, it is because only due to shortcomings between the management and the operational techniques. Therefore, it becomes the prime duty of the officials to look into those areas where there are flaws. Having targets to achieve could be considered as the prime aim of completing any production or rendering any service effectively. In this context motivation of workers towards such targets play a prominent role. On the other hand, having targets alone will not perform miracles, but it will become necessary to form working committees to monitor performance levels on a daily, weekly and monthly intervals.

Galle Cement Factory in this context had proved as a typical example in a highly profitable institution, much of the credit given to the new General Manager, who was able to wave his magic wand and helped to improve not only the attendance of the workers but enhanced the production too with discipline. Galle Cement Plant operation was viewed at the time as a sample to emulate by other corporations.

Once, Ananda Karunarathne spotted someone seated in his veranda of his official residence. It was none other than the late Dr. W. Dahanayake, who was the then Minister for Co-operatives. In his usual charming manner Dr. Dhahanayake’s visit had been purely to compliment Ananda for transforming the Galle Cement Plant towards a viable and one of the best entities in the island.

Five years later Ananda was asked to take over the Puttlam Plant. He accepted the challenge and, according to him, it was another long story. Under two years of his leaving the Puttlam plant, Ruhunu Cement Works was privatised. The very man who did so much from scratch to profitability could not fathom the reasons for such a privatisation, and certainly could not come to terms with the government’s decision to privatise the plant.

When his mind goes back to the amount of struggle he did to transform a loss-making operation towards a profitable institution, he is still struggling to find answers to questions in his mind as to the rationale behind the government in privatizing a highly profitable organization, such as cement of all things, a complete 100 per cent.

Privatisation

By the time of privatising, according to his memory, Ruhunu Plant retrenched close upon 350 employees while 1,200 at Puttlam and 400 odd employees at Aruwakkuru. The privatisation has managed to get rid of a total of more than 75 per cent of employees. He would not accept the fact that there were excesses of members of staff at each plant, ( all plants made good profits) as the entire staff was looked after and were monetarily much better than any other government employees or he would rather say almost on par with private sector employees or above!

Ananda Karunarathne summarises the whole episode by saying that the panacea for selling public enterprises due to losses is not the answer. Losses take place totally due to mismanagement but nothing else. He throws up a challenge still, to take up any loss-making entity, with a promise to turn it into a profitable organization if only he is given a free hand without any political interference.

tilakfernando@gmail.com

Like exchanging Ginger for Chillies

July 29th, 2017

Upali Cooray

The above Sinhala proverb Is used in Sinhala language when getting  rid of something bad, only to get something worse (Inguru deela Miris gaththa wage)

People in this country are in a similar dilemma. The former finance Minister now holding the portfolio of foreign affairs has been exposed well and truely at the special commission investigating the central bank bond scam.

Minister Ravi Karunanayake (RK) is well known for being  in the wrong side of the law for quite some time now.  m/s Anika Wijesuriya told the commission that she had sold her Penthouse apartment for for Rs. 165/- million in 2016 to the Karunanayakes for which funding has come from infamous Arjun Aloysius.

Ms. Wijesuriya said she entered into a lease agreement with the Company called Walt and Row Pvt Ltd, to which the Rs.7.3 million was transferred by the Perpetual Capital Holdings Pvt Ltd, to be paid to her for renting out the apartment for the Karunanaykes.

The yahapalana government came to power promising they would eradicate bribery and corruption from this country. The exposure of RK was taken up in Parliament yesterday (25/07) in the presence of President Sirisena. If this happened in any other country the President would have asked the minister to resign. But ours is a country like no other.

The members of Joint opposition are being hauled before courts. Some S.L.F .P ers joined the government to escape exposure of their misdeeds. The Wasim Thajudeen murder. Prgeeth Eknaligoda murder, Avant Guarde Maritime services case causing 11.4 billion rupees and many other such cases which are being investigated or legal action is being taken.

President Sirisena expressed his displeasure over the filibustering of these investigations and if handles the cases he will ensure quick results. The problem is he has to act in consultation with the PM as per 18th amendment to the constitution.

P.M . Wickramasingha and former president Rajapaksa are scratching each other’s back. Consequently  corruption and bribery goes on regardless.

RK ran down SATHOSA by privatizing it. Retail shops all over the country were kept opened day and night. Working mothers in the staff had to bring their babies to breastfeed them in the night.

It is very evident that a third force is necessary to run the government. Neither the JVP nor The front line party(Peratugami) is an option. Marxism is no longer valid.

Are we “waiting for Godot”

— Upali Cooray

CB Governor baffled by private sector’s wait-and-see stance

July 29th, 2017

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Quote

“I urge the private sector leaders here to ask yourselves these questions. Is the country moving in the right direction in terms of its economic policy making, trade policy framework and foreign investment promotion programme? Do we have the right frameworks for public debt management, sensible public expenditure targets, revenue enhancement, safeguards for Sri Lankan enterprises vis-a-vis free trade agreements, transparent tax regimes, up-front investment allowances in place of tax holidays, lowered costs in cross-border transactions, technology transfer plans, anti-dumping bill etc.? Check out these elements in the comprehensive economic strategy which is underway, and then consider whether you should invest your money here in Sri Lanka or would rather do so in Bangladesh, Trichy or Ethiopia?

Unquote

Learned doctor who talkS much theory has no clue why private sector is not coming forward.Government talks about PPP and an Executive Decision Body is formed in Finance ministry for  PPP implementation has been formed and private sector has no clue where and when they can spend their funds and join the development .

Megapolis wants PPP in many projects,calls offers ,EOI’s and nothing is moving .Say Canal Transport Project where Megapolis wants to have private sector participation and join with SLLRDC and called EOI .Only one party has submitted a proposal .SLLRDC hires Dutch Consultants who have failed to build up the confidence among private sector .It clearly show the confidence private sector has in government policies .

Galle Habour to be converted to a Marina and cabinet approved a PPP using Swiss Challenge and yet nothing happened .Loss making Fishery Corporation wants PPP to develop and none is interested .I wrote about this before .Government Valuer gives exorbitant lease when Private sector wants to join and Director General of Audit Department keeps interfering trying to emulate Yahapalanaya.

I myself got involved in Private sector investment in Galle Harbour to develop Yacht Repair and Building Facility,Investor pulled out after trying three years ,even after signing the agreement .Now we as a Local company want to invest and revive the project ,SLPA wants RFP again and I am sure there will never be a Marina during my life time

No wonder why few investors like Laugh ,Natures Secret ,Aitken Spence wants to venture into Male ,Bangladesh .Burma and Vietnam.

Vietnam is a communist country and yet investment is so easy and people tend to move funds to invest .

We have many doctors in the government who have no clue about investments .

Only proper doctors in Sri Lanka  ( as my wife who is a medical doctor calls me that I am not a proper doctor ) who are in the service go on strikes against privatization ,thus discouraging all the investors who want to start projects.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

අවුරුදු හතළිහක ශේෂ පත්‍රයෙන් බිඳක්

July 29th, 2017

නලින් ද සිල්වා

විවෘත ආර්ථිකයට අවුරුදු හතළිහයි. රනිල්ගෙ දේශපාලන ජීවිතයටත් අවුරුදු හතළිහයි. මේ කතාකරන්නෙ 1977 ගැනයි. හැත්තෑහතේ මැතිවරණයෙන් එ ජා පක්‍ෂයට හයෙන් පහක් ලැබුණා. ජේ ආර් අගමැති වුණා. රනිල් මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙක් වුණා. රොනී ද මැල් මුදල් ඇමති වුණා. විවෘත ආර්ථිකය රටට හඳුන්වා දුන්නා. ඊට පස්සෙ රට දියුණු වුණා ද? දියුණුව කියන්නෙ මොකක් ද? මහින්දගෙ කාලෙ අධිවේගී මාර්ග ඇතිවුණා. ඒක දියුණුව ද? අප දැන් මධ්‍යම පර්මාණයේ ආර්ථිකයක් කියලා කියනවා. මෙරට වාර්ෂික ඒක පුද්ගල ආදායම ඩොලර් කීයක් ද කියලා කියනවා. මා සංඛ්‍යා ගැන උනන්දුවක් දක්වන්නෙ නැහැ. චම්පකගෙන් අහගන්න පුළුවන් හරියට ම ඩොලර් ගණන කීය ද කියලා. ඒ කොහොම වුණත් අවුරුදු හතළිකට පස්සෙත් මෙරට මිනිසුන්ගෙන් සෑහෙන පිරිසකට වේල් තුන ම කන්න ලැබෙන්නෙ නැහැ. එක වේලක්වත් හරියට කන්න නැති පවුල් කීයක් ඉන්නව ද කියලා දැන ගන්න පඬියකුට සමීක්‍ෂණයක් කරන්න පුළුවන් ද? ඒත් ඒක කරන්න වෙන්නෙ නියැදි තෝරගෙන සංඛ්‍යානය යොදා ගෙන.  මේ සංඛ්‍යානය ගැන යම් ප්‍රශ්න තියෙනවා. ඒ පිළිබඳ ලිපියක් පසුගිය ජූලි 25 වැනි දා සයන්ටිෆික් කමියුනිටි සඟරාවෙ පළ කරලා තිබුණා. ඒ ලිපිය බටහිර වෛද්‍යවරුන්ට වඩාත් උචිතයි. ඒත් ඔවුන්ට ලිපි කියවන්න වෙලාවක් නැහැ. පෞද්ගලික වෙදකම (චැනල්) කකරන්න තියෙනවා.

ට්‍රම්ප්ගෙ රටෙත් හිසට වහළක් නැති අය ඉන්නවා. ඉතින් රනිල්ගෙ රටෙත් හිටිය ම මොකද කියලා පඬියකු අහන්න පුළුවන්. රනිල්ගෙ රට කිව්වම කාට හරි හිතෙන්න පුළුවන් මෛත්‍රිපාලගෙ රට නොවෙයි ද කියලා. මෛත්‍රිපාලට රනිල් නැත්නම් රජරටවත් නැහැ. ඒත් සුමන්තිරන්ගෙත් රට කිව්වට නම් ප්‍රශ්නයක් නැහැ. සුමන්තිරන්ගෙ දේශපාලනයට අවුරුදු කීය ද කියලා කවුරුවත් කියලා නැහැ. රනිල් කියලා තිබුණා දැන් ජාතික ගීය දෙමළෙනුත් ගයනව කියලා. එහෙම නැත්නම් සුමන්තිරන් සහාය දෙන එකක් නැහැ. ජාතික ගිය දෙමළෙන් කියන්නෙ මාමගේ, ඒ කියන්නෙ ජේ ආර්ගෙ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට එකඟව ද? සංහිඳියාව ඇති කරන්න ද? ඉන්දියාවෙ සංහිඳියාව ඇති කරන්න එරට ජාතික ගීය භාෂා කීයකින් ගයන්න ඕන ද?

රනිල් පහුගිය අවුරුදු හතළිහෙ කියලා තියෙන දේවලින් දැනගන්න පුළුවන් ඔහුට රට ගැන තියෙන දැනුම. කාට හරි පුළුවන් ද ඒ වැදගත් ප්‍රකාශ එකතු කරන්න. අවුරුදු හතළිහකට ඉස්සර රනිල් රට ගැන දැනගෙන හිටියෙ මොනවා ද? දැන් දන්නෙ මොනවා ද? රතන හාමුදුරුවන් ටික කාලෙකට ඉස්සර වදාළෙ රනිල්ට ජාතික චින්තනය ගැනත් දැනුමක් තියෙනවා කියලා. එක එක්කෙනා ජාතික චින්තනය කියන්නෙ එක එක දේට නිසා ඒ ගැන ප්‍රශ්නයක් නැහැ. ඒත් රනිල් පස්දුන් රට, ඉරටු තියෙන කොසු ගැන පරාක්‍රමබාහු රජු ගැන කියන කොට රතන හාමුදුරුවන් මතක් වෙනවා.

රනිල් පරාක්‍රමබාහු රජ්ජුරුවන්වත් විවෘත ආර්ථිකයට හවුල් කරගෙන. පරාක්‍රමබාහු රජු වෙළෙඳ පොළ අල්ලගත්ත වගේ කතාවක් රනිල් කියලා තිබුණා. මේ වෙළෙඳ පොළ පූර්ව ධනපති වෙළෙඳ පොළක් ද කියලා රවි කරුණානායක හරි පඬියකු හරි කියනවා ද? පඬියන් නම් නිතර කතාකරන්නෙ පශ්චත් දේ ගැන මිස පූර්ව දේ ගැන නො වෙයි. පරාක්‍රමබාහු රජුගෙ වෙළෙඳ පොළෙන් මාක්ස්ගෙ ධනපති වෙළඳ පොළට වෙන්නෙ මොකක් ද? පරාක්‍රමබාහු රජුගෙ කාලෙත් බැඳුම්කර තිබුණ ද? රනිල් දැන් වෙළඳ පොළ අල්ලගන්න යන්නෙ හම්බන්තොට වරාය චීනුන්ට අවුරුදු අනූනවයකට බදු දිල ද? චීනුන් රටවල් කොල්ල කන්නෙ බටහිරයන් කොල්ල කාපු විධියට නො වෙයි. චීනුන් ඇති කෙළෙ කප්පන් රාජ්‍ය. ඒවා ගැන මාක්ස්වත් ඇඩම් ස්මිත්වත් කියලා නැහැ. එ නිසා මෙරට පඬියන් දන්නෙත් නැහැ. රනිල් ලංකාවත් කප්පන් රාජ්‍යයක් බවට පත් කරනවා.

විවෘත ආර්ථිකය ඇති කරපු දවස්වල රොනී ද මැල් ස්ථිර තැන්පතුවලට 20% ක පොළියක් දුන්නා. පස්සෙ ඒක අඩු වුණා. දැන් ආයෙ වැඩි වෙනවා. ආණ්ඩුවට සල්ලි නැහැ. රවිට නොවෙයි මංගලටවත් සල්ලි හොයන්න බැහැ. සල්ලි හොයන්න රට විකුණන්න ඕන.

හැත්තෑ හතේ ආණ්ඩුව කාලෙ මට මතක විධියට දුම්රිය වර්ජනයක් ඇති වුණ අවස්ථාවක මැරයන් දුම්රිය සේවකයන්ට පහර දුන්නා. මගේ මතකය හැටියට ලලිත් ඇතුළත්මුදලි කිව්වෙ දුම්රිය මගීන් පහර දුන්න කියලා. අද තෙල් සංස්ථාවෙ සේවකයන්ට පහර දෙන්නෙ තෙල් ගහන අය ද තෙල් බෙදන අය ද කියලා පැහැදිලි නැහැ. ජ වි පෙ දැන් තෙල් බෙදලා වැඩක් නැහැ, ආණ්ඩුව පත්කරන්න තෙල් බෙදලා.

ජේ ආර්ගෙ ආණ්ඩුව හා රනිල්ගෙ ආණ්ඩුව අතර සමානකම් බොහොමයි. මාමයි බෑනයි නාට්‍යය අලුතෙන් ලියන්න වෙනවා. ජේ ආර් බලයට පත්වුණෙ ධර්මෂ්ඨ රාජ්‍යයක් ඇති කරන්න. රනිල් යහපාලනය ඇති කරන්න බලයට පත් වුණා. ජේ ආර්ට ධර්මිෂ්ටර් කියලා නමක් පට බැඳුණා. රනිල්ට නමක් දාන්නෙ කවුද? යමපාලක කියන නම හොඳ වැඩි ද? ජේ ආර් වගේ ම රනිලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ඇති කරන්න යනවා. ව්‍යවස්ථාව අවුරුදු හතළිහක් තිබුණ ම ඇති කියලා රනිල් හිතනව ද? රනිල් අවුරුදු හතළිහක් හිටිය ම මදි ද?

මිනිසුන් ජේ ආර්ට හයෙන් පහක බලයක් දුන්නෙ මැතිණිගෙ ආණ්ඩුවෙ ආර්ථික ප්‍රතිපත්ති ගැන කළකිරවලා. ඒ ආර්ථිකය සංවෘත ආර්ථිකයක් කියලා හැඳීන්නුව. ඒ කාලෙ  පාන් පෝලිමෙ ඉන්න වුණා. එය බොරු සමාජවාදය නිසා වුණු එකක්. ඒත් මිනිසුන් වගා කරන්න පුරුදු වුණා. සිංහල මිනිසුන් ඉන් ඉවත් කරන්න එ ජා ප කටයුතු කළා. ඇතුළත්මුදලි පස්සෙ කාලෙක දි කිවුවෙ හාල් පිටරටින් ලාබෙට ගේන පුළුවන් නම් මෙරට වී වගා කරන්නෙ මොකට ද කියලා. විවෘත ආර්ථිකෙන් මිනිසුන් නිෂ්පාදනයෙන් අයින් කෙරුණා. අද මඩ සෝදා ගත් ගොවියන් සික්‍යුරිටි වැඩ කරනවා, නැත්නම් ත්‍රිරෝද පදවනවා, ඒත් නැත්නම් මුකුත් නොකර ගෑණුන්ගෙ සල්ලිවලින් කසිප්පු බොනවා.

රනිල් බලයට පත්වුණෙ මහින්ද හොරා කියලා. මහින්දගෙ කාලෙ හොරකම් තිබුණෙ නැහැ කියලා මා කියන්නේ නැහැ. ඒත් දැන් තියෙන හොරකම එක්ක බැලුවම ඒවත් හොරකම් ද කියලා හිතෙනවා. මහින්ද ත්‍රස්තවාදය පරාජය කළා. අද රණවිරුවන් දඩයම් කෙරෙනවා, ත්‍රස්තවාදීන් නිදහස් කෙරෙනවා. ජේ ආර් හා ප්‍රේමදාස භිෂණය ඇති කළා. රනිල් භිෂණයට අත වනන්නෙ බොරු සමාජවාදියොත් එක්ක එකතු වෙළා.

ඊනියා විවෘත ආර්ථිකයෙන් ඇති වුණෙ විවෘත සංස්කෘතියක්. අද අම්ම තාත්ත හඳුනන්නෙ නැති සමාජයක් ඇති වෙලා. අධ්‍යාපනයට කරන්න බැරි වුණු හානිය ජනමාධ්‍යයෙන් කෙරෙනවා. හතළිස් අවුරුද්දක ශේෂ පත්‍රය ඔහොමයි.

 

නලින් ද සිල්වා

2017 ජූලි 28    

India’s position as China takes Hambantota port

July 29th, 2017

by C.A.Chandraprema  Courtesy The Island

The signing of the Agreement with China Merchant Co to lease out the Hambantota port for 99 years went ahead on Saturday as scheduled. This announcement took place in the context of rumours that were swirling around that India had brought pressure on Sri Lanka to postpone the signing of the agreement. The fact that this agreement was signed yesterday is arguably the biggest foreign policy debacle that India has faced since that country gained independence from the British. Through this agreement that was just signed, China gains control of a complete free port in Hambantota with a 5,000 acre industrial park. The area that China gains control over is far bigger than independent states like Vatican city and Monaco, many times the size of Gibraltar, at least the the size of the Cocos Islands and nearly the size of Macau. What more would the Chinese need in terms of a foothold in the Indian Ocean?

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Yesterday’s Ceremony where the Agreement was signed

From the time the Sri Lankan cabinet gave the go ahead for the revised agreement last Tuesday, anxious articles have been appearing in the Indian press. An article in the Financial Times (India) stated erroneously that the “Hambantota International Port Services Company”, which will control the sensitive aspects of the port operations including security, will be 50.7%  owned by the Sri Lankan government, while China Merchant Port Holdings will have 49.3%. If Indian fears had been allayed by the impression conveyed to them by someone that the Sri Lankan government will have a controlling interest in the company that handles the security of the Hambantota Port in terms of the agreement that was signed, then they have been deliberately misled.

Only 42% of the Hambantota International Port Services Co which will handle port security will belong to the Sri Lanka Ports Authority and 49.3% will belong to the China Merchant Co. The remaining 8.7% will belong to the “Hambantota International Port Group Co” which is 85% owned by the China Merchant Co. Thus it is China that has the controlling interest in the Company that is in charge of handling port security as well. In any case, even if Sri Lanka did have a controlling interest in the Hambantota Port Services Company which will handle the security aspects of the Hambantota port, that would not result in the Chinese being prohibited from bringing any kind of ship it likes into Hambantota. Sri Lanka is too small and too insignificant to be able to prevent a country like China from bringing anything they like into the Hambantota port. Besides, whatever the Chinese brings into Hambantota may be a security risk to India but poses no risk to Sri Lanka.

Chinese war material in Sri Lanka will pose a threat to Sri Lanka only if there is an all out war between India and China which however is not very likely. From inquiries made, it appears that the Indians have basically thrown in the towel and accepted the inevitable. The Indians may have hypnotized themselves into believing that the Chinese will not be able to bring in whatever they want to Hambantota due to the provisions relating to the security of the port that have been written into the agreement. Most important in this regard is section 2B of the agreement which goes under the title ‘Restrictions on Operating Rights of HIPG operator and CUF operator. (HIPG and CUF are the acronyms used for the two companies that are to be formed to control various aspects of the port’s operations.) the contents of Section 2B of the Agreement are as follows:

Provisions against military activity in Hambantota

2B.1 It is expressly understood and agreed by the HIPG Operator and the CUF Operator that the use of the port property and the Common User Facilities shall be for the purposes of port and marine- related commercial and development activities and the HIPG Operator and the CUF Operator are strictly prohibited from using port property for any non-port or non-marine related commercial activities or activities involving military personnel and activities of military nature whatsoever, whether on land, in air, or in sea, onshore or offshore within the territory of Sri Lanka, and the GOSL shall have the sole power and be the sole authority over such activities.

2B.2 For clarity, it is further agreed and understood by the HIPG Operator and the CUF Operator that the sole authority for granting all requisite permissions, clearances and approvals for (i) bringing in, or berthing warships, submarines: or (ii) storing or warehousing of any military equipment and machinery; or (iii) installation of communication networks/facilities for military purposes, or (iv) any matter connected or incidental to the aforesaid Clause 2B. I, shall only be with the GOSL.

In addition to the above, there is Section 27 of the Agreement under the title ‘Security and Safety’ which sets up a mechanism to oversee security within and outside the port property, which goes as follows: 27.1 The Ministry of Ports and Shipping shall constitute and set up an Oversight Committee, convened by the Ports Authority consisting of representatives of the Sri Lanka Navy, Sri Lanka Police, and the Secretary of the Ministry of Defense or his authorized representative for managing the security within and outside the Port Property and the Lease Area.

27.2 The national security of the Port Property shall be controlled by such Oversight Committee. However, the CUF Operator shall be responsible for the provision and maintenance of perimeter fencing around the Lease Area and for all internal security within the Port Property, to maintain the proper conduct of its business, the safety of the cargo, Vessels, and the personnel, including but not limited to manning of the entry/exit gates, in compliance with the ISPS Code and any Applicable Law, and subject to Clause 2, who will be guided and monitored by, and work in close coordination with the said Oversight Committee so appointed. The personnel deployed for security matters within the Port (externally and internally), shall be exclusively Sri Lankan nationals. 27.3 The members of the Oversight Committee and any other nominee of GOSL shall at all times have access to the port property with notice to the HIPG Operator.

Onus placed on Sri Lanka

Any breach of Section 2B or Section 27.2 will qualify as a ‘Major Breach’ of the Agreement under Section 33(e). According to Section 37.1(a) if a major breach occurs, the aggrieved party can request immediate remedy of the major breach or exercise the option of issuing a termination notice. According to Section 37.2(a) & (b), in the event of any Major Breach by any party, the party suffering any such Major Breach may give the other party time to remedy the breach and if no remedy is effected, they have the option of issuing notice to terminate the Agreement. What is meant by remedying a major breach in terms of the matter under discussion here would be if a Chinese nuclear submarine happens to wander into the Hambantota harbour, the Sri Lankan government can ask the Chinese port operator to ‘remedy’ the situation by asking it to leave. There are no penalties if a breach occurs but is soon corrected.

The wording of these particular sections seem to indicate that on the rare occasions when Chinese warships or submarines need to enter a harbour, they can nip into Hambantota and leave after apologizing for their presence with no major damage done to the Agreement. According to Section 43.5, if this Agreement is terminated due to a Major Breach on the part of the HIPG Operator, in such event, the HIPG Operator shall have the obligation to transfer all the shares of the HIPG Operator, held by China to the Port Authority free of any payment whatsoever.

All these elaborate provisions regarding the military use of the Hambantota harbour have obviously been included in the Agreement, to satisfy India. Sri Lanka for its part has no interest in placing any restrictions on the Chinese bringing in military vessels into Hambantota. Quite on the contrary we should be actively encouraging them to bring as many military vessels into Sri lanka as possible and if possible take up permanent station here so as to counterbalance India! J.R.Jayewardene once wrote that the reason why D.S.Senanayeke retained the British military bases in Katunayake and Trincomalee was as a deterrent to India.  If such was the case then, today, Sri Lanka has even greater reason to want to counter-balance India. It will be noticed that according to all the provisions in the Hambantota Port Agreement mentioned above, Sri Lanka is supposed to police itself when it comes to the military use of the Hambantota harbor.

No Sri Lankan has any interest at all in preventing the Chinese from using the Hambantota harbor for military purposes. Apart from the need to counterbalance India, there is the other consideration that military use also means money. If the Chinese military was going to bring business to the Hambantota harbour, who is the Sri Lankan who would want to prevent that? If the Indians complain that there are Chinese warships in Hambantota, the Sri Lankan side is likely to say “Chinese warship? We never saw any Chinese warship!” (This is a country where the Police spokesman blandly says that even though there is video footage of thugs armed with clubs attacking CPC strikers in the presence of police officers, that the police need a complaint to begin an investigation to see whether such an assault actually took place.)

The Chinese company taking the Hambantota port on lease should for its part, be daft not to cash in on Chinese military spending by using the Hambantota harbor to provide fuel, water and food to all the Chinese military vessels in international waters in the Indian Ocean. There is nothing in the agreement against the harbor being used as a supply base to refuel or re-provision Chinese military vessels in mid-sea. If a Chinese warship or submarine gets into trouble and needs to come into the Hambantota harbor for repairs, that will qualify as a humanitarian rescue mission not as military use.

Indians hoist with their own petard

Furthermore, we did not see any provisions in the Hambantota agreement with regard to the use of armed sea marshals on board ships. Most civilian shipping in the Indian Ocean has armed guards called sea marshals on board. So far as this writer can remember, the International Maritime Organization which has issued directives from time to time regulating the use of sea marshals has not placed any restrictions on the kind of weapons that sea marshals can use provided they have the requisite training to use those weapons. Most of the time the sea marshals on board civilian shipping may be privately contracted security personnel. But some countries hire out their military personnel to private shipping companies to act as sea marshals. Not so long ago, there was a major showdown between India and Italy when two Italian soldiers serving as sea marshals on board a merchant vessel opened fire on some Indian fishermen thinking they were pirates and killed one fisherman.

Sri Lanka also now has naval ratings serving as sea marshals on board merchant vessels. Even the Chinese tuna trawlers in the Indian Ocean had Sri Lankan sea marshals hired from Avant Guard Maritime Services. Hence every Chinese merchant vessel calling at the Hambantota port could be crawling with Chinese soldiers wearing the hat of a sea marshal. There is no restriction on the number of sea marshals that a ship can have or the kind of weapons they can use. Besides the protocols developed by the International Maritime Organization and other bodies like the UN Security Council require all nations particularly around the Indian Ocean to provide facilities to these sea marshals. There is nothing to say that a sea marshal has to be below a certain rank. Even a Chinese General or Admiral could come to Sri Lanka wearing the label of a sea marshal and he will have to be welcomed in Hambantota not just by the Chinese company running it but by the Sri Lankan government as well.

For all these reasons put together, the provisions on the Hambantota agreement preventing the use of the Hambantota harbour for military purposes will in practice be a dead letter. The Chinese are here to stay and basically to do just as they please and the Indians can do nothing to stop it. This is arguably India’s worst foreign policy debacle in its post-independence history particularly because the Chinese have now got a permanent base in the Indian Ocean under a government that was brought into power by a special operation launched by RAW. India’s present National Security Advisor Ajit Doval is known as a field operator. One of his exploits in the 1980s was wearing a loin-cloth and pretending to be a rickshaw puller to gather information about the Sikh extremists holed up in the Golden Temple. There is a big difference between performing that kind of exploit and state craft and India’s regime change misadventure in Sri Lanka proves it.

In 2014, soon after assuming power, Ajit Doval was arrogantly telling Sri Lankan’s then Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa that the Colombo Port City project should be stopped because it poses a threat to India. At that time there was no talk of giving the Hambantota Port to the Chinese. The main reason why the Indians decided to get rid of the Rajapaksas was because a Chinese submarine was allowed to dock at the Colombo harbour. For a few heady months, after January 2015, it appeared as if the Indians had won the day with the new government stopping not just the Colombo Port City project but all Chinese funded projects in Sri Lanka. Now however, the very government that the Indians helped bring into power has not only restarted the Colombo Port City project but also given the Hambantota port to the Chinese on a 99-year lease.

China’s unexpected bonanza

If India thought that their security was endangered because of the influence that the Chinese had during the Rajapaksa government, now India has practically no security. Even India’s domestic shipping going from the west coast to the east coast has to go around Sri Lanka passing Hambantota which has now become a Chinese controlled free port. Some years ago, there was much interest in India in the Sethusamudram project which aimed at dredging a shipping route through the Palk Straits so that Indian domestic shipping would be able to go from the west coast to the east coast of India without having to circumnavigate Sri Lanka. Now however, even reviving the Sethusamudram project will not help because Indian shipping using the Palk Straits will have to pass the Port City where the Chinese have a significant stake.

What then is the alternative available to India to be able to move around without being watched by China? One alternative would be to build the Hanuman bridge to Mannar in Sri Lanka so that instead of having to ship their goods past two Chinese enclaves in the Indian ocean, trains could be used to haul goods across the Palk Straits to Mannar and from there onwards to Trincomalee along the track that the Indians themselves have pledged to build, to be transported to east coast ports in India by ship. But any such trans-shipment may be financially unviable for India. With China herself on the northern border,  Pakistan in the West and now the Hambantota free port in the South, India is well and truly encircled and all this happened because of Narendra Modi’s and Ajit Doval’s political miscalculation in Sri Lanka. The Chinese government would not have imagined even in their wildest dreams that they would be able to achieve this so soon.

What they would have had under the Rajapaksa government was at most a friendly and cooperative government. The Rajapaksas were on principle against privatization and they would never have gone so far as to lease the Hambantota port to a Chinese company for 99 years. The Rajapaksa government had in fact signed a Supply Operate and Transfer (SOT) management contract with a joint venture between China Harbour Co and China Merchant Co to supply equipment such as cranes and operate the Hambantota container terminal for 40 years on very favourable terms. Under this arrangement, the industrial zone and the harbor would have been controlled by the Ports Authority while harbor operations would have been handled by the private sector as is the case now in the Colombo port. That was as far as the Rajapaksa government would have gone.

In fact it is obvious that the Chinese never expected to get the Hambantota harbor on a 99 year lease even from the yahapalana government. When the present government called for bids for the lease of the Hambantota port, two Chinese Companies put in bids – China Merchant Co for 99 years on payment of USD 1.12 billion and China Harbor Co for 50 years with a payment of USD 750 million. The latter bidder had also agreed to pay various harbor charges giving the Ports Authority a much better income than the China Merchant Co even though the up front payment by China Merchant Co was higher because of the much longer duration of the lease. On a year by year basis, the more favorable offer was clearly the China Harbour bid and that was what the Chinese would have expected the government to accept. Yet probably much to the surprise of the Chinese authorities themselves, the government accepted the 99 year bid.

It should be noted that that Chinese never shortchanged Sri Lanka. They gave us a choice between a good bid and a bad one and our government chose the bad one. What can the Chinese do about that other than thanking their lucky stars and RAW for having put this government in power so that they could complete their encirclement of India decades sooner than they thought it would be possible. Hambantota will give the Chinese the ability to supervise the sea lanes in the Indian Ocean right up to the South Pole and it has brought them that much closer to overtaking the India-West axis as a world power. July 29, 1987 was the date that the Indo-Lanka Accord was signed by JRJ under duress. Three decades later to the day, on July 29, 2017, a government of his nephew Ranil Wickremesinghe signed the Hambantota Port Agreement with China. Perhaps one could argue that this was to reduce India’s influence on Sri Lanka.

In any event, what took place in Colombo yesterday, is a total debacle for India. Even obtaining control over the Trincomalee harbor means nothing because all Indian ships calling over at Trincomalee will have to go past the Chinese free port in Hambantota. A couple of centuries ago, Trincomalee may have been the strategically important port but today, it’s Hambantota.

President has no mandate to abolish executive presidency

July 29th, 2017

By Kelum Bandara Courtesy The Daily Mirror

National List MP Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thera, who played a pivotal role in the election of President Maithripala Sirisena, speaks about the constitution making process and what should be done. He responded to matters raised by Government MP Jayampathi Wickramaratne in a previous interview. Excerpts of the interview: 

It is a fallacy for someone to believe that the current social and economic problems can be resolved merely by having constitutional changes

If we opt for the abolition of executive presidency, we should give mind to a new electoral system to be introduced

Today, the current Proportional Representation with preferential voting has made way for identity politics based on caste and ethnic lines

  • Regardless of his personal wishes, President should stick to his mandate 
  • Executive Presidency is important to maintain parliamentary stability
  • Only a cabal of foreign funded NGOs is eager to abolish it
  • It is also important to ward off separatist threat
  • Govt is not doing it
  • National Planning Commission should be set up to decide on national assets
  • Govt promised to rule according to UN principles
  • If not for executive presidency, country would be rendered unstable
  • But it acts contrary to expectations
  • Today, only a coterie of people are part of the decision making process

QThe need for a new Constitution is debated by some. What is your opinion?

Actually, certain amendments are needed to be incorporated into the Constitution. We understand it. With regard to the country’s land policy, electoral reforms and peaceful co-existence, we need some constitutional reforms. Why should it be done? It is a fallacy for someone to believe that the current social and economic problems can be resolved merely by having constitutional changes. It is also wrong to believe that the current Constitution is an affront to human rights and democracy, and dictatorial. The present predicament of the country is not a phenomenon created by the Constitution. Let alone, we believe the evolution of certain legal or constitutional mechanisms would find solutions to some of the issues at hand. Executive presidency is projected as the main cause of problems. It was introduced by the UNP government with the approval of two-thirds. It has not even referred to referendum. The same constitutional model with executive presidency at the helm is found in the United States of America, Germany and France. Executive Presidency is practised not only in Sri Lanka but also in many other countries.

QYet, some claim that the government received a mandate to abolish the executive presidency. You played a major role in electing the current President. What is your response?

It is total falsehood to say that the President received a mandate at the last Presidential Election to scrap executive presidency in full. At the 2015 Election, I attended a lot of TV programmes. If we had sought a mandate for the abolition of it, people would not have voted for him as such. It would have created the perception in the minds of people Mr. Maithripala Sirisena was seeking a mandate only to give away his powers , but not to rebuild the country. People would have got the impression that Mr. Sirisena would be a puppet to act according to the interests of a few others. We reflected on such possible thoughts in the minds of voters.

In the creation of executive presidency, it was primarily meant to ensure parliamentary stability in one aspect. At the last election, no party could get a simple majority to run the country. That is due to the current electoral system. If we had continued with the electoral system that prevailed in the country during the 1970/77 period, a single party could have got the majority. Along with the introduction of executive presidency in 1977, we have made way for changes in the composition of Parliament as well.

Proportional Representation System replaced the First Past the Post System. In a way, today, the Proportional Representation is interlinked with the executive presidency. As long as the Proportional Representation is there, executive presidency should remain. In case the executive presidency is abolished, it will render the country politically unstable under the current electoral system. What would have been the current situation if not for the executive presidency?

Today, Parliament would have been held to ransom by the minority or minor parties with their extremist demands. It will lead to national unrest, not to national reconciliation. Racism raises its head in the event of an unstable Parliament. In such a situation, the budget cannot be passed. There can be constant elections. Then, the country cannot move forward.

After executive presidency, the provincial councils were also introduced in 1988 in conformity with the Indo-Lanka Accord. There were several court cases filed in this regard. The bench of Supreme Court was divided down the middle. The Executive President had the power appoint a judge on such an occasion. Mr. Palinda Ranasinghe was appointed the chairman of the bench. He was appointed by the then President. His stand led to the ruling that the proposed Constitutional Amendment could be enacted with two-thirds without referring it to approval of people by referendum. If not for the chairman’s, bench remained divided down the middle leading to an impasse. One section argued for a referendum and the other ruled it out.

The Supreme Court upheld on that occasion that any volatility to be triggered by the provincial councils could be overcome by an executive presidency. It was upheld that the country would not face the threat of partition as long as executive presidency remained.

All in all, executive presidency is important to maintain stability in Parliament and to quell the separatist threat possible to be triggered by the provincial councils.

 We also work for the revitalization of our education sector and saving our young generation from drug menace. We have submitted these proposals. We will decide on the next candidate accordingly. I do not know who will be the candidate

If we opt for the abolition of executive presidency, we should give mind to a new electoral system to be introduced. If we reintroduce the system that remained in the 1977/78 period (The First Past the Post System), there is no harm in abolishing executive presidency. Or else, we have to alter the present Proportional Representation System in a manner that would enablethe installation of a stable Parliament through an electoral process. It, however, looks difficult because minor and minority parties prefer the current system. Today, the current Proportional Representation with preferential voting has made way for identity politics based on caste and ethnic lines. There is no constituency based representation guaranteed here. It involves a lot of campaign financing. Only the moneyed candidates can make it finally.

QWhat should be the priority in introducing new constitutional reforms in your view?

That is to change the current electoral system. During the time of the last elections, there were different opinions prevailing. Some NGOs, advocating minority rights and working on foreign funds, are eager to abolish the executive presidency. They receive funds for that purpose.

Normally, western liberal politicians throw their weight behind struggles for minority rights happening elsewhere in the world. That is characteristic of them. It is reasonable in some contexts and unacceptable in others. It cannot be justified at all in some situations.

It is also wrong to believe that the current Constitution is an affront to human rights and democracy, and dictatorial

There is a cabal of such NGOs operating here. They are not bothered about the alienation of national assets and lands to outsiders. A few remaining old guards of the leftist movements belong to this category. They are obsessed with this issue. It is not the UNP, the SLFP or the JVP crying hoarse about this matter.

QHow do you interpret the President’s mandate then?

Different individuals and ideological groups came under one banner for the victory of President Sirisena at that time. It included NGOs and Human Rights groups.

Alongside, there were group like mine, appearing for a national economy, preservation of national assets and all. Which group can stake the biggest claim for this victory? There is a tussle each staking a claim. Actually, the victory was made possible only because a section of the SLFP defected to the other side along with President Sirisena. We were also part of the Mahinda Rajapaksa government. The UNP could not engineer such a defection. The UNP’s base had eroded in the electorate because of its stand during the war time. So, they were not in a position to win an election. People in the north also wanted a regime change. They were convinced that the UNP could not make it. They realized that a candidate, commanding the support of the Sinhalese, could win. They told it to me openly. President Sirisena listened to all. He launched his manifesto in front of a large crowd and pledged only to do away with features of the executive presidency, which have doctorial and anti-democratic slants. He promised to subject executive presidency to be reformed only. That is all. He was clear that he would not opt for any change warranting approval of people by referendum.

He was clear that he would not opt for any change warranting approval of people by referendum

I defended this position during TV programmes. People trusted it. It, alone brought around 200,000-300,000 votes to President Sirisena. We could do it. I was in Parliament at that time with more than 100, 000 preferential votes. We never appeared for the total abolition of executive presidency.
QBeside the coffin of Ven. Maduluwave Sobhitha Thera, President Sirisena vowed to abolish the executive presidency. It was seen and heard all over the country. What have you got to say?
Though Mr. Sirisena holds executive presidency, he cannot act according to the his own whims and fancies. Regardless of his personal wishes, he should go by what he promised to the country only. There is a policy line presented to the country. He should stick to it.

QSome MPs of the SLFP led by President Sirsena stress that he should be the next Presidential candidate. What is your stance?

I have never given my mind to who should be the next candidate. Yet, I will determine what should be the policy of the next candidate. We are working for it through our programme for a sustainable economy. That is to be based on carbonic agriculture, renewable energy, protection of biodiversity, and medium scale industries instead of mega industries. It also includes plans for strengthening the local entrepreneurs and non- alienation of national assets to multinational companies. We also work for the revitalization of our education sector and saving our young generation from drug menace. We have submitted these proposals. We will decide on the next candidate accordingly. I do not know who will be the candidate. I have not given mind to any individual. I believe that nothing detrimental to the country should happen under this government installed after an arduous task.

There is a cabal of such NGOs operating here. They are not bothered about the alienation of national assets and lands to outsiders. A few remaining old guards of the leftist movements belong to this category

QYou talk about the drug menace. We find cocaine being smuggled into the country. In fact, cocaine was found in the storage facilities of Lanka SATHOSA. What is your view?

I think there is no proper public attention drawn to this matter as such. The Minister concerned must be aware of imports made through the government’s tender procedure. He should know who was awarded the tender. Or else the officials concerned should know. This is a national crime. The government is held answerable. I learnt that some officials have been transferred for leaking information in this regard. This has to be looked into.

QThe Mahanayake Theras opined that there was no need of a new Constitution. What is your view?

I do not know the context in which the Mahanayake Theras said it. My position is clear. There is no mandate for the evolution of a new Constitution. Either the UNP or the SLFP has no simple majority in Parliament for such changes. There is a constitution making process currently underway. It is being made for narrow ends, according to initial reports.

The government promised to bring a National Planning Commission. It is not done. Instead, arbitrary decisions are taken to lease out the Hambantota Port. It is totally unacceptable.
The President should necessarily change the current electoral system.

QHave your notified your stance to the President?

Yes.

QHas he agreed with you?

I cannot tell it right now. He should act for the setting up of a National Planning Commission to decide on national assets of the country. Now, a coterie of people takes decision. It should be stopped.

It was promised to govern the country according to UN principles. The government is acting in the opposite direction. In fact, it talks about the removal of ban on Glyphosate today.

Stooping to win

July 29th, 2017

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj Courtesy The Daily Mirror

How JR was forced to sign the Indo -Lanka Accord 30 years ago

  • Thirty years ago on this day (July 29th 1987) an accord was signed by Rajiv Gandhi and Junius Richard Jayewardene
  • The India – Sri Lanka Accord known popularly as the Indo-Lanka peace accord was hailed then as a great breakthrough in relations between India and Sri Lanka.
  • Jayewardene foresaw a potential threat from India after both countries attained freedom from the British.
  • In short there were three basic reasons for Indian intervention in Sri Lanka then.
  • The immediate consequence was the accord. Yet, later events proved that JR had only stooped to conquer”.
  • So, food parcels were dropped in what was essentially a demonstration effect” device.
  • President JR Jayewardene realised what was in store if he failed to toe the Lakshmana Rekha” being drawn by India. So he ‘bowed” to the big neighbour.

 

 

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

Thirty years ago on this day (July 29th 1987) an accord was signed by the then Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Junius Richard Jayewardene the then President of Sri Lanka in Colombo that had far reaching implications for both the tear drop island in the Indian Ocean and its giant neighbour.


The India – Sri Lanka Accord known popularly as the Indo-Lanka peace accord was hailed then as a great breakthrough in relations between India and Sri Lanka. Two related letters known as annexures” were also signed by both leaders.

The preamble of the accord reads as follows –
The President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, his Excellency Mr. J.R. Jayewardene, and the Prime Minister of The Republic of India, His Excellency Mr. Rajiv Gandhi, having met at Colombo on July 29, 1987”.

Attaching utmost importance to nurturing, intensifying and strengthening the traditional friendship of Sri Lanka and India, and acknowledging the imperative need of resolving the ethnic problem of Sri Lanka, and the consequent violence, and for the safety, wellbeing and prosperity of people belonging to all communities of Sri Lanka. Have this day entered into the following agreement to fulfil this objective”.

In realistic terms the accord of July 29th 1987 was a triumph for Indian coercive diplomacy. It was opposed by (and still is) significant sections of the Sri Lankan people.
A flashpoint indicative of the simmering tension that prevailed then was the attempted assault of the visiting Indian premier by a Sri Lankan naval rating Vijaya Rohana de Silva Wijemuni. The Naval Rating, who was part of the Navy Guard of Honour being inspected by Rajiv Gandhi, took a swipe with his rifle at the Indian Premier’s head.

Mercifully Rajiv saw the swinging rifle from the corner of his eye. He sidestepped deftly and ducked swiftly.

Instead of reaching out to the affected victims of the July 1983 pogrom and alleviating their hardship the JR regime was hell bent on appeasing the majority. Blaming the Victim syndrome was seen at its best then.

The firearm struck his shoulder. Had that blow been fatal, Indo-Lanka relations may have changed drastically in favour of the Sri Lankan Tamil people. However, the very same Rajiv Gandhi who survived the Sinhala” assault in 1987 could not escape death when a Sri Lankan Tamil girl known by the nom de guerre Dhanu” with explosives strapped to her body blew herself up at a place in Tamil Nadu called Sriperumbudoor in 1991.

The political pendulum in India swung sharply against the Sri Lankan Tamils thereafter.
Indian High Commissioner Jyotindra Nath Dixit
Foremost among the many architects of the accord was former Indian High Commissioner in Colombo Jyotindra Nath Dixit known as Mani” Dixit. Twenty months after the signing of the accord J.N. Dixit delivered a lecture on Sri Lanka at the United Services Institution in New Delhi on March 10, 1989. Dixit summed up the rationale for exercising Indian power” immorally to coerce Sri Lanka into signing the accord thus – The chemistry of power, the motivations which affect the interplay of power between societies are not governed by absolute morality. ………It is an external projection of our influence to tell our neighbours that if, because of your compulsions or your aberrations (sic.), you pose a threat to us, we are capable of, or we have a political will to project ourselves within your territorial jurisdiction for the limited purpose of bringing you back.

Sounds slightly arrogant! It is not arrogant. It is real-politik, and it brings you back to the path of detachment and non-alignment where you don’t endanger our security.”

The irony in all this was that the signatory on the Sri Lankan side was President J. R. Jayewardene. JR as he was popularly known was steeped in historical knowledge being an avid reader of history books. He had the uncanny ability at times to predict the future course of events in International relations. JR was concerned about the position of Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) vis-a-vis India ( pre-partition) after the British granted independence. The writing was on the wall for the British Empire even as the second World War was raging.

Jayewardene foresaw a potential threat from India after both countries attained freedom from the British.

JR Jayewardene along with Dudley Senanayake had been elected Joint Secretaries of the Ceylon National Congress in 1940. In this capacity JR interacted with several leaders of the Indian National Congress. One of them was Jawaharlal Nehru who went on to become Independent India’s first Prime Minister in 1947. Nehru who served as Premier till 1964 was the father of Indira Gandhi, Grandfather of Rajiv Gandhi and Great -grandfather of Rahul Gandhi.

On July 20, 1940, JR Jayewardene wrote to Jawaharlal Nehru: Events are moving with such rapidity in the world today that a slave India and Ceylon may be free tomorrow, without a struggle. What of Ceylon? If nothing else happens, is it possible that she may be bartered away by a peace treaty? This is a question that is troubling many of us in Ceylon.”

Nehru replied on August 1, 1940: 
Ceylon is too small a political and economic unit to stand by itself in the future world. I quite agree with you that there might be danger ahead for Ceylon under these circumstances. It will therefore be highly desirable to discuss the future relations of India and Ceylon, so that our minds may be clear and we should know what we are aiming at.”

 


‘Monroe Doctrine’ of USA in the Indian Ocean

Even if JR’s worries may have been laid to rest by Nehru’s reply at that time, post – independence course of events evoked fresh doubts and misgivings. In 1954 JR was Minister for Agriculture and Food in the Govt. of Prime minister Sir John Kotelawela. The South Asian Prime Ministers’ Conference was held in Colombo that year. On March 19, 1954 Jayewardene sent a memorandum to his Prime Minister. In that he alluded to the Monroe doctrine of the USA and emphasised that India should not be allowed to play a similar role in the Indian Ocean region.
JR wrote: 
If we look again at the American scene, we see that the U.S.A. so long ago as 1823 enunciated the Monroe Doctrine and exercised supervision over the entirety of the American Continents, both North and South. It is therefore necessary to see that the states in this region are not cut off from the rest of the world from economic or military aid, such as Pakistan has recently secured from America. India should not be permitted to proclaim a Monroe Doctrine” in the Indian Ocean where she will play the role that the U.S.A. plays in the Atlantic.”

Yet, through a quirk of fate the very same JR Jayewardene, who foresaw the potential danger of Indian domination decades ago and was keen on preventing it, happened to be the Sri Lankan leader who bowed down to New Delhi and accepted Indian overlord-ship by way of the accord and annexures in 1987.

Tamil National Alliance (TNA) Spokesperson and Jaffna District parliamentarian M. A. Sumanthiran in a recent article in The Hindu” observes thus –

The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord itself was unique in that it was a bilateral international agreement between two sovereign nations, where one promised the other that an internal political rearrangement would be made in order to solve the Tamil national question. It was indeed ironic that a President (Jayewardene) who popularised and deified the concept of unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka” assured the neighbour as to how he would solve an internal” political question and then invited the Indian Army into Sri Lanka to help implement the accord”.

What then led to this perceived downfall” on the part of Junius Richard Jayewardene? Why did the man who as a Cabinet Minister wanted to resist Indian supremacy in 1954 do an about turn in 1987 as Executive President and cave into Indian demands?
The course of events that led to this transition or transformation is a remarkable political tale by itself.

Intermestic” Term Coined by Henry Kissinger
The Tamil issue” is for Sri Lanka and India is an intermestic” issue. The term Intermestic” was first coined and used by Henry Kissinger to explain international issues having domestic economic implications like for instance the middle-eastern situation abroad impacting on the price of gas in the US. The term coined by Kissinger took the inter” from International and mestic” from Domestic.
It was however veteran Journalist and foreign affairs expert Mervyn de Silva who popularised the term in Sri Lanka.

The fundamental difference in New Delhi policy towards Pakistan in 1971 and Sri Lanka in 1987 was that in the case of the former it suited Indian interests to fracture Pakistan and create Bangladesh while in the case of the latter, Indian interests were better served by preventing dismemberment of Sri Lanka and unifying the Island by preventing the creation of Tamil Eelam”.

Mervyn was then editing the Lanka Guardian” fortnightly and writing a weekly column for Sunday Island”.
Mervyn applied the term to all issues crossing the boundaries between the International and the domestic and belonged to both spheres thereby necessitating this sub-category.
According to Mervyn, Sri Lanka’s Tamil issue was for Sri Lanka a domestic issue with an international spillover and for India it was an international issue with a domestic spillover. Hence for both Colombo and New Delhi it should be regarded as INTERMESTIC, i.e. at the interface of the international and the domestic”.
Generally countries act in their own self – interest but often attribute lofty motives for such actions .Indian involvement in the affairs of its neighbours has been described as benign intervention by Indian academics and analysts.

The undermining of the Rana family and empowerment of the Shah dynasty in Nepal, the dismemberment of Pakistan and creation of Bangladesh, the Indo-Lanka accord and induction of the Indian Army as a peace-keeping force in Sri Lanka and the quick action in Maldives to crush a coup d’etat aided by Sri Lankan Tamil militants of the PLOTE (Peoples Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam ) are some instances of Indian benign intervention.
Benign Interventions” Served India’s Interests
Needless to say all these cases of benign intervention” also served India’s interests in the region. But such is the nature of international relations. All countries have their own interests at heart and smaller entities identifying common interests with larger interests and harmonising accordingly have greater chances of bettering the prospects for themselves.

In the case of Sri Lanka the twin tenets of basic Indian policy was preserving the unity and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka on the one hand and ensuring the rights of the minorities particularly the Sri Lankan Tamils on the other. This framework in essence was conditioned by the intermestic factor.
The 1983 July anti-Tamil pogrom saw more than 100,000 Tamils fleeing to Tamil Nadu as refugees. The presence of Tamil refugees on Indian soil was the locus standi” for India to seek a greater role in Sri Lanka. Instead of reaching out to the affected victims of the July 1983 pogrom and alleviating their hardship the JR Jayewardene regime was hell bent on appeasing the majority. Blaming the Victim syndrome was seen at its best then.

The Govt. introduced the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution disavowing separatism. All MPs were required to take an oath to that effect to retain Parliamentary membership. The Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) with sixteen MPs in Parliament refused to take the oath on a matter of principle.

As a result they forfeited their seats. The Sri Lankan Tamil voice was effectively driven away from Parliament.

Ex- TULF MP’s Took Up Residence in Tamil Nadu
Several ex-TULF MP’s including Opposition leader Appapillai Amirthalingam took up residence in Tamil Nadu. With more than a hundred thousand refugees on its soil providing a ‘locus standi’, New Delhi offered its good offices to mediate and bring about a negotiated political settlement.

There was an imperative need for India to intervene at that stage. The Sri Lankan Tamil issue was a crucial emotional issue for Tamil Nadu at that time. There was a fear that the mood may turn volatile and result in a law and order crisis. Also there had been a flourishing secessionist movement in Tamil Nadu at one time. It had been checked and transformed democratically. The former Tamil separatists were well integrated into the Indian fabric.

Now there was apprehension that the fabric may be torn and separatist tendencies revived because of the Sri Lankan Tamil crisis impacting on Tamil Nadu.

If secession was encouraged in Sri Lanka that could have a demonstration effect on other states including Tamil Nadu in India. If the Tamils were allowed to be continually victimised in Sri Lanka that too could radicalise Tamil Nadu in the long term . These parameters necessitated in India fashioning policy ensuring both the unity of Sri Lanka as well as Tamil rights.

Creating Bangla Desh and Preventing Tamil Eelam”.
The fundamental difference in New Delhi policy towards Pakistan in 1971 and Sri Lanka in 1987 was that in the case of the former it suited Indian interests to fracture Pakistan and create Bangladesh while in the case of the latter, Indian interests were better served by preventing dismemberment of Sri Lanka and unifying the Island by preventing the creation of Tamil Eelam”.

The intermestic nature of the issue had two additional aspects too. One was that New Delhi at that time feared an arc of encirclement by hostile” forces. India feared a Washington-Tel Aviv- Islamabad axis. The Jayewardene Govt was seen as a Western puppet and lackey (after all JR had been nicknamed Yankee Dickie” at one time).

It was necessary therefore to win over Colombo and bring Sri Lanka within the Indian orbit. The Tamil issue provided an opportunity to de-stabilise Sri Lanka and pressure Jayewardene into submitting to Delhi diktat.

In short there were three basic reasons for Indian intervention in Sri Lanka then.
Firstly the Jayewardene Govt was spurning non – alignment” and taking Sri Lanka into a pro – Western orbit. Under prevailing conditions of the day New Delhi feared a Washington – Tel Aviv – Islamabad axis. India needed to bring Sri Lanka to heel” and keep out undesirable elements out of the region.

Secondly there was the domestic imperative. There was much concern in Tamil Nadu for the plight of Tamils in Sri Lanka. Tamil Nadu was once home to a flourishing separatist movement. India was concerned about the fall – out from Sri Lanka on Tamil Nadu if the conflict escalated here.
The third was the unacknowledged personality factor. It is a fact that basic policy is formulated by the bureaucracy in India and that the political executive is guided by it. Individual leaders by force of their personality may effect a change in the style of implementation but cannot effectively change the substance of policy.

What happened here was that Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was not very fond then of President Jayewardene or Prime Minister Premadasa.

Allusion of Cow and Calf to Indira-Sanjay and Sirima-Anura
Indira Gandhi declared emergency in 1975 and imposed iron rule in India. She jailed her political opponents.  Indira and her son Sanjay Gandhi were accused of being virtual dictators. When elections were held in March 1977 the Congress party that had ruled India from 1947 lost for the first time in 30 years. Both Indira and Sanjay lost in their constituencies of Raebareli and Amethi respectively. In July 1977 elections were held in Sri Lanka. The incumbent Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) Prime Minister and her son Anura Bandaranaike contested in the electorates of Attanagalle and Nuwara-eliya-Maskeliya respectively. The irrepressible Ranasinghe Premadasa made a comparison between India and Sri Lanka at election meetings. He repeated on numerous occasions that just as the cow and calf were booted out by the Indian people, the Sri Lankan voters too would reject the cow and calf here.

The allusion of cow and calf were to Indira-Sanjay and Sirima-Anura.
Just as the Congress lost in India, the SLFP lost in Sri Lanka but unlike in India the cow and calf won in Lanka.

Once a viable solution was arrived at, the Tamil armed struggle was expected to end. But the Tamils were not to be abandoned entirely. 

Indira, however had got to know of Premadasa’s allusions and was not amused. In fact she was angry. Proctor S. Sivasubramaniam, the father of former Kopay MP S. Kathiravetpillai, was a family friend of the Nehru-Gandhi family. In conversation with Mr. Sivasubramaniam, Indira Gandhi expressed her resentment at the UNP and its perceived proximity to Morarji Desai’s Govt.

On the other hand the TULF by remaining fiercely loyal to Indira during her days of defeat had become closer to her. According to reputed Indian analysts, such as A. G. Noorani  Indira personalised her foreign policy. Her favourites were Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Sheikh Hasina and Benazir Bhutto. Her bete noires were Zia, the King of Nepal and JR Jayewardene.

Triple Factor Confluence in Indo-Lanka Relations
This triple factor confluence in Indo – Lanka relations during the Indira-JR period deemed it necessary that India made a benign” intervention in Sri Lanka after Indira Gandhi was premier again in 1980. There was little love lost between the JR and Indira led Govts. The Brahmins of South Block were for an intervention in Sri Lanka for two objectives.

1) To help resolve the ethnic conflict within a united Sri Lanka but in a manner acceptable to Tamils,
2) Make Colombo accept New Delhi’s hegemony over the region and appreciate Indian security concerns and teach the Jayewardene regime a lesson while rewarding the TULF.

It was at this point that the July 1983 pogrom occurred. Thousands of Tamils fled as refugees to India. Indian interests in Sri Lanka were harmed. This provided a locus standi” for India to intervene in Sri Lanka. Jayewardene then played into India’s hands by bringing in the 6th Amendment disavowing separatism.

This effectively disenfranchised the Tamil representatives in Parliament. JR also refused to talk directly to the TULF. This created an opportunity for India to step in and offer its good offices” to bring about ethnic reconciliation.
India Followed Two-track Sri Lanka Policy
So, Gopalaswamy Parthasarathy became India’s official emissary tasked with evolving political rapprochement. But India followed a two – track policy. Tamil militant groups were trained and armed and housed on Indian soil. They were allowed to run political cum propaganda offices in Tamil Nadu publicly.

India’s objectives were clear. New Delhi wanted to use the Tamil militants as a cutting edge to destabilise the Jayewardene regime and also exert pressure on Colombo to deliver a political settlement.

Once a viable solution was arrived at, the Tamil armed struggle was expected to end. But the Tamils were not to be abandoned entirely. India would underwrite a political solution and maintain a physical armed presence in North – East Sri Lanka to protect the Tamils and help implement the political solution.

In such a situation the Indian State trained and armed Tamil militants into guerrilla organizations. The idea was to fight and destabilise the North-Eastern Provinces to a great extent.

Thereafter the Colombo Govt. would be compelled to turn to Delhi for assistance. That moment would be seized. Tamil Eelam was never on the cards. All this while New Delhi was offering its good offices” to bring about a negotiated settlement. In the exercise of this two-track policy, Indian envoys would engage with Lankan leaders and Tamil politicians on the one hand while India backed Tamil militant groups such as the LTTE engaged in violence against the Sri Lankan state on the other.

Meanwhile, Indira Gandhi was assassinated in 1984 and her son Rajiv Gandhi succeeded her. Rajiv’s ascendancy saw the veteran Gopalaswamy Parthasarathy being ousted as India’s special envoy to Sri Lanka on the Tamil issue.

Foreign Secretary Romesh Bhandari functioned as emissary. He was followed by others such as P. Chidambaram, K. Natwar Singh and Rajah Dinesh Singh.

Foreign Secretaries too changed from Bhandari to Venkateswaran and then K.P. S. Menon. Despite these changes the basic continuity in Indian policy towards Sri Lanka remained.

Dixit Warned Jayewardene of Unpredictable Consequences”.
There were many twists and turns but India’s strategy worked to a great extent for some time. But after the military operation in Vadamaratchy in May 1987 it appeared that Colombo was on the verge of wiping out the LTTE. At that point India demonstrated very clearly to Colombo that it would not be allowed to crush Tamil militancy. Indian High Commissioner J. N. Dixit met President Jayewardene and warned him of unpredictable consequences”. Dixit writes about the meeting in his Assignment Colombo” book in the following manner-

In one of my meetings with President Jayewardene late in May 1987, I protested against the blockade of Jaffna and the impact of Sri Lankan military operations on Tamil civilians of the area. I informed Jayewardene of my discussions with Lalith Athulathmudali wherein I had conveyed the message that India would not countenance the fall of Jaffna to Sri Lankan forces when India was still engaged in mediation efforts. I reminded Jayewardene that Rajiv Gandhi’s messages to him were a clear indication that India would be compelled to take action to protect Tamil civilians. Jayewardene was quite upset and he described my remarks as interference in the domestic affairs. ……………
Jayewardene was not going to allow matters to rest in such obfuscations!
He said:

Dixit, be precise. Tell me what you personally think will happen when you talk about unpredictable consequences”.” I said: You will forgive me for saying this Mr. President, the unpredictable consequences may be LTTE asking operational support from Tamil Nadu and it might end up with the break-up of Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka may not remain a united country.”

Jayewardene looked at me in his typical droopy-eyed irritation and said: Mr Dixit, we are a small country, but I want you to know that I will not succumb to terrorist violence regardless of what you are saying. And please also note that this violence has been and is being supported by your Government and your country.”

Mr Dixit, we are a small country, but I want you to know that I will not succumb to terrorist violence regardless of what you are saying.

Shock and Awe” Operation to Intimidate Sri Lanka
Despite the bullying by Dixit, President Jayewardene continued to remain defiant but New Delhi performed a shock and Awe” operation to intimidate Sri Lanka and its President further.

On June 4, 1987 India informed Sri Lanka of its decision to drop relief supplies over Jaffna. Bernard Tilekaratna, Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to India at that time, recalled his personal experience in an article in The Island of December 10, 1997. Tilekaratna wrote as follows – The President had offered to send Foreign Minister Hameed to discuss the developing crisis but India had already decided to send its Air Force planes not only five Antonov-22 transport planes but also four Mirage-2000 fighter planes, to escort them.”

I had enough contacts in New Delhi to know that this move was planned some days in advance even though it was done in complete secrecy and no details were known. My information was that this would take place by air or through Indian warships and I had conveyed this to the President himself. When I was summoned to the Ministry of External Affairs by the then Minister of State for External Affairs, Natwar Singh, who was also a personal friend, and told rather grimly at 2.30 p.m. on 4 June that the aircraft would leave Bangalore in half an hour. My reaction was one of both anguish and sadness. I informed Natwar Singh that surely the proposed air-drop was a blatant violation of our territorial integrity and interference in our internal affairs and I was saddened by the fact that this step would bring Indo-Sri Lanka relations to the lowest level ever in the long history of its close and cordial relationship”.

Bernard Tilekaratna Hands Over Letter of Protest
As regards conveying the message to the President, I told Natwar Singh the planes might as well leave as scheduled as it would take me half an hour to reach the Chancery and try to send the message. It was at this point that Natwar Singh offered me his personal hotline through to the Foreign Minister and his surprise was so great that it was my impression that this news was received for the first time. In fact I was asked to immediately hand over a letter of protest which I did in the Minister’s office itself before I returned to the Chancery.”

What Bernard Tilekaratna refers to is of course the infamous air drop operation by India over Jaffna . On June 4th 1987 the Indian Air Force conducted Operation Poomalai”  by which food parcels were dropped over Jaffna in what was described as a humanitarian exercise. It was a blatant violation of Sri Lankan air space. This was in the aftermath of Operation Liberation” in Vadamaratchy and India claimed overt concern then about starvation in Jaffna. Actually no one was starving in Jaffna then. The whole exercise, beneath the humanitarian facade, was a power projection, intended to drive home a lesson to Colombo.

JR and the Lakshmana Rekha” Drawn by India
The real situation in Jaffna was distorted to convey an impression that there was starvation warranting the drastic action of violating Lankan air space. So, food parcels were dropped in what was essentially a demonstration effect” device. President JR Jayewardene realised what was in store if he failed to toe the Lakshmana Rekha” being drawn by India. So he ‘bowed” to the big neighbour.
The immediate consequence was the accord. Yet, later events proved that JR had only stooped to conquer”.

Next week the column wiil discuss how JR Jayewardene had the last laugh

D.B.S.Jeyaraj can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com

Attack by thugs and drug addicts on oil workers and related political comments

July 28th, 2017

By : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA.

This is to provide a roundup of news items and comments on the State sponsored attacks carried out by a group of goons on striking worker of the Petroleum Corporation on Wednesday.

State sponsored Thugs attacked Ceypetco Trade unionists in front of inactive Police

The National Freedom Front vehemently condemn the brutal Police and State sponsored thug attacks, alleged to be carried out by Marikkar’s thugs on the oil sector workers.

Given below is translation of the communiqué issued in this regard by the National Freedom Front.

Bogus discussions on one side and Thug Attacks on the other side

All clothes of Yahapalana removed.

We in the National Freedom Front vehemently condemn the shameless acts carried out by the government to suppress the strike launched by the oil sector workers against handing oer of the Oil Tank Farm in Tincomalee to India and the Oil Tank Farm in Hambantota to China.

When there was an agreement between the oil sector Trade Union leaders and high ranking officers of the tri-forces at the time the tri-forces personnel came to undertake distribution of fuel following the fuel distribution as an essential service, in respect of supplying fuel to essential services including hospitals and tri-forces, the government deploying the Police pulled out those Trade Union employeeswho went into the Petroleum Corporation prmises to assist the armed forces.  After that the workers who were pulled out by the Police were brutally attacked by gang of thugs belonging to thug named ‘Marikkar’.

When this was happening, Minister Duminda Dissanayake, as the representative of the President held a discussion with the oil sector Trade Union leaders. What the Trade Union leaders who came out from this bogus discussion saw was Police inhumanly attacking the striking workers with high pressured water cannons and a group of thugs belonging to a thug named ‘Marikkar’ armed with  iron rods, clubs, wooden poles and swords attacking the male and female workers in violation all agreements reached at the aforementioned discussions.

What happened to the Trade Union leaders who attempted to explain to the Police about the decisions arrived at the discussions with the Minister who held discussions with them as the representative of the President? Assaulting them severely, after forcibly herding them into Police vehicles, and when they were taken to the Welikada Police Station.

These workers who launched a strike acting against the sale of the resourccs of the country received bugus discussions from the yahapalana President and thug attacks from the side of the Prime Minister.  The final outcome of this incident was the yahapalana becoming fully naked by getting all its attires removed.

Mohamed Muszammil

Propagaanda Secretary

National Freedom Front.

A complaint should have been made to arrest thugs who assaulted oil sector workers – Police Media Spokesman

The pro-UNP Police Media Spokesman Ruwan Gunasekera who is notorious for making highly politicized statements has said that in order to arrest the thugs who are alleged to have assaulted oil sector worked there should have been a complaint made to the Police  He has made this comment at a media conference held at the Police Headquarters. (niz)

Oil workers have stopped work when the country is facing a critical situation – Ranil

The plutocratic Ranil Wickremasinghe who has no sympathy for working masses and who is suspected to be the brain behind the thug attack on oil workers blamed the oil workers for having a work stoppage when the country was making efforts to curb the spread of dengue. Addressing the Parliament he said that several important services such as the health service including the transport of hospital staff, operation of ambulances, power generation, and public transport will be disrupted if the fuel distribution comes to a standstill. Issuing a warning to oil workers he said that the government is committed towards safeguarding democracy and upholding human rights and it is not prepared to surrender to mischievous elements who are out to disrupt peace and destroy democratic values.

No oil worker has been assaulted – I surfed Websites till 1.00 a.m. – Kiriella.

The Leader of the House (the notorious and shameless guy who said that any bull can fight a war and ridiculed our war heroes) the Minister of Highways and Higher Education Mr. Lakshman Kiriella in response to a question raised by the leader of the National Freedom Front in the Parliament said that he surfaced websites till 1,00 a.m. in the morning and none of the websites reported that oil sector workers have been attacked by thugs.

I do not have thugs, thieves or drug addicts and my hands are clean –  Marikkar.

Parliamentarian Marikkar who has been branded as Kolonnawa Thug Marikkar” following the assault of oil workers by a group of thugs and drug addicts at Kolonnawa rejecting allegations saying that it was his thugs who attacked the oil workers in Kolonnawa has told the parliament that he has been attacked because his opponents are jealous about the developments that are being carried out in Kolonnawa.

He has said that if it is flooded, if the garbage mountain collapsed, or if the oil workers stage strikes they talk about Marikkar but they did not talk about Marikkar when he provided flood assistance to 27,000 affected families.  He has said that there were a lot of people to shed tears when the garbage mountain collapsed but they all went away and it was only him who remained to get compensation and assistance for the victims.

Speaking further he has said that when the government is having a yahapalaanaya after establishing democracy those who were indulged in thuggery in the past were shedding crocodile tears, and it was not from the front side they have to laugh about it.  There is a political programme to destabilise the government by holding demonstrations and strikes. There had been more than 1100 demonstrations and strikes after this government came into power and those activities hindered the development of the country.

It is because they cannot digest the development activities being carried out in Kolonnawa they brand him as a thug, but the people of Kolonnawa know very well what is being done by Marikkar.  He said that his hands are clean and he does not have thugs, thieves, or drug addicts with him and their political journey is always through democracy.

Oil workers were attacked only by general public  – Harin Fernano

Speaking in the Parliament Minister Harin Fernando has said that the government is acting democratically and it is not cowardice to act in this manner and the oil workers were assaulted not by thugs but by the general public.

Island Editorial

Meanwhile the Island editorial (28th July) upholding the media ethics of writing without fear and favour has urged to arrest the goons.  It says that the present day leaders in the run up to the last presidential election promised a new political order but two and half years on pro-government thugs are operating openly in full view of the Police assaulting protesters with absolute impunity and accuses that the Police shamelessly shielded the goons by its inaction.

The editorial adds that many civil society outfits, trade unions etc, threw their weight behind the yahapalanaa campaign promising to restore rule of Law and democratic rights and asks where are those ardent champions of democracy and states that their silence is deafening.

In conclusion it states that the goons can easily be identified and they must be arrested for their serious offence and th government must ensure that the Police acts without delay and calls upon all civil society organizations, human rights groups, and trade unions to crank up pressure on the government to do so.  It also reminds the opposition of the need to act as a counter weight to the government which signals left and turns right.

Also appended below are some comments made by veteran journalists and politicians on this strike and were published in ‘The Island’ dated 28th July, 2017.

 

  • Government’s new strong arm approach –  In view of the CPC strike the army and the STF were deployed at the Kolonnawa and Muthuraawela oil storage facilities on Wednesday,   Many persons armed with clubs etc were seen threatening and attacking the strikers at Kolonnawa.  Veteran Journalist C.A.Chandraprema.
  • More trade unions to join agitations against goon attacks on CPC workers – The Ceylon Teachers’ Union (CTU), Free Trade Zones and General Services Employees Union (FTZGSU) and several other associations are currently discussing action to be taken against the suppression of workers’ rights
  • Strikers were assaulted by angry public – Joker of the three idiots gang Cabinet spokesman Dayasiri Jayasekera who has earned the opprobrium as ‘Rilasiri’ due to somersaulting from party to party
  • TNA endorses government action on public sector strikes. MP Sumanthiran said that workers should exercise their trade union action in a very responsible and constructive manner.

 

STRIKES, DEMONSTRATIONS AND YAHAPALANA

July 28th, 2017

KAMALIKA  PIERIS

The first thing that happened once the so-called CIA inspired ‘regime change’ took place and Yahapalana government came into power was protests, demonstrations and strikes. The media observed that that in September 2015 alone, 24 street protests were held in Colombo. And dozens of others have been held elsewhere. There were 49 demonstrations in the Colombo city In January and February 2017,   by various organizations over various demands.

Not a day goes by without a major demonstration, said’ Political Watch’ in December 2016.  At times two demonstrations are seen on the same road at the same time. Last week there were university students and Samurdhi niladhari demonstrating.  In the past several weeks ‘virtually every segment of society has taken to the streets.’ Doctors, labor, Customs, Excise, Internal revenue department, Samurdhi niladhari and students.

However, Yahapalana government is completely undisturbed by these demonstrations. When the demonstrators reach Presidents House, or Parliament, the barriers are drawn up and the police are waiting.  When they try to storm the police barriers, they are repulsed by water and tear gas. Yahapalana would have been told by its western masters to expect such demonstrations. Yahapalana has therefore decided to name two places in Colombo, where people could gather and protest. Yahapalana will also mark out an area around Parliament for protesters.

The Yahapalana government faced strike after strike, in its first year of rule. These strikes were provoked by deliberate government action. Labor officers struck because the government did not give the new service minute promised, instead they recruited under the old one. The paramedics staged a protest march demanding their promotions which they claimed were overdue and nine other demands organized by the Trade Union Alliance of Paramedics. The protestors marched from the National Hospital to the Health Ministry.

Sri Lanka Air Traffic Controllers Association had a work to rule campaign about the payment anomalies that had taken place in 2015. The Pulmonary Therapists Association went on strike, asking, inter alia, for several allowances and because of this, heart surgeries were postponed.  Postal workers went on strike in June 2016. Since the promised demands were not given, they struck work again from December 19 to 21. The demands related to recruitment, vacancies, promotions,  salary disparities and  allowances.  When postal strikers went to President House,  they found a police barricade.

An all island strike of Lottery ticket sellers  took place in January 2017, over increasing the cost of a lottery ticket from Rs. 20 to Rs 30. Lottery ticket prices went up,  but the commission to the lottery seller did not. Lottery ticket sellers   threatened to withdraw from sales. Minister of Finance, Ravi Karunanayake  said they could do so, there are plenty of others waiting to take over. Lottery  talks ended  in failure.

However, strike ended with  an assurance from President Sirisena. The  earlier price was restored. TV news on 14.3.17  showed   three lottery tickets  priced  Rs 20,  Rs. 30, and the third with no price. The Lottery price had been increased because  the Lottery was an important cash cow for the government .

Disabled  army personnel  protested in February,  2017 because their retirement benefit had been reduced, deductions were between Rs.  3700 and 9500.  Magistrate, Colombo Fort issued an order preventing disabled army personnel from engaging in a protest outside the Presidential Secretariat in a manner that would  obstruct pedestrians who use the street. But said the protestors could engage in peaceful protest.  The police armed with batons were seen at the demonstration.

The disabled  army personnel   also went to the Pensions Department on 23.3.17  asking for the pensions  cut to be restored. They tried to  storm the Department and  there was an ugly scene , shown on TV news, where they engaged in fisticuffs with  the police.

Those who had lost their sons in the Eelam War and were affected by the reduction in pension,  also  demonstrated on 15.3.17. TV cameras showed the demonstrators crying, holding photos of their missing sons.   The demonstrators went to Presidents House,  and  met the usual yellow barricade and rows of police standing  behind it. The demonstrators said that if this continued, they would have to look for a  leader ‘who loves the country.’

There were violent and widespread estate  demonstrations demanding  wage increases. Estate laborers in Ratnapura had broken into the Ratnapura labor office, demanding higher wages and work for 26 days in the month.  One  such strike was settled with an increase of pay, but less than what they asked. The  strikers said ‘wait till the next election comes’.

Here is a select list of other  strikes and demonstrations which are  linked to employee demands.  One of the first to start agitation was the Ceylon Teachers Union. The CTU and other teachers unions  held a protest in September 2016, demanding solutions to a series of issues faced by the teacher and  principals.   These included delayed promotions, delayed payments,  and   the appointment of ‘henchmen’ as school principals. The teacher trade unions supporting the government were silent.

Government Valuers Association  held a street protest, objecting to an ‘underhand’ amendment to recruitment. Certain Valuers had held discussions with the Treasury without the  knowledge of Chief Valuer and the Association, and a new cadre had been  approved amending the earlier cadre, which has been approved by the Association .

 

Labour Department officers struck work in September 2016 and then planned a countrywide strike and an indefinite Satyagraha in October 2016, because government had not kept its promise. Government had promised to introduce a new service minute, instead they have recruited under the old one. The October strikers found that the September strikers will not be paid for the days they were on strike.

In August 2016, The Government  Technical Officers Association threatened   to strike work as their demands had not been given.  Over 5000 workers in 159 public sector organizations belonged to this Association and  all development  work such as road construction, irrigation and also  crematoriums will stop, they said.

Federation  of University Teachers Associations, FUTA , had planned to stage a token strike  in March  2017 , saying that they would go for an all-out strike thereafter if the government did not respond to their initial trade union action positively. FUTA demanded the withdrawal of a salary circular issued by the University Grants Commission, which they assert, has erroneously provided for deductions from their salaries.

This was a circular issued to all public service employees, but it has affected university teachers badly as their allowances are higher than their basic salaries. Salary deductions made by the recent circulars brought university lecturers to the same level as other administrative officers, he said. . There were  also anomalies as regards vehicle permits, communication allowances and other privileges as well.

FUTA said that that they had held several rounds of discussions with the University Grants Commission (UGC) as well as Higher Education Ministry to resolve the matter before resorting to trade union action. The Ministry and UGC had accepted that injustice had been caused to university teachers, but they did not take any action to rectify the error.

FUTA suspended their trade action following  an assurance from the University Grants Commission to solve their problems. They gave the UGC two weeks to sort out the issues arising out of a circular on their salaries. If the government fails to find an acceptable solution to the problem by March 27, 2017  it will launch a countrywide strike indefinitely.

The Non-academic staff of universities, numbering around 14,000 had a continuous strike from   August to September, 2015.  They wanted an increase in their monthly compensatory allowances. Authorities promised to release a circular increasing the monthly arrears payment to them.  So they had suspended their strike. But nothing happened so they planned a one day strike in February 2017. They won their demands and the strike was called off.

The Public Service United Nurses Union (PSUNU) launched a 48-hour sick note campaign in March 2017, in protest against government’s failure to rectify their demands. These included salary anomalies, interim overtime allowance approved by the Treasury with effect from 2015, an annual uniform allowance of Rs. 25,000 and an interim payment of Rs. 5,000 for each nurse and the commencement of the Community Health Service programmes.

The PSUNU had, on several occasions, informed the relevant authorities of the difficulties its members were faced with, ‘but in vain’.  The Union said its strike had been successful, but the authorities said that 620 nurses out of 820 rostered for yesterday’s morning shift had reported to duty in Colombo. The situation was the same at the Kurunegala, Kandy, Karapitiya teaching hospitals and the Kegalle, Ratnapura, Matara hospitals where there had been over a 70 percent attendance of the nursing staff,

Veterinary surgeons engaged in trade union action  in August 2016. They had been asking for an amendment to the Health Service Act   and to that of livestock production. They wanted  first class positions created in the provincial veterinary sector, and all vacant appointments  made first class appointments. There are 300 vacancies for veterinary surgeons but  only 175 appointments have been made .Though the Minster promised solutions whenever the union went to him, nothing was ever done.

A  work–to–rule campaign  was launched by the Engineering Diplomates Association (EDA) of  National Water Supply and Drainage Board,  in March 2017. In February they had withdrawn from overtime work, maintenance and weekend maintenance activities  since the government had failed to solve the problems created by Circular 6/2006 .

Water supply in several areas in the country, including Export Processing Zones had been disrupted  from February. There was low water storage in water reservoirs. They had not attended to maintenance work either.  Meter readers had also joined the work to rule,  which meant that  the issuing of water bills would be delayed. The EDA had demonstrated opposite the NWSDB head office at the Golumadama Junction in Ratmalana for the third time  on   9.3.2017 and the authorities had had discussions with them thereafter.

Employees of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) launched a token strike by calling in ‘sick’  in March 2017. The CEB union said they had planned  trade union action in October 2015, but held back as management promised  to  attend to their grievances. The National Electricity Workers’ Association (NEWA) had  also threatened to go on a 24 hour strike then, this would cause serious power outages in the country .

The  CEB union complained that the government had increased the salaries of CEB management by 70% to 125% with effect from 1 January 2015 with no corresponding increase to other workers at the CEB.  Employees of the lower level had got only 30% salary increase in 2015. According to the CEB rules, the salary ratio should be 1:6″. It was now 1:9 following the 2015 salary increase. Although authorities had promised to increase the salaries of lower level workers so as to keep the gap between the management level staff and lower level staff salaries at a reasonable level they had so far failed to  do so.

The CEB management had asked for one year to rectify the salary anomalies. The CEB had decided to go for a unified service grade for all employees in the CEB and thus different grades were identified with specific salary scales. The Technical and Financial grades have had their salary scales decided on but others grades are yet to do so. The Engineers grades were approved and when they were submitted to the CEB board, the Board asked that the other grades too be finalized. So a committee was appointed to look into and review all categories and ‘we are expecting their report to be submitted to the Board soon.’

CEB workers had struck work from midnight of April 05 to midnight April 06, 2017, 90% of workers had participated in it despite threats from the management. The government had not heeded their request for a discussion. Instead the management had denied overtime to them and issued warning letters.

Since the government had ignored the April strike, representatives from 32 CEB trade unions including UNP affiliated Jathika Sewaka Sangamaya and SLFP’s Sri Lanka Nidahas Sewaka Sangamaya  decided to  again stage an all-out strike , demanding rectification of their salary anomalies. They had given the CEB one and a half years to solve the problem, ‘but in vain.’ Their members were being harassed by the CEB management following their   strike and they had no option but to go for an all-out strike to win their demands. They would give the government two weeks to solve their problems.

Insiders, however, said without the participation of its powerful Engineers’ Union it would be very difficult for all other unions to cripple the power supply. Ceylon Electricity Board employees who had not been made permanent in CEB also  launched a protest in January 2017.

Railway Department contemplated a 24 hour token strike in December 2016, because Yahapalana government had abolished, or was going to abolish, the railway pension scheme,  had engaged in improper recruitments and planned to convert the railway department to an authority. They were also  against government  handing over railway land to the  private sector. . President Sirisena intervened and the strike was called off. In January 2017, Railway engine drivers  resorted to work to rule since talks had been unsuccessful.  There was also a strike by Railway crossing Guards Union  in January 2017, against irregularities in monthly wage payments.  They said government had not taken any action.

An all island private bus 24 hour token  strike took place in December 2016.     27 private bus associations were on strike. 20,000 private buses were withdrawn.  Inter provincial long distances private buses, provincial level private buses, school vans, three wheelers, lorries, bowsers and containers  participated.  They were striking over the proposed Rs 25,000 fine for traffic offenses.   The money will go into the hands of the traffic police, they said.

Government faced the challenge. The SLTB employed its full fleet of 6000 buses cancelling all leave. But this was not enough  and the navy was called in  to drive the buses. The strikers objected and the protest took a violent turn.  SLTB buses were pelted with stones.  20 SLTB buses island wide were attacked, including Trincomalee  to Tangalle and Trincomalee  to  Colombo buses.

Trishaws had a massive 1000 strong protest at Lotus road, Colombo.  They complained that now they are not allowed to overtake on either the right or the left. Colombo-Negombo road was blocked by trishaws and buses. Trishaw operators blocked the railway crossing at Galakanda area in Negombo.  Police fired tear gas to clear them. The train service from Chilaw to Colombo was stopped. Train service to Puttalam line was also disrupted. Later, Police arrested over 30 persons for disrupting the train service at Negombo. Two UPFA Western Province councilors were also arrested over violation of a court order.

There has never been a road transport stoppage in this country over the matter of a fine, said Chandraprema. Those who run this country must ask whether people can really pay these fines. Rs 25,000 exceeds the fines paid for assault or the possession of heroin. If they impose this, the person may end up  permanently  in prison due to an inability to pay the fine.  In this context a traffic fine of Rs 25,000 is nothing short of insanity.   You cannot impose first world fines on the third world. This particular fine is too much even for Australia.

How this government regularly dreams up ever more ingenious ways of making the lives of ordinary people a living hell is truly remarkable  and  the way they doggedly stick to these harebrained schemes despite mass protests is even more remarkable , concluded Chandraprema.

Federation of Traders Association  called a meeting    of all traders, island wide in July 2016, to oppose the new VAT. VAT will make it impossible for the small and medium business men to survive and they would have to wind up their operations . Traders of the North and east were prepared to close their      shops, on the same day as the Sinhala shops. A business men said that he been in business for nearly      20 years and had never seen the business community united  in their opposition to the government in this manner.    The traders closed their shops for a day on 15.7.2016.

There was a second category of strikes, which took place out of concern for the country. These strikes were related to major national issues. The Ports Protection Union Front (PPUF) planned a demonstration on February 1st  in front of the Presidential Secretariat, with the participation of all progressive forces, other trade unions and Ports employees, protesting  the sale of the Eastern Terminal of the Colombo Port by the Government.

 

Customs rarely engage in trade union work, they are well placed and well looked after, observed Chandraprema.  However, Customs officers ‘walked out ‘in February 2016, to protest certain   new Acts which were in the pipeline. These Acts were intended to control four major government institutions including the Customs. The new Customs Act    was for the benefit of racketeers. Customs trade unions vehemently condemned Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake’s statement that he would implement the new Customs Ordinance at any cost.

Customs officers also said the government was planning to appoint a regulatory body to control high income generating government department such as Customs, Excise, Valuation and Inland Revenue. They condemned the government for acting in a dictatorial manner. Customs trade unions would complaint the authorities about ‘draft laws which was inimical to the interest of the country’.

Customs officers said the government had already set up an illegal unit called’ Revenue efficiency and investment unit’ at a cost of Rs 10 million taken out of the state coffers.  They wanted this removed as there were already mechanisms in place for malpractices.

Thereafter, Customs officers sent sick leave notices for one day in September 2016. They   disagreed with the proposed Customs Act.  They want the present Act amended.  Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake  had not given them an appointment to discuss the matter, despite three requests.

Government Medical Officers Association  has strongly  opposed the government on economic issues such as the budget, and the ECTA. They have  antagonized the government. GMOA said government has cut down vehicle permits, and did not grant good schools to their children  when they received transfer and or returned from abroad.

 

There was also a problem with Grade One admission. GMOA said that only     20 out of 138 children had got  good schools. When the doctors went to Isurupaya they were made to wait for hours, air condition was  switched off  and their car tyres  deflated.   TV   news showed  the fans come on the minute they left Isurupaya. An order had been obtained Magistrate’s court and they had to leave the premises.

GMOA    embarked on a series of strikes. GMOA started, I think, with its token  strike of 30.11.2016  in which they were joined by  the Government Dental Surgeons Association and Government Ayurveda Medical Officers Association.  They were striking for many reasons, including Yahapalana’s health policy, removing the facility of a pension for new recruits to the government sector, taxing public servants, exposing job market to foreigners and the budget proposals which the government was not interested in discussing with them.

This strike was successful, but patients were furious.  The government  said that they would give the disturbance, availability and transport allowances and will increase the  other allowances. GMOA had another strike on 5.5.2017

In April 2017, seven trade unions attached to the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) including Petroleum Joint Union Alliance and CPC Sri Lanka Freedom Workers Union  threatened to strike over three national issues. The three   issues were Yahapalana’s decision to sign a pact with India on the Trincomalee   oil tanks, the renovation of the Sapugaskanda oil refinery and abandoning plans for Hambantota oil refinery. They said that their struggle is for the country, not themselves.

The Petroleum Joint Union Alliance said it opposed the proposal to transfer operational rights of oil tanks to India since the agreement would benefit only the Indian companies  and will help the Indian Oil company to expand further in the island. The Unions    also wanted the government to shelve plans to build a new oil refinery with Chinese assistance at Hambantota and immediately begin repairing the existing refinery near Colombo.

Several Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) trade unions launched an island-wide strike from midnight on 23. April 2017, against an alleged decision by the government to sign an agreement with India regarding the oil tanks in Trincomalee. The cabinet has approved the lease of the entire tank farm to India, they said. If Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe gives in to Indian demands and decides to lease it to them, the unions will take action. The unions called off the strike the next day following an assurance given by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe that he would not enter into an agreement with India on the Trincomalee Oil Tank Farm. The other demands they  made were of course, the renovation of the Sapugaskanda oil refinery and  bringing Hambantota oil refinery under the CPC.

Then the unions heard  on April 28 an MOU is to be signed with India. if any such thing takes place, CPC workers will occupy their workplaces, and if that does not put a stop to the matter, there will be a work stoppage  they will for a few days ensure that there is no disruption of hospitals and air travel. The refinery will also be kept going for a couple of days, but if Prime Minister  Wickremasinghe still gives in to Indian pressure, they will stop work at the refinery and disrupt fuel supplies to aircraft as well.

They went on strike, eventually on 25.7.17. The government promptly declared Petroleum distribution an essential service, sent in the army and squashed the strike. Television news showed the union leaders, about seven of them at least, bundled into vans and taken away by the police and then the cameras showed attackers with poles going at the rest.

This matter is now escalating. There was a rumpus In Parliament.  MPs charged that Yahapalana government had employed thugs to attack the strikers and the police had looked the other way.  Island editorial  of 28.7.17  said Armed to the teeth and in full battle gear, hundreds of soldiers launched their Entebbe-style offensive, with zero resistance from unarmed oil workers, helped bring the CPC facilities under military control in next to no time! The troops were backed by the STF in the task. After the army and the STF had secured the ‘enemy territories’ a group of club-wielding Yahapalana goons swung into action to carry out mopping-up operations around the Kolonnawa oil installation. They can be seen in the photographs we have published. The goons who set upon the CPC workers can be easily identified. none of the goons who assaulted the CPC workers had been arrested”.

Political parties and civil organizations opposed to the handover of the Hambantota and Trincomalee oil tank farms to China and India respectively are organizing a series of  demonstrations. A mass demonstration organized by the JVP will be held in Ambalantota on 28.8.17.  Trade  unions are  also getting worked up. The Ceylon Teachers’ Union (CTU), Free Trade Zones and General Services Employees Union (FTZGSU) and several other associations are currently discussing  what action they should take.. CTU condemned the goon attacks on the CPC workers. It  remains to be seen whether a general strike will develop from the Petroleum strike of July 2017.

The port and petroleum  unions are  determined to pursue the Hambantota matter . Petroleum trade unions remain confident. They say that after discussion with the President,  they have suspended their strike till August 1  These two sets of unions have given the government one week to reverse its decision to lease out the Hambantota Port to a Chinese company with the petroleum oil tanks.

The one-day token strike by All Ceylon General Ports Employees Union (ACGPEU) scheduled to be held  on the 28.7.17 had been postponed till August 1 to allow the government more time to reconsider the matter. The   Union said that that Hambantota Port could have generated higher revenue if it had commenced bunkering operations in partnership with the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) and Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA).

The Union noted that even though the revised agreement had increased Sri Lanka’s share to 30 percent from 20 percent, it was not acceptable as the two companies in which the Sri Lanka was given the majority shares would basically provide services to the port and be without control over the main operations of the port. If a foreign company got hold of the Hambantota, it would, with superior technology and ability to invest, make huge profits and deprive the Colombo Port of its income.

It is now very clear, observed Chandraprema that the country is moving towards a massive general strike. Chandraprema  looked back at the GMOA strike of May 2017. This strike, which was mainly anti-SAITM token strike ,kicked off with unions from the transport, energy, and education sectors joining in. This was just a trial run, said the unions, to show the government what to expect. Some unions did not actually go on strike but held demonstrations during lunch time to express solidarity with the strikers.

The strike was  entirely on policy matters without any inclusion of wage or working conditions issues. This is a new development which has to be taken note of by the government, continued Chandraprema. The Ceylon Petroleum Corporation strike some days ago was on the three demands of shelving the plan to lease the Trincomalee oil tank farm to India, the modernization of the Sapugaskanda oil refinery and the handing over of the Hambantota port bunkering facility to the CPC.  GMOA strike was based on the three demands of nationalizing the medical course at SAITM, shelving the proposed ETCA with India and halting the privatization or ‘foreignization’ of state owned assets.

The strike was successful in the medical sector, with mixed results in the education and transport sectors. That there was major disruption in the education and transport sectors, especially the railways, was undeniable. What was most significant was the wide range of sectors that expressed support for the anti-SAITM strike. Port workers, CEB unions and postal workers staged demonstrations in support of the strike concluded Chandraprema.

Yahapalana  has not hesitated to repress  the strikes and demonstrations.  Soon after the anti-VAT hartal in August 2016  shops of three traders in Pettah who had taken part in the anti Vat Hartal were sealed by the customs. ‘Asian trader’, ‘Anglo shirt’ and ‘Romax ‘of Keyzer Street, these were small establishments.

Prasad textiles’ in Piliyandala, belonging to the President of the Federation of Traders associations, ‘India Dress Point’ in Anuradhapura, belonging to the Secretary of the Federation of Traders Association and ‘Hemara Rich look’ in Galle had been sealed. ‘Colombo shirts’ in Pettah also sealed. Yahapalana  was using intimidation to  stifle dissent ahead of reintroducing the  Vat Bill.

Yahapalana did not care that the Anuradhapura owner was the principal financier of Maithripala Sirisena in Anuradhapura. ‘Prasad’ and ‘Hemara’ owners had also played a leading role in financing the UNP campaign in their areas.   ‘These  traders  said they would complain to the Human Rights Commission, and present Fundamental rights petitions in Supreme court against the repression launched by the government  and also  inform the public and the international community about ‘this harassment’.

The Cinnamon Gardens police informed the Colombo Chief Magistrate’s Court in March 2017  that they intended to file charges against National Freedom Front (NFF) leader and Parliamentarian Wimal Weerawansa and six other party activists for allegedly providing leadership to a protest which blocked the main roads at Bauddhaloka Mawatha, causing disturbance to the people and the normal flow of traffic.

On February 6, 2016, the NFF staged a protest march against the visit of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein. Police informed Court that the suspects who organized the procession had failed to obtain the prior permission from police to organize the march. They further alleged that the organizers had also used loudspeakers without a valid license.

Five civil activists, including Gunadasa Amarasekera who had supported the disabled soldier strike, were noticed to appear in court for allegedly organizing a protest in Colombo Fort, causing disturbance to public peace and disrupting traffic.

Yahapalana  has  used force to  break up strikes and demonstrations. In February 2017, the police used force to disperse JVP led port workers demonstration, which demanded that the Yahapalana government abandon plans to privatize Colombo, Trincomalee and Hambantota harbors. .  They  refused to call of the protest and the police fired tear gas. A member of the police anti-riot squad was shown grappling with a Buddhist monk at the Lotus Junction, Colombo before using tear gas and water canon to disperse a protest march organized by the Inter University Bhikkus Federation (IUBF) in April 2017. The Federation was demanding an immediate increase of the university intake this year.

University students, doctors and SAITM parents had conducted several agitations regarding the private medical college, South Asian Institute Technology and Medicine, at Malabe Government   used tear gas and water cannon on both the parents and the students to disperse them in March 2017. The police said that several main roads including the Galle Road, Kollupitiya Junction, Lotus Roundabout, Ceramic Junction, Olcott Mawatha, Lake House Roundabout, Lipton Circus, Parliament Roundabout had to be closed owing to protests.   Strong water cannon was used to crush the student protest at Lipton Circus on 23.7.17.This was shown very clearly on TV news.

Patali Champika Ranawaka  warned that there should be a limit to public protest and anti democratic detonations.  The government will not tolerate attempt to wreak havoc, he said. Tissa Vitarana said the LSSP rejected his statement. People have the right to protest and express their objection towards issues. Ven. Muruththettuwe Ananda,  also said that the government was planning to suppress people’s right to express dissent. Severe action would be taken by all trade unions against the government’s plan to limit public protests in the city, he declared. The government has begun its dictatorial journey. It is crushing trade union action and students struggles continuously, said Ryp van Winkle. 

Democracy sans elections – PC elections too postponed – The Dengue Fine should be imposed on President. Udaya Gammanpila

July 28th, 2017

Translated by A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

The Provincial Councils Election (Revised) Act draft bill published by a gazette notification on 10th July is to be presented in the Parliament this week.  The objective of this draft bill is to introduce a Law stating that the female representations in the Provincial Councils should at least be a minimum o 30%.  We totally agree for that we do not mind even if it was made a minimum of 50%.  But we have a suspicion whether this government is in a spurious attempt to postpone Provincial Council elections similar to the postponement of Local Government elections?

This was stated by Parliamentarian Mr. Udaya Gammanpila, the leader of the Pivithuru Hela Urumaya addressing a media conference at held at his party headquarters.

Earlier there was rule that 40% of the candidates for Local Government Elections should be youths.  Accordingly the subject Minister should notify through a gazette the number of candidates and the number of youth candidates to be included in a nomination list. But in this Act there is no ruling as such.  It has not even being mentioned the number of female representatives who should from each district.  It should be counted as 30% of the total number of candidates.  As per the Act if there were decimals it should be counted as the closest full number.  For example if the number was 6.5 should it be taken as 6 or should it be taken as 7 because 6.5 is closest to both numbers 6 and 7.  The Alliance will put 6 candidates in their list and the JVP will put 7 candidates in their list.  As per the new Act if there is no 30% minimum the nomination list should be rejected.   In such an instance the JVP will raise objections saying that since the female representation in the Alliance nomination is not proper that list should be rejected.  But the alliance will say that the female representation of 6 candidates is correct.  Now what figure will be accepted by Election Commission – whether it is 6 or 7?

After getting this Act approved the Election Commission will say that the ICC has not formulated the rules properly and until it formulates the rules that they cannot perform the umpire’s job. Or else they would say that the pitch has not been made properly and until the pitch is made properly they will not allow to play the match.  Finally what will happen is the indefinite postponement of the Provincial Council Election also similar to the postponement of the Local Government Elections.

Therefore, an amendment should be brought to this if people’s sovereign right of casting their votes is to be protected without allowing to interfere in it.  To avoid the female representation becoming a strategy for postponing elections, an amendment should be incorporated in the Act stipulating that the Election should announce the female representation required for each district by a gazette notification on the very day of announcing the date of holding the elections.  Otherwise the disease that affected the mini election could get afflicted to the Provincial Council Election as well.

Meanwhile, the government has announced that the constitution would be amended with a view to holding all Provincial Council Elections on the same day. It has said that he current method of holding elections in different regions on different days had resulted in the waste of resourc, inconvenience to the public, violence associated with polls activities, electoral fraud and misuse of state-owned properties. The cabinet has approved a proposal by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe to amend the Provincial Council Election Act ti ensure that elections to all provinces should be held on the same day.

Addressing another PHU media conference MP Udaya Gammanpila said that due to the inefficiency of the inept government the official number of dengue patients has exceeded one lakh and the dengue death toll has exceeded 300.  The real situation is more dangerous than this. Today the hospitals are overflowed with dengue patients and you find dengue patients sleeping not only in hospital beds but also sleeping on tables, underneath the beds, on steps to upper floors and on corridors. Under this situation the patients are even compelled to obtain treatment by remaining in their houses.  Details of these patients are not included in government reports. Yet, even after 3 months the government has not been able to control the dengue mega epidemic situation.  Therefore we request the government to announce a dengue medical emergency situation.

What the government has to do initially is to postpone non emergency operations for one month. If there was a temporary control on patients with non critical operation requirements and endurable conditions getting admitted to hospitals the beds required by them could be allocated to dengue patients. Similarly if there was a temporary control on patients getting admitted to hospitals for non-emergency tests the beds required by them also could be allocated to dengue patients

More than all this the indigenous treatment methods are very important.  There is no treatment method or medicinal treatment for dengue under western medical science.  What is being done under the western treatment methods is the control of complicated situations arising due to the illness. But under the indigenous treatment system there are numerous treatment methods to cure this disease.  I am personally aware of incidents of curing dengue patients who were about to die through indigenous treatment.   But there is no recognition for those doctors by the government. Patients continue to die and get subjected to complicated situations but there is no government programme to direct these patients to indigenous doctors.  Therefore we request the government to focus its attention on indigenous treatment methods.  Unfortunately a nation that eliminated the cruel terrorist tiger is struggling without being able to eliminate the tiny dengue mosquito.

The government now file cases and impose fines for people having places that contain dengue mosquito larvae.  If these larvae were found in a house, the head of the household gets fined.  If they were found in a factory or in an industry the owner of the factory or the industry will get fined.  If they were found in a school the Principle of that school will get fined. Then who should be fined for prevailing dengue mosquito larvae in the country for several months? The government may take concrete action to control dengue only if the President was imposed a fine on a daily basis. (niz)

ණය ගෙවන්න වරාය විකිණීමේ බොරුව සහ ඇත්ත

July 28th, 2017

ශ්‍රී ලංකා වරාය අධිකාරියේ ඉංජිනේරු සහ විධායක නිලධාරී සංගමය

ණය ගෙවන්න වරාය විකිණීමේ බොරුව සහ ඇත්ත යථාර්තය..!!!

2016 වසරේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා වරාය අධිකාරිය උපයන සමස්ථ ආදායම රුපියල් බිලියන 44 කි.. ඒ ආදායමෙන් මෙහෙයුම් වියදම්, පරිපාලන වියදම්, ”ණය පොලිය” සහ වෙනත් වියදම් අඩු කිරීමෙන් පසුව පසුගිය 2016 වසරේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා වරාය අධිකාරියේ ශුද්ධ ලාභය රුපියල් බිලියන 11 කි (රුපියල් මිලියන 11,000).. එය 2015 වසරට සාපේක්ෂව රුපියල් බිලියන 5ක වැඩි වීමක්..

ශ්‍රී ලංකා වරාය අධිකාරිය එම වසරේදී ගෙවූ සම්පූර්ණ ණය සහ පොලී මුදල රුපියල් මිලියන 16, 700 කි.. එයට රුපියල් මිලියන 7, 100 වූ 2016 වර්ෂයේ හම්බන්තොට වරායේ ණය පොලී වාරිකයද ඇතුලත්..

ණය ගෙවීම සදහා වරාය විකිණීම අනිවාර්යයෙන් කල යුතු යැයි යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව උදේ හවා බොරු බේගල් ඇද බාමින් සිටින්නේ මෙවැනි තත්වයක් තුලය..

වරාය අධිකාරිය මේ ආදායම මූලිකව වාර්ථා කරන්නේ මීටර් 14.25ක් පමණක් ගැබුරු කොළඹ වරායේ ජය බහාළුම් පර්යන්තය (Jaya Container Terminal – JCT) සහ හම්බන්තොට වරායේ වාහන රැගෙන එන නෞකා මෙහෙයවීමෙනි.. ජය බහාළුම් පර්යන්තයේ නොගැඹුර නිසා 2015 වසරේ පමණක් වරාය අධිකාරියට අහිමි වී චීන සමාගමකට වැඩි කොටස හිමි CICT (Colombo International Container Terminal) පර්යන්තයට ගිය ‘විශාල නෞකා’ සංඛ්‍යාව 194 කි..

මීට විසඳුමක් ලෙස වරාය ආදායම කිහිප ගුණයකින් ඉහළ දැමීමේ හැකියාව ඇති වරාය අධිකාරිය සතු මීටර් 17 කට වඩා ගැඹුරු කොළඹ වරායේ නැගෙනහිර පර්යන්තය (SLPA’s Eastern Container Terminal – ECT) සහ මීටර් 17 කට වඩා ගැඹුරු හම්බන්තොට වරායේ නවතම බහාළුම් පර්යන්ත සම්පූරණ කොට මෙහෙයුම් කටයුතු සදහා යොදා ගැනීම කල හැකි වූවත් මේ යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව එවැනි සංවර්ධනයකට යොමු වීමට අදහසක්වත් නොපෙන්වයි..

ඉදිවෙමින් පවතින මේ වරායේ ප්‍රථම අධියරේ බහාළුම් පර්යන්ත මේ වන විට ඉදිකිරීම් අවසන් කර ඇති අතර බහාළුම් මෙහෙයුම් දොඹකර ඇතුළු උපකරණ සවි කිරීමෙන් පසු නුඳුරු අනාගතයේ බහාළුම් මෙහෙයවීම් පහසුවෙන් සිදුකල හැකිය.. හම්බන්තොට වරායේ ‘සල්ලි ගස සොලවන්නට හැක්කේ’ මෙම බහාළුම් නෞකා මෙහෙයවීම් ඇරඹුණු පසුය..

එසේ බහාළුම් මෙහෙයුම් නොමැතිව තිබිදී පවා හම්බන්තොට වරායේ ආදායම ඉහළ ගිය හැටි මෙසේ සරලව දැක්විය හැක..

2011 වසරේ රුපියල් මිලියන 11
2012 වසරේ රුපියල් මිලියන 135
2013 වසරේ රුපියල් මිලියන 565
2014 වසරේ රුපියල් මිලියන 1277
2015 වසරේ රුපියල් මිලියන 2145

සත්‍යය පැහැදිළි කරනවා වෙනුවට අසත්‍යයම පවසමින් රටේ ජනතාව නොමඟ යවමින් තම පටු ලාභ හොයන ආණ්ඩුව මේ වරාය ක්ශ්‍රේත්‍රයට කරමින් සිටින හානිය සුළුපටු නොවේ.. ජාතික සම්පත් විකුණා දමා රට මංකොල්ල කෑමට එරෙහි වීම මෙරට සියළු පුරවැසියන් සතු යුතුකමක් නොව වගකීමකි..

මේ පිළිබඳව විස්තර කෙරෙන ශ්‍රී ලංකා වරාය අධිකාරියේ ඉංජිනේරු සහ විධායක නිලධාරී සංගම් 4ක් ඒකාබද්ධව නිකුත්කල මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනයක් මෙතැනින්..

https://drive.google.com/…/0B-EzJso25PxqSGFwbG9yWF9QYU0/view

O Zorro, Zorro, wherefore art thou Zorro?

July 28th, 2017

BY MALINDA SENEVIRATNE

There’s a singular vacancy in this country, according to some.  Ranil Amirtthiah of the popular local band ‘Black,’ whenever he speaks and in whatever forum he chooses to do so, is often poetic but sometimes he flushes subtlety down the tube.  He says it straight from the heart, always.  This is clearly evident in a vacancy ad he posted a few hours ago.  
 
Post: Sri Lankan ZORRO. Area of work: Colombo and suburbs. Job description: to terrorize those “selfish Essential service blackmailers”, whip them and show them the righteous path of service to the nation. Salary:the entire nations gratitude.
For those who may not be familiar with the name and legend, here’s a wiki-intro:  
Zorro (Spanish for “fox”) is the secret identity of Don Diego de la Vega, a fictional character created in 1919 by pulp writer Johnston McCulley. He is a Californian nobleman living in Los Angeles during the era of Mexican rule (between 1821 and 1846),[1] although some movie adaptations of Zorro’s story have placed him during the earlier Spanish rule.  The character has undergone changes through the years, but the typical image of him is a dashing black-clad masked outlaw who defends the commoners and indigenous peoples of the land against tyrannical officials and other villains. Not only is he too cunning and foxlike for the bumbling authorities to catch, but he also delights in publicly humiliating them.
Ranil was of course referring to the current strike by Ceylon Petroleum Corporation workers which is inconveniencing a lot of people, especially those who own vehicles.  ‘Throw them out,’ is a call that has gathered momentum with respect to striking workers.  It is a call that has found some currency in certain circles with respect to striking doctors as well.  
Not all the objectors to strikes are regime-defenders, let us acknowledge this first up.  It is about inconvenience and it is about outrage; anger about services considered to be ‘essential’.  Let us also remember that many of those who are today saluting the Government for ‘sending in the Army’ were chest-beating moral-high-horse objectors when the previous regime opted for such strategies.  One might bet that should the petroleum workers resist and resistance was met with force leading to two or three or more being killed, the very same people who cried with horror over the Rathupaswala killings would say ‘the hooligans deserved it!’  
 
Yes, it is a story about political loyalties and the moralizing doesn’t quite hide the fact.  The more honest among the advocates of force have demonstrated some nostalgia for the preferred opposition-quelling methods of the previous regime (sans white vans, the advocates hastily add).  That tells a story. 
Let’s ignore the political colour of all this.  Let us focus on the scenario sans loyalty.  It boils down to hope or versions of the same hope: a (benevolent) dictator.  Not too many people are stopping in their tracks to ask themselves, ‘wait a minute, wasn’t yahapalanaya (good governance) about better systems and not about personalities?’  
Ranil has not spelled out ‘dictator’.  He has instead called for a hero who will dash in, whip the pants off the rascals, offer infinite relief to long-suffering citizens and dash out. Just like that! 
Now one could argue that this ‘Zorro-Option’ need not be unleashed only on striking workers but on all those who err including politicians and everyone benefiting from or supporting a system that is flawed, makes for the making of dictators and containing all kinds of loopholes for theft and the escape of thieves.   The problem is that is focuses on individuals and not systems.  
 
If our hero, as he rides into the proverbial sunset, deigns to look back, he will no doubt find a flawed system more or less intact.   
Here’s another FB post that gives perspective: 1) No petrol in the sheds, 2) Doctors on strike, 3) When they are not on strike there is still a dearth of medicines, 4) People are dying daily from Dengue, 5) There is no proper solid waste disposal system, 6) The forests are being cut down but the President proudly says the Environmental Ministry is under him, 7) There is cocaine instead of regular retail goods in SATHOSA containers, 8) When a politician is found guilty of wrongdoing he is fined Rs 2000.00, 9) The failed Uma Oya Project is rendering people homeless, 10) The Parliament approves leasing of Hambantota Harbor to China.  So much more can be added to this.  For example, the ‘logic’ of lumping lotteries with foreign affairs, and of course the hilarious case of the continued pampering of those implicated in the Central Bank bond issue scam.  The question is, can one Zorro clean it all up?  How many Zorros would we need, to put it another way?
A better leader or better leadership would go a long way in curing the country of at least some of these ills, one could argue.  This is why there are some who call not for a Zorro but for a Gota (that’s Gotabhaya Rajapaksa).  Yes, the term ‘benevolent dictator’ is often used when this ‘option’ is discussed.  It’s a hope, obviously and as is typical not a hope that can be obtained from track-record.  However, we have to recognize the fact that one individual is not a front.  
 
One Zorro might make for cheers and some relief, but adventurers, Robin Hoods, brigands and troubadours, romantic as they obviously are, have seldom changed systems or altered the course of history. 
 
At best they offer or make a name or a political moment respectively to a process of system-change already in motion.  In the terms of the political scientist, they give a name to a moment when objective preconditions mature to the point of significant social upheaval.  
This is why we need to debate individual heroes versus collective effort.  Bertold Brecht in Leben des Galilei” (Life of Galileo) elaborated on this ‘Zorror Wish.’  Andrea Sarti tells the would-be Zorro, i.e. Galileo Galilei, Unhappy is the land that has no hero.” And Galileo Zorro, if you will, responds, No, Andrea; unhappy is the land that needs a hero.” 
Of course we can call for ‘Zorro.’ We might even get ‘Zorro.’  We will cheer when Zorro dashes in, but the Zorros in real life don’t ride off into the sunset, they transform into quite un-Zorro-like entities.  No cheering then.  For those who doubt, I invite them to reflect on the Zorros of the past: e.g. Mahinda Rajapaksa, Sarath Fonseka, Velupillai Prabhakaran, SWRD Bandaranaike, JR Jayewardena, Maithripala Sirisena, Chandrika Kumaratunga, Rohana Wijeweera, Ranil Wickremesinghe and (how could we forget?) Yahapalanaya! 

මා විසින් ලියන ලද නවතම පොත

July 28th, 2017

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග

මා විසින් ලියන ලද නවතම පොත ” Essays on Psychology ” ලියා අවසන් කරා. මෙම පොතේ මනෝ විද්‍යා මාතෘකා ගනනාවක් පිලිබඳව ලිපි අඩංගුයි. මෙම පොත සඳහා මනෝ වෛද්‍ය මහාචාර්‍ය දයා සෝමසුන්දරම් , මනෝ වෛද්‍ය උපාලි පීරිස් , මනෝ වෛද්‍ය ලෝරන්ට් කරීලා (ප්‍රංශය​) , මනෝ වෛද්‍ය රාමි ලලීල් ( ලෙබනනය​) , ආචාර්‍ය ඇමී වචෝල්ට්ස් (ඇමරිකාව​) , අචාර්‍ය මොන්ඩේ ඉග්වේ (නයිජීරියාව​) යන විද්වතුන් සමග මා විසින් ලියන ලද ලිපිද අඩංගු වෙනවා. මේ පොතට පෙරවදන සපයන ලද්දේ පශ්චාත් ව්‍යසන ක්ලමථ අක්‍රමතාවය (PTSD ) පිලිබඳ ලෝ ප්‍රකට විද්වතෙකු වන මහාචාර්‍ය මයිකල් ලින්ඩෙන් විසින්. එම පෙරවදන පහත දැක්වේ.

” Essays on Psychology ” ග්‍රන්ථය ඉදිරි කාලයේදී පාඨයන් අතට පත් කිරීම සඳහා කටයුතු යොදා තිබේ.

Foreword

The book Essays on Psychology”, by Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D., is written for psychology undergrads and also people who are interested in psychology. As the title states this a compilation of essays” on a very heterogeneous spectrum of topics. There are short texts on selected mental disorders like OCD, PTSD, pain, substance abuse, or schizophrenia. There are others on treatments like EMDR, DBT, meditation, or cannabis. There are several texts on psychodynamic therapy. You can find also pathographias of Gogol, Hemingway and others. Finally there are also essays on cultural or philosophical questions. There are many topics one would not find in other psychology books, from nymphomania to matricide. More important is that the essays regularly refer to Asian concepts of mental illness and treatment, which are often unfamiliar to western readers. The book is no textbook but a stimulating book which covers new topics or gives new perspectives on well known topics. It is stimulating and can therefore be recommended if you want to widen your own horizon and if you are happy to read thoughts different from what you may read otherwise.
Prof. Dr. Michael Linden
Charité University Medicine Berlin


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