A Brief History of the JVP (Peoples Liberation Front) Sri Lanka

November 5th, 2015

JVP Sri Lanka web site

Left Movement in Sri Lanka

The beginning of the left movement in Sri Lanka goes back to 1935. The first leftist political party, Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP-Lanka Equal Social Party) which was founded in that year, became one of the largest national sections of the Fourth International during 1950’s and 1960’s. The birth of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka (CPSL) was due to the split of the LSSP in the year 1943. The CPSL later split into two factions along the lines of Moscow and Peking after the Soviet Union and The People’s Republic of China fell out. Since then Sri Lanka had two Communist Parties, The CPSL (Moscow) and The CPSL (Peking).

Since 1964 all three parties have been losing their support bases. The CPSL (Peking) no longer exists. Both the LSSP and the CPSL (Moscow) are now vulnerable and weak; independently they do not have any influence in the politics in Sri Lanka.

Birth of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna

(JVP-People’s Liberation Front)

The year 1964, marked the beginning of the end of the old left movement -the LSSP and the CPSL.

The bourgeois government that came to power was caught in a deep economic-political-social crisis for which it had no solution. The people of Sri Lanka, led by workers organised by the trade unions of the left parties were on the verge of bringing down the government and taking the United Left Front to power.

At this critical moment first the LSSP, and soon after that the CPSL, joined the bourgeois government against the will of their trade unions and hundreds of thousands of people who supported them. The betrayal of the workers in particular and the wishes of the people in general created a very favourable situation in which to launch a new left movement.

Rohana Wijeweera

A son of a member of the CPSL, Comrade Rohana Wijeweera had the influence of his father’s politics when he was only 16 years old. Having won a scholarship to study medicine at the Friendship University, (later renamed the Patrice Lumumba Friendship University), he had the opportunity to study Marxism-Leninism at the party school of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU).

He was critical of the revisionist line of the CPSU under Khrushchev, and as a result he was refused a visa to re-enter the Soviet Union on his return from Sri Lanka during the vacation in1964.

Subsequently, Comrade Rohana joined the CPSL (Peking) and became a full time activist in its youth wing. Having convinced himself that the Peking Wing was equally revisionist as the CPSL (Moscow), he led an ideological struggle against the leadership and its opportunist political line.

On the14th May 1965 at Akmeemana in Galle district Comrade Rohana Wijeweera held a discussion with six other members of CPSL (peking) to launch a campaign to correct the party ideologically. The Leaders of CPSL (Peking) who came to aware of the discussion expelled comrade Rohana Wijeweera and six others from the party.

A New Beginning

Comrade Rohana Wijeweera had enough courage to take the initiative to grab the opportunity and fill the void created by the betrayal of the people by the old left in 1964.

The final outcome of the discussions was a complete agreement of the others with comrade Rohana, to start building immediately a new political party which could lead the people to establish a socialist government in Sri Lanka.

Comrade Rohana Wijeweera was the first ever Sri Lankan involved in politics who did not come from a wealthy family. He built a formidable political party that shook the very foundation of a system based on deception and exploitation.

Initially the organisation of workers, farmers, students and the youth had to be carried out in a semi-clandestine manner, in order to avoid the suppression of this new political movement by the government of an extreme right political party, the United National Party (UNP) that had come to power in 1965 general election.

The nascent revolutionary political party under went severe difficulties during its first three years. Comrade Rohana Wijeweera and others had to do odd jobs to find money for party work and for their survival.

Comrade Wijeweera was very successful in organising the University students, then the workers and the farmers. As a result of the betrayal of the old left the workers and the farmers had lost confidence in the Left. It was not difficult to comprehend why the workers and farmers took more time to join Comrade Wijeweera.

The activities of the students’ movement spread to all universities and higher educational institutions. The UNP regime identified that there was a political movement in action among the workers, farmers, and youth and particularly among students. The intelligence services were given orders to pursue the leaders of the new movement.

On the 12th of May 1970, Comrade Wijeweera was taken into custody without charges, and the government propaganda machine carried out a campaign against Comrade Wijeweera and the new movement. The new movement was labelled as the Che Guevara movement. The people of Sri Lanka for the first time came to know that there was a new political party and that its leader was Comrade Rohana Wijeweera.

The coalition of Sri Lanka freedom party (SLFP) and the old left came to power in May 1970. In the month of July 1970 the courts found Comrade Rohana was not guilty on all charges framed by the government. After his release from custody on the 9th of July 1970, the new political movement achieved a new momentum. The coalition government of the bourgeois SLFP and the old left was perturbed by the progress of the new left movement and started a campaign to tarnish its image.

Comrade Rohana Wijeweera holding a press conference announced that the new political movement named as Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP – Peoples Liberation Front) and it would hold its first ever public rally to announce its existence and educate the people about its policies and future political activities.

On the 10th of August 1970, the day JVP was to hold its maiden rally in Colombo. The three general secretaries of the three political parties, namely, the SLFP, LSSP and CPSL issued a joint statement branding JVP as a CIA trap, and Comrade Wijeweera as a CIA agent. The Maiden Rally of the JVP was extremely successful and the people who participated when requested by Comrade Rohana Wijeweera donated money and jewellery they were wearing.

The JVP held public rallies in other cities and launched three newspapers: The Janatha Vimukthi (Peoples Liberation), central organ of the JVP; Rathu Balaya (Red Power), central organ of the workers wing; and Deshapremi (The Patriot), central organ of the student’s wing. The Coalition government, intensifying its repression, took steps to arrest activists of the JVP who carried out political activities such as poster campaigns, conducting educational discussions and camps. These are legal political activities under normal conditions in Sri Lanka.

The JVP activists taken into custody were tortured while in custody at Police Stations. When these activists brought before the court of law they were found not guilty under the constitution of Sri Lanka. The coalition government then put in place further provocative and repressive measures to thwart the activities of the JVP. The government was hunting for a situation favourable for enforcing emergency laws throughout the country.

On the 6th March 1971, a group of supporters of the government (led by few Members of the Parliament belonging to the coalition government) organised a march against American’s war in Vietnam. While marching in front of the American Embassy someone among the demonstrators hurled a petrol bomb into the premises of the American Embassy. Later the person who hurled the bomb was arrested while trying to escape from the scene on a motor bicycle. He was found to be not a JVP member but a supporter of one of the Members of the Parliament who took part in the anti American demonstration.

Within a few hours of this incident, the government declared a state of emergency giving sweeping powers to the armed forces and the police, including disposal of bodies without holding a post-mortem or judicial inquiry. Under emergency regulations Comrade Wijeweera and many other members and sympathisers of the JVP were taken in to custody. Comrade Wijeweera was taken into custody on the 13th March 1971 and kept incommunicado in Jaffna Prison which is 395 km away from Colombo. He did not violate the law of the country.

By the 1st of April 1971 more than 500 members and sympathisers of the JVP were taken into custody and kept in prison camps. The leadership of the JVP met on night of the 1st of April 1971 and had a serious discussion about the ongoing repression by the government. Special attention had been given to the powers of the police and armed forces for the disposal of dead bodies without holding post-mortems.


The JVP at this critical moment took into serious consideration the annihilation of peaceful revolutionary movements in the world. The JVP leadership decided to take up arms against the repressive measures of the government which had provoked the armed forces, police and the people against the JVP.

The JVP wanted no repetition of what had happened to the entire Communist Party in Indonesia in 1965. The military Junta led by General Suharto had been able to annihilate almost the whole Communist Party including its supporters because the Communist Party of Indonesia believed blindly that the military junta will allow it to carry out its activities peacefully. In contrast the JVP wanted to fight back and safeguard its dignity and the right to build their party under the law of the country. The JVP decided to arm itself at the beginning of the year1971 for the purpose of self-defence.

1971 April uprising

The JVP was compelled to take up arms on 5th April 1971 against the unlawful, unjust repression of the government. The government lost control in certain areas when nearly one hundred police stations were attacked and abandoned by police officers. A brutal repression was launched by the Government The April uprising was totally suppressed within one month after killing nearly 10,000 members and sympathisers of the JVP. The people of Sri Lanka have never witnessed the slaughter of people in public before 1971. To quell the JVP, the government had to take in to custody further 20,000 JVP members and sympathisers.

For the suppression of the JVP, it has to be noted that 14 other countries supported the government; in fact the Indian government sent its Air Force pilots and MIGS to fight the JVP. After the suppression the government, used new methods, learnt from other countries, to brainwash or to so-called “rehabilitate” the members of the JVP who were in custody and prison camps.

The JVP was able to re-organise within a short time throughout the country and within the prison camps. The JVP held serious discussions regarding its activities and experiences before April 1971 and during the period from 1971-1974. The JVP identified its past mistakes and took serious action to correct them in order to re-organise.

The Criminal Justice Commission (CJC)

Meanwhile the government faced a dilemma. It was instructed by the Attorney-General that there are no provisions according to the common law of the country to prosecute the JVP members who had been taken into custody without arms. Particularly, the leader of the JVP Comrade Rohana Wijeweera who had been arrested and kept in custody prior to the uprising had to be released once the emergency laws lifted.

The government with total support of the opposition passed the Criminal Justice Commission Bill in the parliament. Violating the natural law for the first time in Sri Lanka a bill was passed in the parliament to prosecute those who were alleged to have been responsible for an offence committed in the past. The Criminal Justice Commission conducted its investigation into the 1971 uprising with the intention of deceiving people. In 1975, Comrade Rohana Wijeweera was sentenced to lifetime imprisonment, thus violating even the Criminal Justice Commission Bill. Consequently, it was amended to 20 years rigorous imprisonment. The class character of the CJC was more than clear and visible to everyone.


Not even one year passed after the sentencing before the demand emerged from the people to release all political prisoners unconditionally. The workers and students launched agitations and demonstrations against the emergency laws and demanded the immediate release of political prisoners. In 1976 the emergency laws were lifted and the proscription of the JVP came to an end.

It could once again function as a legal political party.

In early 1977, the general election was held and the UNP (United National Party), a conservative and right wing party) came to power. Before coming to power it pledged to release all political prisoners but there was an unreasonable delay of releasing them after they grabbed the power.

The campaign for the release of political prisoners renewed its demonstrations.

Eventually the UNP government had to release all political prisoners including comrade Rohana Wijeweera.

The release of Comrade Rohana Wijeweera and other political prisoners contributed tremendous momentum to the JVP. The party could establish itself among the workers, students, and youths and paid attention to spreading its influence in the international arena. The JVP sent a delegation of 5 members to the 11th Festival of Youth and Students held in Havana in 1978. It was a successful move in establishing friendly relations with socialist parties in the world.

The JVP held its first national congress in the year 1978 and the national congresses of the junior organisations during the period of 1979-1980.

It contested the Colombo (the capital city of Sri Lanka) Municipal Council elections for the first time in 1979.

Although it was not successful in winning seats in the council, it defeated for the first time the old left coalition and established itself as the third largest political party in Colombo.

In 1981 the JVP contested the island wide election of the District Development Councils and was able to win 13 seats.

In 1982 Comrade Rohana Wijeweera contested the presidential election. Only one month before the Election Day the JVP was registered as a recognised political party in Sri Lanka by the Commissioner of the Elections. According to the results of the Presidential Election, the JVP became established as the third largest political party in the country.

The UNP was very worried about this development and the steady progress of the JVP. The UNP leaders made public statements to the effect that they treated the JVP as the real and the main enemy and that appropriate actions would be taken to silence the JVP.

First the UNP government decided to hold a referendum to postpone the parliamentary elections due to be held in 1983 for another 6 years, in order to prevent the JVP entering the parliament of Sri Lanka. Meanwhile, the UNP regime made a series of mistakes in trying to suppress the 11 year’s old armed struggle of the Tamil Separatist Organisations in the Northern Province of Sri Lanka. Lack of political will and vision of the government that led to an escalation of armed activities and to the launch of civil war in July 1983 after an army truck was exploded by the detonation of a powerful landmine, killing 13 soldiers.

Public anger against the Tamil separatists was aroused and some leaders of the government and their private armies of thugs seized the situation to attack innocent Tamil people in Colombo and other cities.

President J.R Jayewardene hatched a conspiracy against left parties including the JVP, blaming them and the Soviet Union for instigating anti-Tamil riots. Most shameful and blatant lies were spread using state media; the JVP and two other left parties were proscribed undemocratically, unjustly and illegally.

India was unhappy with the President Jayewardene’s pro-US foreign policy. India provided material and moral support to the Tamil Separatist organisations, ignoring its long term strategic interests. More than 100,000 Tamils in the North of Sri Lanka fled to India. India has been burdened with Sri Lankan refugee crisis since then.

The crisis created by the National Question of Sri Lanka finally led to the direct interference of India into internal affairs of Sri Lanka. The JVP took every attempt to convince India, our friendly and the closest neighbour for centuries, not to get involved in the political mess in Sri Lanka.

The JVP was not successful in convincing India, and as a result had to oppose India, the pro-US Sri Lankan government, and the separatists who fight to dismember Sri Lanka and create an ethnically cleansed entity called Tamil Ealam that will destroy the hitherto enjoyed unity of the people.

In 1987 July the then President of Sri Lanka, J.R.Jayawardene of the UNP, was compelled by India to sign the Jayewardene – Rajiv Gandhi accord or the Indo-Lanka accord that allowed the Indian Army to enter Sri Lankan waters and land.

The JVP then had only one option to prevent the abdication of sovereignty and the division of Sri Lanka. The JVP took the correct decision to launch an armed struggle to defeat all enemies of Sri Lanka.

The majority of people of Sri Lanka supported the patriotic struggle until it was crushed by the UNP regime who engaged paramilitary groups and state sponsored killer squads to kill more than 60,000 people.

Most of the members of the Central Committee, and all but one member of the political bureau of the JVP, were arrested and killed while they were in custody.

The JVP had to face a set back, although temporary. The only surviving member of the Political Bureau comrade Somawansa Amarasighe fled the country and re-organized the party from abroad. The members of the JVP who lived underground among the people, in the jungles, in the prisons and abroad, worked hard to carry out their political activities.

The UNP regime became unpopular and weaker after 1993, the year in which the heroic people in the Southern province of Sri Lanka defeated it, without fearing intimidation, at the provincial council elections for the Southern Province.


The people made the emergency laws unworkable and a favourable situation had been created for the JVP to enter legal politics again.

The JVP contested the general elections held in 1994. It was able to forge an alliance, the National Salvation Front, with the Sri Lanka Progressive Front. The National Salvation Front won a single seat out of 225 in the Sri Lanka parliament. Comrade Nihal Galappththi was appointed as the member of the parliament for Hambantota district in the Southern Province of Sri Lanka.

Comrade Galappththi tendered his nominations as the candidate of the JVP in the Presidential election in November 1994. He withdrew his nominations in favour of Mrs. Chandrika Bandaranayake Kumaranatunga (the presidential candidate of the SLFP) who had given an assurance to the JVP and the people of Sri Lanka that she would abolish the Executive Presidency, hated by the people as a dictatorial post, within one year of becoming president of the country. She hasn’t fulfilled her promise.

In May 1995 the JVP held an extra-ordinary congress at the city of Tangalla in the South. The new Central Committee was elected at this congress.

The JVP offered conditional support to the People’s Alliance government when the defeated UNP was hatching a conspiracy to topple the government and agreed to sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) that assured benefits for the ordinary people in the country. However, one month after signing the MOU, a few ministers betrayed the PA government and joined the UNP.

As a result the government was dissolved and the general election was held on 5th December 2001. The PA lost the election.

The 4th congress of the delegates of the JVP was convened in Colombo in 2002. From 1977 until 2002 the JVP attracted thousands of workers, farmers, youths, students and women into its ranks. As the membership increased rapidly a congress of the delegates had to be held.

The UNF (United National Front) that came to power in 2001 implemented an anti-people, pro-imperialist, pro-separatist programme. The JVP had to take action to defeat the UNF government as soon as possible. The people of the country led by the JVP demonstrated their opposition to the government.

Meanwhile the JVP had important discussions with the SLFP to forge an alliance on a program based on people-friendly policies to stop the re-colonisation and division of Sri Lanka.

After having discussions for more than 10 months the SLFP and the JVP formed the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) in January 2004.

To prevent the deterioration of the security of the country the President dissolved the parliament. The general election was held on the 2nd of April 2004.

The cabinet of ministers of the new Alliance government consisted of 4 members from the political bureau of the JVP.





The election manifesto and the Programme of the UPFA were based on two main demands of the people.

  1. Stop Re- colonization of Sri Lanka.
  2. Stop division of Sri Lanka along ethnic lines.

Since it came to power the other partner of UPFA, as they had done in the past, attempted to implement policies that did not have a mandate from the people at the general election in 2004. The JVP had to work hard to stop these anti- people policies being implemented by the UPFA government. The JVP was vigilant and always took the responsibility of implementation the policies that had received a mandate from the people. The JVP is the only political party that constantly reminded the government about the mandate it had received from the people.

By the end of the year 2004 the SLFP submitted a cabinet paper with a proposal to privatise the Electricity Board under the pretext of reducing losses incurred by the board. The JVP protested and wanted the government to abandon the proposal.

The UPFA government and the UPFA itself reached the point of collapse when the SLFP attempted to ignore the election manifesto. The JVP announced its withdrawal from the government and the UPFA if the policy of privatisation crept into the manifesto of the UPFA. Eventually the SLFP withdrew its proposal and the UPFA did not collapse.

Later at the beginning of the year 2005 the President and a few deputy ministers of her government wanted to sign another MOU with the LTTE on establishing a Joint Mechanism to manage Tsunami- affected people in the country, particularly in the Northern and Eastern provinces.

When the so-called joint mechanism between GOSL (Government of Sri Lanka) and the LTTE was being discussed, the JVP again pointed out that any agreement aiming to transfer power to the LTTE should not be signed by the government as it would violate the MOU signed by the JVP and the SLFP, and also the election manifesto of the UPFA and also the constitution of Sri Lanka.

The JVP warned the government and the President not to take steps to sign an agreement that would violate the constitution of Sri Lanka and encourage the separatists in their aim of establishing a separate state in the Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka.

The President succumbed to the conspiracy of the both national and international reactionaries. In secrecy she agreed with the LTTE to sign the so called P-TOMS (POST TSUNAMI OPERATIONAL MANAGEMENT STRUCTURE) agreement.

As it had announced, the JVP withdrew from the UPFA and the government on the 16th June 2005, before the signing of the agreement on 24th June 2005.



The JVP established new tradition in Sri Lankan politics. It initiated a new political culture in Sri Lanka.

During the last 40 years since its emergence in 1965 the JVP produced the volunteers who have served the people without receiving a salary or an allowance from the party.

All the representatives of the JVP elected by the people transfer their salaries and other allowances to a Common Fund. This fund provides monies for projects proposed by the people themselves. The JVP is the first political party in Sri Lanka that has transferred the tax payer’s money back to them in the form of various services to the people.

The JVP produced Ministers who were not involved in corrupt practices.

They saved public funds by stopping waste and by rejecting luxuries. They sold their luxury vehicles and used the money to cheaply transport ministry officials. For the first time Sri Lankan people saw lights lit until late in the night at all four ministries manned by the JVP. They worked hard and demonstrated that they could deliver a better service to the people. the agriculture ministry manned by the JVP during the 14 months since April 2004 was successful in achieving the highest paddy harvest in Sri Lanka since gaining independence in 1948.

The JVP during the last four decades produced the most honest, dedicated, committed, and efficient politicians in Sri Lanka.

Most of all, the JVP produced a humble servant of the people of Sri Lanka.


MEGACITIES: Lessons and Challenges for Sri Lanka

November 5th, 2015

Dr. Loci Gunaratna delivering address Courtesy Island

Dr Locana Gunaratna, Architect/Urban Planner and former president of the National Academy of Sciences Sri Lanka, also of the Sri Lanka Institute of Architects among other positions held, presented a lecture of immediacy and importance at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute on October 15. He titled his address: URBANIZATION AND MEGACITIES IN SOUTH ASIA: Lessons and Challenges for Sri Lanka. The lecture was organized by the National Academy of Sciences Sri Lanka in collaboration with the Sri Lanka Economic Association and the Institute of Town Planners Sri Lanka. The hall was full with many academics, scientists, planners, architects, students, and members of the general public. The chief guest was Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka, Minister for Megapolis and Western Region Development, who stayed attentively throughout the lecture but unfortunately had to leave before the discussion session was concluded.

The lecture was most interesting, even to those who attended having only a layman’s knowledge of the subject. The relevance of the topic needs no emphasizing. Dr Gunaratna mentioned that unlike in many other cities of South Asia, Colombo fortunately has not had a large and prolonged influx of rural migrations from villages. For this he paid tribute to the political leaders of the 1930s for the impetus they gave to irrigation and re-settlement of the dry zone, domestic food production and rural development through free education and preventive health care. The early dry zone colonization scheme in Kottukachchiya near Anamaduwa (1940s) and the Senanayake Samudra in Gal Oya (1950s) came to mind.

I quote an excerpt from Dr Gunaratna’s address which I requested and received:

“The last quarter of the Twentieth Century brought into prominence three important global realities. The first was about the severity and worsening state of the earth’s bio-physical environment. The second concerned a process which is now generally referred to as ‘globalization’. The third reality had to do with the rapidity of urbanization currently taking place with particular intensity in the Third World Countries (TWCs). Thus it has come about that current and future development work in these countries should take cognizance of these realities. Most of the TWCs have little control over the first two realities.

“The scale and pace of current urbanization is recognized as being unprecedented in human history. Urbanization and its consequences are most prominently manifest today in the TWCs. The Global Network of Science Academies recently placed population growth coupled with unplanned urbanization among the ten most serious global concerns. That important apex body of worldwide scientific institutions identified the necessity to develop and implement urban planning policies that internalize consumption needs and demographic trends to reap the benefits of sustainable urban living.”

Dr Gunaratna stated that in 2011 there were 23 very large cities worldwide, each with more than 10 million people. Asia had 12 with South Asia alone having five of these ‘megacities’. Three of them were in India, one in Pakistan and one in Bangladesh. The South Asian total, he said, is predicted to increase from five to eight megacities by 2025 (UN, 2012). He presented a table which clearly showed that the rate of urbanization was much less in Sri Lanka than in the rest of the South Asian countries. He emphasized that:

“… all megacities in the Third World have very high rural-urban migrations. They are consequently infested with massive, unhygienic slums and shanties giving rise to unmanageable social and environmental problems.

“Inter-urban configurations especially in many of the smaller TWCs were formed in response to the needs of their respective colonial economies. They are seen today as being peculiar in two ways: the predominance of a single ‘Primate City’ over all other urban places; and, the highly skewed pattern of their respective inter-urban configurations. In these respects, Sri Lanka is typical of such TWCs. Post-colonial development efforts, even if effective in generating high economic growth, but are made within the framework of such colonially derived spatial structures, will benefit mainly the urban elites based in the respective Primate Cities. They will surely accentuate income inequalities across the respective countries.

“Readjusting a distorted inter-urban spatial structure towards current development, needs mainly the creation of small and mid-sized towns in carefully selected locations relevant to post-colonial development strategies. If the old inter-urban spatial structures are not re-adjusted to respond to the new development thrusts and those efforts are focused only on the respective Primate Cities, rural-urban migration will be exacerbated. Thus, already prevalent income disparities across these countries will be accentuated and the formation and consolidation of slums and shanties will inevitably result. They will become an increasing part of the built environment of Primate Cities. Such happenings are clearly evident in most TWCs. Continued growth in this manner with mounting adverse environmental consequences can then give rise to diseconomies of scale resulting even in the flight of investments needed to drive further growth.”

Better city planning

We have read in the past about plans for easing the congestion in the cities of Colombo and Kandy, though the latter, surrounded by hills as it is, is constricted. We remember the plan for ‘decentralizing’ Colombo and the action taken to move government buildings and offices to the Kotte area. These efforts included building the new Parliament in the Diyawanna Oya, the construction of ‘Sethsiripaya’ Stages 1 and 2 to house many government offices, the relocation of the Education Ministry, the Central Environmental Authority and others all now established in and around Battaramulla, although some government offices are still in their old sites in Colombo.

Dr Gunaratna said that during the past seven decades i.e. since the late 1940s, three comprehensive plans were prepared for the Colombo region. The Gal Oya multipurpose project took precedence over the first. The acceleration of the Mahaweli Project commenced in 1978 which telescoped a 35 year project to six, took precedence over the second. Then general elections and a change of government intervened and the third plan for the Colombo region was also not implemented. Thus all three of those planning efforts were each superseded, one by one, with the passage of time. He said therefore that: “A new plan for the Colombo Region especially with political will behind it, as appears to be the case today, is most welcome.”

He mentioned in his presentation that: “An important conclusion to be drawn is that the impact upon TWCs of the on-going globalization and popularization of scientific developments and technological innovations particularly in ICT needs to be recognized. These are surely altering the prevalent spatial landscapes of industrialization in the West. Thus, it must be expected that the spatial landscapes of most TWCs and certainly those of the South Asian countries will need to be very different from those that emerged with 19th Century industrialization and urbanization in the West”.

Importance of ICT

Dr Gunaratna has stressed before in lectures and through his writings that information and communication technology (ICT) should be harnessed in a major way to ease first of all the congestion of the city by office workers commuting daily even from great distances. In outsourcing work and decentralizing some offices lies a possible answer in the case of government and business establishments. Schools with much better facilities should be urgently set up in mid-sized towns so most children do not strive to enter the so-called “National Schools” in Colombo and with those that are successful having thereafter to travel in and out of Colombo daily. It would seem to us as laymen that it is not impossible to greatly relieve the resulting congestion since many schools further afield could be developed to be AI Grade schools. If you remember, in the 1940s and 1950s Central Schools were instituted in many Districts such as Nugawela Central, Kekirawa Central and Tholangamuwa Central in which students shone both academically and in sports. What has become of these schools?

Dr Gunaratna’s address also touched on theories of urban development among which some he says have been found to be faulty and some others which he highlighted as being far more relevant for Sri Lanka to adopt and utilize to place the country firmly in the path to development. He stated further that despite the initial advantage enjoyed by Colombo of there being much less rural migration directed to it than elsewhere in South Asia, slum and shanty dwellers already constituted over 50% of the population of Colombo. The city could ultimately suffer the woes of other megacities like Mumbai, Kolkata or Dhaka unless precautions are taken. Three special precautions he recommended were: that planning and implementation work should be backed by scientific knowledge rather than being based upon utopian visions; that this work should carefully avoid irrelevant concepts and theories found to be faulty; and, that the entire exercise should be executed within the ambit of an environmentally predicated national spatial policy. The latter he says is something that most TWCs do not have.

He ended his talk on an optimistic note on the proposed planning for developing the Colombo region but cautioned that: “Finally for ultimate success, it is necessary that we ourselves should deliberate, define and decide upon the national policy framework that should govern all aspects of this very special development effort.”

Lofty aspirations on rotten foundations

November 5th, 2015

Kumar Perera Colombo Courtesy Island

I am glad to hear Provincial Councils and Local Government Minister Faizer Mustapha has announced that a co-ordination unit will be set up for probing fraud and corruption of local government bodies.

While I commend the Ministry for this effort, I hope that this unit will not lose momentum in a few weeks after the initial media attention.

In order to truly weed out corruption in local government bodies and make an impact, I hope Minister Mustapha and the co-ordination unit will do the following.

1. While investigating serious fraud, the co-ordination unit should also look into the improper way local governing bodies have granted approvals and licenses for commercial activities and buildings in localities. Often one looks at structures and commercial establishments which are not in conformity with the zoning and building laws and wonder how such structures and businesses were ever granted permission.

2. Take the initiative to get the public involved to bring attention to corruption/illegal activities and then expedite action. In a news report announcing the co-ordination unit, it was mentioned that the Bribery Commission investigated a bribery complaint five years after it was lodged! That is unacceptable. Investigating a complaint after such a long time is an ambulance you call in an emergency arrive a week later! It is no wonder the public has lost faith in the system.

3. Regular updates on progress. I hope that the Ministry will take the steps to update the public with monthly reports on progress and that the media will also shine a constant spotlight on such initiatives and make sure that the unit follows through on its promise. In the 2014 Corruption Perceptions Index by Transparency International, Sri Lanka occupies a lowly 85th place among 174 countries. A country gripped in corruption from a grass root level to high echelons of office can never fulfil its lofty aspirations of bench marking against Singapore (incidentally, ranked No. 7 on the index) when its very foundations are rotten. The Provincial Councils and Local Government Ministry’s co-ordination unit for probing fraud and corruption of local government bodies is a small but crucial step in a series of much needed initiatives required to purge Sri Lanka from corruption.

Solving mystery of missing legal opinion of Sir Desmond Alleged war crimes in Sri Lanka and International Law

November 5th, 2015

By Sriyan de Silva Courtesy Island

We appear to be living at a time of great mysteries. One such is the intimation of the Prime Minister to the Speaker not to permit a ‘Report’ purported to be by Sir Desmond de Silva on human rights or reconciliation to be tabled by any Member; that according to what Sir Desmond had told him, he had only submitted some “remarks and comments” to [according to the newspaper report] the Udalagama Commission which is undoubtedly a genuine error – presumably the reference is to the Paranagama Commission. The Prime Minister is also reported to have said that anyone circulating such a ‘Report’ would be liable to be questioned and such persons would not be allowed to circulate this information. He said that according to Sir Desmond, some pages of his ‘Report’ had gone missing. The Prime Minister further said that somebody appears to have stolen these pages and was trying to produce them as the ‘Report’ of Sir Desmond.

Faced with this dilemma, one cannot but wish to have the assistance of ideally some of the well-known mystery writers of the past such as Agatha Christie, or even characters such as Sherlock Holmes, if he existed, to solve this mystery. Since that is wishful thinking, we should make a concerted effort to solve this mystery.

However, the need to solve this mystery is not an academic one. Any inquiry into war crimes involves the determination of questions of fact on the one hand and the need to ascertain the meaning of legal concepts under International Law, in terms of which guilt or otherwise on the part of both combatants has to be determined relative to the most serious allegations of war crimes. Therefore, all legal Opinions under International Law must necessarily be presented and examined.

The above statements could result in people drawing a conclusion that someone is/some people are trying to spread disinformation regarding a non-existent document. Alternatively, if it is found that there is an authentic document by Sir Desmond, then people may draw the conclusion that an interested party with an interest in suppressing the document is spreading disinformation. Still another alternative could be that there is no conflict between the government’s claim of a non-existent document and those who claim there is an authentic one, on the ground that the references are to two entirely different documents i.e. a Report according to the Government but a detailed legal Opinion on the International Law perspectives by others.

The reality is that there is a detailed joint legal Opinion by Sir Desmond de Silva and Professor David Crane explaining the principles of International Law relative to some of the war crimes allegations against Sri Lanka. There have also been other legal Opinions by Sir Geoffrey Nice Q.C. and Rodney Dixon Q.C. as well as by Professor Michael Newton. Sir Geoffrey Nice and Rodney Dixon have in fact jointly submitted two legal Opinions. All these Opinions have been available on the Internet since mid March 2015. [They were published by The Island – Ed] Hundreds of individuals in Sri Lana and abroad are well aware of at least the very detailed legal opinion by Sir Desmond and Professor Crane.

It would be useful to take note of who these individuals are as well as their credentials. Sir Geoffrey Nice worked at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia; led the prosecution of Slobodan Milosevic, and also worked for the International Criminal Court in the Hague. Rodney Dixon prosecuted and defended cases before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the Rwanda Tribunal, the Special Court for Cambodia, the War Crimes Chamber for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Special Court for Sierra Leone. Professor Michael Newton is Professor of Law at the Vanderbilt University School of Law, USA. He has served as the Senior Adviser to the US Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues, as the US representative on the US Planning Mission for the Sierra Leone Special Criminal Court, and coordinated the US Government’s support for the prosecution of Slobodan Milosevic.

The next step in a genuine attempt to resolve this mystery would be to consider some of the following salient points:

* There appears to be no evidence that there was a ‘Report’ on human rights and reconciliation by Sir Desmond. Instead there was a detailed Legal Opinion on the International Law perspectives relating to the allegations of war crimes given by Sir Desmond de Silva and Professor Crane.

* This Opinion had been submitted not to the Udalagama Commission but to the Paranagama Commission.

* If the Report of the Paranagama Commission as distributed by the Government, does not have this vital opinion annexed to it, then perhaps it is a part of this Opinion that has been “stolen” because there was no other ‘Report’ by Sir Desmond. In that event, the question would arise as to who stole a part of the Opinion, and in considering this, undoubtedly the first question Sherlock Holmes would have asked himself would be: “Who stands to benefit from such theft?”

* Since fortunately the full Opinion has been available for quite some time to anyone interested in the subject both here and abroad, if any interest party wishes to suppress this Opinion, then it is a case of closing the stable door after the horse has bolted.

* The following statement appears In the Acknowledgements in the Report of the Paranagama Commission:

“My colleagues and I owe a particular debt of gratitude to the Right Honourable Sir Desmond de Silva, QC [UK] who was Chairman of the legal Advisory Council together with Professor Sir Geoffrey Nice QC [UK], Professor David M. Crane [USA], all of whom contributed specific legal opinions that collectively became a legal bedrock of this Report. The final distillation of the law was that of the Chairman of the Advisory Council working together with the members of the Commission. The Advisory Council was ably supported by Mr. Rodney Dixon QC [UK/South Africa], Professor Michael Newton [USA] Vanderbilt University who formerly served as the Senior Advisor to the United States Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes, Commander William Fenrick [Canada], Professor Nina Jorgensen of Harvard and The Chinese University of Hong Kong, and Major-General John Holmes, DSO, OBE, MC [UK] former Commanding Officer of the Special Air Service [SAS], for whose independent Military Report we are greatly indebted.”

These acknowledgements contradict [at the very least implicitly] any assertion that Sir Desmond did not give a legal Opinion on the issue of War Crimes in the light of International Law, if any such denial is being made.

It is outside the scope of this analysis to refer to the contents of the various legal Opinions of the several experts referred to herein since analyzing the contents is not the objective of this article. However, they are indispensable reading for anyone genuinely interested in the subject.

Importantly, all of the Opinions referred to earlier by this writer, are relevant to seeking answers to the question as to who is most likely to benefit from these Opinions, and who is most likely to benefit from their suppression.

Possible Conclusions

Since the writer is neither Agatha Christie nor Sherlock Holmes, he wishes to submit for the benefit of the readers several possible conclusions:

1. There was never a “Report” by Sir Desmond on human rights or reconciliation.

2. There was a detailed legal Opinion by him and Professor David Crane on many aspects of the alleged war crimes in the context of International Law, as well as Opinions by the other Experts referred to.

3. Therefore on the face of it the first possible conclusion is that there is no inconsistency between [1] and [2] above. The reference in [1] to a “Report” may well be to something else referred to by whomsoever, but which does not exist and has no relevance to the second conclusion below.

4. A second possible conclusion is that the above does not undermine the overwhelming evidence of not one, but several, legal Opinions submitted by the Experts referred to which would be highly relevant to the proposed Inquiry consequent upon the Geneva Resolution.

5. If these Opinions formed a part of the Report of the Paranagama Commission as Annexes, but are not a part of what has now been presented/circulated as the Paranagama Report, that opens a disturbing line of inquiry. Members of the public can make up their own minds – especially those who are aware of the contents of these Opinions. Such conclusion would be the third possible one. However, whether or not there is justification for this third line of inquiry may be easier to answer, depending on whether the several legal Opinions are presented at a future inquiry. If they are suppressed, then the conclusion will be inescapable that there is a whole conspiracy to suppress material/interpretations of the Law favourable to Sri Lanka. If this happens, then the country would become aware of who is a party to the conspiracy to bury material favourable to Sri Lanka. So the jury is out on this aspect of the matter. This writer only adverts to it, and does not arrive at a conclusion.


It hardly needs to be emphasized that any domestic, international, regional or whatever inquiry held into allegations of war crimes, would have to be conducted strictly according to the principles of Natural Justice [the origins of which date back to the ancient Greeks whose civilization forms much of the bedrock of Western civilization in several respects]. Similarly, any relevant principles of the Rule of Law should also be strictly adhered to, and these Rules also come from Western legal systems. It is hoped that the attempts by foreign interests to focus largely on the alleged war crimes of one of the two combatants while relegating allegations against the other combatant to a relatively insignificant category [sometimes even referred to incidentally], would not permeate the work of any inquiry, the exact format of which is yet to be known. If the legal Opinions are submitted at such inquiry there would no longer be a mystery. If they are not so presented, the mystery would deepen and perhaps even lead to conspiracy theories. It is hoped that the ancient Greeks do not turn in their graves.

Avant Garde issue similar to Millennium City incident – Marapana

November 4th, 2015


 Minister of Law and Order Tilak Marapana today said he believes the whole controversy surrounding the Avant Garde issue is a result of a lack of understanding regarding the floating armoury and police officers eager to “gain points” with the new government.

The ministers made these remarks in response to a statement made by JVP leader and Chief Opposition Whip Anura Kumara Dissanayake in Parliament.

Dissanayake accused Ministers in the government of intervening to “protect the Avant Garde deal.”

He also claimed that the President was sworn in on January 9 and that the following day he met with the owner of Avant Garde through Minister Vajira Abeywardena.

“I think the reason for such confusion is due to the lack of understanding regarding the floating armoury,” the minister of Law and Order and Prison Reforms said.

“The vessel was in the Galle Harbour since October 2014. It is a surprise if nobody saw it.”

However, referring to the ‘B report’ submitted by the Galle OIC to the Galle Magistrate, the Chief Opposition Whip said that the police were unaware of such a vessel and that it was birthed at the harbor.

The minister responded saying: “I think you have not been properly notified regarding the fact. I cannot believe that the police did not see this. That is not what happened.”

“The police jumped in to gain points as soon as the government changed, similar to the raid on Millennium City in 2002. That’s the reality.”

“I don’t understand why any misconduct cannot be shown if there is any misconduct,” Marapana said.

Power attracts the worst and corrupts the best

November 4th, 2015

By Dr Kamal Wickremasinghe Courtesy Island

The incumbent regime’s claims to righteousness over the former Rajapaksa government are falling by the way side each passing day. Cases of nepotism and family rule of the Sirisena variety are bad enough to put the Rajapakse regime to shame. In essence, there is no discernible difference between the two governments in terms of their propensity to commit political and national ‘sins’.

The only visible differences between the two dispensations are in the areas of managing the national economy and in the sphere of foreign policy: with many major projects of the Rajapakse era halted on dubious accusations of corruption, the economy seems to be on mogodon (the tranquillizer used in sleeping tablets) at present. The foreign policy is displaying an unimaginable level of irrationality in cosying up to the international forces that are being rejected by most of the developing world. This last evil is even more dangerous for the long-term health of the nation than the episodes of nepotism, corruption and economic decline which could all be temporary in nature whereas escaping the clutch of the neo-colonialists on the country is going to be extremely hard.

Alarm bells first began to ring with the invitation to, and warm reception of, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who stands accused of war crimes in Iraq. It is inconceivable how a government that talks incessantly about the need for “accountability” for actions of its own armed forces during the last stages of the war can cosy up to someone like Blair, who is on record to have ‘wilfully’ caused the deaths of at least half a million Iraqi civilians. It could simply be the inability of the president and the foreign minister to think or they could be motivated by a ‘debt of gratitude’ owed to the British establishment for enabling their political ‘success’. Either way, they shamed the nation by welcoming Blair.

Then came the remark by the neocon agent and US Ambassador to the United Nations Samantha Power last week at a jamboree – the so-called Global Summit of the INGO Open Government Partnership (OGP) held in Monterrey, Mexico, that the Rajapaksa government administration had governed largely through divisiveness and fear and it had persecuted critics. Worse than her remark was the fact that Sri Lanka’s Minister for Justice, Wijayadasa Rajapkse and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Harsha de Silva were there to pay homage to Power (see photo).

Samantha Power complimented the new government, for moving swiftly to stop harassment of “human rights defenders”. With her remark, “an access to information law is currently being considered in Parliament”, Power showed that she is closely monitoring Sri Lankan politics, at least until next November, the end of the Obama administration. With the shadow of Libyan war crimes hanging over head, her interest on any country can only be described as “unhealthy”.

As it always does, minds seeking redress from an unfolding national calamity of this magnitude may benefit from Zen-like dropping of illusions first before attempting to see things without distortion. There is no better way than by visiting history.

A remark by John Adams – America’s second president (1797-1801), a man who took as much interest in scholarly meditation on politics as much as its practice, appears highly relevant for those seeking equanimity in the face of such disturbing events. (It is also worth mentioning in passing that Adams was a great improvement from the first US President George Washington, who had no formal education and had only the equivalent of an elementary school education from tutors.) The remark comes from some of Adams’ best writings contained in his exchanges with a Virginia state politician and Senator known as John Taylor of Caroline, debating many subjects ranging from Federalism vs. states’ rights, extending over toweighty introspections such as the nature of men.

In a letter to Taylor, in1814,Adams wrote: “Remember, democracy never lasts long. It soon wastes, exhausts, and murders itself. There never was a democracy yet that did not commit suicide. It is in vain to say that democracy is less vain, less proud, less selfish, less ambitious, or less avaricious than aristocracy or monarchy…. Those passions are the same in all men, under all forms of simple government, and when unchecked, produce the same effects of fraud, violence, and cruelty.” If what Sri Lanka is currently experiencing is a ‘clean’ form of democracy as promised by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe gang it is living proof of Adams’ reflection.

Moving on to the substantive issue of the totally incomprehensible foreign policy of the current government, Sri Lanka’s invitation to and warm reception of Tony Blair was only matched by one other travesty in the history of politics of the developing world; the ridiculous invitation of the late, blind and grossly incompetent Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dor), in 1999, to Henry Kissinger to become political advisor to his government. Interestingly, Gus Dor came to power under not dissimilar circumstances to President Sirisena following the collapse of the Suharto government.

A brief look at Tony Blair’s life and the role he played in British politics from 1994-2007 shows that he was a neocon agent of the kind that epitomises the regressive neo-colonialist that has earned the abhorrence of the developing world. Blair was hand-picked by the international neocon forces to ‘permeate’ the British Labour Party in preparation for the New American Century Project that aimed at ousting all strong leaders in the Middle East. Blair came from nowhere to succeed to the leadership of the Labour Party in July 1994 and set about “modernising” it. The project really meant overhauling the Labour ideology to embrace capitalism and uproot it from its working class and trade unions base. Blair’s formula proved outstandingly successful at the 1997 elections, riding a ‘time for change’ factor following four successive Tory governments. He won again with a landslide in 2001 and in 2005 with a smaller majority and remained prime minister until Gordon Brown ousted him in 2007.

Since quitting Downing Street, Blair has devoted his life to money-spinning; his business operation Tony Blair Associates reported revenues of £13m in 2013, collected through “advising” governments and companies. His financial success however, is stained by the unprecedented levels of revulsion of the British people against any previous prime minister: according to a You Gov poll in 2013, half of Britons thought he was a war criminal. Five people have tried to carry out citizen’s arrests on him, including a restaurant waiter, on the grounds that he launched “an unprovoked war against Iraq”. A ruffled Blair complained to police: “You order a mixed salad and the waiter tries to arrest you. What can I say?” The satirical magazine Private Eye joked that he is in negotiations with the devil over the sale of his soul, “which he has not needed for some time”.

Blair attracts public hostility in Britain due to the dishonest role he played in supporting the US President George W Bush in the invasion of Iraq in March 2003 and the unravelling of Iraq and the chaos that has spread through the Middle East that caused. Much of the distrust springs from the bogus evidence presented to the British public to support the assertion that Saddam Hussein was hiding weapons of mass destruction, posing an imminent danger to Britain’s national security.

To be concluded tomorrow

21 Facts About The Explosive Growth Of Poverty In America That Will Blow Your Mind

November 4th, 2015

By Michael Snyder Information Clearing House

November 03, 2015 “Information Clearing House” – “The Economic Collapse” –   What you are about to see is more evidence that the growth of poverty in the United States is wildly out of control.  It turns out that there is a tremendous amount of suffering in “the wealthiest nation on the planet”, and it is getting worse with each passing year.  During this election season, politicians of all stripes are running around telling all of us how great we are, but is that really true?  As you will see below, poverty is reaching unprecedented levels in this country, and the middle class is steadily dying.  There aren’t enough good jobs to go around, dependence on the government has never been greater, and it is our children that are being hit the hardest.  If we have this many people living on the edge of despair now, while times are “good”, what are things going to look like when our economy really starts falling apart?  The following are 21 facts about the explosive growth of poverty in America that will blow your mind…

#1 The U.S. Census Bureau says that nearly 47 million Americans are living in poverty right now.

#2 Other numbers from the U.S. Census Bureau are also very disturbing.  For example, in 2007 about one out of every eight children in America was on food stamps.  Today, that number is one out of every five.

#3 According to Kathryn J. Edin and H. Luke Shaefer, the authors of a new book entitled “$2.00 a Day: Living on Almost Nothing in America“, there are 1.5 million “ultrapoor” households in the United States that live on less than two dollars a day.  That number has doubled since 1996.

#4 46 million Americans use food banks each year, and lines start forming at some U.S. food banks as early as 6:30 in the morning because people want to get something before the food supplies run out.

#5 The number of homeless children in the U.S. has increased by 60 percent over the past six years.

#6 According to Poverty USA, 1.6 million American children slept in a homeless shelter or some other form of emergency housing last year.

#7 Police in New York City have identified 80 separate homeless encampments in the city, and the homeless crisis there has gotten so bad that it is being described as an “epidemic”.

#8 If you can believe it, more than half of all students in our public schools are poor enough to qualify for school lunch subsidies.

#9 According to a Census Bureau report that was released a while back, 65 percent of all children in the U.S. are living in a home that receives some form of aid from the federal government.

#10 According to a report that was published by UNICEF, almost one-third of all children in this country “live in households with an income below 60 percent of the national median income”.

#11 When it comes to child poverty, the United States ranks 36th out of the 41 “wealthy nations” that UNICEF looked at.

#12 The number of Americans that are living in concentrated areas of high poverty has doubled since the year 2000.

#13 An astounding 45 percent of all African-American children in the United States live in areas of “concentrated poverty”.

#14 40.9 percent of all children in the United States that are being raised by a single parent are living in poverty.

#15 An astounding 48.8 percent of all 25-year-old Americans still live at home with their parents.

#16 There are simply not enough good jobs to go around anymore.  It may be hard to believe, but 51 percent of all American workers make less than $30,000 a year.

#17 There are 7.9 million working age Americans that are “officially unemployed” right now and another 94.7 million working age Americans that are considered to be “not in the labor force”.  When you add those two numbers together, you get a grand total of 102.6 million working age Americans that do not have a job right now.

#18 Owning a home has traditionally been a signal that you belong to the middle class.  That is why it is so alarming that the rate of homeownership in the United States has been falling for eight years in a row.

#19 According to a recent Pew survey, approximately 70 percent of all Americans believe that “debt is a necessity in their lives”.

#20 At this point, 25 percent of all Americans have a negative net worth.  That means that the value of what they owe is greater than the value of everything that they own.

#21 The top 0.1 percent of all American families have about as much wealth as the bottom 90 percent of all American families combined.

If we truly are “the greatest nation on the planet”, then why can’t we even take care of our own people?

Why are there tens of millions of us living in poverty?

Perhaps we really aren’t so great after all.

It would be one thing if economic conditions were getting better and poverty was in decline.  At least then we could be talking about the improvement we were making.  But despite the fact that we are stealing more than a hundred million dollars from future generations of Americans every single hour of every single day, poverty just continues to grow like an aggressive form of cancer.

So what is wrong?

Why can’t we get this thing fixed?

Tell us what you think we should do as a nation to solve this problem by posting a comment below…

INTERVIEW-World ignores calls for inquiry into US bombing of Afghan hospital-charity head

November 4th, 2015

Author: Emma BathaMore news from our correspondents Source: Thomson Reuters Foundation

LONDON, Nov 2 (Thomson Reuters Foundation) – Calls for global support for a full inquiry into the U.S. bombing of a charity-run hospital in Afghanistan have gone ignored, according to the head of Medicins Sans Frontieres (MSF) which is mourning the loss of 30 lives in the attack.

Joanne Liu, president of the charity also known as Doctors Without Borders, said the Oct 3. attack in Kunduz in which 13 MSF staff were among the dead could amount to a war crime with signs the hospital was deliberately bombed several times.

But Liu said appeals from MSF to about 76 governments asking for backing for an impartial investigation to clarify what went wrong and prevent any future such tragedy had failed to win support.

“The silence is embarrassing,” Liu told the Thomson Reuters Foundation in an interview on Monday one month after the attack.

“We are … the outraged victim to a certain extent. It is normal that we want to understand.”

Hospitals are supposed to be protected under international humanitarian law – a set of rules which aim to limit the effects of armed conflict on civilians and the wounded.

The Kunduz attack happened in the early hours of Oct. 3 during a push by Afghan security forces with U.S. air support to retake the key northern city from Taliban fighters.

Liu said there were facts to suggest it was a war crime.

“They had our co-ordinates, they knew what MSF was doing, we had been there for four years. The only structure that was lit up in the middle of the night (that week) was our hospital,” Liu said, adding there was a clear MSF logo on the roof.

“All the parties had the co-ordinates … which were reaffirmed directly after the first strike. Despite that it continued.”


She dismissed any suggestion that it could have been a case of collateral damage as nothing else was targeted that night, or that the Taliban had been fighting from the compound.

The United States, which has apologised for the attack, is conducting an investigation, but MSF wants an independent humanitarian commission created under the Geneva Conventions in 1991 to be activated for the first time to handle the inquiry.

Switzerland, which provides a secretariat for the Berne-based International Humanitarian Fact-Finding Commission, has initiated the process but it can only go ahead with the agreement of the U.S. and Afghan governments.

Liu said the attack had broader implications for the safeguarding of health care for civilians in conflict zones.

A week ago an MSF-run hospital in north Yemen was destroyed by a missile strike. Last year patients were shot in their beds at a hospital in South Sudan.

“We have seen an erosion over the years of international humanitarian law. Enough is enough. We cannot keep going like this,” Liu said.

Liu, who visited the Kunduz centre earlier this year, said it had been wrongly portrayed as “a little clinic in the bush” but was a specialised trauma centre serving a population of at least one million.

“I always called it a jewel of northeastern Afghanistan because it was a place where everyone felt safe, everybody knew they would get high (quality) care,” she added.

MSF has now closed the hospital, which had three operating theatres and treated more than 22,000 patients in 2014.

“For me the key message is about the safeguarding of the humanitarian medical space in war zones,” she said. “No one expects to be bombed when they are in a hospital. Every human being can understand that.”

Referring to high levels of violence in wars like Syria, Yemen and South Sudan, Liu said it was outrageous that attacks on civilian areas were now considered non-events.

“There is this numbness about violence in war zones today,” she said. “We do think that, yes, even wars have rules, and we do think it’s important to reaffirm some of those rules.”

(Editing by Belinda Goldsmith; Please credit the Thomson Reuters Foundation, the charitable arm of Thomson Reuters, that covers humanitarian news, women’s rights, trafficking, corruption and climate change. Visit www.trust.org)

පූරක වෙස් ගත් නිවේදකයින්ට කරුණාගෙන් පාඩමක්

November 4th, 2015

 ජනිත් විපුලගුණ -යුතුකම

 ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ රූපවාහිනී ක්ෂේත්‍ර යේ පූරකයින්ගේ ඇතුළාන්තය විනිවිද දැකිය හැකි අවස්ථා ගණනාවක් රුපවාහිනී සංවාදයන්හි දී දැකගැනිමට අවස්ථාව ලද මුත්, හිරු ටීවී සලකුණ එහි තවත් මානයක් විවර කිරීමට ඊයේ සමත් වීය.
2015 නොාවැම්බර් 02 වන දින රාත්‍රී විකාශය වූ කරුණා අම්මාන් සමඟ පූරකයින් යැයි වචනාර්ථයෙන් පමණක් හැඳින්විය හැකි තිදෙනෙක් කළ සංවාදයට භාෂා පරිවර්ථකයෙක් ද එක් ගැනිමට සිදුව තිබුණේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ජාතිකත්ව අතර සන්නිවේදනය හා මතවාදී පැහැදිලි කරගැනීම් සඳහා ඇති අවකාශයන් පිළිබඳව ද පණිවුඩයක් ලබා දෙමිනි.

පැහැදිලි සහ නිවැරදි මාධ්‍ය භාවිතයක නියැළෙන පූරකයෙක් යනු කවරෙක්ද යන්න තවමත් ලංකාවේ මාධ්‍ය හිමිකරුවන් හෝ ඒවායේ අංශ ප්‍රධානීන් දැන සිටීද යන්න ද ප්‍රශ්න කළ යුතු තැනක තිබේ. එවන් තත්ත්වයන් ප්‍රකට කරන අතරතුර, රටේ වැදගත්ම සංසිද්ධීන් අරබයා ඔවුන් විසින් දේශපාලකයින් ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම කෙතරම් සුදුසු ද යන්න ඉන් ගම්‍ය වෙයි. මාධ්‍ය හිමිකරුවන් මෙතැනට ගෑවෙන්නේ නිකම්ම නොවෙන බවත් කිව යුතුය. මේ වන විට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මාධ්‍ය ආයතන තුළ සංවාද හැසිරවීම සහ ඊට නිවේදකයින් (පූරකයින් ලෙස හැඳින්වීමට සිදුවන නිවේදකයින්) යොදවන්නේද හිමිකාරීත්වයේ ඕනෑ එපාකම් මත බව අප හොඳින්ම දන්නා කරුණක් බැවින් මාධ්‍ය හිමිකාරීත්වයේ සිතැඟි ද සැලකිල්ලට ගත යුතු මට්ටමක තිබේ.

මෙනයින්, පූරකයින් නොවන නිවේදකයින් ඉදිරියේ, දේශපාලනඥයින් නොවන දේශපාලකයින් කරන වැමෑරීම් බලමින් කල් මැරීමට මෙරට බොහෝ ප්‍රේක්ෂකයින්ට සිදුව ඇත. එය වෙනසකට ලක් කළ සංවාදයක් ලෙස 2015 නොවැම්බර් 02 වන දින හිරු ටීවී සලකුණ වැඩසටහන දක්නට ලැබුණේ නිවේදක මහත්වරුන්ගේ දක්ෂතාව නිසා නොව කරුණා අම්මාන්ගේ සම්ප්‍රාප්තිය නිසාය.

මෙම සංවාදයට එක් වූ නිවේදකයින් දෙදෙනෙකුටම දැඩිව අවශ්‍ය තිබුණේ කරුණා අම්මාන් මහින්දවාදියෙක් යන්න ප්‍රකට කරවන ප්‍රකාශ ඔහු ලවාම කියවා ගැනීමය. හාස්‍යය දනවන උපහාසාත්මක පිළිතුරුවලින් කරුණා විසින් අදාළ නිවේදකයින්ට පිළිතුරු දුන්නද ඒවා ප්‍රබලව බහුතර සිංහල පමණක් කතා කරන ප්‍රේක්ෂකයාට නොදැණෙන්නේ එවැනි පිළිතුරු බොහොමයක් ඔහු විසින් දමිළ බසින් වැහැරීම නිසාය.

“…මහින්ද අයියා නොසිටින්නට ලංකාවේ ජනතාවට නිදහසක් නෑ…“ බව කරුණා කිහිපවිටක් පැවැසීම නිවේදකයින් දෙදෙනෙක් සමාජගතකරන්නට තැත් දරන්නේම, කරුණා මහින්දවාදියෙක් ලෙස පටු කිරීමට තැත් කිරීමෙනි. ඒ සමඟම අමු ම අමු හරක් ප්‍රශ්න කිහිපයක්ම කරුණාවෙත යොමු කිරීමට රංගන නිවේදක උතුමා පසුබට නොවන්නේය. [කරුණා අම්මාන්ගේ එම අදහස් දැක්වීම  >>  ]

1980 දශකයේ දී සමූල ඝාතනයට ලක් කළ බව එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය විසින් ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ ප්‍රකාශ කළ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ සහ රෝහණ විජේවීර , කිහිපවතාවක් උදාහරණයට ගනිමින් කරුණා කළ පැහැදිලි කිරීම් හමුවේ නිරුත්තරවීමට අවශේෂ නිවේදකයින් දෙපළටම සිදුවීමද විශේෂත්වයකි.

ප්‍රභාකරන් වීරයෙක් ලෙස සැළකීමට දමිළ සමාජය සූදානම් නොවීම පිළිබඳව කරුණා විසින් වෙනත් රූපවාහිනී නාලිකාවකට කර තිබූ ප්‍රකාශයක්ද වැරදියට තේරුම් ගනිමින් මහත් උජාරුවෙන් උපුටා දැක්වීමම මෙම තත්ත්වය මනාව පැහැදිලි වීය. එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ විසින් සමූල ඝාතනයට වෙර දැරූ ජවිපෙ සහ විජේවීර උදාහරණයට ගැනීම නිසා ඉන් ඔබ්බට එම කරුණු කරුණාලවා පැහැදිලි කර ගැනීමට යාම හිතා මතාම පෙර කී නිවේදකයින් මඟ හැරීබව ගම්‍ය වීය.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, කරුණා සම්මුඛයට ගෙන ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම කාලෝචිත ක්‍රියාවකි. මන්ද, ඔහු ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයෙන් ඉවත්ව යාම, දීර්ඝ ඉතිහාසයක් ඇති දමිළ පක්ෂයක් සමග එක්වීම හා වත්මන් දේශපාලන අර්බුදය හමුවේ ඔහුගේ මතය දැන ගැනීම දේශපාලනික සමාජයට වැදගත් නිසා කරුණාගේ සම්මුඛ සාකච්ඡාව කාලෝචිතය.

රනිල් වාදයෙන් මුසපත්ව, මහින්දවාදය ලුහුබඳින්නට රිසි නිවේදක මහත්වරුන්ගේ හිත සුව පිණිස මෙවන් වැඩසටහන් තව තවත් විකාශය වන්නේ නම් අගෙයි යනුවෙන් සිතමි.

තම හිස් බව හා තම අන්තයෙන්ම අන් මත යටපත් කිරීමට වෙර දරන මාධ්‍ය සංස්කෘතියක් තුළ සුදේව වැන්නන් වචනයේ පරිසමාප්තයෙන්ම පූරකයන් වනු දැක්මත් සුබවාදී ය.

 2015 නොවැම්බර් 03

සිරිසේනලා රණ විරුවන් පාවා දුන් හැටි.

November 4th, 2015

ලසන්ත වික්‍රමසිංහ යුතුකම සංවාද කවය

අපි වෙනුවෙන් අපි අපිට එරෙහිව අපි

 සිරිසේන මහතා ජිනීවා ගියේ නැත. ඔහු තමාගේ ආදරණීය පුත්‍ර රත්නයද කැටුව ගියේ ගියේ නිව්යෝක්හි එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ මහ මණ්ඩලයේ සැසිය සඳහායි. එහිදී ලංකාවට එරෙහි චෝදනා සාකච්ඡා වුයේ නැත. ලංකාවට එරෙහි ක්‍රියාදාමය සිදු වූයේ ජිනීවාහි මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිලය තුළය. නමුත් සිරිසේන ලංකාවට එන විට රට පුරා පෝස්ටර කටවුට් ගසා තිබුනේ “රණ විරුවන් බේරාගත් ජනපති” කියාය. මේ පච ආණ්ඩුව අපව ගොනාට අන්දවන්න දරන වෑයම එයින්ම මනාවට පැහැඳිලි වේ.

බොරුව අද මේ රටේ ප්‍රධානතම දේශපාලන උපක්‍රමය බවට පත් වී තිබේ.  ‘තාජුඩීන් ඝාතනය’, ‘භූගත මන්දිර’, ‘ආයුධ නැව්’ ආදී තවත් ව්‍යාජ ජවනිකා ඉදිරියට ගෙන එමින් අද අප මුහුණ දී තිබෙන සැබෑ ව්‍යසනය අපගෙන් වසන් කරමින් තිබේ. ලෝකයේ කිසිදු රටක් නොකරන ආකාරයේ ගොන් කමක් වන ලංකාවට එරෙහි යෝජනාවක් ලංකාව විසින්ම ගෙන එමින් නිවට දීන ලෙස ඇමරිකානු සහ බටහිර ඉදිරියේ දණ ගසමින් රණ විරුවන් සහ රට පාවා දෙමින් එම පාවා දීමම “බේරා ගැනීම” ලෙස ප්‍රදර්ශනය කිරීම තරම් ජඩ වැඩක් තවත් ඇත්ද?

එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ මානව හිමිකම් මහ කොමසාරිස් වරයාගේ වාර්තාවේ අපගේ රණ විරුවන්ට එරෙහිව ඉදිරිපත් කළ පහත සඳහන්  බරපතල චෝදනා ඔබම කියවා බලන්න. අපගේ රජය් විසින්ම (ඇමරිකාව සමඟ එක්ව) මේ චෝදනා එල්ල කරන්නේ දශක තිහක කුරිරු යුද්ධයක් නිමා කරමින් ලංකාවේ දමිළ දරුවන්ගේ බෙල්ලෙන් සයනයිඩ් කරල ගලවා ඔවුන් පාසල් වෙත යන දිනක් උදා කළ වීරෝධාර ජයග්‍රාහී හමුදාවකට එරෙහිවය. මේ රාජපක්ෂගේ හෝ සිරිසේනගේ හමුදාව නොව, අපේ හමුදාවය. අපි වෙනුවෙන් ජීවිත පූජා කළ අපේ හමුදාවයි.
රජය විසින් අපගේ හමුදාවන්ට එල්ල කර ඇත්තේ ආරක්ෂක හමුදාවකට එල්ල කළ හැකි භයානකම චෝදනා බව ඔබට වැටහී යනු ඇත. වසර විස්සක් යන තුරු සාක්ෂි කරුවන් අනාවරණය නොකෙරෙන මේ සියළු අභූත චෝදනා කිසිදු ප්‍රතිවිරෝධයකින් තොරව ඉතා සාදරයෙන් අපගේ රජය විසින් පිළිගෙන, එම යෝජනාවන්හි පාර්ශව කරුවෙකු බවට පත්වීම ඇමරිකානු යටත්විජිතය පාමුල බිම වාඩි ඔවුන්ගෙන් තොණ්ඩුව ඉල්ලා ගෙන ගෙල ලා ගැනිමකි.

ලංකා රජය සාදරයෙන් පිළිගෙන ඇති හමුදාවට සහ රටට එරෙහි බරපතල චෝදනා

  • නීති විරෝධී මිනීමැරුම්
  • ලිංගික හා ස්ත්‍රී පුරුෂ භාවය පදනම් ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය
  •  බලහත්කාරයෙන් සිදු කරන ලද අතුරුදහන් කිරීම්
  • වධ හිංසා සහ වෙනත් ආකාරයේ කුරිරු අමානුෂික හෝ අවමන් සහගත සැලකීම්
  • සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාවට සහ පොදු ස්ථාන වලට ප්‍රහාර එල්ල කිරීම
  • මානුෂීය ආධාර වැළැක්වීම
  • විවෘත නොවු කඳවුරුවල අභ්‍යන්තරව අවතැන් වු පුද්ගලයන් රැඳවීම

මේ සියළු චෝදනා නඟා ඇත්තේ හමුදාව අතින් සිදු වූ විනය කඩවීමේ සිද්ධීන් ලෙස නොව, ශ්‍රී ලංකා හමුදාව යුධෝපක්‍රම ලෙස මෙම අපරාධ කළ බව පෙනී යන පරිදිය. ඒ බව පැහැදිලිවීම සඳහා ඉහත ඇතැම් චෝදනා ජිනීවා වාර්තාවන්හි නඟා ඇති ආකාරය එලෙසම පරිවර්තනය කළහොත් ඒ මෙසේය.

සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාවට සහ පොදු ස්ථාන වලට ප්‍රහාර එල්ල කිරීම:

“යුද්ධයේ අවසාන අවදියේ දි සිදු කරන ලද බොහෝ ප්‍රහාර සටන් කිරීම පිළිබඳ අන්තර්ජාතික මානුෂීය නීතියේ මූලධර්ම වලට, විශේෂයෙන්ම වෙනස් කොට හැදින ගැනීමේ මූලධර්මවලට අනුකූල නොවු බවට විශ්වාස කිරීමට සාධාරණ හේතු පවතී. රජය විසින්ම ‘සටන් මුක්ත කලාප” (No Fire Zones ) ලෙස ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කළ එල්ටිටීඊයේ පාලනය යටතේ පැවති අධික ජන ගහණයෙන් යුත් ප්‍රදේශවල මානුෂීය පහසුකම්වලට සහ රෝහල් වලට රජයේ හමුදා දිගින් දිගටම ෂෙල් ප්‍රහාර එල්ල කළ බව වාර්තාවේ සදහන් වේ. පොදු ස්ථානවලට සහ/හෝ ගැටුම්වලට සෘජු සම්බන්ධයක් නැති සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාවට එරෙහිව ප්‍රහාර එල්ල කිරීම අන්තර්ජාතික මානුෂිය නිතිය බරපතල උල්ලංඝණය කිරීමක් වන අතර යුද අපරාධ සේ සැලකිය හැකිය. ගැටුම්වලට කෙළින්ම සම්බන්ධ එල්ටීටීඊ සාමාජිකයන් වැඩි වශයෙන්ම සිවිල් ජනතාව සිටින ප්‍රදේශවල සිටීම සහ ගැටුම් පවතින ප්‍රදේශවල රැඳී සිටීමට සිවිල් ජනතාවට බල කිරීමේ එල්ටීටීඊ ප්‍රතිපත්තිය ද අන්තර්ජාතික මානුෂීය නීතිය උල්ලංඝණය කිරීමක් විය හැකිය. අන්තර්ජාතික මානුෂීය නිතියට රජයන් ගරු කිරීම විරුද්ධ පාර්ශ්වයේ හැසිරීම මත රඳා නොපවතින අතර එය විරුද්ධ පාර්ශ්වයේ හැසිරිම මත තීරණය ‍වන්නක් නොවේ.”

(300, 000 කට අධික දෙමළ සාමාන්‍ය වැසියන් ප්‍රාණ ඇපයට තබා ගනිමින් හා ඔවුන්ව බලහත්කාරයෙන් අඟල් එදිකිරීම වැනි යුද කටයුතු සඳහා යොදවමින් එල්ටීටීය සිදු කළ මනුෂ්‍යත්වයට එරෙහි දරුණු අපරාධවලින් ඔවුන්ව නිදහස් කරමින් තම අතපය හා ජීවිතද පුදා ඉන් 290,000කට අධික සිවිල් වැසියන් මුදාගත් වීරෝධාර හමුදාව යුද අපරාධකරුවන් කර ඇති අයුරු!)

විවෘත නොවු කඳවුරුවල අභ්‍යන්තරව අවතැන් වු පුද්ගලයන් රැඳවීම:

“එල්ටීටීඊයේ හිටපු සටන්කරුවන් සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාව‍ගෙන් වෙන් කිරීම සදහා කරන ලද පරික්ෂා කිරිමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය අන්තර්ජාතික ප්‍රමිතීන් සැපිරීමට අපොහොසත් වූ අතර නරක ලෙස සැලකීම සහ අපහරණය පහසු කරවීය. විවෘත නොවු අභ්‍යන්තරව අවතැන් වුවන්ගේ කඳවුරුවල පැවති තත්වය සෞඛ්‍ය, හා ජලය හා සනීපාරක්ෂාවට ඇති අයිතිය ඇතුළත් මානව අයිතිවාසිකම් ගණනාවක් උල්ලංගනය කිරීමකි. 300,000 පමණ වන අභ්‍යන්තර අවතැන් වූවන් අන්තර්ජාතික නීතිය අනුව පිළිගත් කාලසීමාවට වඩා කඳවුරුවල රඳවා ගැනීම ඔවුන්ගේ නිදහස අහිමි කිරීමකි. අභ්‍යන්තරව අවතැන් වුවන් ඔවුන්ගේ දෙමළ වාර්ගිකත්වය නිසා සැක කරුවන් ලෙස සලකන ලද බවටත් රඳවා ගත් බවටත් විශ්වාස කිරීමට සාධාරණ හේතු පවතී. මෙය වෙනස් කොට සැලකිමේ සහ පීඩාවට පත් කිරීමේ මානුෂිකත්වයට එරෙහි අපරාධයක් ලෙස සැලකිය හැකිය.”

(එල්.ටී.ටී.ඊ. ය විසින් බිම් බෝම්බ උතුරු පළාත පුරා වළලා සිදු කොට තිබූ යුද අපරාධ වසන් කරමින් නැවත පදිංචි කරන ජනයාගේ ආරක්ෂාවට ඒවා ඉවත් කරීමට රජයට ගතවූ කාලය අපරාධයක් බවට පත් කර ඇත.)

ලිංගික හා ස්ත්‍රී පුරුෂ භාවය පදනම් ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය:

“විමර්ශනයේ දී ඔවුන් කම්පාවට පත් කළ සොයා ගැනීමක් වූයේ රැඳවුම්කරුවන්ට එරෙහිව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආරක්ෂක හමුදා විසින් සිදු කරන ලද අතිශයෙන් කුරිරු ආකාරයේ ලිංගික ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වයයි. එම වින්දිතයන් අතර ගැහැණුන් මෙන්ම මිනිසුන්ද වේ. සම්මුඛ සාකච්ඡා කරන ලද ලිංගික ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වයට ලක් වූ වින්දිතයන් 30 කගේ කම්පාවට පත් කෙරෙන සාක්ෂිවලින් පෙනි යන්නේ ලිංගික ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය පිළිබඳ සිද්ධීන් හුදකලා ක්‍රියා නොව සිතාමතාම වද හිංසා පැමිණවීමේ දී අනුගමනය කරන සමාන රටාවක සහ සමාන ක්‍රම යොදා ගැනීමේ ප්‍රතිපත්තියේ කොටසකි යන්නයි. එම වාර්තාවේ, ප්‍රශ්න කිරීමේ අවස්ථාවේ දි සිදු කරනලද ලිංගික වද හිංසා සහ බොහෝ විට ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම් සිදු නොවන අවස්ථාවලදි සිදු වූ බව පෙනෙන දූෂණය කිරීම් රටාවන්ද සඳහන් වේ. ගැටුම් පැවති සමයේ හා ඉන් පසුව විවිධ ආරක්ෂක හමුදා විසින් රැඳවුම් මධ්‍යස්ථාන ගණනාවක දී ලිංගික වධ හිංසා සිදු කර ඇත. සන්නද්ධ ගැටුමට අදාල කාලයේ දි සිදු කරන ලදැයි සැලකෙන ලිංගික ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය පිළිබඳ සිද්ධීන් එකක් හෝ සම්බන්ධයෙන් නීතියෙන් වැරදිකරුවන් කර නැත.”

(ලිංගික ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය පවා හුදකලා සිද්ධීන් ලෙස නොව උධ උපායන් ලෙස යොදා ගත් බවට පෙන්වීමට උත්සාහ ගෙන ඇති අයුරු)

මෙම විමර්ශන වාර්තාවේ සඳහන් සියළුම චෝදනා සුපරික්ෂාකාරීව කියවා බලන විට පෙනී යන ඉතාම වැදගත් කරුණක් වන්නේ මේ සියළු වැරදි කිසියම් රටාවක් හඳුනාගත හැකි පරිදි ක්‍රමානුකූලව සැලසුම්සහගතව  සිදු කරන ලද අපරාධ බවට පෙන්වීමට ගන්නා උත්සාහයයි. එහි යටි අරුත වන්නේ මේ අපරාධවලට වගකිවයුත්තේ ඒවාට අණදුන් ඉහළ නිළධාරීන් සහ දේශපාලන අධිකාරිය බවයි.

මෙම සමුළුවෙන් පසුව ගුවන් විදුලියේ ‘සුභාරතී’  වැඩ සටහනට සහභාගී වූ විදේශ අමාත්‍ය මංගල සමරවීර මහතා පැවසුවේ “අපේ අරමුණ හමුදා සොල්දාදුවන් දඩයම් කිරීම නෙමෙයි. ඔවුන්ට අණ දුන් අය හොයලා ඒගොල්ලන්ව අල්ල ගන්න ඕනා. මුලින්ම ඒගොල්ලන්ව අල්ල ගෙන, ඊට පස්සේ අපිට සාකච්ඡා කරන්න පුළුවන් ඒගොල්ලන්ට මොකක්ද කරන්නේ කියලා.” යනුවෙනි. ඉහත චෝදනා එල්ල කර ඇති ආකාරයත් මංගල සමරවීර මහතාගේ පැහැඳිලි කිරීමත් මනාව නොපෑහේද්? මොවුන්ගේ ඉලක්කයේ ප්‍රමුඛතාවය ඇත්තේ සේනාධිනායකයා ඇතුළු ආරක්ෂක අංශයන්හි ඉහළ නිලධාරීන් බව පැහැඳිලිය.

මෙලෙස අසමජ්ජාති ලෙස තමන්ගේ රටේ රණ විරුවන් ලෝකය ඉදිරියේ ගර්හාවට සහ බරපතළ චෝදනාවට ලක් කරමින් “අපිට එරෙහිව අපි” සංකල්පය මත වැඩ කරන අතර ලංකාවේ ලයිට් කණු වල මුන් එල්ලී සිටියේ රණ විරුවන් බේරා ගත්තා යැයි කියමිනි. අපි බොරුව ප්‍රෝඩාව දැක ඇත්තෙමු. නමුත් මෙවැනි හිවල් ගණයේ නීච ප්‍රෝඩාවන් අප මීට පෙර කතාන්දරයකවත් අසා තිබේද?
[යුතුකම සංවාද කවය විසින් බෙදාහරින  “බිල්ලො ඇවිත්: ඔබ මේ අනතුර ගැන දැනුවත් ද? ” පත්‍රිකාව ඇසුරෙන්  ]

-ලසන්ත වික්‍රමසිංහ

යුතුකම සංවාද කවය

A Comparison of Father and Son Focus on Ranjith Wijewardene (Part 3)

November 3rd, 2015

By Shelton A. Gunaratne

Professor of communication emeritus, MSUM, and lead author of Gunaratne, S. A., Pearson, M., & Senarath, S. (Eds.). (2015).  Mindful Journalism and News Ethics in the Digital Era: A Buddhist Approach. New York & London: Routledge.

A ‘Ringside View’ 

MOORHEAD, MN– I had a “ringside view” (forgive me for using Manik de Silva’s patois) of Ranjith Wijewardene in 1993, more than a quarter-century after I quit Lake House. As mentioned in Part 2, he was on the board that interviewed me for the coveted WPI fellowship offered for the first time to a Ceylon journalist in 1966. Intuitively, I feel that as the Lake House boss, he had to support me because I was the only candidate from his own company.

Considering this background, I had corresponded with Ranjith a couple times, but I couldn’t meet with him on any of my rare visits to Ceylon/Sri Lanka during the ensuing quarter century. Our first meeting was on 13 June 1991 when I tagged on to Observer editor H. L. D. Mahindapala to attend D. R. Wijewardene Memorial Award Ceremony at the Sri Lanka Foundation. But that was not the appropriate occasion for a meaningful chat, let alone to find out why Lake House refused my application to grant no-pay leave to do a master’s degree at the University of Oregon on a $1,000 scholarship from the Reader’s Digest Foundation

The first opportunity for an informal “conversation” with Ranjith came only in 1993, when the Lankadeepa editor Siri Ranasinghe, who was a journalist at ANCL’s Dinamina at the time I was a Daily News reporter, arranged a meeting with Ranjith during my re-visit to Sri Lanka two years later in 1993 as the SPAN (Student Project for Amity among Nations) adviser to a group of American students.

Chief editor Siri Ranasinghe (now a director of the WNL and an initiator of the Editors Guild of Sri Lanka that he chaired for two terms since 2012) had helped to “resurrect” the Lankadeepa in 1986 as the Wijeya group’s first newspaper. In 1991, when I was on a 10-week “internship” at the ANCL’s Observer during my summer break, Siri asked me to conduct a coaching session for Lankadeepa journalists. I did so at their newsroom on 14 August [1991].

I told the Lankadeepa journalists that the American newspapers of the 1990s used the principles of design–balance, contrast, proportion, and unity–to layout the front pages of each section. The result was a pleasing mixture of text, contrasting headlines, and photos with each story and the appertaining material placed within contrasting rectangular spaces to provide either a vertical or horizontal overall format. [During this [1991] visit Lankadeepa staff writer Ranjit Nimalasiri interviewed me to write a feature on “Rights and responsibilities of a journalist in a democracy” published on 10 September.]

Now, let me cite from p. 143 of my autobiography, which provides the gist of the “conversation” that Ranjith and I had during my unofficial [1993] visit to Wijeya Newspapers:

Although he [Ranjith] had agreed to meet with me during my field trip to Sri Lanka in 1971-72, a meeting failed to materialize until toward the very end of this visit (August 8, 1993). Wijeyawardene, now the chairman of Wijeya Publications, had a cordial half-hour discussion with me in his office.

We talked about how freedom of the press could be enshrined as an unquestionable right. I suggested that political pressure demanding the adoption of a constitutional amendment (resembling the US First Amendment) might be the solution. I thanked him for being on the selection board that chose me, “Weligama Podda” of yore, for the incredible American adventure that elevated me to global citizenship. He responded with his characteristic non-committal laughter and thanked me for the training session I conducted for the Lankadeepa journalists in 1991. After the meeting with the boss, Lankadeepa editor Siri Ranasinghe sprang a surprise by introducing my former Dinamina colleague D.C. Karunaratne as the new consultant to Lankadeepa.

More recently, in early April 2013, during an unplanned visit to Wijeya Newspapers, I met with Ranjith by chance as he arrived with his retinue about noon. He recognized me instantly, and invited my wife Yoke Sim and me to his air-conditioned office for tea. We had a cordial chat for approximately a half-hour about problems related to advertising and press freedom. We exchanged views on the meaning of press freedom in the context of the cultural differences between the philosophies of the East and the West. I explained to him that my views on press freedom had considerably changed since our last meeting two decades ago.

I told him that Sri Lanka news media should adopt the Buddhist approach of mindful journalism to resolve the ethical/moral issues arising from the clash of conventional mass mediated journalism and citizen journalism made possible by inexpensive digital technologies, particularly Web 2 introduced at the turn of this century. I pointed out that editors guilds, press councils, and press complaints commissions would be no more than stop-gap measures that would not resolve the social and moral pollution (dukkha) caused by the adoption of Western journalistic values and styles.

I knew that Ranjith and his two chief editors, Siri Ranasinghe of Lankadeepa and Sinha Ratnatunga of the Sunday Times– both of whom have been inducted into the directorate of WNL in recognition of their dedication that has enabled the Wijeya group to be the dominant force in the Sunday newspaper market–had worked hard to elevate “press freedom” through the editors’ guild, which has set up a college of journalism, a press institute, and a press complaints commission (as a substitute for the dormant press council set up by legislative enactment). But all these bodies are based on the alien Enlightenment presumption of the press as the Fourth Estate–an independent investigative body adversarial to the executive, legislative, and judicial estates.

I suggested that if all journalists were trained to follow the eightfold magga voluntarily addressing the three dimensions of sila (morality/ethics), panna (wisdom/compassion) and samadhi (mindfulness/concentration), the question of imposing top-down codes of ethics would not arise. This is the ziranwuwei (spontaneity-non-action) approach consonant with Buddhism and Daoism. I told him that the Chinese view of the universe in terms of the Yijing  (Book of Changes) model asserts that everything and every being in cyclic existence is interdependent, interconnected and interactive. The Buddhist paticca samuppada model illustrates this absolute truth. Therefore, the press alone cannot occupy the status of an independent Fourth Estate, which is an oxymoronic figment of imagination of the age of  “Enlightenment.”  Freedom and responsibility are coterminous.

To put it in a nutshell, journalism must reflect the virtues of right speech, right action, right livelihood, right understanding, right intention/compassion, right effort, right mindfulness and right concentration. We can slash much of our social dukkha if all communicators, including journalists, were to voluntarily practice these guidelines. The license to violate any of these indices is not freedom. Publishers who used journalism to increase the craving and attachment of people, the source of all dukkha, were violating the principle of right livelihood.

 Comparisons and Contrasts

As I noted at the beginning of Part 1 of this essay, when I referred to Ranjith as a “chip of the old block,” I did so light-heartedly knowing full well that no two beings are alike. I have seen DRW’s portrait at Lake House so often that I cannot forget the physical (rupa) resemblance of Ranjith to his father. But the mind (nama) component of the two shows both similarities and differences.

“I cannot presume to be a ‘chip.’  I was 13 when my father died. He was ailing for two years before that, but he was strong in resolve and in his decision-making.  I am nowhere near matching that,” Ranjith told me in a recent correspondence. It attests to Ranjith’s humility and his harmony-oriented Winnie the Pooh characteristics etched on to his dispositions (sankhara) passed on to him by his dad who also happened to be sensitive, caring, warm and giving.

How do the two compare and contrast in terms of the universally accepted norms related to the behavior of the nama components of the Five Aggregates as evident in their conformity to the eightfold magga in its three-dimensional form?

I will look at the sila dimension because it is the aspect that mostly relates to lay people who are expected to observe the five precepts as a matter of course.

We can judge ethical conduct, based on love and compassion, in terms of right speech, right action and right livelihood. Those engaged in mass communication and journalism, in particular, are invariably expected to practice these norms.

Both DRW and Ranjith became successful in newspaper publishing because they followed the middle path of right speech. They did not intentionally propagate untruths, or resort to backbiting and slander intended to engender hatred, disunity and disharmony among people. Both refrained their publications from excessive use of idle foolish babble and gossip (as seen in some current online news outlets that allow people to shoot from the hip and insult each other–all in the pretext of “press freedom.” Although DRW followed his mother and had a Buddhist upbringing, perhaps he failed to understand that omission of the other side of an issue was a breach of the fourth precept–abstaining from false speech. Hulugalle records that DRW “did not like tight-rope performances and warned leader-writers against the feeling that there is always another side to a question.” After his bitter experience with Esmondsization at Lake House and Wijeya group’s dependence on state advertising, Ranjith has probably included intentional omission as a violation of the fourth precept.  Despite his pro-UNP leanings and his younger son Ruwan being the current UNP state minister of defense, the Wijeya group has avoided the practice of political-partisan journalism that resulted in the takeover of Lake House.

Right action guided both DRW and Ranjith who followed similar action in purchasing doddering businesses to establish their newspapers by moral, honorable and peaceful means without causing harm to others.

They both adhered to the principle of right livelihood because they did not make unconscionable profits by promoting arms and lethal weapons, poisons, animal slaughter and cheating. But both depended heavily on advertising to make their newspapers commercially profitable.

However, as Hulugalle points out, DRW “had no obsession about money-making. His only obsession was his newspapers,” especially the CDN. Ranjith dutifully followed DRW’s strategies when he established the Wijeya Publications/Newspapers Ltd. in 1979 after he lost his “silver spoon.” Similarly, the “chip” too has no obsession about money-making although, learning from the shock of 1973, he has diversified his interests as chairman of several companies, including Lake House Printers and Publishers, Lake House Bookshop, L. H. Plantations, Stamford Lake, Ranweli Holiday Village, Sarathi, and Wijeya Graphics, as well as being a director of Freudenberg & Co. and R. S. Printek.

But his main interest is WNL, which he has turned into the leading newspaper group in Sri Lanka recording the highest annual turnover. It has beaten all the Sunday newspapers in the country.

Ranjith followed DRW’s traits of perseverance, courage and a high sense of public duty as the main elements of success. Like his father, Ranjith was willing to introduce the most modern methods to boost the quality and success of his newspapers. Ranjith followed his cousin Upali to add a fresh dimension to journalism in the country, breaking the conservative mold that had existed for half a century with racy and populist stories.

Like his father, Ranjith built his own newspaper-publishing house by shrewd and careful planning. When the Bandaranaike government nationalized Lake House in 1973, he patiently awaited the outcome of the legal challenge to the takeover. When the UNP defeated the hathhavula in 1977, he refused the offer to resume control of Lake House.  He preferred to take compensation for losses suffered, and used the proceeds to acquire the goodwill, rights, trade names and library of the bankrupt ToC group.  He subsequently started various newspapers using the names of former ToC newspapers: Irida Lankadeepa (1986) that claims a current circulation of 350,000, Sunday Times (1987) with a circulation of 330,000, Lankadeepa (1991) with a circulation of 150,000, and Daily Mirror (1999) with circulation of 25,000, which started as Midweek Mirror (1995).  Other publications owned by WNL include Ada, Bilindu, Daily FT, GO: Guys Only, Hi!!, LW (Lanka Woman), Mirror Sports, Pariganaka, Sirikatha, Tamil Mirror, Tharunaya, Vijey and Wijeya.

DRW was a strict disciplinarian of the old school who followed the British tradition of journalism while his “chip” deviated from his dad’s authoritarian attitude that editors are merely paid scribes who should propagate only their master’s voice. Ranjith understood the negative consequences of disregarding the anatta  (no self) concept in cyclic existence and followed the American tradition of making his loyal editors partners in promoting journalism. Thus, unlike Crowther and Hulugalle (under DRW), Ranasinghe and Ratnatunga  (under Ranjith) have achieved more than a mere “fruitful partnership” with their boss.
Ranjith also improved the design and layout of the Sunday Times and the Irida Lankadeepa using the Newhouse paper USA Today as the model. [My  1991 coaching session for the Lankadeepa journalists focused primarily on USA Today.] In the Sunday Times (3 June 2012) Silver Jubilee souvenir, Ranjith said: “ I, among others, believed there to be room for another newspaper to provide a forum for the expression of divergent views and their discussion. The American newspaper USA Today was a model I had envisaged, both in terms of appearance and content.”

Ranjith also had differences and similarities with his flamboyant cousin Upali who attended Cambridge with him and set up a newspaper publishing company not for moneymaking but simply because “he sensed the need for a vibrant press.” Upali Newspapers effectively dislodged the Independent Newspapers and beat the state-run daily Dinamina while getting very close to Daily News, in circulation.  Thus, the Wijewardenes have re-emerged as the most successful in newspaper publishing. Although Upali disappeared in a plane crash in February 1983 his widow Lakmini, and her father Sivali Ratwatte (brother of SLFP leader Sirimavo Bandaranaike) have raised the quality of journalism through fearless criticism of political corruption with no apparent political bias and by indigenizing its English daily, the Island. WNL and UNL work in harmony as cousins. Both have withstood the threats from several other competitors–Leader Publications, Ceylon Newspapers, Rivira Media Corp., and Sumathi Newspapers–while keeping ANCL at bay.

UNL’s Divaina (156,000), which a study by Ubayasiri and Brady (2003) found to be the “most balanced of the three Sinhala dailies,” is slightly ahead of WNL’s daily Lankadeepa (150,000) and way ahead of ANCL’s Dinamina (75,000). ANCL’s Sunday Observer (175,000), and Silumina (265,000), and UNL’s Divaina Irida Sangrahaya (340,000) and Sunday Island (103,000) trail behind Wijeya group’s two weekend newspapers. However, WNL’s Daily Mirror is behind ANCL’s Daily News (88,000) and UNL’s Island (70,000).

“Thumbs up” to the Wijewardene clan for their exemplary contribution and commitment to journalism in Sri Lanka. Because American scholars speculate that print journalism as we know it will cease to exist before the mid-century, the Wijewardenes should cease to get their cues from the decadent West and look Eastwards toward fostering a new genre of journalism, which I (with two other scholars–Mark Pearson and Sugath Senarath) have identified as mindful journalism.

Building up our economy to bring employment and incomes to our youth

November 3rd, 2015

By Garvin Karunaratne, Ph.D.

Since the days of President Jayawardena we have got used to look for foreign goods and  following the IMF model of allowing imports without any control, spending our foreign exchange for luxury purposes even when we did not have sufficient funds, we have become an indebted country. The IMF advice was intended to make us subservient and make us a colony once again where our countries had to obtain all goods from developed countries; our countries can only continue to produce and sell the raw material. The IMF Model also imposed a high interest policy where our entrepreneurs had to get loans at high interest as much as 24% while in Developed Countries entrepreneurs can get loans at 2 to 4 %. That caused the closure of our industries. This caused unemployment and poverty.

The youth of our country have had to migrate to work in developed and rich countries performing menial and third grade jobs and send a few dollars to their loved ones. Today we have many Departments that encourage sending our youth abroad and The Governments keep counting the money they send, thinking of it as a great achievement. Sadly we have forgotten how to build up our industries, train and find employment for our youth in a respectable manner.

It is in this context  that my own experience in handling the employment creation programme- The Divisional Development Councils Programme(DDCP) in the days of Premier Sirimavo   comes to the forefront.  The DDCP was a crash programme to create employment. As Dr N.M. Perera, the Minister of Finance said it was to enable the youth to get on their feet as trained entrepreneurs. The DDCP was aimed at breathing life into the youth- an attempt to make them active contributors to the country.

I served as the Government Agent of the Matara District and we were told to go ahead full steam. The earlier Government of Premier Dudley was emphasizing paddy cultivation; the Sirimavo Government instead  emphasized employment creation.

The Government Agents were instructed to lead this Programme and a staff of a Planning Officer and a few Development Assistants were appointed overnight. To add to this we identified the best staff in all the Departments we controlled and enlisted their services to further the DDCP. It was an all out attempt and the boss, the Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Plan Implementation,  Professor HAdeS Gunasekera was even allowed to travel by helicopter to get the Programme going. He worked directly under the Prime Minister.

Under the DDCP there were to be employment creation projects in all divisions. Each Division was in charge of a senior officer in the Administrative Service, formerly called the Divisional Revenue Officer, the highest ranking local officer in the days of the Colonial Raj. Later this officer was called the Assistant Government Agent(AGA). In each Division  a Council was established comprising all government officers in the area, the chair persons  of local institutions and the Member of Parliament. At the outset this council was chaired by the AGA while later this Council was chaired by the Member of Parliament.  This Council was to get all expertise available in the government departments and come up with proposals to create employment opportunities  and the Ministry  of Plan Implementation provided funds to establish the projects.  The projects were in agriculture where new land was cleared and brought under cultivation by youths working as a group. At times neglected estate land was obtained for this purpose. These agricultural farms were a great success. In Matara  the youths got good incomes from crops like Ginger. Another aspect was to create small industries in the village areas. This could be in crafts and sewing industries of all types sprang up where youth worked together learning the art of making something for sale, making batik dresses or lace making. In this section we worked duplicating the work of the Small Industries Department which had already made inroads into the village areas with its small industries and handloom projects,. The Councils worked well in submitting various projects.

In all Districts many craft-sewing and agricultural projects were established involving hundreds of youths.

Earlier I had worked a year as  the Deputy Director in charge of small industrial units of the Department like woodworking and pottery and was also supervising private small industries for purposes of registering them and giving them grants of foreign exchange to enable them to import the ingredients that had to be imported  for their industries. I had a sound knowledge of small industry.

I decided that we should make a breakthrough in making something new, something that was not done earlier, i.e. something that is being imported. The Councils under my direction did feasibility studies and submitted proposals for Dairy Farming,  Making Water Colours, Making sago out of manioc, Making iron farm implements , making Sea worthy Fishing Boats. This was import substitution, making an item that is being imported which will enable employment opportunities for local youth and also reduce the foreign exchange that was used for imports.  Feasibility studies were done at the District level and officers of other Departments who were patriotic to devote time in addition to their duties joined us.  The staff of one Planning Officer and a dozen Development Assistants- all graduates were assisted in this regard by Chandra Silva an able District  Land Officer,  Ranjith Wimalaratne the Head Quarters Assistant Government Agent and many others.

Sad to say we did not get any support for the new import substitution type of industries that we submitted. The Dairy Farming Project was rejected because we were not having new land to build pastures. Our idea of using fallow land as temporary grazing land for cattle and feeding cattle on existing land which could be developed as pastures and our concept of building up family farms making each inch of land productive involving family members, where income will be developed by selling milk, vegetables etc .and also building up a creamery to make cheese was rejected. The production of milk on estates in Deniyaya by itself could have sustained a small creamery but then I did not know that most creameries in Switzerland are small. I was then not a specialist in economics and my arguments never carried any weight. Paper economists, who had never done anything tangible by way of setting up any industry or project in their lives always had their day. My suggestion to make Water Colours was rejected as we did not have a single ingredient that went into that manufacture. My submission that if Japan could take cotton all the way from Egypt, make cloth and sell it back to the Egyptians and build up a vast textile industry we should also be able to import ingredients and make what we need, creating local employment did not  find favour with the Ministry.

I fought a long  battle  with the Ministry of Plan Implementation and the Ministry of Fisheries to get approval to establish a mechanized boatyard. I clashed with the two Ministries and their specialists many a day, got locked up in arguments till the Ministry approved my establishing a Boatyard at Matara.  Once the green light was issued we got going, built up a boatyard at the edge of Nilwala River, purchased the machinery, installed the machinery and built boats- 45 feet long, with inboard motors. This was done within three months and it was a state of the art  boatmaking industry that made boats and sold them to cooperatives. The Assistant Government Agent Ran Ariyadasa and the Development Assistant Kumarasiri proved to be able workers in this novel venture.  Though the new Government of President Jayawardena got this industry closed down it was a great industry. The new Government wanted to discredit the outgoing government. Today I can easily spot a lone carpenter making a boat on the side of the coastal roads.  That  proves that we can make all the boats we need to be self sufficient in fish. But unfortunately we think that buying the fish from as far as  Chile on the other side of the world is viable.  All this while youngsters from our fishing villages either go to do menial work abroad or linger unemployed. The plight of the fishing villages is expressed in my novel: Landa Liyange Sihina Atare at Godages. It is my chance now to write of their plight. I did help them once  by establishing the boatyard but now it is no more all due to political vengeance.

The agricultural farms and the craft and sewing industries were a success, but that was all. The Ministry of Plan Implementation comprised  officers who were frightened to march into new areas like creating import substitution type of  industries. They were more like cats playing with a ball of wool, completely entangled not knowing what to do. The staff of the District was very keen and we had a chemistry graduate as our Planning Officer. One day I summoned Vetus Fernando our Planning Officer and convinced him that we should try to make crayons. I explained everything I knew about small industrial units that made water colours which I had inspected earlier in my days in Small Industries. Daya Paliakkara, our District Development Assistant was also keen and we decided to commence experiments to find how to make crayons. Vetus  put his heart and soul into it reliving all the experiments he had done at the chemistry lab in the University at Colombo where he graduated a year earlier. He was ably assisted by Science Teachers of the District. We started experiments  in the evening after work in a room in my residency at Matara. The ingredients were purchased out of our pockets and we conducted experiments till  late in the night until we found that the few implements that were available at home were insufficient. I then  approached Mr Ariyawansa, the Principal of Rahula College and he readily gave us permission to use the school lab after school closes for our experiments. After work at the katcheri, Vetus moved his headquarters to the School lab at Rahula and ably assisted by Chandra Silva, the DLO of the District who was  full of ideas, and the Science Teachers of the District conducted a myriad of experiments.  It took around a month to finalise a crayon,  but we were not yet satisfied with the texture and strength. That task defied Vetus and our team. Finally Vetus decided that he could get help from the dons in the University in Colombo. I authorized him to go to Colombo and be there at State expense for this purpose. In about a week Vetus returned a broken down, disheartened man. He said that none of his lecturers and professors even gave him a hearing as they were neck deep involved in their normal duties of lecturing and conducting tutorials. The rejection that Vetus got at the University propelled us into action.   That night itself we all met at the Rahula School lab and I was present for hours joining my team.  Vetus   rejuvenated himself and we were all determined to succeed. There was no way that we were going to call it a day and accept defeat. I can remember joining them almost everyday after work and being there to support the scientists at work. Finally in about a month we did achieve the impossible, and the crayons that we made were of real good quality as good as  the Crayola crayons on the market today.

Now I had to make a decision as to what to do. There was no point in seeking any approval from  the Ministry  of Plan Implementation purely because I was dead certain that they will not approve my establishing any industry. If I reported that we were successful in making crayons and if they refused to allow me to make crayons I would not be able to do anything. I would have to abide by their decision. We finally decided that we will establish a cooperative industry on our own.  But how were we to do it. As the Government Agent I had no remit to establish an industry. In any case I did not have a Vote out of which I could take funds for such a purpose. We decided that we could entrust this task to one of our Multi Purpose Cooperative Societies. The Multipurpose Cooperatives had Unions in each division and this Coop Union did have funds. Finally  we selected the best coop union in the District- the Morawak Korale Coop Union. The President of that Union happened to be Sumanapala Dahanayake the Member of Parliament of Deniyaya, a person who could be trusted and who was someone who would not chicken out half way through. He had impressed me as a person who had leadership qualities. I summoned Sumanapala, showed him the crayon and he was surprised at its quality and pleaded of us to allow him to make it.  I wanted it to be done officially and therefore told him that I would officially approve it.  Though there was an Assistant Commissioner of Cooperatives at the District level he had no business to establish industries. It so happened that during the days of Premier Dudley in order to bring about coordination  among the three departments- Agriculture, Agrarian Services and Cooperative Development the Government Agents of the Districts were gazetted as Deputy Directors.  I   summoned the Assistant Commissioner  of Cooperative Development and told him that I was authorizing the Morawak Korale Coop Union to use their funds and purchase the implements required and get going with the expenses required to establish a crayon making industry. I told him not to inform the Commissioner of Cooperative Development because I knew him so well that if he comes to know of my decision he will object and with that the venture will have to stop.  Finally I signed a letter addressed to the President of the Coop Union, Sumanapala authorizing him to spend funds from the Coop Union and establish a Crayon Factory. Everything was wrapped up in total secrecy as my remit as the Government Agent was not to establish an industry without Ministry approval

Sumanapala was up to the task. I told him that crayons have to be made, cartons printed and that two rooms had to  be filled with crayons in two weeks time. He took off to Morawaka, where he recruited twenty youths, found premises and purchased all the implements and also the raw materials necessary for making crayons.  Vetus, Chandra Silva and Daya Paliakkara moved to Morawaka where they took turns and worked day and night with Sumanapala and the youths. They were all supervising the use of materials and Vetus was a task master in judgng the quality.  The work continued round the clock- a full 24 hours a day for two weeks till  crayons of all colours was made. In the meantime elegant packets were printed to pack Coop Crayons. I was more at Morawaka than at Matara that two weeks.  The Crayon Factory was established and we decided that we would get the Minister of Industries to open sales. This was our ploy to get legitimacy for our industry. Sumanapala and I went to meet Mr T.B.Subasinghe the Minister for Industries. I knew him well because it was he that was instrumental in  posting me  as a Deputy Director of Small Industries  a few years earlier when I was sojourning reading novels in the celebrated pool of unwanted administrators. Dr N.M had heard from someone that I read a novel a day seated somewhere in the Ministry of Public Admin  and had told him to give me a job. Sumanapala knew him as a parliamentarian.  We met Mr Subasinghe and produced the crayons and he could not believe that we made them. He readily agreed to come for an opening ceremony where we would open sales. A date was agreed in haste and  the industry was declared open.

This gave legitimacy for the project. It is entertaining to realize that this rogue industry established entirely on my own in order to teach the Ministry of Plan Implementation  a lesson, finally became the flagship industry of the DDCP.

The crayon factory was established using raw materials purchased in the open market. Things in the open market were costly. The Small Industries Department made allocations of foreign exchange to small industrialists to import raw materials. Coop Crayon was denied this because the Ministry of Industries argued that their funds were not meant for cooperatives. I argued with the Permanent Secretary but he was not prepared to bend the rules. Finally after some thought I approached Harry Guneratne the Controller of Imports. He had set apart an allocation of foreign exchange for the import of crayons. In a crayon the content of dyes was very low as low as 10% and though he flatly refused he had to agree to my argument that by allocating foreign exchange for coop crayon he could reduce his allocation for imports.  However he wanted me to get the approval of his Minister, Mr T.B. Illangaratne.  Sumanapala and I met Mr Ilangaratne and showed him the crayons we made and discussed his granting approval for an allocation from the funds meant for imports to be spent on production. He not only approved the  cross allocation but also insisted that we establish a coop crayon in Kolonnawa, his electorate. We agreed but said that it will be done later once our Coop Crayon is fully viably established. The foreign exchange allocation gave a great boost to our profits. It was great to work with Harry Guneratne and T.B. Illangaratne, personages who were not frightened to bend the rules when it came to work  for the cause of development.

Sumanapala directed the Crayon Factory and it grew to have island wide sales and by the time the ruling party lost at the election in 1977, this industry was well established.

It so happened as happens today while I pen these thoughts that an incoming  government always wants to fling mud at the earlier government. President Jayawadena’s Government sent a special officer to look into the working of the Crayon Factory particularly the work of Sumanapala Dahanayake. N.T Ariyaratne was the Deputy Director sent with this task. One day later Ariyaratne told me how he was sent with instructions to find fault with the Crayon Factory and particularly to nail Sumanapala ,  but he found it to be well established as a paying and viable industry.

However with the IMF controlled Jayawardena Government which flooded the country with imported crayon, Coop Crayon too had to close.

Instead of handing over the art of making crayons to a cooperative, if I had summoned Harischandra, a leading private entrepreneur in Matara and gave him the art of making crayons perhaps there would today be a Harischandra Crayon in the market. We made one mistake. I did not advise Sumanapala to get his Coop Union to apply for a patent.

The manner in which we have ruined our well established industries is  something that has to be remembered and avoided.

What I have said is no exaggeration. Every word in this statement is the truth. In fact today four decades after the days of Coop Crayon, my blood boils when I see any Crayola Crayons on sale in Sri Lanka. My mind rages with the amount of riches, employment for our youths that we have lost. We could have easily alleviated the poverty of a hundred families..

With the success of Coop Crayon one lesson is that there is no industry we cannot develop and excel.  Vetus was a raw graduate who had no experience whatsoever.  One of the Rahula Science teachers had earlier worked at Anuradhapura Central and told me that the Anuradhapura Central School science lab is far more equipped than the science lab at Rahula.  Making an item like a crayon is an art in itself and the recipe for making Crayola Crayons must be a million dollar guarded patent. What Vetus’s success tells me is that we can make anything and everything we need.  This can create employment for thousands and millions if only we want it to be.

It is sad that we do not want even to follow how other countries create employment. Take the UK, over half the silencers replaced on motor vehicles are made locally and cost a fraction of the imported silencers. Once when my car silencer broke down at Jessore, Bangladesh, a local garage made a silencer for me in three hours and it lasted a three thousand mile  trip to India and Nepal and for a year more. Similarly a host of items like scissor jacks can be easily manufactured. It is far easier to establish these industries than to establish a crayon factory.

The role played by Sumanapala Dahanayake was admirable. He was daring and a maverick and if development of any sought had to be done he was there to contribute his mite. Politicians have to admire the role he played.

It is necessary to control imports if any local industry is to be established. We should not be frightened to control imports. In fact Hersheys Chocolates in California has got the import of chocolates that compete with their brands to the USA totally banned. Last year a newspaper wrote about the work of a school in Gampaha that attends to restore discarded motor cycles. Is it not sad that we do not yet have  a single factory making cycles. That is a far simpler task than making crayons.

If we can get our science graduates and science teachers going we can find the art of making everything we need. There is no question about that fact.

In my never ending visits to my mother country I love, I have run into many officials. Some of the Grama Niladharis I met have impressed me   with their intention to work. In my days as Additional Government Agent at Kegalla, we went ahead with voluntary work projects involving hundreds  and in these projects the Grama Niladharis at Kitulgala and Warakapola were great workers and  they organized massive projects. I have met a graduate trained in food processing working as a clerical officer due to the fact that there are no openings in food processing. Once I wrote that we can become self sufficient in making all fruit juice and fruit jam etc.  in one year if only we want to. The raw produce is melon, mangoes, pineapple where around half the crop is wasted today for the lack of sales. I suggested three or four food processing factories at Anuradhapura, Tissamaharama, and Matale and if the green light is given today the machinery can be set up in time for the Chena crop in March  next year and Sri Lanka can be self sufficient in all fruit juice by June next year. I can vouch for the fact that this is a task that can be done. I worked for years in the Marketing Department that ran the Canning Factory. The cost of buildings for the factories, and the cost of the machinery will be less than half of what we spend in one year to import fruit juice and jam.

I speak though sheer experience. I was instrumental in establishing the Youth Self Employment Programme of Bangladesh in my two year stint as Advisor to the Ministry of Manpower. The Military Administration wanted to scale down the activities of youth skills training and I was questioned as to what contribution I could make for Bangladesh. Bangladeshi Administrators and the Military bosses did not like foreign advisors and that questioning was intended to pack me away. I told them that most youths who complete the skills training end up being unemployed. I recommended that the skills training programme the Ministry had training 40,000 youths annually should be supplemented with a self employment programme where the youths in training will be afforded the chance to establish enterprises whilst being in training. I had a hard task arguing with specialists who opined that it has not been done anywhere and that it cannot be done They also added that the ILO tried to establish such  a programme at Tangail in Bangladesh and miserably failed. I argued for over two hours with experts and secretaries of Ministries who were of the opinion that it cannot be done till the Minister for Manpower, Air Vice Msarshall Aminul Islam had enough of it. He questioned all who opposed me as to whether they had any programme which did what I suggested- to make entrepreneurs out of the trained. They had to eat humble pie and admit that they had none.  The Minister immediately ruled that I should be allowed to prove that such a programme be established. The Treasury immediately vetoed and said that there will be no funds. I immediately said that I needed no funds other than to find a small saving from the training budget for essentials. We started work the very next day, training the staff of youth workers and  deputy directors of youth development in employment creation techniques and addressing the youths in skills training. We worked for a full twelve hour day, every day in the year, including weekends., This programme which started with no funds is today the premier programme of employment creation in the entire world and by February 2011 reported to the FAO that it had guided two million youths to become employed.  We do not need any money. What is required is to give the authority to utilize funds already approved for training to be used for creating employment. and to redeploy officers.

In the Youth Self Employment Programme in Bangladesh the lecturers of training institutes readily agreed to guide all student trainees when they commenced any enterprise be it rearing a few cows or dress making. All skills training institutes had to keep their doors open till ten in the night to enable the trainees to make something for sale using the machinery.   This is something that can be done overnight. Let me hope that our Ministers in charge of skills training will understand the basic fact that by fusing skills training with guidance in enterpreneurship we can achieve wonders without additional staff and new funds.

I have met Divisional Officers who moan that they have little work to do other than attending to paper administration.

The Paper economists of today that lead our  research institutions hold no experience whatsoever of bringing about development. The only experience they hold is to make studies of work under the IMF controlled regime of making nothing and importing everything. As much as they advise us let them also enclose in their reports what they have achieved so far.

It is very unfortunate that we have been bought over to the IMF idea of foreign investment. Foreigners do not come to help us.. They come to rob us of our resources and wealth. Noritake came to use our resources and the country could not get taxes from them as they work on a tax haven. Though they do not pay taxes to us every item they make is heavily taxed in Japan and also is taxed again at the foreign sales point be it in the UK or the USA. . Sri lanka is the loser. Give our local entrepreneurs the incentives that we give to foreigners and our Harischandras and Jinasenas will work wonders.

The DCCP concentrated only on the public sector. Instead it is necessary to offer incentives to the private sector. When President Jayawardena  wanted to get wheat milled instead of getting local millers he gave that contract to a Singaporean company, Prima. Today Prima imports and sells us the flour. In the Fifties when we wanted to mill our paddy the Government established paddy mills and also encouraged local people  to establish rice mills. The Millers responded admirably and I happened to be one of the officers in charge of that project.  We have to get our local entrepreneurs going. Then the riches will remain in our country . It is sad that we don’t yet realize that Macdonalds  and Pizza Huts takes away profits from our country.  In the Fifties the Marketing Department had a Bakery that made excellent pastries. The Marketing Department also had a Canning Factory that made Sri Lanka self sufficient in all fruit juice and jam. The Chena cultivators became rich in that process. The IMF got the Canning Factory closed and the Marketing Department abolished and now we import all fruit preparations.

It is hoped that our leaders will take heed and consider these suggestions.  If any clarification is required I am always available.  For more details on industries anyone can read my book: Papers on the Economic Development of Sri Lanka at Godages.

Finally let me make a firm statement that we can create employment for  five  hundred thousand of our youth in four to five years without spending any more funds than we use for development today. However we must be given the opportunity to redeploy staff, re orient the functions of development departments and be granted the right to curtail imports in the national interest. The DDCP of Premier  Sirimavo and Dr NM created employment only for some 33,000 in seven years. My suggestion of creating employment for 500,000 is realistic. The achievement of my own Self Employment Programme in Bangladesh, where we have so far guided over two million to become entrepreneurs stands as a real achievement on the sands of time.

Let me request my readers, if they stand convinced, to send copies of this paper to any leader who happens to be known to them. Let me request the media to give publicity as far as possible. Let this paper kindle  debate and argument and let there be a Minister like Aminul Islam of Bangladesh who will be maverick enough to direct  a massive programme of self employment that will rid our country of poverty and unemployment.

Garvin Karunaratne

Former SLAS, Government Agent Matara District

3 rdNovember 2015

Study: U.S. regime has killed 20-30 million since world two

November 3rd, 2015

by  http://wearechange.org/

After the catastrophic attacks of September 11 2001 monumental sorrow and a feeling of desperate and understandable anger began to permeate the American psyche. A few people at that time attempted to promote a balanced perspective by pointing out that the United States had also been responsible for causing those same feelings in people in other nations, but they produced hardly a ripple. Although Americans understand in the abstract the wisdom of people around the world empathizing with the suffering of one another, such a reminder of wrongs committed by our nation got little hearing and was soon overshadowed by an accelerated “war on terrorism.”

But we must continue our efforts to develop understanding and compassion in the world. Hopefully, this article will assist in doing that by addressing the question “How many September 11ths has the United States caused in other nations since WWII?” This theme is developed in this report which contains an estimated numbers of such deaths in 37 nations as well as brief explanations of why the U.S. is considered culpable.

The causes of wars are complex. In some instances nations other than the U.S. may have been responsible for more deaths, but if the involvement of our nation appeared to have been a necessary cause of a war or conflict it was considered responsible for the deaths in it. In other words they probably would not have taken place if the U.S. had not used the heavy hand of its power. The military and economic power of the United States was crucial.

This study reveals that U.S. military forces were directly responsible for about 10 to 15 million deaths during the Korean and Vietnam Wars and the two Iraq Wars. The Korean War also includes Chinese deaths while the Vietnam War also includes fatalities in Cambodia and Laos.

The American public probably is not aware of these numbers and knows even less about the proxy wars for which the United States is also responsible. In the latter wars there were between nine and 14 million deaths in Afghanistan, Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo, East Timor, Guatemala, Indonesia, Pakistan and Sudan.

But the victims are not just from big nations or one part of the world. The remaining deaths were in smaller ones which constitute over half the total number of nations. Virtually all parts of the world have been the target of U.S. intervention.

The overall conclusion reached is that the United States most likely has been responsible since WWII for the deaths of between 20 and 30 million people in wars and conflicts scattered over the world.

To the families and friends of these victims it makes little difference whether the causes were U.S. military action, proxy military forces, the provision of U.S. military supplies or advisors, or other ways, such as economic pressures applied by our nation. They had to make decisions about other things such as finding lost loved ones, whether to become refugees, and how to survive.

And the pain and anger is spread even further. Some authorities estimate that there are as many as 10 wounded for each person who dies in wars. Their visible, continued suffering is a continuing reminder to their fellow countrymen.

It is essential that Americans learn more about this topic so that they can begin to understand the pain that others feel. Someone once observed that the Germans during WWII “chose not to know.” We cannot allow history to say this about our country. The question posed above was “How many September 11ths has the United States caused in other nations since WWII?” The answer is: possibly 10,000.

Comments on Gathering These Numbers

Generally speaking, the much smaller number of Americans who have died is not included in this study, not because they are not important, but because this report focuses on the impact of U.S. actions on its adversaries.

An accurate count of the number of deaths is not easy to achieve, and this collection of data was undertaken with full realization of this fact. These estimates will probably be revised later either upward or downward by the reader and the author. But undoubtedly the total will remain in the millions.

The difficulty of gathering reliable information is shown by two estimates in this context. For several years I heard statements on radio that three million Cambodians had been killed under the rule of the Khmer Rouge. However, in recent years the figure I heard was one million. Another example is that the number of persons estimated to have died in Iraq due to sanctions after the first U.S. Iraq War was over 1 million, but in more recent years, based on a more recent study, a lower estimate of around a half a million has emerged.

Often information about wars is revealed only much later when someone decides to speak out, when more secret information is revealed due to persistent efforts of a few, or after special congressional committees make reports

Both victorious and defeated nations may have their own reasons for underreporting the number of deaths. Further, in recent wars involving the United States it was not uncommon to hear statements like “we do not do body counts” and references to “collateral damage” as a euphemism for dead and wounded. Life is cheap for some, especially those who manipulate people on the battlefield as if it were a chessboard.

To say that it is difficult to get exact figures is not to say that we should not try. Effort was needed to arrive at the figures of 6six million Jews killed during WWI, but knowledge of that number now is widespread and it has fueled the determination to prevent future holocausts. That struggle continues.

The author can be contacted at jlucas511@woh.rr.com.

37 victim nations


The U.S. is responsible for between 1 and 1.8 million deaths during the war between the Soviet Union and Afghanistan, by luring the Soviet Union into invading that nation. (1,2,3,4)

The Soviet Union had friendly relations its neighbor, Afghanistan, which had a secular government. The Soviets feared that if that government became fundamentalist this change could spill over into the Soviet Union.

In 1998, in an interview with the Parisian publication Le Novel Observateur, Zbigniew Brzezinski, adviser to President Carter, admitted that he had been responsible for instigating aid to the Mujahadeen in Afghanistan which caused the Soviets to invade. In his own words:
“According to the official version of history, CIA aid to the Mujahadeen began during 1980, that is to say, after the Soviet army invaded Afghanistan on 24 December 1979. But the reality, secretly guarded until now, is completely otherwise. Indeed, it was July 3, 1979 that President Carter signed the first directive for secret aid to the opponents of the pro-Soviet regime in Kabul. And that very day, I wrote a note to the President in which I explained to him that in my opinion this aid was going to induce a Soviet military intervention.” (5,1,6)
Brzezinski justified laying this trap, since he said it gave the Soviet Union its Vietnam and caused the breakup of the Soviet Union. “Regret what?” he said. “That secret operation was an excellent idea. It had the effect of drawing the Russians into the Afghan trap and you want me to regret it?” (7)

The CIA spent 5 to 6 billion dollars on its operation in Afghanistan in order to bleed the Soviet Union. (1,2,3) When that 10-year war ended over a million people were dead and Afghan heroin had captured 60% of the U.S. market. (4)

The U.S. has been responsible directly for about 12,000 deaths in Afghanistan many of which resulted from bombing in retaliation for the attacks on U.S. property on September 11, 2001. Subsequently U.S. troops invaded that country. (4)


An indigenous armed struggle against Portuguese rule in Angola began in 1961. In 1977 an Angolan government was recognized by the U.N., although the U.S. was one of the few nations that opposed this action. In 1986 Uncle Sam approved material assistance to UNITA, a group that was trying to overthrow the government. Even today this struggle, which has involved many nations at times, continues.

U.S. intervention was justified to the U.S. public as a reaction to the intervention of 50,000 Cuban troops in Angola. However, according to Piero Gleijeses, a history professor at Johns Hopkins University the reverse was true. The Cuban intervention came as a result of a CIA – financed covert invasion via neighboring Zaire and a drive on the Angolan capital by the U.S. ally, South Africa1,2,3). (Three estimates of deaths range from 300,000 to 750,000 (4,5,6)

Argentina: See South America: Operation Condor

Bangladesh: See Pakistan


Hugo Banzer was the leader of a repressive regime in Bolivia in the 1970s. The U.S. had been disturbed when a previous leader nationalized the tin mines and distributed land to Indian peasants. Later that action to benefit the poor was reversed.

Banzer, who was trained at the U.S.-operated School of the Americas in Panama and later at Fort Hood, Texas, came back from exile frequently to confer with U.S. Air Force Major Robert Lundin. In 1971 he staged a successful coup with the help of the U.S. Air Force radio system. In the first years of his dictatorship he received twice as military assistance from the U.S. as in the previous dozen years together.

A few years later the Catholic Church denounced an army massacre of striking tin workers in 1975, Banzer, assisted by information provided by the CIA, was able to target and locate leftist priests and nuns. His anti-clergy strategy, known as the Banzer Plan, was adopted by nine other Latin American dictatorships in 1977. (2) He has been accused of being responsible for 400 deaths during his tenure. (1)

Also see: South America: Operation Condor

Brazil: See South America: Operation Condor


U.S. bombing of Cambodia had already been underway for several years in secret under the Johnson and Nixon administrations, but when President Nixon openly began bombing in preparation for a land assault on Cambodia it caused major protests in the U.S. against the Vietnam War.

There is little awareness today of the scope of these bombings and the human suffering involved.

Immense damage was done to the villages and cities of Cambodia, causing refugees and internal displacement of the population. This unstable situation enabled the Khmer Rouge, a small political party led by Pol Pot, to assume power. Over the years we have repeatedly heard about the Khmer Rouge’s role in the deaths of millions in Cambodia without any acknowledgement being made this mass killing was made possible by the the U.S. bombing of that nation which destabilized it by death , injuries, hunger and dislocation of its people.

So the U.S. bears responsibility not only for the deaths from the bombings but also for those resulting from the activities of the Khmer Rouge – a total of about 2.5 million people. Even when Vietnam latrer invaded Cambodia in 1979 the CIA was still supporting the Khmer Rouge. (1,2,3)

Also see Vietnam


An estimated 40,000 people in Chad were killed and as many as 200,000 tortured by a government, headed by Hissen Habre who was brought to power in June, 1982 with the help of CIA money and arms. He remained in power for eight years. (1,2)

Human Rights Watch claimed that Habre was responsible for thousands of killings. In 2001, while living in Senegal, he was almost tried for crimes committed by him in Chad. However, a court there blocked these proceedings. Then human rights people decided to pursue the case in Belgium, because some of Habre’s torture victims lived there. The U.S., in June 2003, told Belgium that it risked losing its status as host to NATO’s headquarters if it allowed such a legal proceeding to happen. So the result was that the law that allowed victims to file complaints in Belgium for atrocities committed abroad was repealed. However, two months later a new law was passed which made special provision for the continuation of the case against Habre.


The CIA intervened in Chile’s 1958 and 1964 elections. In 1970 a socialist candidate, Salvador Allende, was elected president. The CIA wanted to incite a military coup to prevent his inauguration, but the Chilean army’s chief of staff, General Rene Schneider, opposed this action. The CIA then planned, along with some people in the Chilean military, to assassinate Schneider. This plot failed and Allende took office. President Nixon was not to be dissuaded and he ordered the CIA to create a coup climate: “Make the economy scream,” he said.

What followed were guerilla warfare, arson, bombing, sabotage and terror. ITT and other U.S. corporations with Chilean holdings sponsored demonstrations and strikes. Finally, on September 11, 1973 Allende died either by suicide or by assassination. At that time Henry Kissinger, U.S. Secretary of State, said the following regarding Chile: “I don’t see why we need to stand by and watch a country go communist because of the irresponsibility of its own people.” (1)

During 17 years of terror under Allende’s successor, General Augusto Pinochet, an estimated 3,000 Chileans were killed and many others were tortured or “disappeared.” (2,3,4,5)

Also see South America: Operation Condor


An estimated 900,000 Chinese died during the Korean War. For more information, See: Korea.


One estimate is that 67,000 deaths have occurred from the 1960s to recent years due to support by the U.S. of Colombian state terrorism. (1)

According to a 1994 Amnesty International report, more than 20,000 people were killed for political reasons in Colombia since 1986, mainly by the military and its paramilitary allies. Amnesty alleged that “U.S.- supplied military equipment, ostensibly delivered for use against narcotics traffickers, was being used by the Colombian military to commit abuses in the name of “counter-insurgency.” (2) In 2002 another estimate was made that 3,500 people die each year in a U.S. funded civilian war in Colombia. (3)

In 1996 Human Rights Watch issued a report “Assassination Squads in Colombia” which revealed that CIA agents went to Colombia in 1991 to help the military to train undercover agents in anti-subversive activity. (4,5)

In recent years the U.S. government has provided assistance under Plan Colombia. The Colombian government has been charged with using most of the funds for destruction of crops and support of the paramilitary group.


In the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba on April 18, 1961 which ended after 3 days, 114 of the invading force were killed, 1,189 were taken prisoners and a few escaped to waiting U.S. ships. (1) The captured exiles were quickly tried, a few executed and the rest sentenced to thirty years in prison for treason. These exiles were released after 20 months in exchange for $53 million in food and medicine.

Some people estimate that the number of Cuban forces killed range from 2,000, to 4,000. Another estimate is that 1,800 Cuban forces were killed on an open highway by napalm. This appears to have been a precursor of the Highway of Death in Iraq in 1991 when U.S. forces mercilessly annihilated large numbers of Iraqis on a highway. (2)

Democratic Republic of Congo (formerly Zaire)

The beginning of massive violence was instigated in this country in 1879 by its colonizer King Leopold of Belgium. The Congo’s population was reduced by 10 million people over a period of 20 years which some have referred to as “Leopold’s Genocide.” (1) The U.S. has been responsible for about a third of that many deaths in that nation in the more recent past. (2)

In 1960 the Congo became an independent state with Patrice Lumumba being its first prime minister. He was assassinated with the CIA being implicated, although some say that his murder was actually the responsibility of Belgium. (3) But nevertheless, the CIA was planning to kill him. (4) Before his assassination the CIA sent one of its scientists, Dr. Sidney Gottlieb, to the Congo carrying “lethal biological material” intended for use in Lumumba’s assassination. This virus would have been able to produce a fatal disease indigenous to the Congo area of Africa and was transported in a diplomatic pouch.

Much of the time in recent years there has been a civil war within the Democratic Republic of Congo, fomented often by the U.S. and other nations, including neighboring nations. (5)

In April 1977, Newsday reported that the CIA was secretly supporting efforts to recruit several hundred mercenaries in the U.S. and Great Britain to serve alongside Zaire’s army. In that same year the U.S. provided $15 million of military supplies to the Zairian President Mobutu to fend off an invasion by a rival group operating in Angola. (6)

In May 1979, the U.S. sent several million dollars of aid to Mobutu who had been condemned 3 months earlier by the U.S. State Department for human rights violations. (7) During the Cold War the U.S. funneled over 300 million dollars in weapons into Zaire (8,9) $100 million in military training was provided to him. (2) In 2001 it was reported to a U.S. congressional committee that American companies, including one linked to former President George Bush Sr., were stoking the Congo for monetary gains. There is an international battle over resources in that country with over 125 companies and individuals being implicated. One of these substances is coltan, which is used in the manufacture of cell phones. (2)

Dominican Republic

In 1962, Juan Bosch became president of the Dominican Republic. He advocated such programs as land reform and public works programs. This did not bode well for his future relationship with the U.S., and after only 7 months in office, he was deposed by a CIA coup. In 1965 when a group was trying to reinstall him to his office President Johnson said, “This Bosch is no good.” Assistant Secretary of State Thomas Mann replied “He’s no good at all. If we don’t get a decent government in there, Mr. President, we get another Bosch. It’s just going to be another sinkhole.” Two days later a U.S. invasion started and 22,000 soldiers and marines entered the Dominican Republic and about 3,000 Dominicans died during the fighting. The cover excuse for doing this was that this was done to protect foreigners there. (1,2,3,4)

East Timor

In December 1975, Indonesia invaded East Timor. This incursion was launched the day after U.S. President Gerald Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger had left Indonesia where they had given President Suharto permission to use American arms, which under U.S. law, could not be used for aggression. Daniel Moynihan, U.S. ambassador to the UN. said that the U.S. wanted “things to turn out as they did.” (1,2) The result was an estimated 200,000 dead out of a population of 700,000. (1,2)

Sixteen years later, on November 12, 1991, two hundred and seventeen East Timorese protesters in Dili, many of them children, marching from a memorial service, were gunned down by Indonesian Kopassus shock troops who were headed by U.S.- trained commanders Prabowo Subianto (son in law of General Suharto) and Kiki Syahnakri. Trucks were seen dumping bodies into the sea. (5)

El Salvador

The civil war from 1981 to1992 in El Salvador was financed by $6 billion in U.S. aid given to support the government in its efforts to crush a movement to bring social justice to the people in that nation of about 8 million people. (1)

During that time U.S. military advisers demonstrated methods of torture on teenage prisoners, according to an interview with a deserter from the Salvadoran army published in the New York Times. This former member of the Salvadoran National Guard testified that he was a member of a squad of twelve who found people who they were told were guerillas and tortured them. Part of the training he received was in torture at a U.S. location somewhere in Panama. (2)

About 900 villagers were massacred in the village of El Mozote in 1981. Ten of the twelve El Salvadoran government soldiers cited as participating in this act were graduates of the School of the Americas operated by the U.S. (2) They were only a small part of about 75,000 people killed during that civil war. (1)

According to a 1993 United Nations’ Truth Commission report, over 96 % of the human rights violations carried out during the war were committed by the Salvadoran army or the paramilitary deaths squads associated with the Salvadoran army. (3)

That commission linked graduates of the School of the Americas to many notorious killings. The New York Times and the Washington Post followed with scathing articles. In 1996, the White House Oversight Board issued a report that supported many of the charges against that school made by Rev. Roy Bourgeois, head of the School of the Americas Watch. That same year the Pentagon released formerly classified reports indicating that graduates were trained in killing, extortion, and physical abuse for interrogations, false imprisonment and other methods of control. (4)


The CIA began to destabilize Grenada in 1979 after Maurice Bishop became president, partially because he refused to join the quarantine of Cuba. The campaign against him resulted in his overthrow and the invasion by the U.S. of Grenada on October 25, 1983, with about 277 people dying. (1,2) It was fallaciously charged that an airport was being built in Grenada that could be used to attack the U.S. and it was also erroneously claimed that the lives of American medical students on that island were in danger.


In 1951 Jacobo Arbenz was elected president of Guatemala. He appropriated some unused land operated by the United Fruit Company and compensated the company. (1,2) That company then started a campaign to paint Arbenz as a tool of an international conspiracy and hired about 300 mercenaries who sabotaged oil supplies and trains. (3) In 1954 a CIA-orchestrated coup put him out of office and he left the country. During the next 40 years various regimes killed thousands of people.

In 1999 the Washington Post reported that an Historical Clarification Commission concluded that over 200,000 people had been killed during the civil war and that there had been 42,000 individual human rights violations, 29,000 of them fatal, 92% of which were committed by the army. The commission further reported that the U.S. government and the CIA had pressured the Guatemalan government into suppressing the guerilla movement by ruthless means. (4,5)

According to the Commission between 1981 and 1983 the military government of Guatemala – financed and supported by the U.S. government – destroyed some four hundred Mayan villages in a campaign of genocide. (4)

One of the documents made available to the commission was a 1966 memo from a U.S. State Department official, which described how a “safe house” was set up in the palace for use by Guatemalan security agents and their U.S. contacts. This was the headquarters for the Guatemalan “dirty war” against leftist insurgents and suspected allies. (2)


From 1957 to 1986 Haiti was ruled by Papa Doc Duvalier and later by his son. During that time their private terrorist force killed between 30,000 and 100,000 people. (1) Millions of dollars in CIA subsidies flowed into Haiti during that time, mainly to suppress popular movements, (2) although most American military aid to the country, according to William Blum, was covertly channeled through Israel.

Reportedly, governments after the second Duvalier reign were responsible for an even larger number of fatalities, and the influence on Haiti by the U.S., particularly through the CIA, has continued. The U.S. later forced out of the presidential office a black Catholic priest, Jean Bertrand Aristide, even though he was elected with 67% of the vote in the early 1990s. The wealthy white class in Haiti opposed him in this predominantly black nation, because of his social programs designed to help the poor and end corruption. (3) Later he returned to office, but that did not last long. He was forced by the U.S. to leave office and now lives in South Africa.


In the 1980s the CIA supported Battalion 316 in Honduras, which kidnapped, tortured and killed hundreds of its citizens. Torture equipment and manuals were provided by CIA Argentinean personnel who worked with U.S. agents in the training of the Hondurans. Approximately 400 people lost their lives. (1,2) This is another instance of torture in the world sponsored by the U.S. (3)

Battalion 316 used shock and suffocation devices in interrogations in the 1980s. Prisoners often were kept naked and, when no longer useful, killed and buried in unmarked graves. Declassified documents and other sources show that the CIA and the U.S. Embassy knew of numerous crimes, including murder and torture, yet continued to support Battalion 316 and collaborate with its leaders.” (4)

Honduras was a staging ground in the early 1980s for the Contras who were trying to overthrow the socialist Sandinista government in Nicaragua. John D. Negroponte, currently Deputy Secretary of State, was our embassador when our military aid to Honduras rose from $4 million to $77.4 million per year. Negroponte denies having had any knowledge of these atrocities during his tenure. However, his predecessor in that position, Jack R. Binns, had reported in 1981 that he was deeply concerned at increasing evidence of officially sponsored/sanctioned assassinations. (5)


In 1956 Hungary, a Soviet satellite nation, revolted against the Soviet Union. During the uprising broadcasts by the U.S. Radio Free Europe into Hungary sometimes took on an aggressive tone, encouraging the rebels to believe that Western support was imminent, and even giving tactical advice on how to fight the Soviets. Their hopes were raised then dashed by these broadcasts which cast an even darker shadow over the Hungarian tragedy.” (1) The Hungarian and Soviet death toll was about 3,000 and the revolution was crushed. (2)


In 1965, in Indonesia, a coup replaced General Sukarno with General Suharto as leader. The U.S. played a role in that change of government. Robert Martens,a former officer in the U.S. embassy in Indonesia, described how U.S. diplomats and CIA officers provided up to 5,000 names to Indonesian Army death squads in 1965 and checked them off as they were killed or captured. Martens admitted that “I probably have a lot of blood on my hands, but that’s not all bad. There’s a time when you have to strike hard at a decisive moment.” (1,2,3) Estimates of the number of deaths range from 500,000 to 3 million. (4,5,6)
From 1993 to 1997 the U.S. provided Jakarta with almost $400 million in economic aid and sold tens of million of dollars of weaponry to that nation. U.S. Green Berets provided training for the Indonesia’s elite force which was responsible for many of atrocities in East Timor. (3)


Iran lost about 262,000 people in the war against Iraq from 1980 to 1988. (1) See Iraq for more information about that war.

On July 3, 1988 the U.S. Navy ship, the Vincennes, was operating withing Iranian waters providing military support for Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war. During a battle against Iranian gunboats it fired two missiles at an Iranian Airbus, which was on a routine civilian flight. All 290 civilian on board were killed. (2,3)


A. The Iraq-Iran War lasted from 1980 to 1988 and during that time there were about 105,000 Iraqi deaths according to the Washington Post. (1,2)

According to Howard Teicher, a former National Security Council official, the U.S. provided the Iraqis with billions of dollars in credits and helped Iraq in other ways such as making sure that Iraq had military equipment including biological agents This surge of help for Iraq came as Iran seemed to be winning the war and was close to Basra. (1) The U.S. was not adverse to both countries weakening themselves as a result of the war, but it did not appear to want either side to win.

B: The U.S.-Iraq War and the Sanctions Against Iraq extended from 1990 to 2003.

Iraq invaded Kuwait on August 2, 1990 and the U.S. responded by demanding that Iraq withdraw, and four days later the U.N. levied international sanctions.

Iraq had reason to believe that the U.S. would not object to its invasion of Kuwait, since U.S. Ambassador to Iraq, April Glaspie, had told Saddam Hussein that the U.S. had no position on the dispute that his country had with Kuwait. So the green light was given, but it seemed to be more of a trap.

As a part of the public relations strategy to energize the American public into supporting an attack against Iraq the daughter of the Kuwaiti ambassador to the U.S. falsely testified before Congress that Iraqi troops were pulling the plugs on incubators in Iraqi hospitals. (1) This contributed to a war frenzy in the U.S.

The U.S. air assault started on January 17, 1991 and it lasted for 42 days. On February 23 President H.W. Bush ordered the U.S. ground assault to begin. The invasion took place with much needless killing of Iraqi military personnel. Only about 150 American military personnel died compared to about 200,000 Iraqis. Some of the Iraqis were mercilessly killed on the Highway of Death and about 400 tons of depleted uranium were left in that nation by the U.S. (2,3)

Other deaths later were from delayed deaths due to wounds, civilians killed, those killed by effects of damage of the Iraqi water treatment facilities and other aspects of its damaged infrastructure and by the sanctions.

In 1995 the Food and Agriculture Organization of the U.N. reported that U.N sanctions against on Iraq had been responsible for the deaths of more than 560,000 children since 1990. (5)

Leslie Stahl on the TV Program 60 Minutes in 1996 mentioned to Madeleine Albright, U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. “We have heard that a half million children have died. I mean, that’s more children than died in Hiroshima. And – and you know, is the price worth it?” Albright replied “I think this is a very hard choice, but the price – we think is worth it.” (4)

In 1999 UNICEF reported that 5,000 children died each month as a result of the sanction and the War with the U.S. (6)

Richard Garfield later estimated that the more likely number of excess deaths among children under five years of age from 1990 through March 1998 to be 227,000 – double those of the previous decade. Garfield estimated that the numbers to be 350,000 through 2000 (based in part on result of another study). (7)

However, there are limitations to his study. His figures were not updated for the remaining three years of the sanctions. Also, two other somewhat vulnerable age groups were not studied: young children above the age of five and the elderly.

All of these reports were considerable indicators of massive numbers of deaths which the U.S. was aware of and which was a part of its strategy to cause enough pain and terror among Iraqis to cause them to revolt against their government.

C: Iraq-U.S. War started in 2003 and has not been concluded

Just as the end of the Cold War emboldened the U.S. to attack Iraq in 1991 so the attacks of September 11, 2001 laid the groundwork for the U.S. to launch the current war against Iraq. While in some other wars we learned much later about the lies that were used to deceive us, some of the deceptions that were used to get us into this war became known almost as soon as they were uttered. There were no weapons of mass destruction, we were not trying to promote democracy, we were not trying to save the Iraqi people from a dictator.

The total number of Iraqi deaths that are a result of our current Iraq against Iraq War is 654,000, of which 600,000 are attributed to acts of violence, according to Johns Hopkins researchers. (1,2)

Since these deaths are a result of the U.S. invasion, our leaders must accept responsibility for them.

Israeli-Palestinian War

About 100,000 to 200,000 Israelis and Palestinians, but mostly the latter, have been killed in the struggle between those two groups. The U.S. has been a strong supporter of Israel, providing billions of dollars in aid and supporting its possession of nuclear weapons. (1,2)

Korea, North and South

The Korean War started in 1950 when, according to the Truman administration, North Korea invaded South Korea on June 25th. However, since then another explanation has emerged which maintains that the attack by North Korea came during a time of many border incursions by both sides. South Korea initiated most of the border clashes with North Korea beginning in 1948. The North Korea government claimed that by 1949 the South Korean army committed 2,617 armed incursions. It was a myth that the Soviet Union ordered North Korea to attack South Korea. (1,2)

The U.S. started its attack before a U.N. resolution was passed supporting our nation’s intervention, and our military forces added to the mayhem in the war by introducing the use of napalm. (1)

During the war the bulk of the deaths were South Koreans, North Koreans and Chinese. Four sources give deaths counts ranging from 1.8 to 4.5 million. (3,4,5,6) Another source gives a total of 4 million but does not identify to which nation they belonged. (7)

John H. Kim, a U.S. Army veteran and the Chair of the Korea Committee of Veterans for Peace, stated in an article that during the Korean War “the U.S. Army, Air Force and Navy were directly involved in the killing of about three million civilians – both South and North Koreans – at many locations throughout Korea…It is reported that the U.S. dropped some 650,000 tons of bombs, including 43,000 tons of napalm bombs, during the Korean War.” It is presumed that this total does not include Chinese casualties.

Another source states a total of about 500,000 who were Koreans and presumably only military. (8,9)


From 1965 to 1973 during the Vietnam War the U.S. dropped over two million tons of bombs on Laos – more than was dropped in WWII by both sides. Over a quarter of the population became refugees. This was later called a “secret war,” since it occurred at the same time as the Vietnam War, but got little press. Hundreds of thousands were killed. Branfman make the only estimate that I am aware of , stating that hundreds of thousands died. This can be interpeted to mean that at least 200,000 died. (1,2,3)

U.S. military intervention in Laos actually began much earlier. A civil war started in the 1950s when the U.S. recruited a force of 40,000 Laotians to oppose the Pathet Lao, a leftist political party that ultimately took power in 1975.

Also see Vietnam


Between 8,000 and 12,000 Nepalese have died since a civil war broke out in 1996. The death rate, according to Foreign Policy in Focus, sharply increased with the arrival of almost 8,400 American M-16 submachine guns (950 rpm) and U.S. advisers. Nepal is 85 percent rural and badly in need of land reform. Not surprisingly 42 % of its people live below the poverty level. (1,2)

In 2002, after another civil war erupted, President George W. Bush pushed a bill through Congress authorizing $20 million in military aid to the Nepalese government. (3)


In 1981 the Sandinistas overthrew the Somoza government in Nicaragua, (1) and until 1990 about 25,000 Nicaraguans were killed in an armed struggle between the Sandinista government and Contra rebels who were formed from the remnants of Somoza’s national government. The use of assassination manuals by the Contras surfaced in 1984. (2,3)

The U.S. supported the victorious government regime by providing covert military aid to the Contras (anti-communist guerillas) starting in November, 1981. But when Congress discovered that the CIA had supervised acts of sabotage in Nicaragua without notifying Congress, it passed the Boland Amendment in 1983 which prohibited the CIA, Defense Department and any other government agency from providing any further covert military assistance. (4)

But ways were found to get around this prohibition. The National Security Council, which was not explicitly covered by the law, raised private and foreign funds for the Contras. In addition, arms were sold to Iran and the proceeds were diverted from those sales to the Contras engaged in the insurgency against the Sandinista government. (5) Finally, the Sandinistas were voted out of office in 1990 by voters who thought that a change in leadership would placate the U.S., which was causing misery to Nicaragua’s citizenry by it support of the Contras.


In 1971 West Pakistan, an authoritarian state supported by the U.S., brutally invaded East Pakistan. The war ended after India, whose economy was staggering after admitting about 10 million refugees, invaded East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and defeated the West Pakistani forces. (1)

Millions of people died during that brutal struggle, referred to by some as genocide committed by West Pakistan. That country had long been an ally of the U.S., starting with $411 million provided to establish its armed forces which spent 80% of its budget on its military. $15 million in arms flowed into W. Pakistan during the war. (2,3,4)

Three sources estimate that 3 million people died and (5,2,6) one source estimates 1.5 million. (3)


In December, 1989 U.S. troops invaded Panama, ostensibly to arrest Manuel Noriega, that nation’s president. This was an example of the U.S. view that it is the master of the world and can arrest anyone it wants to. For a number of years before that he had worked for the CIA, but fell out of favor partially because he was not an opponent of the Sandinistas in Nicaragua. (1) It has been estimated that between 500 and 4,000 people died. (2,3,4)

Paraguay: See South America: Operation Condor


The Philippines were under the control of the U.S. for over a hundred years. In about the last 50 to 60 years the U.S. has funded and otherwise helped various Philippine governments which sought to suppress the activities of groups working for the welfare of its people. In 1969 the Symington Committee in the U.S. Congress revealed how war material was sent there for a counter-insurgency campaign. U.S. Special Forces and Marines were active in some combat operations. The estimated number of persons that were executed and disappeared under President Fernando Marcos was over 100,000. (1,2)

South America: Operation Condor

This was a joint operation of 6 despotic South American governments (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) to share information about their political opponents. An estimated 13,000 people were killed under this plan. (1)

It was established on November 25, 1975 in Chile by an act of the Interamerican Reunion on Military Intelligence. According to U.S. embassy political officer, John Tipton, the CIA and the Chilean Secret Police were working together, although the CIA did not set up the operation to make this collaboration work. Reportedly, it ended in 1983. (2)

On March 6, 2001 the New York Times reported the existence of a recently declassified State Department document revealing that the United States facilitated communications for Operation Condor. (3)


Since 1955, when it gained its independence, Sudan has been involved most of the time in a civil war. Until about 2003 approximately 2 million people had been killed. It not known if the death toll in Darfur is part of that total.

Human rights groups have complained that U.S. policies have helped to prolong the Sudanese civil war by supporting efforts to overthrow the central government in Khartoum. In 1999 U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright met with the leader of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) who said that she offered him food supplies if he would reject a peace plan sponsored by Egypt and Libya.

In 1978 the vastness of Sudan’s oil reservers was discovered and within two years it became the sixth largest recipient of U.S, military aid. It’s reasonable to assume that if the U.S. aid a government to come to power it will feel obligated to give the U.S. part of the oil pie.

A British group, Christian Aid, has accused foreign oil companies of complicity in the depopulation of villages. These companies – not American – receive government protection and in turn allow the government use of its airstrips and roads.

In August 1998 the U.S. bombed Khartoum, Sudan with 75 cruise míssiles. Our government said that the target was a chemical weapons factory owned by Osama bin Laden. Actually, bin Laden was no longer the owner, and the plant had been the sole supplier of pharmaceutical supplies for that poor nation. As a result of the bombing tens of thousands may have died because of the lack of medicines to treat malaria, tuberculosis and other diseases. The U.S. settled a lawsuit filed by the factory’s owner. (1,2)

Uruguay: See South America: Operation Condor


In Vietnam, under an agreement several decades ago, there was supposed to be an election for a unified North and South Vietnam. The U.S. opposed this and supported the Diem government in South Vietnam. In August, 1964 the CIA and others helped fabricate a phony Vietnamese attack on a U.S. ship in the Gulf of Tonkin and this was used as a pretext for greater U.S. involvement in Vietnam. (1)

During that war an American assassination operation,called Operation Phoenix, terrorized the South Vietnamese people, and during the war American troops were responsible in 1968 for the mass slaughter of the people in the village of My Lai.

According to a Vietnamese government statement in 1995 the number of deaths of civilians and military personnel during the Vietnam War was 5.1 million. (2)

Since deaths in Cambodia and Laos were about 2.7 million (See Cambodia and Laos) the estimated total for the Vietnam War is 7.8 million.

The Virtual Truth Commission provides a total for the war of 5 million, (3) and Robert McNamara, former Secretary Defense, according to the New York Times Magazine says that the number of Vietnamese dead is 3.4 million. (4,5)


Yugoslavia was a socialist federation of several republics. Since it refused to be closely tied to the Soviet Union during the Cold War, it gained some suport from the U.S. But when the Soviet Union dissolved, Yugoslavia’s usefulness to the U.S. ended, and the U.S and Germany worked to convert its socialist economy to a capitalist one by a process primarily of dividing and conquering. There were ethnic and religious differences between various parts of Yugoslavia which were manipulated by the U.S. to cause several wars which resulted in the dissolution of that country.

From the early 1990s until now Yugoslavia split into several independent nations whose lowered income, along with CIA connivance, has made it a pawn in the hands of capitalist countries. (1) The dissolution of Yugoslavia was caused primarily by the U.S. (2)

Here are estimates of some, if not all, of the internal wars in Yugoslavia. All wars: 107,000; (3,4)

Bosnia and Krajina: 250,000; (5) Bosnia: 20,000 to 30,000; (5) Croatia: 15,000; (6) and

Kosovo: 500 to 5,000. (7)



1. Mark Zepezauer, Boomerang (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 2003), p.135.

2. Chronology of American State Terrorism

3. Soviet War in Afghanistan

4. Mark Zepezauer, The CIA’s Greatest Hits (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1994), p.76

5. U.S Involvement in Afghanistan, Wikipedia

6. ‘The CIA’s Intervention in Afghanistan, Interview with Zbigniew Brzezinski’, Le Nouvel Observateur, Paris, 15-21 January 1998, Posted at globalresearch.ca 15 October 2001

7. William Blum, Rogue State (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 2000), p.5

8. UnknownNews.net


1. Howard W. French, “From Old Files, a New Story of the U.S. Role in the Angolan War”, New York Times 3/31/02

2. ‘Angolan Update’, American Friends Service Committee FS, 11/1/99 flyer.

3. Norman Solomon, War Made Easy, (John Wiley & Sons, 2005) p. 82-83.

4. Lance Selfa, ‘U.S. Imperialism, A Century of Slaughter’, International Socialist Review, Issue 7, Spring 1999 (as appears on thirdworldtraveler.com)

5. Jeffress Ramsay, Africa , (Dushkin/McGraw Hill Guilford Connecticut), 1997, p. 144-145.

6. Mark Zepezauer, The CIA’s Greatest Hits (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1994), p.54.

Argentina: See South America: Operation Condor


1. Phil Gunson, Guardian, 5/6/02

2. Jerry Meldon, ‘Return of Bolivia’s Drug – Stained Dictator’, Consortium News

Brazil: See South America: Operation Condor


1. Virtual Truth Commission

2. David Model, ‘President Richard Nixon, Henry Kissinger, and the Bombing of Cambodia’, excerpted from the book Lying for Empire How to Commit War Crimes With A Straight Face, Common Courage Press, 2005

3. Noam Chomsky, Chomsky on Cambodia under Pol Pot, etc.


1. William Blum, Rogue State (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 2000), p. 151-152 .

2. Richard Keeble, Crimes Against Humanity in Chad, Znet/Activism 12/4/06


1. Parenti, Michael, The Sword and the Dollar (New York, St. Martin’s Press, 1989) p. 56.

2. William Blum, Rogue State (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 2000), p. 142-143.

3. moreorless.au.com: ‘Heroes and Killers of the 20th Century, Augusto Pinochet Ugarte’

4. Associated Press, ‘Pincohet on 91st Birthday, Takes Responsibility for Regime’s Abuses’, Dayton Daily News 11/26/06

5. Chalmers Johnson, Blowback, The Costs and Consequences of American Empire (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2000), p. 18.

China: See Korea


1. Chronology of American State Terrorism, p.2

2. William Blum, Rogue State (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 2000), p. 163.

3. Millions Killed by Imperialism, Washington Post May 6, 2002)

4. Gabriella Gamini, CIA Set Up Death Squads in Colombia, Times, Dec. 5, 1996

5. Virtual Truth Commission, 1991

Human Rights Watch Report: ‘Colombia’s Killer Networks–The Military-Paramilitary Partnership’


1. St. James Encyclopedia of Popular Culture – on Bay of Pigs Invasion

2. Wikipedia

Democratic Republic of Congo (Formerly Zaire)

1. F. Jeffress Ramsey, Africa (Guilford Connecticut, 1997), p. 85

2. Anup Shaw, The Democratic Republic of Congo, 10/31/2003

3. Kevin Whitelaw, A Killing in Congo, U. S. News and World Report

4. William Blum, Killing Hope (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1995), p 158-159.

5. Ibid., p. 260

6. Ibid., p. 259

7. Ibid., p.262

8. David Pickering, ‘World War in Africa’, 6/26/02

9. William D. Hartung and Bridget Moix, ‘Deadly Legacy; U.S. Arms to Africa and the Congo War’, Arms Trade Resource Center, January , 2000

Dominican Republic

1. Norman Solomon, (untitled) Baltimore Sun April 26, 2005. Intervention Spin Cycle

2. Wikipedia

3. William Blum, Killing Hope (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1995), p. 175.

4. Mark Zepezauer, The CIA’s Greatest Hits (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1994), p.26-27.

East Timor

1. Virtual Truth Commission

2. Matthew Jardine, ‘Unraveling Indonesia’, Nonviolent Activist, 1997

3. Chronology of American State Terrorism

4. William Blum, Killing Hope (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1995), p. 197.

5. ‘US trained butchers of Timor’, The Guardian, London. Cited by The Drudge Report, September 19, 1999.

El Salvador

1. Robert T. Buckman, Latin America 2003, (Stryker-Post Publications Baltimore 2003) p. 152-153.

2. William Blum, Rogue State (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 2000), p. 54-55.

3. El Salvador, Wikipedia

4. Virtual Truth Commission


1. Mark Zepezauer, The CIA’S Greatest Hits (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1994), p. 66-67.

2. Stephen Zunes, The U.S. Invasion of Grenada


1. Virtual Truth Commission

2. Ibid.

3. Mark Zepezauer, The CIA’s Greatest Hits (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1994), p.2-13.

4. Robert T. Buckman, Latin America 2003 (Stryker-Post Publications Baltimore 2003) p. 162.

5. Douglas Farah, ‘Papers Show U.S. Role in Guatemalan Abuses’, Washington Post, March 11, 1999, A 26


1. Francois Duvalier

2. Mark Zepezauer, The CIA’s Greatest Hits (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1994), p 87.

3. William Blum, Haiti 1986-1994: Who Will Rid Me of This Turbulent Priest, http://www.doublestandards.org/blum8.html


1. William Blum, Rogue State (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 2000), p. 55.

2. Reports by Country: Honduras, Virtual Truth Commission

3. James A. Lucas, ‘Torture Gets The Silence Treatment’, Countercurrents, July 26, 2004.

4. Gary Cohn and Ginger Thompson, ‘Unearthed: Fatal Secrets’, Baltimore Sun, reprint of a series that appeared June 11-18, 1995 in Jack Nelson-Pallmeyer, School of Assassins, p. 46 Orbis Books 2001

5. Michael Dobbs, ‘Negroponte’s Time in Honduras at Issue’, Washington Post, March 21, 2005


1. Edited by Malcolm Byrne, The 1956 Hungarian Revoluiton: A history in Documents, November 4, 2002

2. Wikipedia


1. Virtual Truth Commission

2. Editorial, ‘Indonesia’s Killers’, The Nation, March 30, 1998.

3. Matthew Jardine, ‘Indonesia Unraveling’, Non Violent Activist, Sept – Oct, 1997 (Amnesty) 2/7/07.

4. Sison, Jose Maria, Reflections on the 1965 Massacre in Indonesia, p. 5.

5. Annie Pohlman, Women and the Indonesian Killings of 1965-1966: Gender Variables and Possible Direction for Research, p.4

6. Peter Dale Scott, ‘The United States and the Overthrow of Sukarno, 1965-1967’, Pacific Affairs, 58, Summer 1985, pages 239-264.

7. Mark Zepezauer, The CIA’s Greatest Hits (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1994), p.30.


1. Geoff Simons, Iraq from Sumer to Saddam, 1996, St. Martins Press, NY p. 317.

2. Chronology of American State Terrorism

3. BBC, 1988: ‘US Warship Shoots Down Iranian Airliner’


Iran-Iraq War

1. Michael Dobbs, U.S. Had Key role in Iraq Buildup, Washington Post, December 30, 2002, p A01

2. GlobalSecurity.Org, Iran Iraq War (1980-1980)

U.S. Iraq War and Sanctions

1. Ramsey Clark, The Fire This Time (New York, Thunder’s Mouth), 1994, p.31-32

2. Ibid., p. 52-54

3. Ibid., p. 43

4. Anthony Arnove, Iraq Under Siege, (South End Press Cambridge MA 2000). p. 175.

5. Food and Agricultural Organizaiton, ‘The Children are Dying’, 1995 World View Forum, International Action Center, International Relief Association, p. 78

6. Anthony Arnove, Iraq Under Siege, South End Press Cambridge MA 2000. p. 61.

7. David Cortright, A Hard Look at Iraq Sanctions, December 3, 2001, The Nation.

U.S-Iraq War 2003-?

1. Jonathan Bor, ‘654,000 Deaths Tied to Iraq War’, Baltimore Sun, October 11, 2006

2. unknownnews.net

Israeli-Palestinian War

1. Post-1967 Palestinian & Israeli Deaths from Occupation & Violence, May 16, 2006

2. Chronology of American State Terrorism


1. James I. Matray, ‘Revisiting Korea: Exposing Myths of the Forgotten War’, Korean War Teachers Conference: The Korean War, February 9, 2001

2. William Blum, Killing Hope (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1995), p. 46

3. Kanako Tokuno, ‘Chinese Winter Offensive in Korean War – the Debacle of American Strategy’, ICE Case Studies Number 186, May, 2006

4. John G. Stroessinger, Why Nations go to War, (New York; St. Martin’s Press), p. 99)

5. Britannica Concise Encyclopedia, as reported at Answers.com

6. Exploring the Environment: Korean Enigma

7. S. Brian Wilson, ‘Who are the Real Terrorists?’ Virtual Truth Commisson

8. Korean War Casualty Statistics

9. S. Brian Wilson, ‘Documenting U.S. War Crimes in North Korea’, (Veterans for Peace Newsletter) Spring, 2002)


1. William Blum, Rogue State (Maine, Common Cause Press) p. 136

2. Chronology of American State Terrorism

3. Fred Branfman, War Crimes in Indochina and our Troubled National Soul


1. Conn Hallinan, Nepal & the Bush Administration: Into Thin Air, February 3, 2004

2. Human Rights Watch, Nepal’s Civil War: the Conflict Resumes, March 2006 )


3. Wayne Madsen, ‘Possible CIA Hand in the Murder of the Nepal Royal Family’, India Independent Media Center, September 25, 2001


1. Virtual Truth Commission

2. Timeline Nicaragua

3. Chronology of American State Terrorism

4. William Blum, ‘Nicaragua 1981-1990: Destabilization in Slow Motion’

5. Wikipedia


1. John G. Stoessinger, Why Nations Go to War, (New York: St. Martin’s Press), 1974 pp 157-172.

2. Asad Ismi, ‘A U.S. – Financed Military Dictatorship’, The CCPA Monitor, June 2002, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives

3. Mark Zepezauer, Boomerang (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 2003), p.123, 124.

4. Arjum Niaz, ‘When America Looks the Other Way’

5. Leo Kuper, Genocide (Yale University Press, 1981), p. 79.

6. Bangladesh Liberation War, Wikipedia


1. Mark Zepezauer, The CIA’s Greatest Hits, (Odonian Press 1998) p. 83.

2. William Blum, Rogue States (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 2000), p.154.

3. ‘U.S. Military Charged with Mass Murder’, The Winds 9/96

4. Mark Zepezauer, CIA’s Greatest Hits (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1994), p.83.

Paraguay: See South America: Operation Condor


1. Romeo T. Capulong, ‘A Century of Crimes Against the Filipino People’, Presentation, Public Interest Law Center, World Tribunal for Iraq Trial in New York City on August 25, 2004

2. Roland B. Simbulan, ‘The CIA in Manila – Covert Operations and the CIA’s Hidden History in the Philippines’ Equipo Nizkor Information – Derechos

South America: Operation Condor

1. John Dinges, ‘Pulling Back the Veil on Condor’, The Nation, July 24, 2000.

2. Virtual Truth Commission, Telling the Truth for a Better America

3. Operation Condor


1. Mark Zepezauer, Boomerang, (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 2003), p. 30, 32,34,36.

2. The Black Commentator, Africa Action – ‘The Tale of Two Genocides: The Failed US Response to Rwanda and Darfur’, 11 August 2006

Uruguay: See South America: Operation Condor


1. Mark Zepezauer, The CIA’s Greatest Hits (Monroe, Maine:Common Courage Press,1994), p 24

2. Casualties – US vs NVA/VC

3. Brian Wilson, Virtual Truth Commission

4. Fred Branfman, ‘U.S. War Crimes in Indochiona and our Duty to Truth’, August 26, 2004

5. David K Shipler, ‘Robert McNamara and the Ghosts of Vietnam’, New York Times


1. Sara Flounders, Bosnia Tragedy: The Unknown Role of the Pentagon in NATO in the Balkans (New York: International Action Center) p. 47-75

2. James A. Lucas, ‘Media Disinformation on the War in Yugoslavia: The Dayton Peace Accords Revisited’, Global Research, September 7, 2005

3. Yugoslav Wars in 1990s

4. George Kenney, ‘The Bosnia Calculation: How Many Have Died? Not nearly as many as some would have you think’, NY Times Magazine, April 23, 1995

5. Chronology of American State Terrorism

6. Croatian War of Independence, Wikipedia

7. Human Rights Watch, New Figures on Civilian Deaths in Kosovo War, (February 7, 2000)


කලාකරුවන්ගේ අභිමානය සුරකිනු,

November 3rd, 2015

චන්ද්‍රසේන පණ්ඩිතගේ විසිනි

 ජනතාව විසින් දේශපාලඥයින්ව බලයට පත් කරන අතර, ජනතාව විසින්ම පලවා හැරීමද සිදු කරයි.. කලාකරුවා එවැන්නෙක් නොවේ, කලාකරුවා කලාකරුවෙක් කරන්නේ කවුද? දේශපාලඥයෙක් නම් නොවේ. කලාව තුල දිව්යමය විද්යාවක් ගැබ්ව ඇති අතර, එය සාමාන්ය දේශපාලඥයින්ට අවබෝධ කරගතද නොහැක. කලාකරුවා මුළු ඉතිහාසයටම අඛණ්ඩව සේවය කරන්නෙක් වන අතර, මේ වන විට ඉතිරිව ඇති පැරණි ශිෂ්ථාචාරයන් මේ යයි වර්තමානයට විදහා පෙන්වන්නේ‌, අතීතයේ ජීවත්ව සිටි කලාකරැවන් පරපුරයි. එවන් වටිනාකමක් කලාකරුවෙකු සතුව පවතිද්දී චන්න හා උපුලී යන අග්රගන්යේ කලා කරුවන් දෙපල මහා පරිමාන දූෂණ හා වංචා සෙවීමේ කොමිසමට කැදවා ප්රශ්න කර ඇත.

චන්න හා උපුලී යනු මෙරට ජනතාව සතු ජීවමාන ජාතික සම්පත්ය. රටේ ජාතික සම්පත්, පවතින රජය විසින් මනාව සුරැකිය යුතුය. තවද ජීවමාන ජාතික සම්පත්; ජාතික සම්පත්ය යන පදනමේ පවතින්නේ, ඔවුන් තුල ඇත්තාවූ සුවිශේෂ නිපුනතාවයන් පදනම් කරගෙනය. මේ දක්ෂතාවයන් නිකම්ම නිකම් දක්ෂතාවයන් නොව අති දක්ෂතාවයන්ය. ඔවුන් තුල පවතින මේ දක්ෂතාවයන් විසින් මෙරට ජන මනස පමණක් නොව, විදේශීය, ප්රබුද්ධ ජන මානස තලයන්ද ග්රහණයට ලක් කරගෙන ඇත.

එවන් වටිනා ජාතික වස්තූන් මනා සුරකිනවා වෙනුවට, රජය විසින් ඔවුනට ලබාදෙන ලද කලා කටයුත්තක් සදහා, ඔවුන් ලද මුදල සම්බන්ධව ප්රකාශයක් ලබා ගැනීම සදහා රජය විසින්ම පත් කරන ලද මහා පරිමාණ දූෂණ සෙවීමට පත්කර ඇති කොමිසමට කැදවා ඇත.

ඔවුනට මේ මුදල ගෙවා ඇත්තේ රජය වන අතර, මේ මුදල සම්බන්ධව ප්රශ්න කරන්නේද රජයයි. ගෙවා ඇත්තේ රජය නම් එම මුදල ගෙවීමට ඇති හේතු සාධක රජය සතු විය යුතුය. යම් ගැටළුවක් ඇත්නම් අභ්යන්තර පරීක්ෂණයක් මගින් විසදිය යුතු ගැටළුවක් විසදා ගැනීම සදහා මේ මහා කලාකරුවාව, මෙම කොමිසමට කැදවා ඔහුගේ වටිනා කාලය විනාශ කිරීම සම්බන්ධව අපගේ බලවත් විරෝධය පල කරමු.

ඔහුව මෙම කොමිසමට කැදවීම තුලින් විනාශ කරනු ලැබුවේ ඔවුන් සතු දවසක් හෝ දෙකක් වැනි කාලයක් පමණක් නොවේ. මහා කලාකරුවෙක් නිදහස්ව සිය කලා කටයුතු සදහා යොදන මනසක්ද දිගු කලකට විනා කල බව මේ කැදවීම කලයුතුයයි ප්රතමයෙන්ම යෝජනා කල පුද්ගලයාත් ඊට අනුබලදුන් සියල්ලන්ම වටහා ගත යුුතුය.

හම්බන්තොට වරාය විවෘත කිරීමේ මංගල්යේදී චන්න උපුලී රංගායතනය රුපියල් ලක්ෂ 68 මුදලක් අය කිරීම සම්බන්ධව ප්රශ්න කිරීමට පිහිටුවා ඇති කොමිසමට වැය කරන මුදල ලක්ෂ කීයකින් නවතීදැයි අප ප්රශ්න නොකරමු. නමුත් මෙවන් කලාකරුවෙක්; විශේෂයෙන් රටට ගෞරවයක් අඛණ්ඩව ලබාදෙමින් සිටින කලා කරුවෙක්, රටට විශාල විදේශ විනිමයක් ගලා ඒමේපසුබිම සකස් කරන කලා කරුවෙක්ව කැදවා තමන්ගේ මනසේ නලියන දේශපාලන පලි ගැනීමේ කටයුත්තකට මං විවර කර ගැනීමට දැරූ තැත සම්බන්ධව අපගේ දැඩි අප්රසාදය ජනාධිපතිතුමා වෙත සෘජුවම පල කරමු


ජනාධිපති මන්දිරයේ බංකරය හා ජිනීවා යෝජනා

November 3rd, 2015

-උදයංග සුගතපාල යුතුකම සංවාද කවය

ජනාධිපති මන්දිරය යනු ජනාධිපති වරයකුගේ පෞද්ගලික බූදලයක් නොවේ. කාලින අවශ්‍යතාවය අනුව එය නවීකරණය කිරීම පාලකයන්ගේ වගකීමක් හා යුතුකමක් වෙයි. මානුෂිය මෙහෙයුම පැවතී කාලයේ ඊට නායකත්වය දුන් නායකයා විනාශ කිරීමට කොටින්ගේ දැඩි උත්සහයක් තිබෙන්නට ඇතුවාට සැකයක් නැත. කුරුම්බැට්ටි යානා වලින් පහරදීම ආරම්බ වනවාත් සමගම රාජ්‍ය නායකයාට එල්ලවූ තර්ජනය බලවත් විය. එවැනි විටක ගුවනින් හෙලන බෝම්බ වලින් ආරක්ෂා වීමට සුදුසු පරිදි භූගත ආරක්ෂක ස්ථානයක් ඉදිකිරීමට සිදුවී ඇත.

අති සුඛෝපබෝගී වෙඩි නොවදින කාර් හා හෙලිකොප්ටර් වලින් ගමන් බිමන් යන වත්මන් ජනාධිපතිතුමා ඒ කාලයේ රටේ නායකයා වී සිටියේනම් කුමක් කරනු ඇත්ද? ඇතැම් විට සටන් විරාමයකට එකඟ වනු ඇත. එවිට ඔහුට භූගත ආරක්‍ෂිත ස්ථානයක් පමණක් නොව පහතින් එන ගුවන්යානා හදුනා ගත හැකි ත්‍රිමාණ රේඩාර් පද්ධති ද අවශ්‍ය නොවනු ඇත. අවශ්‍ය උවත් ඉන්දියාව අමනාප වේ යැයි බියෙන් චීනෙන් හෝ වෙනත් රටකින් අදාල රේඩාර් උපකරණ ආනයනය නොකරනු ඇත.

වත්මන් අගමැති එදා රටේ නායකයා වී සිටියා නම් කිසි දිනක ජනාධිපති මන්දිරයේ බංකර් ඉදි නොවනු ඇත. එවැන්නක් අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ ස්ථිර අධිෂ්ටානයෙන් ත්‍රස්තවාදය මැඩලීම සඳහා බටහිර බලවේග වලට මුහුණ දෙමින් කටයුතු කිරීමට සුදානම් නායකයෙකුට පමණි. රනිල් මහතාට බංකර් පමණක් නොව තොප්පිගල වැනි කැලෑ ද අවශ්‍ය නැත. ඔහුට අවශ්‍ය මෙගපොලිස් මහා නාගරිකය වැනි දේවල් ය.

එක් අතකින් ඒ බංකරය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා කොටි ත්‍රස්තවාදය පරාජය කිරීම සඳහා එඩිතරව සුදානම් වී සිටි බවට සංකේතයකි. එතුමා නොසිටින්නට කුරුම්බැට්ටි බෝම්බ වලින් බේරීම සඳහා කොළඹ බොහෝ නිවෙස්වල භූගත බංකර් ඉදිවීමට ඉඩ තිබුනේ ය.

ආණ්ඩුව කඩිමුඩියේ එම බංකරය ගැන ජනතාවට හෙළිදරවු කලේ ඇයි? එයින් බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නේ නිදහස් දිනයේදී ගුවන් හමුදාව කෆීර් , මිග් වැනි යානා ප්‍රදර්ශනාත්මකව පියාසර කරවා බලාපොරොත්තු වන දේ මෙන් යමක් නොවේ. රාජපක්ෂ මහතා කෙරෙහි ජනතා අප්‍රසාදයක් ඇතිකරවීම එහි එක් අරමුණකි. අනික් අරමුණ ජෙනිවා පාවාදීම යට ගැසීමයි. බංකර් ගැන හෙළිදරවු කරනවා මෙන් ජිනීවා යෝජනා ගැන ජනතාවට එළිදරවු කිරීමට යහපාලකයින් කටයුතු කලේ නැත.

‘පුරවැසි බලය’ හෙළුවෙන්

November 3rd, 2015

-මහින්ද පතිරණ යුතුකම

සිසු උද්ඝෝෂණය පිටුපස වගේ ම ඔවුන්ට පහරදීම පිටුපසත් අදිසි බලවේගයක් තියනව කියල ‘පුරවැසි බලයේ’ කැඳවුම්කරු ගාමිණි වියන්ගොඩ බිබීසි සංදේශයට කියනවා. සබාවේ මහහඬින් සිනා.

ඉස්සෙල්ලාම කියන්න ඕන බීබිසියටත් මේ සිසුන්ට පහර දීම ප්‍රවෘත්තියක් වුනේ වියන්ගොඩගේ කටින් මේ ‘කුමන්ත්‍රණ’ ප්‍රකාශය පිට වුනාට පස්සේ. වියන්ගොඩ කරන තරමේ චෝදනාවක් අන්තරයට එරෙහි ව කරන කොට රෙදි ඇඳගෙන ඉන්න මාධ්‍යක් නම් බිබිසියට තිබුණා අන්තරයෙන් මේ චෝදනාව පිළිබඳ අහල ඔවුන්ගේ මතයත් මෙතෙන්ට ගෙන්න. එහෙම එකක් නැතිව යහපාලන සට්ටැඹියෙකුගෙන් පමණක් කරුණු විමසල ඒකපාර්ශවික විග්‍රහයක් ප්‍රචාරය කිරීමෙන් බීබිසියේ කුහක මාධ්‍ය භාවිතාව බෝනස් එකක් විදියට හෙළි වෙනවා.

දැන් වියන්ගොඩගේ පැත්තට හැරෙමු. වියන්ගොඩ කියන්නේ මහින්ද පාලනය පෙරළා මේ රජය පත්කිරීමට පොළොවේ පස් කාපු කෙනෙක්. අපි මුලසිට සරලව මොවුන්ගේ සැබෑ ස්වරූපය දැනගෙන සිටියත් ලංකාවේ බොහෝ පුරවැසියෝ මධ්‍යස්ථ මතධාරීන් ලෙස පෙනී සිටි මේ විනාශකාරීන්ට රැවටුනා. ලංකාවේ කරුමය තමයි ඒ.

කොහොම හරි අපට මතකයි රතුපස්වල හා හංවැල්ලේ තුන්නානේ විරෝධතා ගැන ගෝඨාභයල ඔහොම කියනකොට වියන්ගොඩල ඒකට කෝචොක් කළා. ඒත් කටුනායක, රතුපස්වල හා තුන්නානේ විරෝධතා නම් ඇත්තට ම කුමන්ත්‍රණ. අපි එහෙම කියන්නේ මේ ර‍ජය පත්වුනාට පස්සේ අර කොම්පැනි නිසා අපිරිසිදු වන ජලය ගැන කියපු ‘ප්‍රදේශවාසීන්’, පාදිලිවරු හා භික්‍ෂූන් පෙන්නවත් නැති නිසයි. හැබැයි අන්තරේ විරෝධතාවලට නම් මහින්ද රජය කවදාවත් කුමන්ත්‍රණ කියල ලේබල් ගැහුවෙ නැ. අනේ අද නම් මේ කවදත් සිදුවන අන්තරේ සිසු විරෝධතා තේරුම් ගන්න වියන්ගොඩල කුමන්ත්‍රණවල සහය පතනවා. හෙට අනිද්දා මේ අය කිව්වොත් මේ රටේ ආර්ථිකය කඩා වැටෙන්නේ අන්තර්ජාතික කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් නිසා කියල පුදුම වෙන්න එපා. වාමංශික කියල කියන, එහෙත් ඇත්තට ම දමිළ ජාතිවාදියෙකු වන වික්‍රමබාහුත් කියල තිබ්බා සිසු විරෝධතා කරල තිබ්බෙ රනිල් අපහසුවට පත් කරන්නලු. ‍මෙන්න නියම වහල්බව. මේක තමයි ‘උගත් බුද්ධිමත් ජනතාව’ ලෙස ඇඳගත් දේශපාලන කුලීකාර වහලුන්ගේ නිරුවත ඔවුන් විසින් ම පෙන්වන ඒ සොඳුරු මොහොත.

ඉබිසා නගරය

November 3rd, 2015

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D

“ඉබිසා නගරය ඔබට අමතක කල හැකිද? සංගීතය සහ රිද්මය පිරි මධ්‍යධරණි උණුසුම් සුළඟ රැගත් ඉබිසා නගරයේ දැකුම්කළු රැයක්. මනස්කාන්ත වෙරළ, වේග රිද්ම ගීතයට නටන මිනිසුන් හා කාන්තාවන්. ජීවිතය දුකක් කීවේ කවරෙක්ද? ඉබිසා නගරයේ මම දැක්කේ උතුරා යන සතුට. 

ඉබිසා නගරයට මුලින්ම ආවේ කොරියානු සහ වියට්නාම යුද වලට සහභාගී වීම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කල ඇමරිකානු තරුණයන්. කරුණාකර ඔවුන්ව යුද විරෝධී මානවාදීන් කියා උත්කර්ෂයට නග්ගන්න එපා. ඒ වගේම රට වෙනුවෙන් යුද කිරීම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කල දේශ ද්‍රෝහියන් කියා හෙලා දකින්නත් එපා. ඔවුන් වීරයන් හෝ ද්‍රෝහියන් නොවේ. ඔවුන් ජීවිතය තෝරාගත් මිනිසුන්. මේ පෘතුවි ගෝලයේ පිහිටා ඇති එක් තෝරාගත් භූමියක් වෙනුවෙන් යුද වැදී මියයාමට, දේශපාලන සංකල්පයක් වෙනුවෙන් මිනී මැරීමට, උණ්ඩයට ළය පෑමට ඔවුන්ට අවශ්‍ය උනේ නැහැ. ඔවුන්ට උවමනා කලේ ජීවිතය විඳින්න. ඉතින් ඉබිසා නගරය ඔවුන්ට ක්ෂේම භූමියක් උණා. 


ඔවුන් සංගීතය හා ජිවන රිද්මය සොයාගෙන ගියා. පුපුරා යන අර්ටිලරි හඬ, කීන් නාදයෙන් මරණයේ පණිවිඩය රැගෙන එන උණ්ඩ වල හඬ, මිනිස් ශරීර යකඩ කෑලි වලින් හිල් වී යන විට නැගෙන විලාපය, ශරීර වේදනාව නිසා නඟන හඬ, සතුරාට සාප කරන ක්‍රෝධ ස්වරය, හුස්ම හිරවන මිට උගුරින් නැගෙන බොල් හඬ, සියලු දෙනා මිය ගිය පසු යුද බිමේ ඇතිවන නිහඬතාවය , මේවා කිසිම දෙයක් ඔවුනට අවශ්‍ය කෙරුනේ නැහැ. ඔවුන්ට අවශ්‍ය කලේ, උදෑසන හිරුරැස් වල උණුසුම ලබන්න. දහවලට උණුසුම් සුළං හමන විට මුහුදු රළ අතර කිමිදෙන්න. හවසට ඉර සක්වලගල යටින් බැස යනවා බලන්න. ඔවුන්ට නම්බු නාම, විරු පදක්කම්, ආචාර වෙඩිමුර අවශ්‍ය කලේ නැහැ. ඔවුන් උණුසුම් හැඟීම් තිබු මිනිසුන් පිරිසක්. ප්‍රීතිමත් නගරයක් නිර්මාණය කළා. උදේ සිට රාත්‍රිය දක්වා ජීවිතය විඳිය හැකි නගරයක් ඔවුන් සැදුවා. යුද අගල්, බංකර, කඳවුරු, කටුකම්බි , බිම් බෝම්බ, උණ්ඩ, නැති ලෝකයක් නිර්මාණය කල හැකි බවට මේ අව්‍යාජ මිනිසුන් පෙන්නා දුන්නා. 

යුද්දය දේශනා කරන පුජකයන්, දේශප්‍රේමය ගැන දෙසුම් පවත්වමින් තම බලය තහවුරු කර ගන්නා දේශපාලකයන්, ආයුධ විකුණා ප්‍රකෝටිපතියන් වූ වෙළෙන්දන්, සටනින් මියගිය සොල්දාදුවගේ මළකඳ පවා විකුණගෙන කන ගිජුලිහිණියන් මේ ඉබිසා නගරයට පා තැබුවේ නැහැ. ඒ නිසා ඉබිසා නගරය පුජනිය නගරයක්.”

(මානසික රෝගියාගේ පරිකල්පනය කෘතිය ඇසුරෙනි )

Downs and Ups of the Wijewardenes Focus on Ranjith S. Wijewardene (Part 2)

November 3rd, 2015

By Shelton A. Gunaratne

Professor of communication emeritus, MSUM, and lead author of Gunaratne, S. A., Pearson, M., & Senarath, S. (Eds.). (2015).  Mindful Journalism and News Ethics in the Digital Era: A Buddhist Approach. New York & London: Routledge.

ANCL Drowns in Political Mire

MOORHEAD, MN — Metaphorically speaking, Ranjith was born with a silver spoon in his mouth into an upper middle class Sinhalese Buddhist family as the second son of Sri Lanka’s legendary newspaper baron Don Richard Wijewardene (DRW), who founded the Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd. in 1926.

Ranjith had just turned 13 in 1950, when his illustrious father died at the age of 64. The trustees who took over the management of ANCL to become its editorial board after the death of its founder groomed Ranjith to follow the footsteps of his father to become the boss of Lake House.

As L. de Silva puts it, in 1947 “a new management took over Lake House, with younger family members in charge.” When the editorial board began to oversee the CDN, its long-standing editor Hulugalle resigned because he did “not like this kind of interference.” The trustees appointed Jayanta Padmanabha, an Oxford educated writer whose “work helped to raise the quality of writing in the paper.” Cecil Graham and Ernest Corea served as CDN editors when Padmanabha left Lake House after DRW’s death.

It’s remarkable that CDN had only two full-time editors–S. J. K. Crowther and H. A. J. Hulugalle–during the first three decades of the DRW “hegemony.” H. D. Jansz, who joined the Observer at the time DRW purchased it and served as its editor until 1961, was another loyal employee who unquestioningly carried out DRW’s editorial dictates. The ability to retain loyal and dedicated editors stands out as a skill that Ranjith has inherited from his father. But, as I shall show in Part 3, the tactics used by the “chip” to ensure editorial loyalty differed significantly from those used by the “old block” in the first half of the 20th century.

Although DRW and Crowther had a “fruitful partnership” for a decade, Crowther left the CDN in 1931because, as Hulugalle points out, DRW “doubtless made the mistake of not giving Crowther a financial interest in the business.” Moreover, Crowther “must have often wished that he could write to please himself and not to echo the views of another.” Thus, the “chip” had to discard the “old block’s” outdated authoritarian approach to cultivating “fruitful partnerships” with his editorial team when the “chip’s” turn came to build up the new Wijeya group from the ashes of the ToC group in the digital era.

Until the country’s independence, the CDN evolved as a national newspaper, which was well placed to stay above the partisan politics that emerged with the general election of 1947, which saw the victory of the UNP led by D.S. Senanayake in the first parliament elected under the Soulbury constitution.

In short, the 12 nidanas that condition the intensity of dukkha in the bhavacakra of ANCL took an adverse turn when two years before DRW’s death, the responsibility of managing the business fell into the hands of an eminent lawyer, L. M. D. de Silva, and to DRW’s three daughters and their spouses — Nalini and Esmond Wickremasinghe, Ranee and George Gomes, and Kusuma and Lal Gooneratne. Ranjith’s three brothers-in-law thereafter began to function as managing directors of three separate areas of the company.

These younger members of DRW’s family ruled the roost at Lake House through the ‘50s and the early ‘60s.  Esmond Wickremasinghe (1920-85) whose third son Ranil is the current UNP prime minister, masterminded ANCL’s editorial policies, and Ranjith probably had very little clout in this “editorial board” until the late 1960s.

The new management even surpassed the legendary grip that DRW had on editorial policy of ANCL newspapers. DRW was actively engaged in shaping the editorial policies of the CDN from its very first issue on 3 January 1918. He assumed the role of CDN editor in the first year of its publication even though he did not write any editorials. Until he appointed Crowther, a talented writer from Batticaloa who studied for the Anglican ministry at Oxford, as the first full-time editor of CDN in 1919, DRW got his various friends “who dropped in at the office with him towards dusk” to write the editorials. DRW established a “fruitful relationship” with Crowther until mid-1931. DRW and Crowther “had afternoon tea together for 12 years… [and] discussed the topics of days and the paper’s attitude to them.” Biographer H.A J. Hulugalle, CDN’s second full-time editor until 1948, writes:

“The Daily News was his [DRW’s] creation and his editor and other collaborators were expected to make their best contributions as his helpers and not as initiators or creators on their own account.”

 Esmondizing Lake House

The new management team followed the tradition of its founder. Esmond, in particular, got highly involved in partisan politics, and he was suspected to be a member of the UNP’s “inner cabinet.” That role lapsed when the socialist SLFP/MEP won the 1956 election, but resumed again with the marginal victory of Dudley Senanayake’s UNP at the March 1965 election following the collapse of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s coalition over a procedural wrangle related to its legislation on state control of the national press. [Incidentally, Ranjith is married to Ranjani Senanayake, a niece of Dudley Senanayake, the popular four-time prime minister who died in 1973, the year of the Lake House takeover.]

Subsequently, when the UNP returned to power in 1977, President J. R. Jayewardene used Esmond as the unofficial “foreign affairs minister.”

The Lake House directorate’s political partisanship engendered the leftist parties’ call for broad-basing ANCL’s “press monopoly.” (Historian K.M. de Silva provides a detailed account of the taming of the national press from 1960 to 1974 in the book “Studies on the Press in Sri Lanka and South Asia” edited by G. H. Peiris, and published by ICES, Kandy, in 1997.)

The new management of ANCL, however, expanded the group’s publications by adding several more periodicals. In 1953, it brought out a new afternoon Sinhalese daily, the Janatha, edited by bilingual journalist Denzil Peiris. It also started specialized periodicals like the Budusarana, the Mihira, the Navayugaya, the Sarasaviya, the Subasetha and the Tharunee.

As already mentioned, going by his later action as a “resurrected” media baron, Ranjith probably gave way to the advice of his experienced “trustees” even though he was reluctant to get drowned in partisan politics.  Like his dad, he would have consulted his chief editors on the news of the day; but unlike his dad, he would have allowed his editors an equal say on editorial policy on important issues of the day.

In the 1960s, editorial recruitment was the province of Esmond, who had a pleasant personality that appealed to journalists. The intermediary between Esmond and the journalists was his administrative assistant Don Paul, a sort of curmudgeon.  After I passed a general knowledge test, a panel of three — managing director Esmond Wickremasinghe, CDN editor Cecil Graham and Dinamina editor M. A.  de Silva — interviewed me. Esmond impressed me as a bubbly man full of energy and enthusiasm who wanted to try out new ventures. At first, he tried me out in his economics research unit adjoining his air-conditioned office, which also accommodated his two Burgher secretaries. The journalists who worked directly under Esmond enjoyed the comforts of his office. After a few months, Esmond assigned me for training as a reporter for the Dinamina and the CDN.

Many hypothesize that the Lake House directorate’s pro-UNP policies provoked the state takeover of Lake House in 1973. The call for the takeover gathered momentum since 1 September 1969 when LSSP leader N. M. Perera alleged in parliament that the same ANCL directorate had repeatedly violated the Exchange Control Regulations causing a loss of approximately Rs. 20 million to the country’s coffers. The public demonstrations that erupted in reaction to this news caused heavy damage to the “morgue” of the Lake House library collection, and paved the way for the impressive victory of the Bandaranaike coalition (hathhavula) in May 1970 with the support of the Independent Newspapers Ltd., also known as the Sun Group, where Dhanapala had moved.

Ranjith, who took over as ANCL chairman in the early 1960s, left the editorial policies in the hands of his more experienced brothers-in-law. Therefore, I had almost no contact with him except when he joined a panel that interviewed me at the office of the U. S. cultural attaché Richard Arndt for the WPI fellowship in 1966.

As one of the Daily News reporters assigned to cover the K.D. de Silva Press Commission of 1963 appointed by the hathhavula, I learned much about the political machinations at the top echelons of the press at both the ANCL and ToC groups to get the UNP back in power after the SLFP/MEP trounced it in the 1956 election. ToC’s Lankadeepa under editor Dhanapala was one of the few group newspapers that favored S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike’s SLFP/MEP in 1956.

Prime Minister (Mrs.) Bandaranaike made the “broadbasing” of Lake House a major plank in her 1965 election campaign, which she lost. She used the findings of the interim and final reports of the press commission, which received wide publicity in the Lake House press (despite the refusal of the ANCL management to appear before the commission because its members were politically biased) to project the press as a reactionary capitalist tool. (I covered Bandaranaike’s 1965 campaign as a CDN reporter. More details on my five years at ANCL appear in my autobiography From Village Boy to Global Citizen: The Journey of a Journalist published in 2012 by Xlibris Corp.)  She dwelt on the theme that the Lake House directorate could not account for Rs. 645,000 allocated “to safeguard the freedom of the press and the interests of the company” implying that the ANCL directors had spent that money to bribe parliamentarians to defeat the government in 1965.

Referring to the pre-1973 Lake House actions, Ranjith says, “I am not being coy, but the less said of me, the better. I share the guilt of letting the side down in the events leading up to 1973.”

Although the ANCL take-over of 1973 marked the down phase of the Wijeyawardene clan, two of the clan members–cousins Ranjith and Upali–succeeded in turning the tables around for the resurrection of the clan’s “lost empire.” Contradicting the urban legend that Upali splurged his wealth to set up his newspaper business in a hurry in 1981 to help his political ambitions, Ranjith says that Upali was “much more focused on his objectives [as] a born entrepreneur.” He says that Upali Newspapers Ltd, like Upali’s other enterprises, “was a meticulously planned streamlined operation.”

Ranjith clarifies that praise for the clan’s second-generation print media should go to Upali, who too “felt the loss of a family icon with the takeover of Lake House. He sensed the need for a vibrant Press (the only effective media at the time) and also that it could make his presence in politics more formidable.”   To understand the clan’s craving and attachment for newspapers and the resulting dukkha reflected in the becoming, birth, decay/demise, and re-becoming in the bhavacakra of cyclic existence, let me sketch the clan’s history.

 DRW’s Nuclear Family

DRW and his wife Ruby Meedeniya were the parents of two sons and three daughters. The elder son Seevali, who died in 1997, founded a private business, Photo Cinex Ltd., and later joined his nephew Shan Wickremasinghe, who was also happened to be a nephew of the country’s first executive President J. R. Jayewardene, to establish ITN, Sri Lanka’s first private TV station. Perhaps because Seevali showed no interest in the ANCL, DRW bequeathed the landmark he built by the Beira Lake in the heart of Colombo to his second son, Ranjith, while at the same time letting his three daughters and their spouses also reap the economic and social benefits of his publishing “empire.”

As if to confirm the old proverb  “like father, like son,” Ranjith, noticeably, had inherited the physical looks of his father. He dutifully attended St. Thomas College and proceeded to Peterhouse, Cambridge, where he earned a master’s degree in 1959. Then, he returned to Ceylon to assume the job of ANCL chairman in 1962, the year I graduated from the University of Ceylon and joined Lake House. But during my initial years at Lake House, I had only a nodding acquaintance with Ranjith who operated from an isolated boardroom on the corridor between the CDN-Dinamina and the Observer-Janatha editorial offices. Unlike his dad, Ranjith did not have any close contact with journalists or editors because he did not have the experience to impose his imprimatur on the editorial policy of the ANCL flagships. The bigwig editors of Lake House, like Graham, Corea, Tarzie Vittachi and Denzil Peiris took their editorial cues from Esmond.

Roots of Ranjith

To understand the “like father, like son” analogy, one has to get a glimpse of the history of the Wijewardene clan. Erstwhile Daily News editor (1931-50) H. A. J. Hulugalle who wrote the biography of D. R. Wijewardene in 1960, ten years after the latter’s demise, provides us a glimpse of the size and the influence of the clan:

DRW, Ranjith’s father, was born as the third male child of seven sons and two daughters procreated by timber merchant Muhandiram Tudugalage Don Philip Wijewardene of Sedawatta and Helena Weerasinghe. DRW’s father, whose ancestry goes back to King Parakramabahu VI of Kotte (1412-1467), died in 1903 at the age of 58 and was raised by his mother, a devoted Buddhist associated with the Kelaniya Vihara. The muhandiram abandoned his ancestral property in Tudugala, near Kalutara, and migrated to Sedawatta, where he made a fortune “selling timber, bricks and sand from the river” during the building boom in Colombo.

DRW’s older brothers were Don Philip “Alexander,” and Don Lewis; and his younger   brothers were Don Charles, Don Edmund, Don Albert and Don Walter. DRW’s two sisters were Harriet (Mrs. Arthur Seneviratne) and Agnes Helen (Mrs. E. W. Jayewardene, the mother of former President J. R. Jayewardene).

DRW received his primary education at the Sedawatta School after which like all his brothers completed his secondary education at Saint Thomas College, Mutwal. He then went on to study law at Cambridge.

While ANCL was the brainchild of DRW, all his siblings bar Don “Alexander” and Don Albert were connected with the newspaper business in Sri Lanka. It is remarkable that DRW’s youngest brother Don Walter, who prematurely died in 1938, produced a son, Upali, who founded an unplanned newspaper-publishing house of his own, Upali Newspapers Ltd., with no assistance from any of his famous uncles simply because he had the money to do so.

(Part 3 of this essay will tell the story about my sporadic contacts with Ranjith over more than a half-century. Then, I will elucidate on the reasons why he dislikes my reference to him as a “chip off the old block,” who scratched his father’s back to become the most successful journalism entrepreneur in the late 20th century and the early 21st century by shrewdly adopting the middle path ways of Winnie the Pooh suitable for the digital era.)

හැලොවීන් රාත්‍රිය

November 3rd, 2015

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග 


හැලොවීන් රාත්‍රියේ

අඳුරෙන් පිරි මාවතේ

මළානික එළියක් විහිදවූ

පහන් කණුව යට

නුඹ දුටුවෙමි


මයිකල් මයර්ස් නම් වූ

මිනිස් ගති දුරලූ

අර්ධ අමනුශ්‍යයා

තොප බව පසක් කලෙමි


මිනිස් ජීවිත විනාශ කරන

මරණය කරා දනන් ඇදගෙන යන

නිරයෙන් මතුවූ බිහිසුණු

සාතන් ගේ පුත්‍රයා නුඹයි


A’pura killing

November 3rd, 2015

Editorial The Island

The police have, at long last, arrested the main suspect in the Anuradhapura nightclub killing. A Special Forces deserter known as SF Lokka, he is alleged to have been involved in underworld activities.

Now that almost all wanted suspects have been taken into custody, it is hoped that they will be prosecuted expeditiously and justice done. Besides, drastic action is called for to neutralise the underworld and put an immediate end to the Wild West style attacks.

There are lessons that need to be drawn from the Anuradhapura incident. It is not only political power which goes to a person’s head and brings about his downfall; delusions of grandeur and vanity are also capable of driving one mad. The owner of the Panorama nightclub, Wasantha Zoysa who died at the hands of thugs apparently thought no end of his brawn as a karate champion and allegedly rode roughshod over even some of his own customers. The recent attack which snuffed out his life is believed to have been over a personal dispute.

Under the previous government a minister with underworld links and his equally notorious son used to smash up nightclubs at the drop of a hat. The police chose to look the other way even when their anti-narcotics sleuths conducting raids on nightclubs were assaulted. Perhaps, the Anuradhapura incident, too, would not have been taken seriously but for the attendant killing. How more than two dozen men armed with clubs, iron rods and sharp weapons carried out an attack in a city with a considerable police and security forces presence and fled the crime scene so easily boggles the mind. Perhaps, the area needs to be better policed.

One of our readers has, today, given an interesting answer to a query a letter writer posed recently: Did President Mahinda Rajapaksa lose the presidency because he had incurred God Kataragama’s wrath by building an airport in Mattala and causing peacocks to be killed in their numbers? (The peacock is believed to be the vehicle of that deity.)

Similar questions have been raised in the social media as regards the Panorama nightclub as well. The Anuradhapura karate exponent would perhaps have lived longer but for his club located in a sacred area. It catered to the likes of those who smashed it and put him to a violent death. The police previously raided it but its owners carried on regardless presumably because he was shielded by some politicians.

The Anuradhapura nightclub has drawn a lot of adverse criticism. Prominent religious leaders of the area and other concerned citizens vehemently objected to it on the grounds that it desecrated the sacred city, but the previous government, true to form, ignored their protests. The new government, too, has opted to turn a blind eye to the clubs in the sacred city though its leaders, before the presidential and parliamentary elections, promised to get rid of bordellos and rotgut dens in sacred areas.

Whether gods really mete out penalties to humans one may not know; but one is convinced that there is absolutely no need for divine or satanic interventions to bring about the downfall of anyone intoxicated with power and blinded by greed and hubris. For, he destroys himself, unaided.

The tragic death of narcissistic gladiator wannabe of Anuradhapura came as no surprise. It had been waiting to happen regardless of the location of his nightclub. The military deserter and his confederates are also in serious trouble for allegedly killing him in what looked like a battle for supremacy. The mastermind of the operation must have been cocky that he could get away with what he did; he was mistaken.

If the serious charges against the assailants and their ringleader are proved in courts of law, they may have to spend the rest of their lives behind bars. This is the fate that awaits conceited men and women with massive egos and disposition towards violence seeking personal aggrandisement.

පොලිසියට අසුවන්නට පෙර ‘SF ලොකු’ ගෙන් ආන්දෝලනාත්මක වීඩියෝවක්..

November 3rd, 2015

November 3, 2015 at 9:20 am | lanka C news

පොලිසියට අසුවන්නට පෙර ‘SF ලොකු’ ගෙන් ආන්දෝලනාත්මක වීඩියෝවක්..

කරාටේ ශූර වසන්ත සොයිසා අනුරාධපුරයේ ඔහුගේම සමාජ ශාලාවේ කපා කොටා ඝාතනය කර තිබූම සම්බන්ධයෙන් අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන සිටින ඉරෝෂන් රණසිංහ හෙවත් ‘SF ලොකු’ අත්අඩංගුවට පත් වන්නට පෙර පටිගත කරන ලද වීඩියෝවක් අන්තර්ජාලයට මුදා හැර තිබේ.

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හමුදාවට එරෙහි තවත් විභාග අනවශ්‍ය ය

November 3rd, 2015

නලින් ද සිල්වා 

පරණගම කොමිසමේ වාර්තාව ප්‍රසිද්ධ කෙරී ඇත. පරණගම වාර්තාව කොමිසම් වාර්තාවකි. එය විනිශ්චය සභාවකින් ඉදිරිපත්වූ තීරණයක් නො වේ. පරණගම කොමිසම යනුවෙන් ජනතාව අතර ප්‍රචලිත මෙම කොමිසම පත්කරනු ලැබුයේ උගත් පාඩම් හා සංහිඳියා කොමිසමේ නිර්දේශයක් මත එකි වාර්තාවේ ඇතුළත් සමහර කරුණු ගැන ද විභාග කිරීමට ය. 
පරණගම වාර්තාවෙන් නැවතත් නිර්දෙශ ඉදිරිපත් කෙරෙයි. වාර්තවෙන් ඒ නිර්දේශ ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට මෙරට නීතිය යටතේ ක්‍රියාත්මක වන විනිශ්චය සභාවලට පැවරෙයි. පරණගම වාර්තාවෙන් ජාත්‍යන්තර උපදේශකයන් සහභාගි කරගැනීම නිර්දේශ කෙරෙන මුත් ජාත්‍යන්තර විනිශ්චයකාරයන් සහභාගි කරවා ගත යුතු යැයි නිර්දේශ නො කෙරෙයි. ඒ අර්ථයෙන් ගත්කළ පරණගම වාර්තාව ආණ්ඩුව ද සහභාගි වී ඇමරිකාව හා එංගලන්තය සමග ඉදිරිපත් කළ ජෙනීවා යෝජනා මෙන් බරපතළ නැත. 
පරණගම වාර්තාවෙන් දරුස්මාන් වාර්තාව තදින් විවේචනය කර ප්‍රතික්‍ෂෙප කෙරෙයි. එමෙන් ම කොටි සංවිධානය 3,00,000 ජනතාවක් මිනිස් පළිහක් ලෙස යොදාගත් බව ද රෝහල් තම කඳවුරු ලෙස යොදා ගනිමින් ශ්‍රි ලංකා හමුදාව උභතෝකෝටිකයට පත්කළ බවත් සඳහන් වෙයි. කෙසේ වෙතත් පරණගම වාරතාවෙන් දෙමළ ජනයා සමූලඝාතනය කළ බවට කියැවෙන ප්‍රකාශ ප්‍රතික්‍ෂෙප වෙයි. පරණගම වාර්තාවට අමුණා ඇති ජෝන් හෝම්ස් වාර්තාව මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් වඩාත් ප්‍රබල නිගමනයකට එළඹෙයි. ඒ වාර්තාවෙන් කියැවෙන්නේ හමුදාව අවිචාරවත් ලෙස පහර නුදුන් බවත් හමුදාවේ පහරදීම් තම අරමුණ සම්බන්ධයෙන් ගත්කල මනා සංකලනයකින් යුක්ත වූ බවත් ය. කෙටියෙන් කියන්නේ නම් හෝම්ස් හමුදාව යුද්්ධාපරාධ කෙළේ ය යන චෝදනාවෙන් නිදහස් කරයි. මෙහි දී සඳහන් කළ යුත්තක් නම් ජෝන් හෝම්ස් හිටපු මේජර් ජෙනරල් වරයකු බවත් ඔහුට ජාත්‍යන්තර ව බහුල අත්දැකීම් තිබෙන බවත් ය.
ජෝන් හෝම්ස් විදේශිකයකි. එසේ විදේශිකයන් සහභාගි කරවා ගැනීමට හැකිනම් විදේශීය විනිසුරුවන් යොදා ගැනීමේ වරද කුමක් දැයි ආණ්ඩුවේ වගකිව යුත්තන් ප්‍රශ්න කරනු දැකිය හැකි ය. කිරඇල්ල ඇමතිවරයාගේ බසින් නම් ඕනෑම ගොනකුට ප්‍රශ්න කළ හැකි ය. මේ ප්‍රශ්නය අසන්නේ උපදේශකයන් හා විනිසුරුවන් අතර වෙනස නොදන්නා අය ය. ඔවුන් සියල්ලන් ම ගොනුන් යැයි මම නො කියමි. එහෙත් කොහේ නමුත් පටලැවීමක් සිදු වී ඇති බව පැහැදිලි ය. විදේශීය නීති උපදේශකයන් පත්කරන ලෙස ඉල්ලා සිටියේ පරණගම කොමිසම ම  ය. ඒ බව වාර්තාවේ 54 වැනි ඡෙදයෙහි සඳහන් වෙයි. ඒ අනුව ශ්‍රීමත් ඩෙස්මන්ඩ් ද සිල්වා (නුවර විසූ සුප්‍රසිද්ධ ජොර්ජ් ද සිල්වා මහතාගේ මුණුබුරෙකි, කීර්තිමත් නීතිවේදියෙකි, යුද්ධාපරාධ පිළිබඳ පරීක්‍ෂණ ගණනාවකට සහභාගි වී ඇත, යුද්ධාපරාධ නීතිය පිළිබඳ විශාරදයෙකි), ශ්‍රීමත් ජෙෆ්‍රි නයිස්, මහාචාර්ය ඩේවිඩ් ක්‍රේන් ආදී පිරිසක් පරණගම කොමිසමේ ජාත්‍යන්තර උපදේශකයන් ලෙස පත්කරනු ලැබූහ. ඔවුන් විසින්  ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලද වාර්තා ද වෙයි. හෝම්ස් වාර්තාවෙන් මෙන් ම අනෙක් වාර්තාවලින් ද  ඉදිරිපත් කෙරෙන්නේ ඒ ඒ අයගේ මතය බව අවධාරණය කළ යුතු  වන්නේ වාරතා යැයි කී විට වෙනත් අදහස් ගම්‍ය විය හැකි බැවිනි. පරණගම කොමිසමේ වාර්තාවට හෝම්ස් වාර්තාව අමුණා ඇති නමුත් අනෙක් වාර්තා අමුණා නැත්තේ ඇයි ද යන්න ප්‍රශ්නයකි. මේ වාර්තා ඔක්තෝම්බර් 18 වැනි දා අයිලන්ඩ් පුවත්පතෙහි පළවිණි. ඒකාබද්ධ විප’ක්‍ෂය ඒ වාර්තා සියල්ල සිංහලට පරිවර්තනය කර ප්‍රසිද්ධ කරන්නේ නම් මැනවි. 
ශ්‍රී ලංකා හමුදාවට විරුද්ධව ජාත්‍යන්තරයේ ඇමරිකාව ප්‍රමුඛ ඇතැම් රටවල් චෝදනා ඉදිරිපත් කරන බැවින් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් ජාත්‍යන්තර උපදේශ (නෛතික, හමුදාමය ආදී වශයෙන්) ගැනීමේ වරදක් නැත. පරණගම වාර්තාවෙන් හා උපදේශන වාර්තාවලින් පැහැදිලි වන කරුණ නම් කොටි සංවිධානය වුවමනාවෙන් තුන්ලක්‍ෂයකට අධික මිනිස් පළිහක් යොදාගෙන ඇති බවත් ඔවුන් වුමනාවෙන් ම රෝහල් වැනි ස්ථාන තම යුද්ධ කටයුතු සඳහා යොදාගත් බවත් ය. කොටි සංවිධානයේ මෙම සැලැස්මට මුහුණ දීම හමුදාවට උභතෝකෝටික ප්‍රශ්නයක් විය. ඕනෑම ගොනකුට යුද්ධ කළ නොහැකි බව ඕනෑම ගොනකුට වුව ද තේරුම් ගිය යුත්තේ මෙවැනි අවස්ථාවලට ද හමුදාවන්ට මුහුණ පෑමට සිදුවන බැවිනි. 
මෙවැනි අවස්ථාවක හමුදාව කළ යුතතේ කුමක් ද? අපි ඒ ප්‍රශ්නය විවෘතව සලකා බලමු. කොටි උපක්‍රම හමුවේ හමුදාව කුමක් කළ යුතුව තිබිණි ද? ඔවුන්ට ඉලක්කයක් තිබිණි. ඒ කොටි පරාජය කිරීම ය. ඒ ඉලක්කය මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතාගේ දේශපාලන නායකත්වයෙන් හමුදාවට ලැබුණු එකක් විය. හමුදාවට කොටින්ට ජයග්‍රහණය ලබා දී පසුබැසිය නො හැකි ය. ඒ අතර සිවිල් වැසියන්ට ඉලක්ක කර පහර දීමට ද නොහැකි ය. හමුදාවක් එවැනි අවස්ථාවක දී කළ යුත්තේ සිවිල් වැසියන්ට අවම හානියක් සිදුවන සේ සතුරාට පහර දිය යුතු ය. අපේ හමුදාව කර ඇත්තේ එය බව ඉහත කී වාර්තාවලින් සනාථ වෙයි. ඉතා පැහැදිලිව ම හමුදාව තම අභිමානයත් ගෞරවයත් ආරක්‍ෂා කර ගනිමින් ආචාර ධර්මවලට එකඟ සටන් කර ඇත. පරණගම වාර්තාවෙන් හා අනෙක් වාර්තාවලින් කියැවෙන්නේ අපේ හමුදාව යුද්ධාපරාධ චෝදනාවලින් නිදහස්වන බව ය. තවත් විභාග කිරීමට ඇත්තේ කුමක් ද? සුදු කොඩි කතාව මත පදනම් වී අගමැති අභූත චෝදනා ව්‍යංගයෙන් ඉදිරිපත් කරයි. අගමැතිට තමා 2005 දී ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් පැරදුණු බව පිළිගැනීම ප්‍රශ්නයක් වී ඇත. සුදු කොඩි කතාව පදනම් වන්නේ පුලිදේවන් විදේශීය වාර්තාකාරියකට කෙළේ යැයි කියන ප්‍රකාශයක් මත ය. අද පුලිදේවන් නැත. අප විදේශීය වාර්තාකාරිය විශ්වාස කළ යුතු ද?  
හමුදාව පිළිබඳ ව යුද්ධාපරාධ විනිශ්චය කළ යුතු යැයි අද කියන්නෝ කවරහු ද? ඔවුහු එක්කෝ කොටි සංවිධානයට ආධාර කළ අය වෙති. සම්බනධන්ලා සුමන්දිරන්ලා කොටි වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටියහ. ආනන්දි වැන්නෝ් කොටි සංවිධානයේ සාමාජිකයෝ වූහ. රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානවල සාමාජිකයෝ හා ඊනියා සිවිල් සමාජයේ අය කොටි වෙනුවෙන් ආවැඩූ අය වෙති. එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයේ නායකයෝ, වත්මන් අගමැති (තොප්පිගල), මුදල් ඇමති (කිලිනොච්චි), ආණ්ඩු පක්‍ෂයේ ප්‍රධාන සංවිධායක (ඕනෑම ගොනකුට සංවිධායක විය හැකි ද) ආදීහු, හමුදාවට සමච්චල් කළහ. 
මේ කිසිවෙක් හමුදාවේ ජයග්‍රහණය නො පැතූහ. ඔවුන් කියා සිටියේ ප්‍රභාකරන් පැරදවිය නොහැකි බවත් ඊනියා සාම සාකච්ඡා මගින් ප්‍රශ්නය විසඳීය යුතු බවත් ය. කෙටියෙන් කිවහොත් ඔවුහු දෙමළ ජාතිවදයට දොළ පිදේනි දීමට සූදානමින් සිටියෝ ය. හමුදාවට අවමන් කළ අගමැති ප්‍රධාන අයට අද අවශ්‍ය කිනම් ක්‍රමයකින් නමුත් හමුදාවට දඬුවම් කිරීම ය. අපේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට පිටින් ගොස් ජාත්‍යන්තර විනිසුරුවන් නීතිඥයන් ඇතුළුව අධිකරණ විනිශ්චය සභා පිහිටුවීමට ඔවුහු ඇමරිකාව සමග අත්වැල් බැඳගත්හ. ඒ පසුපස එංගලන්තය ද වෙයි. හමුදාාවට එරෙහිව දැඩි ක්‍රියා මාර්ගයක් ගැනීමට ඉන්දියාවට අවභ්‍ය නැතැයි සිතිය හැක්කේ එ ජා ප නායකයන්ට මෙන් නොව ඔවුන්ට ප්‍රභාකරන් ඝාතනය කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය වූ නිසා ය. (2014 අප්‍රේල් 16 හෝ එ ආසන්න දිනයක හෝ ටයිම්ස් ඔෆ් ඉන්ඩියා පුවත්පතෙහි පළවූ වාර්තාවක් අනුව ඉන්දියන් හමුදා මෙරටින් යෑමෙන් පසුවත් කොටි පැරදවීමට සටන් කර ඇත). හමුදාවට දඬුවම් කිරීමේ දොළදුකක් ඇති ආණ්ඩුව ජාත්‍යන්තර විනිශ්චයකාරයන් පත්කිරීමට එකඟ වීමෙන් මෙරට අධිකරණයට අපහාස කර ඇත් ද යන්න සොයා බැලිය යුතු ය. 
කොමිසමකට විදේශීය නීති උපදේශකයන් ලබා ගැනීම එකකි. මෙරට ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 105 (1) ඡෙදයෙහි සඳහන් නොවන අධිකරණයක් පිහිටුවා විදේශීය විනිසුරුවන් පත්කිරීම තවත් එකකි. ඒ දෙකම එකක් යැයි කියමින් එ ජා ප නායකයෝ ජනතාව මුළා කරති. ආණ්ඩුව තම ජීවිත පූජාවෙන් සටන් කළ හමුදාව යුද්ධාපරාධ නොකළ බව ජාත්‍යන්තරයට ජෙනීවාහි දී හෝ තූත්තුකුඩියේ දී හෝ කිව යුතු ය. තම තනතුරු රැකගැනීම සඳහා ඇමරිකාවට හා එංගලන්තයට හිස නැමීම නිවටකමක් මිස රාජ්‍යතාන්ත්‍රික ජයග්‍රාහිකත්වයක් නො වේ.  

Supreme Court issues notices on President, PM ජනපති-අගමැති-ඇමතිලා ඇතුළු 75 ට ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයෙන් නොතීසි

November 2nd, 2015


ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන, අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ සහ අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩල සාමාජිකයන් ද ඇතුළු 75 දෙනෙකුට ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය අද (02) නොතීසි නිකුත් කර තිබේ.

ඒ නොරොච්චෝලේ ලක්විජය බලාගාරය සඳහා ගල්අඟුරු සැපයීමේ ටෙන්ඩරය පිරිනැමීමේදී අක්‍රමිකතාවක් සිදුව ඇති බව සඳහන් කරමින් ඉදිරිපත් කළ මූලික අයිතිවාසිකම් පෙත්සමකට අදාළවයි.

නොරොච්චෝලේ ලක්විජය බලාගාරය සඳහා ගල්අඟුරු සැපයීමේ ටෙන්ඩරය පිරිනැමීමේදී අක්‍රමිකතාවක් සිදුව ඇති බව සඳහන් කරමින් මෙම මූලික අයිතිවාසිකම් පෙත්සම ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබුණේ නෝබල් රිසෝසර්ස් පුද්ගලික සමාගමයි.

එම සමාගම තම පෙත්සමින් පෙන්වා දී ඇත්තේ ගල්අඟුරු මෙට්‍රික් ටොන් 01 ක් සඳහා ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 90 ක් වශයෙන් ගල්අඟුරු සැපයීමේ අවම ටෙන්ඩරය ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලැබුවේ තම සමාගම විසින් බවයි.

එසේ තිබියදී අදාළ ටෙන්ඩරය පිරිනමා ඇත්තේ ගල්අඟුරු මෙට්‍රික් ටොන් 01 ක් සඳහා ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 101 ක් වශයෙන් ඉහළ ටෙන්ඩරයක් ඉදිරිපත් කළ ස්විස් සිංගප්පූර් සමාගමට බව පෙත්සම්කාර සමාගම පෙන්වා දී ඇත.

තම සමාගමට පෙත්සම පිරිනමන මෙන් රජයේ තාක්ෂණ ඇගයීම් කමිටුව ද නිර්දේශ කර තිබූණ ද එම නිර්දේශය පසෙක ලා අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලය මගින් පත් කළ ටෙන්ඩර් කමිටුව වගඋත්තරකාර සමාගමට ටෙන්ඩරය ලබා දීමට පියවර ගත් බව ද පෙත්සම්කාර සමාගම මෙම පෙත්සමෙන් පෙන්වාදෙයි.

මේ තුළින් රජයේ ටෙන්ඩර් පටිපාටිය බරපතළ ලෙස උල්ලංඝණය වී ඇති බවත් ඒ තුළින් සිය මූලික අයිතීන් කඩ වී ඇති බවටත් තීන්දුවක් ලබා දෙන ලෙස පෙත්සම්කාර සමාගම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටියි.

ඉදිරිපත් වූ කරුණු සලකා බැලූ අගවිනිසුරු කේ.ශ්‍රී .පවන් මහතා ඇතුළු ත්‍රි පුද්ගල විනිසුරු මඩුල්ල පෙත්සම දෙසැම්බර් මස 15 වනදා විභාගයට ගැනීමට අවසර ලබාදෙන ලදී.

එමෙන්ම පෙත්සමේ වගඋත්තරකරුවන් ලෙස නම් කර ඇති ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන ,අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ සහ අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩල සාමාජිකයන් ද ඇතුළු 75 දෙනෙකුට එදින ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ හමුවේ පෙනී සිටින ලෙසටද  නොතීසි නිකුත් කර තිබේ.

මෙ අතර අද  සිට සති 03 ක් ඇතුළත විරෝධතා ඇත්නම් ගොනු කරන ලෙස ද වගඋත්තරකාර පාර්ශ්වයට නියම කළ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය ඊට එරෙහි ප්‍රතිවිරෝධතා ඇත්නම් සතියක් ඇතුළත ගොනු කරන ලෙස නියම කර ඇත.

කෙසේ වෙතත් මෙම පෙත්සමට අදාළව කිසිදු අතුරු තහනම් නියෝගයක් නිකුත් නොකරන බව ද ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය විසින් ප්‍රකාශ කර තිබේ.

කෙසේ වෙතත් අදාළ ටෙන්ඩර් පිරිනැමීමෙන් රුපියල් බිලියන 2.2 ක වංචාවක් සිදුව ඇති බවට  වගඋත්තරකරුවන්ට චෝදනා එල්ල වී ඇති බව අද දෙරණ වාර්තාකරු පෙන්වාදෙයි.

The Supreme Court today (02) issued notices on 75 persons including the President, the Prime Minister, and several Cabinet Ministers.

The notices were issued, after considering a petition which indicated irregularities when awarding tenders for the supply of coal to the thermal power plant in Norochcholai, was taken up for hearing before a bench headed by Chief Justice  K. Sri Pavan, Ada Derana reporter said.

The Fundamental Rights (FR) petition has been filed by the Nobel Resources Pvt. Limited, according to the reporter.

The petitioners have argued the tender has been awarded to a company called “Swiss Singapore” which demanded Rs. 101 million for each metric ton of coal, while the Nobel Resources Pvt. Limited had issued a tender for Rs, 90 million for each metric ton

යහපාලන ගල්අඟුරු මගඩියට සම්බංධ ජනපති ඇතුළු කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයටම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයෙන් නොතීසි

November 2nd, 2015

හෙළබිම සිංහල පුවත්

නොරොච්චෝලේ ලක්විජය බලාගාරය සඳහා ගල්අඟුරු සැපයීමේ ටෙන්ඩරය පිරිනැමීමේදී ගල්අඟුරු මෙට්‍රික් ටොන් 01 ක් සඳහා ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 90 ක අවම ටෙන්ඩරයක් නෝබල් රිසෝසර්ස් පුද්ගලික සමාගම විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබියදී ගල්අඟුරු මෙට්‍රික් ටොන් 01 ක් සඳහා ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 101 ක් වශයෙන් ඉහළ ටෙන්ඩරයක් ඉදිරිපත් කළ ස්විස් සිංගප්පූර් සමාගමට කැබිනට් අනුමැතියෙන් ටෙන්ඩරය පිරිනැමීම සම්බංධයෙන් ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන, අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ සහ අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩල සාමාජිකයන් ද ඇතුළු 75 දෙනෙකුට ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය අද (02) නොතීසි නිකුත් කර තිබේ.

තම සමාගමට ටෙන්ඩරය පිරිනමන මෙන් රජයේ තාක්ෂණ ඇගයීම් කමිටුව ද නිර්දේශ කර තිබූණ ද එම නිර්දේශය පසෙකලා අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලය මගින් පත් කළ ටෙන්ඩර් කමිටුව වගඋත්තරකාර සමාගමට ටෙන්ඩරය ලබා දීමට පියවර ගත් බව ද පෙත්සම්කාර සමාගම මෙම පෙත්සමෙන් පෙන්වාදී ඇති අතර මේ තුළින් රජයේ ටෙන්ඩර් පටිපාටිය බරපතළ ලෙස උල්ලංඝණය වී ඇති බවත් ඒ තුළින් සිය මූලික අයිතීන් කඩ වී ඇති බවටත් තීන්දුවක් ලබා දෙන ලෙස පෙත්සම්කාර  නෝබල් රිසෝසර්ස් පුද්ගලික සමාගම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටියි.

ඉදිරිපත් වූ කරුණු සලකා බැලූ අගවිනිසුරු කේ.ශ්‍රී .පවන් මහතා ඇතුළු ත්‍රි පුද්ගල විනිසුරු මඩුල්ල පෙත්සම දෙසැම්බර් මස 15 වනදා විභාගයට ගැනීමටත්  පෙත්සමේ වගඋත්තරකරුවන් ලෙස නම් කර ඇති ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන ,අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ සහ අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩල සාමාජිකයන් ද ඇතුළු 75 දෙනෙකුට එදින ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ හමුවේ පෙනී සිටින ලෙසටත් නියෝගකරමින්  නොතීසි නිකුත් කර තිබේ.

මේ අතර අද  සිට සති 03 ක් ඇතුළත විරෝධතා ඇත්නම් ගොනු කරන ලෙසද වගඋත්තරකාර පාර්ශ්වයට නියම කළ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය ඊට එරෙහි ප්‍රතිවිරෝධතා ඇත්නම් සතියක් ඇතුළත ගොනු කරන ලෙසද නියම කර ඇත.

කෙසේ වෙතත් මෙම පෙත්සමට අදාළව කිසිදු අතුරු තහනම් නියෝගයක් නිකුත් නොකරන බව ද ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය විසින් ප්‍රකාශ කර තිබේන අතර  අදාළ ටෙන්ඩර් පිරිනැමීමෙන් රුපියල් බිලියන 2.2 ක වංචාවක් සිදුව ඇති බවට වගඋත්තරකරුවන්ට චෝදනා එල්ල වී ඇති බව වාර්තා වේ.

මන්ත‍්‍රී ගම්න්පිලව අත්අඩගුංවට ගැනීමට සූදානම්.. කුමන්ත‍්‍රණය පසුපස ඇමති චම්පික රණවක..

November 2nd, 2015

November 3, 2015 at 12:01 am | lanka C news

මන්ත‍්‍රී ගම්න්පිලව අත්අඩගුංවට ගැනීමට සූදානම්.. කුමන්ත‍්‍රණය පසුපස ඇමති චම්පික රණවක..පිවිතුරු හෙළ උරුමයේ නායක පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රී උදය ගම්මන්පිල මහතා එම පක්‍ෂ මූලස්ථානයේ පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදී මෙසේ අදහස් පල කලේය.

පොලිස් මුලස්ථානයේ පිහිටි විශේෂ විමර්ෂණ එකකය කුට ලේඛනයක් සැකසුවාය කියමින් තිස්ස අත්තනායක මැතිතුමා අත් අඩංගුවට ගත් ආකාරයෙන් මාවත් අත් අඩංගුවට ගන්න යන බව පොලිසියේ විශ්වාසනිය තොරතුරු හරහා අපිට දැන ගන්න ලැබුණා. මේ කතාවේ පසුබිම කියුවහොත් තමුන්නාසේලා දන්නවා ඡන්දේ කාලේ මට විරුද්දව දැවැන්ත මඩ ව්‍යාපාරයක් ගියා  ජාතික හෙළ උරුමය විසින් බ්‍රයන් ෂැඩික් නැමැති ඔස්ට්‍රේලියානු ජාතිකයෙක් සතු කොටස් වානිජ බැංකුවක කොටස් මම කුට ලේඛනයක් හරහා මම විකුණුවා කියලා.

බ්‍රයන් ෂැඩික් කියන්නේ මිට වසර 20කට ‍පමණ පෙර මම අධ්‍යක්ෂක දුරයක් දැරු සමාගමක අධ්‍යක්ෂක දුරයක් දැරු කෙනෙක්. ඔහු විසින් සිදු කරන ලද දැවැන්ත වංචාවක් නිසා සමාගම බංකොලොත් භාවයට පත්වෙනවා. අපි ඔවුන් සමග අමනාපයි සමාගම බංකොලොත් කලාට. මේ කාරනය අපේ පා.ච රණවක ඇමතිතුමා හොදටම දන්නවා මොකද එතුමා මා සමග කිට්ටු සම්බන්දයක් තිබුණු නිසා. එක නිසා අපේ රටේ සම්ප්‍රධායක් තියෙනවා සුද්දෙක් ඇවිත් දෙයක් කියුවම ලංකාවේ කෙනෙක් කියනවාට වඩා විශ්වාසනීයව  පිළිගන්නවා. ඒ නිසා මේ මා සමග අමනාපයෙන් සිටින බ්‍රයන් ෂැඩික් නැමැති පුද්ගලයා ඔස්ට්‍රේලියාවේ දී ව්‍යාපාර සියල්ල බංකොලොත් වෙලා වයස 71යි සැදැ සමය මුල්‍ය දුෂ්කරතා එක්ක ජිවත් වෙමින් සිටියේ. රණවක ඇමතිතුමාගේ මිත්‍ර‍යෙක් වෙන බර්ටි විදානපතිරණ හරහා මේ බ්‍රයන් ෂැඩික් නැමැති පුද්ගලයා නිව් සවුත් වෙස්ට් ප්‍රන්තයේ ඉන්නවා කියලා සොයා ගෙන ඔහුව සම්බන්ධ කර ගන්නවා. ඒ අනුව පසුගිය ආගොස්තු මාසේ පළමුවැනිදා බ්‍රයන් ෂැඩික් ඔහුගේ පුතා හා බර්ටි විදානපතිරණත් ලංකාවට ඇවිල්ලා හතරටවෙනිදා වෙනකන් කොලොම්බු සිටි හොටෙල් කියන ස්ථානයේ නතර වෙනවා. ඒ හොටලට වෙන් කලේත් හොටලයේ විදයම් තමන්ගේ මාස්ට කාඩ්පත භාවිතා කරමින් පියෙවුවෙත් ජාතික හෙළ උරුමයේ කොලොන්නාව හිටපු සංවිධායක කාවින් කොඩිතුවක්කු මහතා. සියළුම සාක්ෂි මාගාව තියෙනවා.

ඊට ප්‍රථම කාවින් කොඩිතුවක්කු මහතා විසින් බ්‍රයන් ෂැඩික්ට විද්‍යුත් ලිපියක් යවනවා ඔබ ලංකාවට ආවට පස්සේ සි.අයි.ඩි එකේ නිලධාරින් එනවා ඔබ හමුවෙන්න. ඔවුන්ට ඔබ කළ යුතුයි පැමිණිල්ලක් ඒ පැමිල්ලට දැමිය යුතු ආකාරය මේ සමග අමුණා එවා ඇත. (Email Attachment එකක් විදිහට) එකත් මගේ ලග තියෙනවා. ඊට පසු හිල්ටන් හොටලේ දී තියෙනවා මාධ්‍ය හමුවක් ඒ මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ දී කියන්න ඔනේ කරුණුත් මේ සමග අමුණා එවා ඇත. ඒ අනුව මේ අය ඡන්දේ කාලේ එනවා. මේ අතරේ බ්‍රයන් ෂැඩික් අපරාධ විමර්ෂණ කොමිසමට කුට ලේඛන සැකසුවාය කියලා මට විරුද්දව පැමිණිල්ලක් කරනවා. ඒ අනුව සි.අයි.ඩි එක ඉස්සෙල්ලාම යන්නේ ආදාල බැංකුවට ගිහිල්ලා අහනවා මෙහෙම කොටස් හිමියකු සිටියා ද කියලා. පිළිතුර නැත. නැති කොටස් කිසිසෙත්ම මට කුට ලේඛනයක් හදලා මට විකුනන්න බෑ. එක නිසා අපරාධ පරික්ෂණ දෙපාර්තුමේන්තුව එම පැමිණිල්ල එතනින් නතර කරනවා. එතකොට පා.ච රණවක ඇමතිතුමන් අපරාධ පරික්ෂණ දෙපාර්තුමේන්තුවෙන් ඉල්ලීමක් කරනවා අත් අඩංගුවට ගන්න ඔනේ නෑ ඡන්ද කාලේ පොලිසියට ගෙනල්ලා ප්‍රශ්න කිරීමක් විතරක් කරන්න. ඊට පස්සේ මාධ්‍ය සංදර්ශනය පවත්වන්න පුළුවන්නේ. හැබැයි අපරාධ පරික්ෂණ දෙපාර්තුමේන්තුව එක බෑ කියනවා මොකද ප්‍රශ්න කරන්නවත් පදනමක් නැති නිසා. කොටස් තිබුණේ නැති කෙනෙක් කොටස් හොරෙන් අරන් කියුව එක හරියට රත්තරං මාලයක් තිබුණේ නැති කෙනෙක් පොලිසියට ගිහින් කියුවම මගේ මාලේ කඩන් ගියෝ කියලා පොලිසිය හොයා ගත්තතොත් එයාට මාලයක් තිබුණේ නෑ කියලා අපහු හොරා හොයන්න යන්නේ නැ. එච්චරට සරලයි.

ඊට පස්සේ ඇමතිවරයා මැදිහත් වෙලා සි.අයි.ඩි එකෙන් මේක විශේෂ විමර්ශන එකකයට මේක මාරු කරනවා. හේතුව තමයි මාව ගෙන්නලා ප්‍රශ්න කරන්න මේක විශේෂ විමර්ශන එකකය කැමති වීම. තමුන්නාසේලාට මතක ඇති ඡන්ද කටේ මාව ගෙන්නලා ප්‍රශ්න කරන්න හැදුවා මැතිවරණ කොමසාරිවරයාගේ නියමයෙන් ඡන්දයේ අවසන් දවස් කිහිපයේ ප්‍රශ්න කරන බෑ ඡන්දයෙන් පස්සේ ප්‍රශ්න කරන්න කියලා කියනවා. ඒ නිසා බලාපොරොත්තු වුන විදිහට වාසියක් ගන්න මැතිවරණ කොමසාරිවරයාගේ මැදිහත් වීමෙන් නොහැකි වුණා.

හැබැයි බොරු පැමිණිලක් ඉදිරිපත් කලාට බ්‍රයන් ෂැඩික්ට එරෙහිව පොලිසිය කටයුතු කල යුතුව තිබුණත් එහෙම දෙයක් සිද්ද වුණේ නෑ. දැන් මේ වන විට ඩිජිටල් නොමිනීස් නමැති ඔස්ට්‍රේලියානු සමාගමේ රුපියල් කෝටි 11ක් වටිනා වාණිජ බැංකුවක කොටස් ව්‍යාජ ඇටර්නි බලපත්‍රයක් කූට ලෙස සකසා මා විකුණු බවට තමයි දැන් කතාව හදා ගෙන යන්නේ. කෝටි 11ක් කියන්නේ දැවැන්න මුදලක් පොලිසියෙන් අහන ප්‍රශ්න වලට නම් උත්තර දෙන්න පුළුවන්. කෝටි 11කට මොකද කළේ කියලා ගෙදර නෝනා අහන ප්‍රශ්න වලට තමයි උත්තර දෙන්න අමාරු. මේ වන විට කරලා තියෙන පැමිණිල්ල වන කුට ලේඛන හදලා එම සමාගමේ කොටස් විකුණුවා කියන මම එක තරයේ ප්‍රතික්ශේප කරනවා. කිසිම කුට ලේඛනයක් හදලත් නෑ කිසිම නීතිවීරෝධි වැඩක් කරලත් නෑ.

වැදගත්ම වැඩේ තමයි මේ පිළිබද කිසිම කෙනෙක් ඔස්ට්‍රේලියාවෙන් ඇවිත් පැමිණිලි කරලා නෑ. මේ බලපෑම මත තමයි පොලිසිය මේ පැමිණිල්ලේ කටයුතු කරන්නේ. බැවින් මහජන මුදල් වියදම් කර පොලිස් නිළධාරින් ඔස්ට්‍රේලියාවට යැවීමට ද පොලීසිය කටයුතු කරන බව විශ්වාසනීය තොරතුරු ලැබී තිබේනවා. සමහර විට මේ මාධ්‍ය හමුවෙන් පස්සේ ඒ ගමන අවලංගු කරන්නත් පුළුවන්.

අපිට තියෙන ප්‍රශ්නය තමයි මේ සමාගම 2005 දී බංකොලොත් වෙලා වහලාදානවා. දැන් ඒ අය කියන ආකාරයට ව්‍යාජ කුට ලේඛනයක් හදලා ඒ අයගේ කොටස් විකුණුවා කියලා ඒ අය දන්නේ නැත්නම්. ඇයි ඒ අයගේ වාර්ෂික ගිණුම් වල බැංකුවේ මෙහෙම කොටස් අපිට තියෙනවා කියලා දක්වල නැත්තේ. 2005 දී සමාගම ඇවර කරලා වසාදාද්දී සමාගමක් සියළුම වත්කම් හා වගකීම් උසාවියට ඉදිරිපත් කරන්න ඔනේ. ඒ අනුව තමයි වත්කම් විකුණලා වගකිමෙන් නිදහස් කරනවා ඇවර කරුවා විසින්. සමාගම ඇවර කරන වේලාවේ ලංකාවේ වානිජ බැංකුවක කොටස් තියෙනවා කියලා දක්වල නෑ. ඒ අනුව ඔවුන් හදන්නේ සුරංගනා කතා හදලා මාව රිමන්ඩ් බන්ධනාගාර ගත කරන්න. ඔවුන් දන්නවා නඩුවක් විමර්ශනය කරන්න. අවසානයේ මම නිදහස් වේවි. මේකේ අරමුණ තමයි අපිව බිය වැද්දිම හා අපිට පිඩවක් එල්ල කිරීම.

මම ඉතාමත් වගකීමෙන් කියනවා මේක පිටු පස ඉන්නේ ජාතික හෙළ උරුමයේ ප්‍රධාන ලේකම් පා.ච රණවක ඇමතිතුමන් කියලා. එතුමාන්ට ලොකු ප්‍රශ්නයක් තියෙනවා පසුගිය මැතිවරණයේ දී ජාතික හෙළ උරුමයෙන් අපේක්ෂකයන් හතර දෙනෙක් ඉදිරිපත් වුණා. ඒ අපෙක්ෂකයන් හතර දෙනාගෙම මානාප එකතු කරත් මං තනියම ගත්ත මනාප ගාණට වඩා විසිදාහක් පමණ අඩුයි. ඒ නිසා මගේ ප්‍රතිරුපය විනාශ කරන්න ඒ අය උත්සාහයක යෙදිලා ඉන්නවා. මාධ්‍යවේදින් විදිහට තමුන්නසේලා දන්නවා පසුගිය වසර 16කට ආසන්න දේශපාලන ජීවිතය තුල හා මාධ්‍ය ඉදිරියේ ඉන්නවා ඒ කාලය තුල දී මම හොරකම්, මැරකම් හෝ සල්ලාලකම් පිළිබඳ මට චෝදනා එල්ල වී නැත. අවසනාවට එතුමන්ලා එහෙම නැති නිසා මමත් ඒ තත්වෙට ඇදලා දමා දැනිමේ උත්සහායක යෙදිලා ඉන්නවා.

මේ ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ප්‍රශ්න කිහිපයක් අහන්න කැමති මේ ආණ්ඩුවෙන්

  1. 1996 සිට 2000 දක්වා වූ කාල පරිච්ඡේදයක සිදුවුණු ගනුදෙනුවක් පිළිබඳව වසර 15ක් වගේ මෙතරම් දිගු කල් පැමිණිලිකරුවන් නිහඬව සිටියේ ඇයි?
  2. මීට පෙර බොරු පැමිණිල්ලක් කළ බ්‍රයන් ෂැඩික්ට එරෙහිව නීතිමය ක්‍රියාමාර්ග නොගන්නේ ඇයි?
  3. එම සමාගම විසින් රුපියල් කෝටි 11ක් ලංකාවට මුදල් එවූ බවට බ්‍රයන්ට සාක්ෂි තිබේ ද?
  4. කුට ලේඛන භාවිතා කර තමන්ගේ කොටස් විකුණූ බව නොදන්නේ නම් තමන්ට එම කොටස් තිබෙන බව සමාගමේ වාර්ෂික ගිණුම්වල නොපෙන්වූයේ ඇයි?
  5. 2005 දී ඩිජිටල් නොමිනීස් සමාගම වසා දමන විට ලංකාවේ බැංකුවක කොටස් තිබෙන බව වත්කම් ලේඛණයේ නොදැම්මේ ඇයි?
  6. 2005 දී වසා දැමූ සමාගමක් වෙනුවෙන් පුද්ගලයකුට පැමිණිල්ලක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට නීතිමය බලයක් ලැබුණේ කෙසේද? (එජන්ත නීතිය නැතහොත් agency lowe කියන එකේ තියෙන ඉතා වැදගත් සධකයක් තමයි ප්‍රධානියා මිය ගියහොත් නියොජිකත්වය එතනින්ම අවසන් වෙනවා. සමාගම නැත්නම් සමාගම වෙනුවෙන් පුද්ගලයෙකුට කිසිම විටක ඉදිරිපත් විය නොහැක. ලංකාවේ නෙවෙයි ලොකයේම තියෙන වානිජ නීතිය අනුව)
  7. 19 වන සංශෝධනයෙන් පසු පොලීසිය ස්වාධීන වූයේ නම් දේශපාලකයින් මෙසේ පොලීසියට ඇඟිලි ගසන්නේ කෙසේද?
  8. මා අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට යන්නේ කූට ලේඛණ සැකසූ බවට චෝදනා කර නම් ඊට පෙර ලෙස්ටර් ජේම්ස් පීරිස්ගේ රුවට කුමාරන් පද්මනාදන්ගේ රුව යොදා කූට ලේඛණයක් සැකසූ රණවක ඇමතිතුමාව අත්අඩංගුවට නොගන්නේ ඇයි?
  9. රණවක ඇමතිතුමාට එරෙහිව පොලීසිය තුල යට ගසා ඇති පැමිණිල්ලක් තිබිය දී පොලිස් කොමිසම පත් කරන ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක සභාවට ඔහුව පත් කිරීම යහ පාලනය ද?

අපි ආණ්ඩුවට හිසරදයක් තමයි. අපි මේ ආණ්ඩුව රටට කරන හානි විනාශය පෙන්වලා දෙනවා. එදා නන්දා මාලිනිය ගායනා කරපු, සුනිල් අරියරත්නයක් රචනා කරපු, පවන ගීත සමුච්චියේ එක තැනක අහනවා “අලුත් ලොවක් ගැන සිතීම දඩුවම් දෙන වරද නම් කුමට එරට අධිකරනය සහ විනිසුරන්”. මේ යමපාලන ආණ්ඩුවෙනුත් අහන්න තියෙන්නේ එමපණයි.

– අරවින්ද අතුකෝරල

Medical Camp by Old Anandians’ Group of 99

November 2nd, 2015

Press Release by – Old Anandians’ Group of 99

Old Anandians’ Group of 99 recently carried out a Medical Camp in a rural village in Anuradhapura District called Konakumbukwewa.

Over 650 people were benefitted from this medical camp while 130 villagers were given free spectacles.

Pregnant women were given with a bag of nutritious food and relevant scanning services were also carried out. All villagers went through a free medical checkup. It included advanced services such as ECG scans and ultra sound scans. Free medicines were also provided. Children were provided milk packets.

Many sponsors supported the project while medical officers supported free of charge. Some of the doctors were old Anandians.

Ananda 99 Group Medical Camp (002)

The group embarked on a new journey earlier this year with the theme of “Anandaya Apa saha Samajaya” focusing on three main pillars; “What more can we do for the development of our school Ananda College”, “What can we do for ourselves” and “What can we do for the welfare of the society” which constituted the framework for the 2015 year plan. This project looked at the societal aspect of the groups’ service.




November 1st, 2015


The emergence of a new political organization with the blessings of President Mahinda Rajapakse has been long overdue.  During February through  May this year, pro-Mahinda Group was fully geared to the formation of a new political organization, but was fooled and foiled  by Messrs Nimal Siripala De Silva, Susil Premajayntha and Anura Priyadarshana Yapa.   President MR trusted these three crooks and the end result is now clear.

In our article under the title of  “POLITICAL FROGS OF UPFA – NEED TO PUBLISH A LIST OF PRO MAHINDA CANDIDATES IMMEDIATELY” published in the Lankaweb on August 10, we pre-warned the dangers of untrustworthy elements entering into the movement.  We republish below  some sections of the article for easy reference: ” The average voter is likely to identify anyone with the logo of betel leaf as a   Pro MR candidate.     Therefore  media campaign should be undertaken by the UPFA organisers, to publish a list of Pro MR candidates, excluding the   names of those candidates whose names have been included at the instigation of President Sirisena.

We have seen candidates such as Wijethamuni Soyza, Nandimithra Ekanayake, Janaka Bandra Tennakoon already publicly apologising to the President Mahinda Rajapakse.  But how about others, such as Mohanlal Grero, Thilanga Sumathipala, Duminda Dissanayake, Upeksha Swarnamali, Pavithra Wanniarrachchi, Mahinda Samrasinghe?

How many more others?”


The Prime Minister Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe is marginalising the SLFP Ministers to create a dissatisfaction with them by the voters.  The SLFP Ministers as well as other MPs in MS camp are increasingly feeling the heat.   MS has no power to  provide funding for  the projects  that are being recommended by the SLFP Ministers and MPs.  Consequently, these MPs are publicly offering numerous explanations to the general public to explain the situation.

It will not be too long, these disgruntled MPs will be looking for an opportunity to jump the ship and join MR camp once again.


Following the loss of Presidential Election, massive crowds gathered at Medamulana at their own initiative.   Most of them visited the President MR on repeated occasions, offering their participation in any future political movement.

Amongst them, there were no popular names.  Amongst them, there were no Drug Barons.  Amongst them,  there were no rich businessmen.   But they were true believers in Mahinda Chinthana.

In any future election campaign, nominations should be given to new comers and refrain from accommodating defeated candidates at the next elections.

The new movement should give pride of place to these new blood, under the guidance of Wimal Weerawansa, Udaya Gammanpila, Vidura Wickremanayake, Prasanna Ranatunga. Namal Rajapakse etc.  Apart from President Mahinda Rajapakse, the legendary Gotabaya Rajapakse, Dinesh Gunawardene, Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Dr Gunadasa Amerasekera, Prof G L Pieris, Sarath N Silva,   should provide the back-up.  If DEW Gunasekera is unhappy of participating in a Nationalist  Movement, he could join Yahapalanaya as well.  Athureliya Rathana, Dharmasiri Bandaranayake, Somawansa Amerasinghe etc need to be regarded as dormant products.


Unlike in the past, the volume of UNP and SLFP votes will be largely UNP votes, with the SLFP vote base fast disappearing.  The new political force will be able to capture all anti UNP votes, if it consist of leaders with true Nationalist Agenda.

The Right and Honourable D S Senanayake – Wrapped Around in the Noble Eightfold Path was He

November 1st, 2015

By Prof Suwanda H J Sugunasiri  (writing from Canada)

(in Commemoration of his  131st Birth anniversary that fell on October 21st,  2015)

It may not be election time in Sri Lanka, but I’m voting for the Rt. Hon. D S Senanayake! That’s right, the honourable thing to do. Birth Anniversary falling on October 21 (1884), it’s election time of a special  sentient being,  the Buddha declaring, ‘Rare is birth as a human’ (manussatam dullabham).

I’m no history buff. In fact, the only time I enjoyed the subject was at the University Entrance class at Nalanda Vidyalaya when the freshly minted graduate, the handsome Mr K M P Rajaratna in a national dress brought dynamism to it. It was not who killed whom which year but making history come alive. But even then was I not to stumble upon what I’m going to write about.

It was browsing through the  Sri Lankan collection in our home library   that I was inducted to the Hall of History. The eye-catcher was the   D. S. Senanayake Memorial Number of The  Ceylon Historical Journal, edited by S D Saparamadu. Likely purchased by my wife Swarna as a University Entrance student, it had sat on our shelves all these many years but, sorry,  rarely got attention from my academic busybody. So shall we say that retirement has its benefits, ha…!

So why am I voting for DSS  (no disrespect intended but simply to save space)? THAT he’s the ‘Father of the Nation’  we knew, basically understanding that he steered the country towards Independence from British colonial rule in 1948. But HOW? Now a ray of insight was  beginning to shine on me when I read that “most of the agitation from 1932 to 1942 may have been on the wrong lines.” (Sir Ivor Jennings, Former Vice Chancellor of University of Ceylon, writing on “D S Senanayake and Independence”,  (p.16)).

So what did Rt Hon. Senanayake do right? Let’s count.

Political Wisdom

“A colony can obtain Independence by force or persuasion”. But “effective non-cooperation leads necessarily to force, as Mahatma Gandhi discovered ” (Jennings).  So DSS’s   strategy was to be co-operative, and use   persuasion. Now I know how Ceylon gained Independence “without shedding a drop of blood”.

There could not be a better example of cooperation than in relation to the Soulbury Commission.  The British getting the fullest support for the war effort from the State Council headed by DSS,  Dominion status had been promised soon after the war. Yet, breaking the word, well, what else is new, huh, there came to be appointed the  Soulbury Commission.   “The Ministers held aloof from us…,” writes Viscount Soulbury the boycotted party  (and Governor-General of Ceylon, 1949-54, writing on “Senanayake the Man”),  and “there was the  possibility that  we might be deprived of the opportunity to carry out our terms of reference. That such a step was not taken was largely due to the strength and wisdom of DS” (p. 62). And “.. if he had not lived, the history of Ceylon would have been very different”.

In a word,  then, it is the   QUALITY of the man  that   that   got results  where  others failed.  And  that in short was the story for me.

Wisdom DSS had, it was said. Sir Andrew Caldecott (one of those “who had never understood DS”) “once asked one of his advisors if he found Mr Senanayake “intelligent””(Jennings, 20). “Mr. Senanayake made a great impression in London because he was so utterly unexpected. Whitehall was used to the slick, England-educated, graduate politician. It had not expected a  bluff old farmer with a sense of humour. What is more, he “knew  his stuff””.  S D Saparamadu, Editor of the Special Issue, points to  DSS’s “knowledge of constitutional niceties that would do honour to a pundit” (97).    Jennings corroborates.  ‘Soulbury Constitution’ it was called, but “the fact is that it was produced by Mr Senanayake” (17)! Thanks to his leadership skills,  “Ceylon was able to play a leading part at these [Commonwealth] Conferences, far beyond the influence which  her size granted.” (Hon J R Jayawardena, writing on “D S Senanayake’s Foreign Policy”, 52). Intelligent enough?

So if using persuasion and working in cooperation as well was wisdom,  it is only part  of the story. So let me recount.

“He had not only the fire of a complete conviction, but also the sense of  strategy of a great general.” (Jennings, 22).  DSS and his  Ministers may have boycotted the Soulbury Commission, but DSS made sure he met with the Commissioners informally. “With the kindliness and hospitality typical of his people, DS made extensive arrangements for the Commissioners to see the Island” (Soulbury, 62).

Here’s the man of wisdom himself  talking: “My government  reiterates its firm faith in the democratic way of life in which  the rule of the moral law holds sway” (52). And it clearly touched the hearts of world leaders.  “Leading personalities of different countries become symbols of change. .. [DSS] was such a personality, who impressed himself not only in Ceylon, but on a wider sphere” (Shri Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Minister of India (8)). Many are those who agree: “very wise and well balanced leader”  (Clement Atlee, Prime Minister, Great Britain (9)); “man of enormous breath of vision” “Great Statesman of the Commonwealth” (Rt Hon. R G Menzies, Prime Minister of Australia) (10); “… a man of sterling worth with a broad outlook, a mature wisdom and a great determination” (Ghulam Mohammed, Governor General of Pakistan (14)).

Economic Wisdom

Mr Senanayake’s  Economic wisdom was not far behind  his Political wisdom.   What he brought in was  an effective agricultural revival – productive, egalitarian, and would you believe, scientific.

It may perhaps be  the ‘Kundasale girls’ in western pants doing paddy farming that may be what’s lodged in your memory.  If this  speaks to his attempts at modernizing farming, and introducing it to the younger generation, it, however,  can be said to be  a marginal s(l)ideshow. The wider contribution was the reforms he introduced as Minister of Agriculture and Lands. In the words of R L Brohier, (Member of the Gal Oya Development Board,  and Author, Ancient Irrigation Works in Ceylon), “In the first half-century of the British period there were sown the seeds that diverted agriculture to an industry which commanded money rather than means of sustenance” (69). By contrast, DSS’s “policy focussed itself on the peasant farmer needs” …(70),  “promoting a prosperous self-supporting multitude of peasant proprietors” (74). But  “in equal measure [it was] emphasizing the dignity of labour and the value of cooperation” (70).

His self-sufficiency promotion thrust in relation to agriculture was guided by three interrelated considerations:  first,  as “a technology based on science, second,  as an industry based on tradition and thirdly, a   business to be founded on economics and not merely a way of life” (70).    So “many an idea of the Minister, novel as they were” writes Brohier,     were, surprise surprise,   “repugnant to the official disciples”!

One important detail that receive special consideration is “the system on which  colonists were to be selected.” Under this, all applicants were to be divided into three classes: “peasants or small-holders, middle class Ceylonese, and others”. The small-holders were to be of a  “restricted tenure preventing alienation or mortgage” (73). This was to ensure that “the land was not abandoned or left uncultivated. And for preventing the land becoming subject to multiple individual ownership.”   While the individual allotment to the small holder was limited to five acres of paddy,   his well-being was not totally abandoned to him.  Not only were two additional acres of ‘high land’    allotted “for dwelling purposes”,  but   a cottage would be erected “at government  cost” as well!      While the middle class was given 50  acres, it was under the same conditions as for the peasant. The third category, “capitalists” were offered land only if available after distributing to the peasant and the middle class, but still only on a 99 year lease (74).

This system of land distribution was in stark contrast to the practice in British times. Government  policy in the colonial regime was to sell the land to  perpetuity, and to  the highest bidder (D S Senanayake doing the First  reading of the Land Development Bill in the State Council in 1933 (Hansard) (83)).

Land distribution was not the only detail worth noting. There were the other dimensions built into it  to ensure success and keeping the peasant off the indebtedness wagon. Thus did  his  policy include  providing financial assistance in the form of loans. This was to ensure that the peasant would not be in eternal indebtedness, more often than not  resulting in the land being divided into uneconomical lots, with the lender appropriating the land.

Doing my doctoral studies in Canada in the mid seventies, a running theme in developmental research was the widening gap between the rich and the poor, metropolis and hinterland, West and East. Forty years later, the gap continues. If nothing else, DSS’s approach needs to be considered a significant if small measure going against the grain.

His Economic wisdom also lay in having the necessary research done not only as to the extent of land available for distribution, but also the quality of the soil before land was allotted, so that the gift would not end up a white elephant to the allottees. “Within half a century of British occupation, many of [the rain forests of the mountain zone] were felled” (71). Afforestation, therefore came to be  a dimension of DSS’s Economic wisdom.

Pointing to increasing unemployment that was sure to follow with a growing population, he “was convinced that this would only be solved  by increasing the amount of land under cultivation and providing careers for much larger numbers on the land” (76). Minneriya, the two colonies – Kahagama and Minipe, and  Gal Oya, his “last colonization scheme” (76) would amply speak to this strategy and wisdom.

“The crowning achievement .. in his role of rebuilder of ancient irrigation works and reclaimer of the dry zone, is the .. scheme he initiated in the plains around … Polonnaruwa… The primary requirement in this undertaking was the restoration of the Parakram Samudra.” (75).

Another dimension of the Senanyake  Economic wisdom was the promotion of animal husbandry as part of agriculture reform (79). He  “…educated the country in the methods of housing,  breeding and feeding stock through country-side  live-stock farms….”. “Within reason, he also introduced protective measures for agriculture and animal husbandry produce, by prohibiting the importation of eggs, vegetables and animals, from time to time as necessary” (79).

Hands-on Wisdom  

Political and Economic wisdom was not all the Rt. Honourable had. A hands-on Practical wisdom, too. Attention to administrative efficiency was primary among them.

I remember once  publishing an article in the Ceylon Daily News, writing from Canada, under the title, “Do we get the Best Administrators”. So I was happy to see the Father of the Nation on the same wavelength. “Mr S was not liked by some of those who worked under him, because he could not tolerate inefficiency, procrastination and bombast” (21).  He liked people who could work “quickly, efficiently and cheerfully.” A  Convocation Address by the Prime Minister given at University of Ceylon in 1947 (Oct. 17) was on the topic of “Qualities required of public servants” (106). His interest was “The establishment of a disciplined, efficient and contented public service.” (106).  He outlines several desirable “personal qualities” of such a public servant (107):  “high academic standard which  is evidence of ability and power of concentration”,  “interest in his job”,  “energy and enthusiasm ..”,  “a  high sense of duty”, “character and personality”, “self-discipline” and  “physical fitness”. But who would expect a Mao Zedong in a horse-riding aristocrat? Believe you me, another desirable quality of a public servant he saw was “a knowledge of the people of the Island”.

He chides those who, posted to a rural area,  “ dare not go into the jungle in case he meets a mosquito”! (109). Sarcasm it may be, but a knock out punch it was, wouldn’t you say? Of the women graduates, he points to the “many avenues of employment in the Public Service … where the special qualities of … gentleness and tenderness can be made use of to the best advantage of the community.” (109).

“The future of the country lies not with the birds of passage who have been elected to Parliament but with the young men and women of the country of whom you are a highly selected example”. And “it is your duty to devote your talents to the public benefit.” (110).

Realism  was another dimension of his Hands on Pragmatism.   “I did not get all what I asked”, he says in the State Council in 1945, recommending acceptance of the White paper on Constitutional Reform. “But the question is whether to keep the  Donoughmore Constitution [of 1941] or whether  we jump nine-tenths of the way.” Soon  the knock-out punch, my favourite: “A  man should not refuse bread because it is not cake” (103-4)!

Russia was no favourite of DSS: “Enslavement of the world is what we believe to be  their attitude…. We will never be with Russia until she gives up her policy” (J R Jayawardhena writing on DSS’s Foreign Policy, quoting the Hansard (54)).   Yet, when questioned in Parliament, he says, “If Russia wants our rubber, let her become another competitor.. [They] can buy in the open market.” (Hansard) (58). His approach then seems to be “irrespective of … political views and ideologies” (58). Simply put, realism. 

Personal Qualities

If we have seen the Rt. Honourable’s right and honourable Political, Economic,    Administrative and Pragmatic wisdom by the bushel,  what is behind it all can be said to be his personal qualities.

  • A man of “singular personal attraction”,   pursuing  his objectives “with sincerity and forcefulness”, “yet always with due regard for the rights and feeling of others” (Robert Menzies, Prime Minister of Australia, 10).
  • “His “personal qualities will always earn him a place of warm regard in the hearts of those who had the honour to know him” (Menzies, recalling his friendship “with warm pleasure”).
  • “..man of very great personal charm” (Clement Atlee, Prime Minister of Great Britain, 9).
  • “If he had been born and bred in my country, I should  have described him as the best type of English country-gentleman – able, shrewd, practical, good humoured, kindly and modest” (Soulbury,  62) “He brought into my office the fresh air of the countryside, the breezy cheerfulness and good humour of a charming friend. He never seemed worried or stressed and I still seem to hear his hearty chuckle” (66).
  • “Courage, moderation and modesty” (Soulbury, 67).          

            Gratitude was another personal quality DSS brought to the table. “Gratitude must be accorded especially to those of the past generation who saw the vision of Free Lanka far off among the hills, who strove to make the first breaches in the bureaucratic  wall that surrounded us (Senanayake, 99). He was  grateful for Britain’s “good will and co-operation”  (Menzies). He never failed to support   his Catholic alma mater, St Thomas College, Mt. Lavinia.

Humility: “I put my case for Lanka in all its strength and with all my force. Possibly there might have ben a better advocate. Certainly there could not have been a fairer or patient judge” (98). In a self-mocking, he tells the university graduates,  “I do too much talking myself to have much faith in talkers” (108).

Then there was his  sense of humour, seeing it in others, too.

Sentiment was not absent in his heart either.  Going against “the advice of his engineers that greater advantage would be achieved by damming the Amban Ganga at the Sudukanda Gap” than  the Parakrama Samudra,, he “permitted sentiment to stand in the way of practical utility” (76). But it was not sentiment without reason:   “he explained it in terms of the time saved by utilizing an existing bund and merely filling in a breach” (76).

Going on  a limb here, with apologies,   the two protagonists in my novel Untouchable Woman’s Odyssey (available on Kindle, or in print at Vijita Yapa and Namel-Malini Punchi Theatre) are sitting in the open verandah of a rest house in an ancient capital, facing a vast ocean of water. Later moving on to  a bund,   dangling their feet,  the female protagonist Tangamma, in  a surge of insight, and changing history,  proposes  a name change of her dear husband, from Milton to Milinda. Brohier talks about discussing DSS  letting sentiment reign in,  “while lounging in the open verandah of the quiet Polonnaruwa Rest House”.

Soulbury captures the personal qualities of DSS  as if in summary  “…those who lived in his time were lifted up by the example of courage, kindliness, moderation and modesty ..” (67). Adds Brohier (80),  “…cultivating the great gift of appreciating his own capabilities, he learnt to tactfully handle men of far greater brilliance than himself. Therein lay the key to the power, prestige and greatness he later achieved”.

“No other man had so many political enemies”, says Sir John Kotelawala, in politics  with DSS over 25 years, writing “A Tribute…” (11).  “And few others lived to make those same enemies come round to at least to grudging admiration”.  Soulbury confirms: “.. we did not always agree., and yet looking backwards I think that when we differed he was much more often right than wrong.” (66).

Hands on Compassion

To let Mr Senanayake’s compassion go unnoticed  would be to provide  an incomplete picture. “The love he had for all living animals… was nowhere manifested to greater degree than in his property, Koulwewa Estate, where he farmed poultry, ducks, pigs, turkeys, goats, sheep, deer, buffaloes and … cattle of many breeds.” (Brohier, 79).

Recounting his invitation to DSS   to his country farm in the UK, and  taking him to the Whipsnade zoo, Soulbury recalls, “By a happy chance, the first elephant he saw had been brought from Ceylon .. DS went up to him and spoke a few words in a language incomprehensible to me but obviously understood and relished by the elephant” (65). Communication is not just in language (vacī viññatti) but also in body language ((kāya viññatti). I should add, telepathically, too, British  biologist Rupert Sheldrake’s research providing some scientific evidence.

Running the family estate,  as DSS did, may have been by way of looking after family interests. But what we also see here is an elephantile heart in relation to quadrupeds. Multipeds (insects) and nullpeds (my term) (snakes), as in the Metta Sutta, would have no doubt gotten their fair share of compassion in the company of DSS.

His compassion, of course, goes beyond the animal kingdom. The  principles of fairness and justice in the context of land alienation,  and all the other things done for the welfare of the citizens of a free Ceylon,  would amply speak for it in the biped  kingdom.

Charm, chuckle and compassion he had. But … don’t be taken by surprise if he wrestles you down, with  alacrity! As in the mug shot of him in the issue, beware, he is  a wrestler!  I don’t know how much of the skill he took to the political ring, but what his interest tells me is that he paid as much attention  to   his physical health as also to his psychological health.  For, isn’t ‘good health the greatest gain’ (ārogyā paramā lābhā) (Buddha)? It is only good health that would have allowed him to go about all the things he did, for over a quarter of a century. “Whenever he had a big problem on hand, he broke away from his busy life in Colombo, and sought self-expression in his hereditary home in the village of Botale, or in the quietness of Koulwewa Estate.(Brohier, 80). In other words,  he has not forgotten self-compassion.

His emphasis on self-care he shares with his university audience:  “Muscle and brawn are no substitute for intelligence, but there is no need to ignore the claims of physical education.”   And his continuing care for the other is well reflected in the wish he shares with his university audience:  “I wish it were possible to compel every student to spend a year  in a village as a villager” (110).

The Rt. Honourable’s compassion, however,  was not an all namby-pamby. He fails not to give the occasional punch when needed. “The international aristocracy of [Western] Sovereign States, jealous of their special positions, carefully choose their colleagues in the charmed circle. International peace was necessary not for the greater happiness of humanity, but to impose their own domination of the world.” (113) (BBC speech).

“We consider India to be one of the greatest nations … but we do not expect India to play the role of trying to establish rights where they have no rights, … or to deprive other countries of their rights” (57) (Hansard).

When it comes to his own people, in addressing the university audience, says he, “.. our objective is not to raise the standard of living in Cinnamon Gardens”, of the rich (110).

So it was a critical compassion that DSS had.

Buddhist Praxis

Adroit politician, insightful economist,  five star administrator, compassionate human being. Guess  what I see in  all this.  A Buddhism in praxis, i.e., theory in action, for the well-being  of the many, for the comfort of the many, out of compassion for the world / sentient beings (bahujana hitāya, bahujana sukhāya,  lokānukampāya).   In contemporary language, who we have is a socially engaged Buddhist.

But is this     a far-out theorizing of a dry-bone Buddhist academic? Hardly! You may be surprised that it is very much based in the  warm breath of, are you ready, a  practicing Buddhist Rt Honourable Senanayake. Sure he did not wear  his Buddhistness  up on his sleeve, any more than he sought to enthrone Buddhism in the Constitution. But would you believe, or did you know, that unknown to us the public, he was a devout Buddhist?  A practicing one, too, taking to the ata sil (Eight Training Principles (sikkhāpada), popularly, Precepts). How often don’t ask me. But observe he did, donning the white Sil attire.

Evidence of his Buddhist praxis  is that his attitude, behaviour, action – politics, economics, administration, are   all conditioned by   a compassion  instructed by wisdom, and of course,  vice versa,  the  ideal well exemplified by the Buddha.

We have   recorded   examples of his  Mettā ‘friendliness’ and Karunā ‘compassion’ in international relations: “My government’s relations with other countries continue to be extended on the basis of friendship” (53). “Ceylon feels that peace cannot be established… by hatred or revenge…” (60). Thus it is that “Mr Senanayake came out very strongly on the side of complete freedom” for Japan, America ultimately taking the same view (J R Jayawardhena 60). And he also urged that Japan be not   asked for  reparation.  Talking about the colonizer he had fought, and who had imprisoned him (52), DSS only has kind words for the British public “who has shown by their commonwealth idea  .. an unrivalled genius for compromise…”(113).

A prime example of his personal Buddhist praxis is noted by Jennings. Dominion status  promised,  but word broken,      “Oddly enough, Mr. Senanayake was not at all angry”.  Wouldn’t it take a Bodhisatta  to not   get   hot all over?  “He never seemed worried or stressed”, notes   Soulbury (66). So not just a one time marvel.

Not getting angry can also  be seen as being reflective of  another Buddhist praxis – upekkhā ‘equanimity’, instructed by  the Eight-fold World Reality Wheel (aṭṭhaloka dhammacakka) – gain n’ loss, infamy n’ fame, blame n’ praise, comfort n’ dukkha (lābho  alābho ayaso yaso ca nindā pasasā sukhañca dukkham).

Then there was his “breezy cheerfulness and good humour of a charming friend” (Soulbury).

Beyond his personal practice, he seems interested in having Buddhist values imbibed in university students. Just as his “contribution … towards the establishment of a residential university is not so well known” (Sir Nicholas Attygalle, Vice Chancellor, U ofCeylon, 81), by facilitating, as Minister of Lands,  the acquiring of the New Peradeniya Estate, his interest in the University  Sangharama and Vihara role is not known either. He laid the foundation stone to the vihara.

His speech on the BBC on the “Middle Way” of Moderation as a path to peace (110)   clearly  speaks to another Buddhist praxis.  He talks of spirituality, too: “we are convinced that only through clearer knowledge of the fundamental spiritual values of existence can international understanding be reached” (114).

The Rt. Honourable  also well represented the national Buddhist ethos “with the kindliness and hospitality typical of his people” (Soulbury, 63).

A Noble Eightfold Path in Action

“A man of enormous breath and vision”, says Menzies of DSS (10).   Along with it, his punditry and conviction may then be seen as an example of ‘Right view’ (sammā diṭṭhi) in him,  the first benchmark of  the Noble Eightfold Path. The strategies he used  could be seen as   ‘Right conceptualization’ (sammā samkappa). He had a “wonderful faculty for defining them [objectives] precisely”.

Whenever DSS disagreed with someone, he  would express it with an  opener such as  “I mean to say”,  “As a matter of fact” and  “Actually” (Jennings, 18), never  putting up an oppositional front. “If they were unable to convince him, they were told, in the nicest possible way, that they had better go away and think again”. His humour,   charm  and  chuckle added,  we have Excellent Speech  (sammā vācā), the third link in the Path. It is not only strategy that  shows  ‘Right Action’ (sammā kammanta), but also his approach that impressed others, and drew them over to him if in the long term. His ‘Excellent  Livelihood’ (sammā ājīva) was written all over the landscape. It was to do his best to serve the people, both at home and abroad that fits the bill.

‘Excellent Mental Exercise’ (as I translate it) (sammā vāyāma) in the Noble Eightfold Path  entails avoiding the bad (nivārana), getting rid of the bad (pahāna), cultivating the good (bhāvanā) and protecting the good  one already  has (anurakkhana). Did he avoid the bad? We’ve read how the efforts made for Independence under earlier leadership failed. So  he took a new tact – of cooperation and accommodation. So how’s that for avoiding the bad, eh? We don’t know what badness there was in him personally – and I’m sure there was,  as everyone who is not an Arahant does, but there is little doubt that he sought to cultivate the good in himself (as e.g.,  not getting angry),  as well as in others when he demanded a self-disciplined, efficient  and contented   public service. And, did he ever protect the qualities he possessed! The record of 25 plus years of work in the field should speak loudly  for itself.

Part of observing the Eight Training Principles (ata sil) is to cultivate mindfulness. I don’t know how often DSS took to it on Full Moon Days, but there is little doubt that he was into ‘Excellent mindfulness’ (sammā sati) in  whatever he did in his public life. Meditation, never mind ‘Concentration’  (samādhi) was certainly not part of the practice of Sinhala Buddhism at that time unlike  today. But it was with pleasant surprise in his address to the graduates that I read him  talk of the value of  ‘concentration’. ‘Excellent concentration’ (sammā samādhi) in the spiritual sense of watching the breath may not be what he himself practised, but it was  undoubtedly in excellent concentration that he went about his business.

Though attired in a vest and tie, and not  a white wrap around,  the   Rt. Hon DSS can then be said to have had the ongoing wrap of the   Noble Eightfold Path around his mindbody   in all his adult political life.

His Legacy, Tusita Heaven and My Respects

But we humans have an uncanny skill at pulling down the pillars of goodness, don’t we,  as soon as the architect is out of sight. It didn’t take long for King Asoka’s Dharmarajya to come tumbling down after his passing away. DSS may not have set up physical pillars across the country as Asoka did, but build  tall pillars he did – in politics, economics, administration and personal example.

In his Foreword, Sir Oliver Goonetilleke hoped that the Journal Issue  may “serve to reveal to the people this vision of a great leader .. so that future generations may trod the path he trod”  (7).  I will let the people of the country, and my readers, make up their own minds as  to what extent the country has maintained the legacy of DSS . But there is nothing  in my mind that doesn’t lend credibility to the Buddha’s words, “The body of mortals  does  go  to decay; but the name goes on” (rūpam jiarati maccānam, nāmagottam na jīrati).

If anyone has  earned the accolade Rt Honourable, it would be DSS, even though he had turned down all British honours earlier, and now accepting it only so Ceylon will earn respect alongside other Commonwealth countries.   Nationally  he has earned it for all his contributions in the  Political,  Economic,  Administrative and other spheres. Internationally, for all his contributions to peace and democracy.  But he earns it equally by being literally Right   and literally Honourable in relation to moral and spiritual standards: “the rule of the moral law holds sway” (52).

So why am I writing about the Rt. Hon. Senanayake?  It is to share with my dear readers what I have learned about him,  thanking     Editor Saparamadu for keeping history recorded for posterity.  It may also be for educational reasons. This is not the Senanayake we had ever known as students or adults. To this average onlooker of society and politics, there was nothing honourable about a horse-back riding aristocrat! Our schools didn’t teach us of the great leader, other than as the ‘Father of the Nation’, which to us apolitical brats, meant nothing.

But I’ll admit to having a more selfish motive: to practice my mudita, i.e., altruistic joy, at discovering a goodly sentient being. It is also to introduce a  kalyāna mitta ‘beautiful friend’ we didn’t know about. Says the Buddha, a kalyāna mitta is the whole spiritual life, not just half of it as Ven Ananda had said. Sorry I was not one of the ‘fortunate ones’ to benefit personally and directly from the company of this great sentient being.  But at least I’m happy that I have benefited from this historical relationship with a sentient being at his best in the context of social living.

If my memory serves me right,  I was a dot among an estimated million gathered   at Independent Square  (on March 29, 1952, as the record shows) where the  body of the Troop (Sena) Leader (Nayaka) was cremated. It was as  a tiny trooper of the Nalanda Junior Cadet Platoon.   Sixty two years of water under the bridge, and two oceans and 10,000 miles away,  I’m happy to be able to do better, and pay my personal respects to a rare human being and an example par excellence of goodliness, with all the ingredients to do still better spiritually.

The student  of Buddhism in me tells me that the late leader would have inevitably ended up   in the Tusita Heaven for all the merits accrued through his good deeds. Queen Mahamaya ended up there, and the future Prince Siddhartha came to us from there. But may I    hope that upon the completion of his life in Heaven, the Rt Hon Senanayake will  work out his liberation from samsara.

‘Hatred’, based in ‘anger’ is one of the three Blemish Roots (akusala mūla) that keeps one in Samsara. “Oddly enough”, we have been told, you Sir, were not angry in a situation demanding a justifiable anger. So we could say then that you’re well on your way to a ‘jettisoning of anger and hatred’ (dosakkhaya) (dvesha, in Sanskritized Sinhala), one of the characteristics of Nibbāna.   Compassion feeding on Wisdom, Wisdom feeding on Compassion, in a Conditioned Co-origination (paticcasamuppāda) reciprocal relationship, you Sir,   are close to making it ‘across to the other shore’ as in the Dhammapada line.

May you attain the peace of Nibbāna!

Saadu Saadu Saadu Sā…!

(This was originally published in the Sunday Island in two parts (Oct. 25 & 31, 2015) under the title, “I’m Voting for the Rt. Hon. D S Senanayaka!”)

(US Fulbright and Canadian Buddhist scholar Suwanda H J Sugunasiri  is the author of “Evolution and Devolution in the Aggañña Sutta”, and Arahant Mahinda as Redactor of the Buddhapujava in Sinhala Buddhism.  His latest research is titled “TRIUNE MIND FINDS HOME IN TRIUNE BRAIN: An Exercise in Buddhianscience & Westernscience” <https://tspace.library.utoronto.ca/handle/1807/69843>).

Is Mahinda Courageous Enough to Leave the Dead SLFP and Form a New Political Party?

November 1st, 2015

Dilrook Kannangara

The SLFP is dying, if not already dead. The nation is in dire need of a progressive political party unburdened by dynasties and their handpicked appointees. In another four (4) years, this time, the presidential election campaign will be in full swing. Unless a new political force is formed, the next president will be either Ranil or Vimukthi Kumaratunga (if Sirisena doesn’t contest). There is absolutely no way Mahinda or any other progressive politician can get nominations from a SLFP-led coalition. With all senior SLFPers opposed to Mahinda and other nationalists, they will not allow them in. Last general election saw Sirisena allowing Mahinda to contest from the UPFA to garner maximum political clout for the election. Once the required momentum was achieved, Mahinda was kicked out. SLFP lost not just the election but also the opposition leader post. Had Mahinda contested from a new party, that party would have secured the opposition leader post and posed a credible opposition to the circus that is underway today. A Mahinda supporter cannot win the next presidential election by parachuting into the race then. The momentum and party infrastructure must be put in place now onwards.

Despite these facts, Mahinda was very reluctant to join the “Nugegoda Campaign”. He avoided it and made only a cameo appearance towards the end. He has a lesson or two to learn from SWRD Bandaranaike in 1951. Within just five (5) years, Bandaranaike had won a landslide. He took the hard way, formed his own party and won power. To an extent even Sirisena did so (with the backing of the established UNP)! Unless Mahinda is as courageous, his political dynasty will be history. That’s not all; those who trusted Mahinda and stood by him will also be in the political rubbish bin.

Unfortunately, Mahinda has started to act similar in the run up to local government elections. Despite a few MPs trying to form a party, Mahinda has not put himself into it. Inability to learn from past mistakes will condemn the whole lot into political oblivious sooner than they expect.

The right strategy is to form a new party and contest every district the SLFP contests. This will give UNP a tremendous advantage in the short run, however, the strong bargaining position in creates will be useful in getting things done from the SLFP and its leader. At a future date members of the mainstream SLFP will realise the futility of remaining under Sirisena and join forces with the new party. That will help it capture power in grassroots level and launch its national campaign. The defeat of the SLFP to UNP will also force SLFP seniors to challenge its lousy leadership. If Mahinda worries he cannot get back to the SLFP if he leaves, he has little to worry. He will be anyway sidelined by the SLFP whatever he does.

Short term difficulties for long term gain. Has Mahinda the required courage to leave the dead SLFP and form a live new party? Only time will tell. If he doesn’t, voters will not stand by him as voters demand a courageous leader not a follower of Sirisena and Ranil.

ප්‍රේමජයන්ත්ගේ (නල්ලමලේ) හෘදසාක්ෂිය..

November 1st, 2015

 -කෝට්ටවත්තේ ගුණසේන පෙරේරා යුතුකම සංවාද කවය

පසුගියදා කඩුවෙල ශ්‍රීලනිප මැතිවරණ මෙහෙයුම් කාර්යාලයක් විවෘත කරමින් පැවති ජනාධිපති සිරිසේන මහතා ද සහභාගී වූ උත්සවයේදී අදහස් දැක්වූ එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සංධානයේ හිටපු මහ ලේකම් සුසිල් ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතා අපූරු අදහසක් පල කළේය.

හදිසියේ අවදි වූ සුසිල්ගේ හෘද සාක්ෂිය

අද අපට ජාතික ලැයිස්තුව ආදිය ගැන චෝදනා කරන සමහරක් දෙනා දන්නේ නෑ පසුගිය අවුරුදු 10 අපි සංධානය පවත්වාගෙන ගියේ කොහොමද කියල. සමහරු දන්නේ නෑ එදා සමහර අවස්ථාවල ජාතික ලැයිස්තු හිස් වෙච්ච ආසනයට මන්ත්‍රීවරු පත් කළේ කොහොමද කියලා. ලැයිස්තුවේ වත් නොසිටිය සමහරු පත් කරද්දි හෘද සාක්ෂියට එකඟව නොවෙයි අපි කටයුතු කළේ. ඒ කාලේ පක්ෂයේ මහ ලේකම් හැටියට මෛත්‍රීපාල ජනාධිපතිතුමත් මමත් දෙන්නම ඔය තත්වෙට මුහුණ දුන්නා.”
-සුසිල් ප්‍රේමජයන්ත : 2015- 10-29

ජනවාරි 8 ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතා නියෝජනය කළේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ පිලයි. රාජපක්ෂ මහතා සමග වැඩ කිරීමේදී හෘද සාක්ෂිය සමග ඔය තරම් ගැටලුවක් තිබුණේ නම් ඒ මොහොතේ ඉතාමත් පහසුවෙන් වඩා කිට්ටු දේශපාලන සබඳතාවයක් ඇති තමාගේ අතීත නායිකාව සමගම සිරිසේන මහතා වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින්නට ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතාට තිබිණ. එදා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා පරාජය වෙතැයි යාන්තමින් හෝ සිතුනේ නම් සුසුල් ගේ හෘදසාක්ෂිය ඒ මොහොතේ ‘යහපාලනය’ වෙනුවෙන් අවදි වන්නට ඉඩ තිබිණ.

කෙසේ හෝ පරාජයෙන් පසු ශ්‍රීලනිප යේ මධ්‍යම කාරක සභාවේ බලය තමා යටතට නතු කර ගැනීමට සිරිසේන මහතා පෞද්ගලිකවම මැදිහත් වෙමින් ගෙන ගිය යටිකූට්ටු ක්‍රියාවලියේදී මුලින් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතා අවසානයේ අනෙකුත් ජ්‍යේෂ්ඨයන් සමගම සිරිසේන මහතා පක්ෂ සභාපතීත්වයට පත් කරගැනීම එකඟ විය . ශ්‍රීලනිප යට විරුද්ධව කටයුතු කර ශ්‍රීලනිප ආණ්ඩුව පරාජය කර එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ අගමැතිවරයෙක් පත් කරගත් පක්ෂයේ ද්‍රෝහියෙකු පක්ෂ සභාපතීත්වයට පත් කරගනිද්දී ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතාගේ හෘද සාක්ෂිය තිබුණේ කොහිද? [පක්ෂ සභාපතීත්වය සිරිසේන මහතාට බාර දුන්නේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂම නොවේදැයි දේශාපානයේ යටි පෙළ කියවා නොගත් දේශපාලන ළදරුවන් (විශේෂයෙන් සමාජ ජාලා – ගොසිප් අඩවි හරහා දේශපාලනය ඉගෙන ගන්නා ළදරුවන් ) අසන්නට ඉඩ ඇතත් ඒ සඳහා තිරය යට සිරිසේන මහතා ගෙන ගිය කුප්‍රකට මෙහෙයුම පිළිබඳව හොඳින් දන්නා අය සිදුවූයේ කුමක්දැයි දනිති. ]

තත්වය එසේ තිබියදීත් නැවත මහ මැතිවරණය අබියසදී මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට සංධානයෙන් අපේක්ෂකත්වය දී සංධානයෙන්ම තරඟ කරවීමට ක්‍රියාත්මක වූ කණ්ඩායමේ සුසුල් ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතා සිටියේ ඇයි? ඒ ප්‍රශ්නයට පිළිතුරු ප්‍රේමජනත මහතාම පසුගියදා ලංකාදීප පුවත් පතට ලබා දුම් සම්මුඛ සාකච්චාවක සඳහන් වේ.

එහිදී ඔහු පවසන්නේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා නොමැතිව මහ මැතිවරණයට ශ්‍රීලනිප ය තරඟ කළේ නම් ඔවුන්ට හිමි විය හැකිව තිබුණේ ආසන 30 කට ආසන්න ගණනක් බවයි. එසේ වූවේ නම් 2010 දී මහමැතිවරණයේදී මනාප පනස් දහසකට ආසන්න ගණනක් ලබා ලැයිස්තුවේ අගින් එල්ලී පාර්ලිමේන්තු ආ ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතාට බොහෝ දුරට මෙවර ගෙදර නවතින්නට ඉඩ තිබිණ. (2010 දීද ඔහු පාර්ලිමේන්තු ගියේ චන්දන කත්‍රිඅරච්චි මහතාගේ මනාප ගොඩ තමන්ට දා ගැනීමෙන් යැයි එකල මාධ්‍යවල චෝදනාද එල්ල විය.) ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතා බොරු රාජපක්ෂ හිතවාදී වේශයක් මවා ගත්තේ තමන්ට අත්වන ඒ ඉරණම පිළිබඳ කලින්ම ගණන් හදා තිබූ බැවින් වන්නට පුළුවන.

කෙසේ වුවත් සිරිසේන මහතාගේ අල්ලජ්ජී මැදිහත්වීම මත රාජපක්ෂ මහතා අතේ තිබූ ජයග්‍රහණය ගිලිහී ගියේය. එහිදී සිරිසේන මහතා තමාගේ “මෛත්‍රිය” ප්‍රදර්ශනය කරමින් ශ්‍රීලනිප පක්ෂ මූලස්ථානය ඉබි යතුරු දමා සීල් කර , අධිකරණය හරහා මධ්‍යම කාරක සභාව කැඳවීම ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර විරෝධී ලෙස අත් හිටුවා , කුප්‍රකට ගරිල්ලා ප්‍රහාර වැනි මාධ්‍ය නිවේදන දෙක හරහාත් එලෙස ශ්‍රීලනිප නායකයා ලෝක ඉතිහාසයේ පළමු වරට තම විරුද්ධ පාක්ෂික ජයග්‍රහණය වෙනුවෙන් ලැජ්ජාසහගත මැදිහත්වීමක නිරත විය. ඒත් සමගම මැතිවරණයට දින දෙකක් තිබියදී ශ්‍රීලනිප හා එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සංධාන ලේකම්වරුන් එම තනතුරුවලින් දොට්ට දමා තමාගේ හෙන්චයියන් දෙදෙනෙකු ඒ තනතුරුවලට පත් කර ගත්තේය. නමුත් ඒ මොහොතේ (ලේකම් ධූරය අත් හිටවූයේ සිකුරාදා හවසයි. ඒ සති අන්තයේ අධිකරණයට හමුවට යමට ඇති ඉඩ අහුරුවමිනි. ඒ සිරිසේන මහතාගේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය හැටිය. නමුත් මැතිවරණය පැවති සඳුදා දිනයේ) අධිකරණය හමුවට ගොස් ඒ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවිරෝධී ඒකාධිපති තීරණයට එරෙහිව වාරණ නියෝගයක් ගැනීමට ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතාට ඉඩ තිබිණ. බොහෝ දෙනා ඒ වෙනුවෙන් ඉල්ලීම් කල බවද වාර්ථා විය. නමුත් ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතා එය මග හරිමින් මැතිවරණ ප්‍රතිඵල නිකුත්වන තෙක් කල් මැරීය.

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ජයග්‍රහණය කළේ නම් ඒ පිළටත් පරාජය වූයේ නම් මෛත්‍රී පිලටත් හේත්තු වන්නට ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතා ඉඩ තබා ගත්තේ එසේය.

ඒ අර හෘද සාක්ෂියේ හැටිය.

2010 දී මනාප පනස් දහසකට ආසන්න ගණනක් ගත් ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතාට මෙවර මනාප 175000 ක් ලැබුනේ පසුගිය අවුරුදු 5 ඔහු කල අමුතු ජනතා සේවයක් නිසාවත් විශ්ව කර්ම ඇමති මෙහවරක් නිසාවත් නොවේ. ඒ මොහොතේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටිනවා ය යන්න සමාජයට දුන් පණිවිඩයට ලැබුණු ප්‍රතිචාරයයි ඒ. ඒ බොරු රාජපක්ෂ හිතවාදී වෙස් මුහුණ නොවන්නට සිරිසේන මහතා වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි අනිත් කෙරුම්කාර පණ්ඩිතයන්ට මෙන්ම ඔහුටද බොහෝ දුරට ලැයිස්තුවේ අගට වී ගෙදර නවතින්නට ඉඩ තිබිණ.(හැබැයි එසේ වූවත් බය වෙන්නට දෙයක් නැත. සිරිසේන මහතාගේ නල්ලමලේ ප්‍රජානත්ත්‍රවාදය ධාරරණත්වය යටතේ ජාතික ලැයිස්තුවෙන් යළි දියවන්නාවට ගොඩ වෙන්නටද තිබිණ. ජනතාව පස්සට පයින් ගසා ගෙදර යැවූ දුසිම් භාගයක් පමණ සිරිසේන මහතාගේ විලිලැජ්ජාසහගත මැදිහත්වීම හරහා නැවත පාර්ලිමේන්තුවටත් එතනින් නොනැවතී කැබිනට්ටුවේ හොඳම පුටුවලටත් පත් විය. )

සිසිල්ලාගේ හෘදසාක්ෂිය ගොළු වූ සිරිසේනලාගේ ජාතික ලැයිස්තු මංකොල්ලය

රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ පාලන සමයේ ජාතික ලැයිස්තු මන්ත්‍රීධූරයකට (බොහෝ දුරට ඒ ඩලස් අලහප්පෙරුම හෝ බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ මහතා මන්ත්‍රීධූරයට පත් කිරීම වන්නට පුළුවන ) පත්කිරීමේදී කම්පා වූ බව පවසන ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතාගේ හෘද සාක්ෂිය මෙවර මුලු ජාතික ලැයිස්තුවම මහ දවල් මංකොල්ල කද්දී මදක් හෝ සසල නොවූයේ ඇයි?

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා සහභාගී නොවූයේනම් මෙවර මැතිවරණයේදී ශ්‍රීලනිප යට අත්වන ඛේදජනක ඉරණම ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතාම පෙරකී සම්මුඛ සාකච්චාවේදී පිළිගෙන තිබිණ. එසේ නම් ඒ ආසන ප්‍රමාණයට හිමි ජාතික ලැයිස්තුව පත් කරගැනීමේදී එයට අකුල් හෙලූ සහ ලැජ්ජා සහගත ලෙස ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය – සාධාරණත්වය මහ දවල් නිරුවත් කරමින් කටයුතු කළ සිරිසේන මහතාට ඇති අයිතිය කුමක්ද? එස් බී, ජියමුණි, තිලංග ,ලක්ෂ්මන් යාපා වැනි ජනතා විරෝධී තම හෙංචයියන් රොත්ත ඇතුලට ඔබා ගත් ඒ ලැජ්ජා සහගත තක්කඩි ක්‍රියාදාමයට නිල මුද්‍රාව තැබුවේ සුසිල් ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතාය. ඔහුගේ අත්සන නොවන්නට බොහෝ දුරට ඒ නිර්ලජ්ජිත පත් කිරීම අධිකරණය හමුවේ අභියෝගයට ලක් වන්නට තිබිණ.

ලංකා දේශපාලන ඉතිහාසයේ ජඩම පාවාදීමට තම අත්සන ගැසූ ප්‍රේමජයන්ත මහතා , එදා ඩලස් හෝ බැසිල් ගේ ජාතික ළැයිස්තු පත්වීම හෘද සාක්ෂියට විරුද්ධව සිදු කලා යැයි පවසන්නේ රෙද්දක් ඇඳගෙනද? “ජුදාස් සහ ප්‍රේමජයන්ත” මැයෙන් යුතුකම වෙබ් අඩවියේ ටික කලකට පෙර පළ කළ මේ ලිපිය කියවන්න. එදා ජුදාස්ට ජේසුතුමා පාවාදීමට සැනසිලි ලෙස ලැබුණු රිදී කාසි 30වෙනුවට අද ප්‍රේමජයන්තට ලැබී ඇත්තේ ඇමති කට්ටකි. එහෙව් ප්‍රේමජයන්තලා අද මහත්වරුන් සේ ඇවුත් හෘද සාක්ෂිය ගැන බයිලා ගසයි .
නල්ලමලේ හෘද සාක්ෂිය කියන්නේ මේවාටය.

-කෝට්ටවත්තේ ගුණසේන පෙරේරා
යුතුකම සංවාද කවය

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