Sri Lanka secures USD 150 million from World Bank

February 2nd, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Feb 02 (Daily Mirror) –  The Government of Sri Lanka has negotiated a financial assistance package of USD 150 million from the International Development Association (IDA) of the World Bank Group. The funds are earmarked for the implementation of the Financial Sector Safety Net Strengthening Project.

The primary focus of the project is to enhance the robustness of Sri Lanka’s financial sector safety net, with particular attention to the Sri Lanka Deposit Insurance Scheme (SLDIS), managed by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL). The initiative aims to fortify the financial and institutional capacities of SLDIS, aligning them with international best practices governing effective deposit insurance schemes.

Specifically, the project seeks to reinforce the reserves of SLDIS, ensuring its ability to fulfill payout and bank resolution obligations. This strategic move aims to uphold public confidence in the financial system while concurrently improving SLDIS’s efficiency in performing its legally mandated functions. The reduction in reimbursement time and increased public awareness about the scheme are integral components of this comprehensive effort.

The implementation of the Financial Sector Safety Net Strengthening Project will be spearheaded by the CBSL, ensuring alignment with project development objectives and design. The financing agreement for this transformative initiative, amounting to USD 150 million, was formally signed on January 31, 2024. K.M. Mahinda Siriwardana, Secretary to the Treasury, and Faris H. Hadad-Zervos, Country Director for the Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka, represented the Government of Sri Lanka and the IDA respectively, in sealing this crucial partnership.

Former Health Minister Keheliya Rambukwella arrested

February 2nd, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Feb 02 (Daily Mirror) – Former Health Minister Keheliya Rambukwella has been arrested  by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) a short while ago in connection with the importation of substandard Immunoglobulin injections.

Rambukwella complied with a court order, arrived at the CID this morning to provide a statement.

Maligakanda Magistrate Lochana Abeywickrama had directed Rambukwella to report to the CID at 9 AM on Friday (2) following submissions by Deputy Solicitor General Lakmini Girihagama on behalf of the Attorney General during a court hearing on the controversial human immunoglobulin procurement case.

After more than 10 hours of interrogation, the minister was arrested in connection with the matter.

HLD Mahindapala no more.

February 2nd, 2024

By Garvin Karunaratne

All of us do some jobs to find a living and later in retirement get to oblivion, some become activists, others don robes, finding paths for self-salvation.

The greatness in Mahindapala is that in unpaid lifetime, in retirement, he fought for Sri Lanka for the downtrodden, and provided ideas for new paths that could have taken our country out of the mud it is now entrenched in.

We were once classmates, at The Government Teacher Training College School at the present Thurstan College premises studying in the second to fifth standards. We were taught by a few classmasters and what was very interesting was a few classes taken by some specialists- I can yet remember Holsinger teaching us about Thumbergia- a lesson in botany. We were great friends.

Since we parted at Training College School we never met-me in the Administrative Service and he is amongst the editorial staff of premier newspapers. Then Mahinda went to Australia while I went roaming to many countries. However, we met again in writing endless papers trying to put our Motherland on the right track. He wrote Endless from Australia and me from the UK and Sri Lanka.

Once Mahinda wanted to meet me. We met over a cup of tea at the residence of one of his relatives and had a long chat on development. That was some eight years ago. Sorry, I did not know that Mahinda was in Sri Lanka for the past four years. If I knew I would have met him.

Mahindapala made a great contribution to Sri Lanka in his unending papers and that will stand for him wherever he is.

Good friend, we will meet once again somewhere in Samsara when we will again fight for the downtrodden.

May your path in Samsara be happy and swift.

Garvin Karunaratne 01022024

Mihindapala’s funeral is tomorrow at Jayaratnes and I hope to be there

ප්‍රවීණ මාධ්‍යවේදී එච්.එල්.ඩී. මහින්දපාල අභාවප්‍රාප්ත වෙයි: අවසන් කටයුතු හෙට

February 2nd, 2024

By  Mawbima

කෘතහස්ත මාධ්‍යවේදී එච්.එල්.ඩී. මහින්දපාල අභාවප්‍රාප්ත වී තිබේ.

මිය යන විට ඒ මහතා 93 වන වියේ පසු විය.

සන්ඩේ ඔබ්සර්වර් සහ ඔබ්සර්වර් (ඩේලි) පුවත්පත්වල ප්‍රධාන කර්තෘවරයෙකු ලෙස සේවය කළ ඔහු 50 දශකයේ ප්‍රකට මධ්‍යවේදින් වන ක්ලැරන්ස් ප්‍රනාන්දු, ඩෙන්සිල් පීරිස් වැන්නවුන්ගේ සමකාලීනයෙකි.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, ඔහු 70 දශකයේ ඔස්ට්‍රේලියාවට සංක්‍රමණය විය.

එහි සිට ඩේලි නිව්ස් පුවත්පතට විවිධ ලිපි සහ විශේෂාංග සැපයූ අතර එම ලිපිවල පළවූ අදහස් ඔස්ට්‍රේලියාවේ සහ වෙනත් රටවල ද ශ්‍රී ලාංකික සම්බන්ධතා සම්බන්ධයෙන් වැදගත්කොට සැලකිණි.

ඔහු සන්ඩේ ඔබ්සර්වර් පුවත්පතේ ප්‍රධාන කර්තෘවරයා ලෙස පත් වන්නේ 1990 වසරේදී ය.

තීරු ලිපි සහ කතුවැකි රචකයකු ලෙස විවිධ ලේඛන ශිල්පීය ක්‍රම මාධ්‍ය කලාවට හඳුන්වා දුන් ජනමාධ්‍ය ක්ෂේත්‍රයේ පුරෝගාමියෙකු ලෙස ද ඔහු ප්‍රකට ය.

ඔහු ශ්‍රී ලංකා කර්තෘ සංසදය ජීවිතයේ එක්වරක් පමණක් ලබා දෙන සම්මානයකින් පිදුම් ලැබූ ජනමාධ්‍යවේදියෙකු විය.

මහින්දපාල මහතාගේ දේහය පිළිබඳ අවසන් කටයුතු බොරැල්ල පොදු සුසාන භූමියේදී හෙට (පෙබ. 2) සවස 4:00ට සිදු කිරීමට නියමිත ය.

අවසන් ගෞරව දැක්වීම සඳහා දේහය අද (පෙබ. 1) පෙරවරු 9:00 සිට බොරැල්ල ජයරත්න මල් ශාලාවේ තැන්පත් කර තැබෙන අතර අවමංගල්‍ය පෙරහර හෙට (පෙබ. 2) පස්වරු 3.30ට ජයරත්න මල් ශාලාවෙන් පිටත් වේ.

පෙබරවාරී 4 නිදහස: ස්වයං මෝහනය? ස්වයං වින්දනය?

February 1st, 2024

විමල් පටබැඳිගේ- ශාස්ත‍්‍රවේදී, නීතිඥ, විශ‍්‍රාමික සොලිසිටර්

දැනට හැත්තෑ හය වසරකට පෙර, 1948 පෙබරිවාරි 4 වෙනි දා අපි ”නිදහස” දිනා ගතිමු’යි සැනකෙළි පවත්වමින් උදම්වෙන අතර ඉංගිරිසීහු අපට නිදහස ප‍්‍රදානය කළහ’යි ප‍්‍රශස්ති ගායනා කරමින්, කාලතුවක්කු වෙඩිමුර, විදේශීය නළු නිළියන් ද සහිතව, දේශීය නැටුම් ගැයුම් සහ මඟුල් බෙර මැද 75 වතාවක් ”නිදහස් මඟුල් පොරුවේ” කොලනි ඒජන්තලා උජාරුවෙන් සිටගෙන සිටියත්, රුපියල් ප‍්‍රකෝටි ගණනක් වාෂ්ප කළත් රටවැසියාට ලැබුණු නිදහසේ ඵලයක් හෝ යහපතක් නැතග හෙට අනිද්දා ම 76 වෙනි නිදහස් මංගල සැනකෙළිය සඳහා ‘නිදහසේ පියවරුන්’ වූ කොලනි ඒජන්තලාගේ, රටේ අතීතය සහ සංස්කෘතිය නොදත් දරු මුණුපුරන් රටවැසියන් මෙහෙයවමින් ඇතග අනෙක් සැරසිලිවලට අමතරව රජයේ ආයතන සියල්ල ම දින දෙකක් විදුලි ආලෝකයෙන් සරසමින් වර්ණවත් කිරීමට නියෝග කොට ඇත. කෑමට ලූණු බිගක් පවා මිළට ගැනීමට නොහැකිව සිටින, පවුල් අසූ ලක්‍ෂයක විදුලිය කපා තිබිය දී මෙලෙස විදුලිය සෙල්ලමට ගෙන රුපියල් කෝටි ගණනක් පුළුස්සා දමන්නේ මේ කොලනි ඒජන්තලා (කළුසුද්දන්* ”හීනමානය” මානසික ව්‍යාධියෙන් පෙළෙන නිසා සහ හෝ පරගැති බැවින් මිදී නැති නිසා විය හැකි ය. ”ලෝකෙට පරකාසේ ගෙදරට මරගාතේ” සිහියට නැගෙයිග 

ලංකා ජාතික සංගමයේ ප‍්‍රධානීන් සිංහලේ (සිලෝන් ක්‍ැහකදබ*/ලංකාවේ පූර්ණ නිදහස සඳහා සටන් කළේ නැත. දැඩිව ඉල්ලීමක් හෝ කළේ නැත. ඉංගිරිසි කොළනිවාදීන් විසිවෙනි සියවසේ මුල සිට වරින් වර ”ආණ්ඩුක‍්‍රම ප‍්‍රතිසංස්කරණ” මගින් ලංකා කොලනිය පාලනය කිරීමට ඔවුන් යොදාගෙන සනසා ඇත.
”ආණ්ඩුක‍්‍රම ප‍්‍රතිසංස්කරණය මළකුණ කි”
යනුවෙන් ප‍්‍රතික්‍ෂේප කළ ජාතික නිදහස් සටන් පෙරමුණේ අභීත කවියා වූ ටිබෙට් ජාතික එස්ග මහින්ද හිමියන් විසින්
”කනත්තට ආණ්ඩුවක් ඇති වුණ දාක
මිසක් නොහොබී පණ ඇති තැනකට -ඒක”-
යනුවෙන් පිළිකුල් කරන ලද ආණ්ඩුක‍්‍රම ප‍්‍රතිසංස්කරණ මගින් පාලන සහායකයන් වීම සඳහා ඔවුන් අතොරක් නැතිව ආයාචනා කොට ඇත. රටේ සහ පුරවැසියන්ගේ ස්වෛරීත්වය සහ නිවහල්භාවය දිනා ගැනීම පසෙක ලා ආණ්ඩුක‍්‍රම ප‍්‍රතිසංස්කරණ හිඟමනෙන් සතුටු වෙන ලංකා ජාතික සංගමයේ වීරයන් ඉලක්ක කළ මහින්ද හිමියන්ගේ කවිය
”කෙස්ගහ පවා වෙන රටවල මිනිසුන්නේ
උස් නිදහස පිණිස සටනට සැරසෙන්නේ
හිස් මොළ තිබෙද්දිත් මේ වග නො තකන්නේ
ඇස් ගෙඩි දෙකට හෙණ ගැහිල ද සිහලූන්නේ” අදටත් හෙටටත් වලංගු ය.

දෙවෙනි ලෝක යුද්ධයෙන් හෙම්බත් වී සිටි කොලනිවාදීන්, ඉංගිරිසි කිරීටය, පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ලංකා කොලනියට පමණක් නොව ඉන්දියා සහ බුරුම (මියන්මා* කොලනිවල පාලන ක‍්‍රම අලූත් කිරීමට 1944 සිට පියවර ගෙන ඇතග සෝල්බරි කොමිෂම ලංකාවට ආවේ ඒ අනුව ය.
ඩොනමෝර් ආණ්ඩුක‍්‍රම ප‍්‍රතිසංස්කරණය අනුව කි‍්‍රයාත්මක ව පැවති ක‍්‍රමය ඉවත් කොට ඒ වෙනුවට දෙවෙනි මහා ලෝක යුද්ධයෙන් පසු ලංකා කොලනිය පාලනය කිරීමට ආදේශ කිරීම සඳහා, සෝල්බරි ආණ්ඩුක‍්‍රම ප‍්‍රතිසංස්කරණයට අදාල ව 1947 දී අයිවර් ජෙනිංස් ලවා කෙටුම්පත් කරවන ලද ලේඛනය ”1947 සෝල්බරි ව්‍යවස්ථාව” නම් වීය. ඒ අනුව 1947 ඡුන්දයෙන් තෝරාගත් සහ ආණ්ඩුකාරයා විසින් පත් කරන ලද නියෝජිතයන්ගෙන් යුත් සභාවට 1948 පෙබරවාරි 4 වෙනි දින ඩොමීනියන් තත්වය ප‍්‍රදානය කරනු ලැබීය. පූර්ණ ස්වරාජ්‍යයක් නොවේග පෙබරවාරි 10 වෙනි දින ග්ලොස්ටර් ආධිපාද හෙන්රි කුමාරයා මගින් ඉංගිරිසි කිරීටය ප‍්‍රකාශයට පත් කරනු ලැබුවේ ඉංගිරිසි කිරීිටයට සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට යටත් ඩොමීනියන් ආණ්ඩුවක් මිස ලංකාව ස්වෛරී නිදහස් රාජ්‍යයක් බව නොවේ. පෙබරවාරි 4 වෙනිදා නොදුන්, දිනා නොගත් නිදහසක් ගැන කොලනි ඒජන්තලා උද්දාම වෙමින් සැනකෙළි පවත්වමින් දක්වන්නේ තමන්ගේ පරගැති කම මිස වෙන කුමක් දැයි නො හැෙඟ්.
සෝල්බරි කොමිෂම නිර්දේශ කළ සෝල්බරි ආණ්ඩුක‍්‍රම ප‍්‍රතිසංස්කරණය සඳහා ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලද ”1947 සෝල්බරි ව්‍යවස්ථාව” 1948 ලංකා ඩොමීනිඅන් ආණ්ඩුවේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව බවට පත් කරනු ලැබී ය. ඩොමීනිඅන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පිහිටු වූ පසු නියෝජිතයන් තෝරා ගැනීමට පළමු ඡුන්ද විමසීම 1952 දී ය.
1948 ”ලංකා කොලනිය” නිදහස් ස්වෛරී රාජ්‍යයක් වූයේ නැත. මැනිං, ඩිවොන්ෂයර්, ඩොනමෝර් ආදි ප‍්‍රතිසංස්කරණ මෙන් ”කොලනි ඒජන්තලා” පාලන සහායකයන් කරගැනීමට 1947 සෝල්බරි නිර්දේශ අනුව කරන ලද ”ප‍්‍රතිසංස්කරණයකි”. ඩොමීනිඅන් ක‍්‍රමය ආදේශ කළ දිනය, 1948 පෙබරවාරි 4 උද්දාමයෙන් සමරන්නේ මහින්ද හිමියන් කී ලෙස කනත්තේ නිජබිම්වාසීන් ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවා ගත්තේ ඒ දිනයේ නිසා විය හැකි ය.
වසර 2,600ට වැඩි ඉතිහාසය තුළ සිංහල රට සම්පූර්ණයෙන් යටතට ගැනීමට ඉන්දීය, චෝල සහ පාණඩ්‍ය ආක‍්‍රමණිකයන්ට නොහැකි විය. ඓතිහාසික යුගය ආරම්භයේ සිට දේශපාලන බලය සඳහා සිංහල සහ ද්‍රවිඩ අරගලයක් පැවති බව ඇතැමුන්ගේ අදහසකිග ඉතිහාසය විකෘති කිරීමකි. යුරෝපීයයන් පැමිණීමට පෙර වසර 2,000ක පමණ කාලය තුළ අවස්ථා කීපයක රජරට ඇතැම් ප‍්‍රදේශවල බලවතුන් වී ඇතග ඒ අවස්ථා කීපයේ ම සම්පූර්ණ කාලය එකතුව වසර 150ට අඩුය. කෙසේ වෙතත්, දෙවෙනි සේන රජුගේ (853-887* කාලයේ සිට ව්‍යගවග 1029 දක්වා පාණ්ඩ්‍ය රාජ්‍යය සිංහල රාජ්‍යයේ ආරක්‍ෂිත රාජ්‍යයක් විය. සිංහල රජු පාණ්ඩ්‍ය රාජකීයත්වය තහවුරු කරන රාජ කකුධ භාණ්ඩවල නීත්‍යනුකූල හිමිකරු වීය. මේ උරුමය, මහා පරාක‍්‍රමබාහු රජු (1153-1186* මධුරාවේ සතුරන්ට එරෙහිව හමුදා මෙහෙයවා ඒ වෙන විට ඝාතනය කරනු ලැබ තිබූ පරාක‍්‍රම පාණ්ඩ්‍ය රජුගේ පුත් වීර පාණ්ඩ්‍ය මධුරා සිහසුනට පත් කොට ආරක්‍ෂා කිරීමට ප‍්‍රධාන හේතුවක් වෙන්නට ඇත. චෝල සීමාවේ වෙල්ලාර් ගඟ සහ බටහිර දිගින් වෛප්පාර් ගඟ අතර සහ දකුණු මුහුදු තීරයේ සිට උතුරෙන් තොන්ඩමාන ප‍්‍රදේශය දක්වාත් පැතිරුණු විශාල භූමි ප‍්‍රදේශයක් පරාක‍්‍රමබාහු රජුගේ හමුදා ජයගෙන ඇත. වසර 17 ක් පුරා පැවති නොනිමි සටන් සමයේ පිහිටු වූ සිංහල (ඊලාම්* කඳවුරු රැුසක් පසු කලක ද පැවති බවට තොරතුරු ඇත. පරාක‍්‍රමබාහු රජුගෙන් පසු නිශ්ශංකමල්ල රජු (1187-1196* ද ද්‍රවිඩ භූමියේ සටන් කොට ජය ගෙන ඇත.
පුර්තුගීසි, ලන්දේසි සහ ඉංගිරිසීන් ලංකා භූමියට ඇතුළු වූයේ සිංහල රජුගේ අනුමැතියෙනි. පුර්තුගීසීන්ට නැව්තොටු ආශි‍්‍රත භූමි ප‍්‍රදේශ කීපයක වුව ද ස්ථාවරව බලය රඳවා ගැනීමටට නොහැකි වීය. පුර්තුගීසීන් පළවා හැරීමට කොන්දේසිවලට යටත්ව නාවික ආධාර දීමේ කොන්තරාත්තුව අනුව ඇතුළු ව කොන්දේසි කඩකොට විශ්වාස ඝාතකයන් වූ ලන්දේසීන් පළවාහැරීමට නාවික ආධාර දීමේ කොන්තරාත්තුව අනුව රටට ඇතුළු වූ ඉංගිරිසීන් ද කොන්තරාත්තුව අනුව කටයුතු කළේ නැත. කාලතුවක්කු වැනි ගිනි අවි සහ ප‍්‍රබල නාවික හමුදා ශක්තියක් සහිත ඔවුන්ට සටන් කොට ලංකාව යටත් කරගැනීමට නොහැකි වියග සම්පූර්ණයෙන් ම වටකොට හුදකළා කරනු ලැබූ සිංහල රාජ්‍යය යටතට ගැනීමට කළ සටන් දෙකකින් අසාර්ථක වූ ඉංගිරිසීන් කුමන්ත‍්‍රණ සහ ඔත්තු සේවා යොදා ගනු ලැබීය. ජෝන් ඩොයිලි කුමන්ත‍්‍රණ සහ ඔත්්තුසේවා නායකයා වියග මොල්ලගොඩ සහ එක්නැලිගොඩ ඩොයිලිගේ ප‍්‍රධාන සගයන් දෙදෙනා විය. 1815 ගිවිසුම මගින් කොන්දේසිවලට යටත්ව සිංහල රට ඉංගිරිසීන් භාර ගැනීම සහ භාරදීම සිදු විය. සිංහල රට සම්පූර්ණයෙන් පරාධීන වූ පළමු සහ එකම අවස්ථාව එයයි. මොල්ලිගොඩ සහ එක්නැලිගොඩ 1817-18 පළමුවෙනි සිංහල විමුක්ති අරගලය මර්ධනය කිරීමට ද පූර්ණ සහාය දී ඇත. එසේ වුව ද ස්කිනර් අනුව 1848 වෙන තෙක් ඉංගිරිසීන්ට මුළු රටේම බලවතුන් වීමට නොහැකි විය.
‘සුද්දන්’, ඉංගිරිසීන් දිගටම රට පාලන කළේ නම් හොඳ බව උද්දාමයෙන් ප‍්‍රකාශ කරන පිරිසක් ද වරින් වර මතුවෙයි. කොලනි ඒජන්තලා (කළුසුද්දන්, ඔවුන්ගෙන් පැවතෙන්නන්, මොළශෝධනයට ලක්වූවන් සහ තමන් ගැන තමන්ට ම නිසි තක්සේරුවක් නැති පරගැති මනසින් යුත් පිරිසකි. 1815 සිට පැවති ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදීන්ගේ වසර 133 ක කොලනි පාලනය, ඩොමීනිඅන් ආණ්ඩුව මාර්ගයෙන් තව දුරටත් පවත්වාගෙන ගිය බව වටහා ගැනීමට නොහැකි ගුඩු මස්තිස්කයක් ඇති නිසා විය හැකි ය. 1948 සිට 1972 වෙන තෙක් වසර 24ක් ලංකාව ඉංගිරිසි කිරීටයේ රජුගේ/රැුජිනගේ පාර්ලිමේතුවේ තෝන් ලණුව කපා දැමීමට ”නිදහස” උද්දාමයෙන් වැජඹෙන අයට කසේරුකාව තිබී නැතග ලංකාවට පෙර 1947 නිදහස ලැබීය’යි කියනු ලබන ඉන්දියාව 1947 නිදහස ලැබූ ලෙස සමරන්නේ නැතග වසර තුනක් ගතවීමට පෙර තමන්ගේ ම ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්මත කොට ගත් 1950 ජනවාරි 26 දින, ”ජනරජ දින” ලෙස සමරනු ලබයිග අපේ රටේ නිදහස් වීරයන් එසේ කළේ නැතග දෙවෙනි ලෝක යුද්ධයෙන් බල හීන බවට පත් ව අවරට යමින් සිටි ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදී පාලකයෝ තමන්ගේ මග අනුමත කළ ”යර්ස් මයි ලෝඞ්” කී අයට 1948 දී රටේ පාලනය භාර කළහ. එතැන් සිට ප‍්‍රකෝටි ගණන් ධනය වස්තුව වැය කරමින් ”නිදහස” නාමයෙන් සැනකෙළි සංදර්ශන දක්වමින් සිටිතිග ඔවුන්ගෙන් පැවතෙන්නෝ ද ”ලේ බිඳක් හෝ නොසොල්වා නිදහස දිනා ගතිමු”යි ස්වයංවින්දනය ලබතිග වසර දහස් ගණනක් පුරා තම මවුබිමේ ස්වෛරීත්වය, ස්වාධීනත්වය, නිදහස, පරමාධිපත්‍යය සහ අපේ මුතුන්මිත්තන්ගේ ගරුත්වය රැුක දුන් සහ විශේෂයෙන් ම ඉංගිරිසි කොළනිවාදීන්ට එරෙහිව 1817-18 සහ 1848 නිදහස් සටන් වලදී ඇස් හිස් මස් ලේවලින් ලක් පොළොව සාරවත් කළ දසදහස් ගණන් අභීත රණ වීරයන්ට නිගරු කරන බව වටහා ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය ශරීරාංගය ඔවුන්ට නැති බව සක් සුදක් සේ පෙන්නුම් කරතිග රටක් ලෙස, ඒකීය ජනතාවක් ලෙස උදම්වීමට 1948 නිදහසක් ලැබුණේ ද? රටේ ජනතාව සම්බන්ධ වගකීමෙන් සහ වගවීමෙන් මිදුනු ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදීන්් (කොලෝනිඅලිස්ට් ජදකදබස්කසිඑි රටේ ආර්ථිකය, ආරක්‍ෂාව සහ විදේශ ප‍්‍රතිපත්තිය පමණක් නොව විධායකය, ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකය සහ අධිකරණය මෙහෙයවීමේ බලය ද අත්හළේ නැත. ආර්ථිකයේ මර්මස්ථාන, ආනයන අපනයන ආර්ථිකය, ප‍්‍රධානම අපනයන ආදායම වූ තේ ඇතුළු වතු වගාව (රන් පවුම් වතු වගාව, කොළඹ තිරිකුණාමලය ගාල්ල ආදී වරායවල අධිකාරිත්වය, කටුනායක සහ කොග්ගල ආදී ගුවන් හමුදා කඳවුරු (රෝයල් එආ ෆෝස් ඍදහ්ක ්සර ත්‍දරජැ, තිරිකුණාමලය ඇතුළු නාවික හමුදා කඳවුරු (රෝයල් නේවි ඍදහ්ක භ්ඩහ* බාධක රහිතව පවත්වා ගැනීම ඔවුන් සතු වියග අවම වශයෙන් තිරිකුණාමල කොටුවට ඔවුන්ගේ අවසරය නැතිව කිසිවෙකුට ඇතුල්වීමට හෝ නොහැකි වියග ජාත්‍යන්තර කටයුතුවල නියෝජනය සහ ප‍්‍රතිපත්තිය ඔවුන්ගේ විය, විධායකය සහ ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකය පාලනය කළේ ඔවුන් යග අග‍්‍රාණ්ඩුකාරයා විධායකය මෙහෙය වූ අතර පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සම්මත කරන කිසිම පනතක්, නීතියක් බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය රැුජින/රජු වෙනුවෙන් ඔහු අත්සන් තබා අනුමත නොකළ හොත් බලාත්මක නැතග ලංකාවේ ඉහළම අධිකරණයේ තීන්දු තීරණ බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය ”පි‍්‍රවිකවුන්සිලයේ” තීන්දු තීරණවලට යටත් වියග රටේ, රටවැසියාගේ පරමාධිපත්‍ය ආරක්‍ෂා කරන ප‍්‍රධාන ම මූලික ම බලකණු තුන වෙන විධායකය, ව්‍යවස්ථදායකය සහ අධිකරණය මෙහෙයවීමේ බලය ඉංගිරිසි කිරීටයේ, පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පාලනය යටතේ පැවතුණිග රජුගේ/රැුජිනගේ නියෝජිතයා ලෙස එවන ලද ඉංගිරිසි අග‍්‍රාණ්ඩුකාරයාගේ වැටුප් සහ දීමනා, නිවාස ගමන්බිමන් ආදි වරප‍්‍රසාද සියල්ල නඩත්තු කිරීමේ බරපැන ලංකාවේ පුරවැසියන් විසින් දැරිය යුතු වියග 1955 වසර අවසානය දක්වා ලෝක වාසීන් ඉදිරියේ ලංකාව ”බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය රූකඩයෙක්” (අ පපට් ඔෆ් බි‍්‍රටේන් ් චමචචැඑ දෙ ඊරසඒසබ1 යන ගර්හිත නාමයෙන් සමච්චලයට ලක් කරනු ලැබීමෙන් 1948 ලැබුණු නිදහසේ රඟ පෙන්නුම් කරයි. 1948 ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදීන්ගෙන් නිදහස ලැබුවේ ය’යි උදම් ව සැණකෙළි පැවැත් විය හැකි ද? බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ අභිමතය පරිදි කිරීටයේ (රජුගේ/රැුජිනගේ අත්සනින් තමන්ගේ ප‍්‍රධාන නියෝජිතයා ලෙස පත් කරන ලද, ලංකා ජනතාවට හෝ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට හෝ අධිකරණයට වග නො කියන, ලිවීමට කියවීමට නොව අඩුම තරමින් කථා කිරීමට හෝ දේශීය භාෂාව නො දත්, ”ශී‍්‍රමත් අග‍්‍රාණ්ඩුකාර උතුමානන්” යටතේ ඉංගිරිසීන්ගේ ලංකා කොලනිය තවදුරටත් පවත්වා ගැනීම සිදු විය. ශාරීරික අභ්‍යාස කරමින් සිටියදී අසුපිටින් වැටී ”ප‍්‍රධාන ඇමති” (අගමැති* 1952 මියගිය පසු, තනතුරේ වැඩබැලීමට හෝ පාර්ලිමේන්තු සභානායකට අවසර නොවීයග ඒ වෙන විට එංගලන්තයේ විවේක සුව (නිවාඩු* ගනිමින් සිටි ‘ශී‍්‍රමත් අග‍්‍රාණ්ඩුකාර උතුමානන්’ දින කීපයකට පසු ලංකාවට පැමිණ මියගිය ප‍්‍රධාන ඇමතිගේ පුතා ප‍්‍රධාන ඇමති පදවියට (පියාගෙන් පසු පුතා* පත් කරන තෙක් ප‍්‍රධාන ඇමති කෙනෙකු තෝරා ගැනීම වාරණය කළේ යග2 ස්වාමියාගේ විධානයට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව අවනත වීයග (පුතාගෙන් පසු 1953 ඔහුගේ මාමාග ඉංගිරිසීන් අගමැතිකම නෑ පරපුරට උරුම කිිරීමග* 1948 ලැබුණු බව කියන, අද පවා ”නිදහසේ පියා” ප‍්‍රශස්තිය ගයමින් ඉතා ඉහළින් සමරන ”නිදහස” කෙබඳු දැ’යි පැහැදිලි ව පෙන්නුම් කරයි.
1948 සිට වසර විසිහතරක් ගතවෙන තෙක්, 1972 තෙක් අපේ රටේ ”කොලනි ඒජන්තලාට” (කළුසුද්දන්ට* ඉංගිරිසි කිරීටයට, රැුජිනගේ පුටුවට, බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට සහ ”පි‍්‍රවිකවුන්සිලයට” (ඉහළ ම අධිකරණය* ගැටගසා තිබූ තෝන් ලණුව කපා දැමීමට උවමනාවක් නොවී යග 1815 සිට 1972 තෙක් ලංකාවේ අපරාධ ඉංගිරිසි රජුට/රැුජිනට එරෙහිව යග නඩු පැවරුවේ රජු/රැුජින විසිනිග 1962 රාජ්‍ය විරෝධී කුමන්ත‍්‍රණනය සහ 1971 ජෙගවිගපිග කැරැුල්ල සම්බන්ධ නඩු ආසන්න නිදසුන් යග පි‍්‍රවිකවුන්සිලයට ගිය 62 විත්තිකරුවන් නිවැරදි කරුවන් වී ඇත්තේ, 1948 පෙබරවාරි 4 සෝල්බරි ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් පවරන ලද බලය ඉක්මවා කරන ලද නීති කටයුතු නිසා බව දැක්වේග
1948 සිදු කළේ බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය කිරීටයේ/රජුගේ, බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ අණසක යටතේ ”ලංකා කොලනිය” පාලනය දිවයිනේ ඔවුන්ගේ ”කොලනි ඒජන්තලාට” (කළුසුද්දන්ට* භාරදීම යග ”නිදහස” නාමයෙන්, බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය කොලනිවාදීන්ගේ ”ආරක්‍ෂිත ජනපදයක්” (ප්‍රොටෙක්ටඞ් ස්ටේට් ඡුරදඑැජඑැා ීඒඑැ* ලෙස පවත්වා ගැනීම සඳහා ”සෙංකෝලයක්” ”කථාමණ්ඩපයක්” භාර දී තෝන් ලණුව බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ගැටගැසීම යග අද එය ‘සීතාම්බරපට’ පොරවාගත් නළුවන් රඟන, ‘ගනු කඩුවෟ එනු සටනටෟ’ ”ටීටර් මඩුවක්” වී ඇතග වසර කීපයකට වරක් ටීටර් මඩුව කුලියට ගත් නළු නිළියන් පෙබරවාරි 4 වෙනි දා ගාලූමුවදොර (ගාල්ලේ ”මෝඩ ඇල” මුහුදට සම්බන්ධ වෙන තැන නොවේග* බයිලා සංදර්ශනයක් දක්වනු ඇතග
පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් පිහිටුවන ලද ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදක මණ්ඩලයක් මගින් වසර දෙකක් පුරා සියලූ ස්ථරවල පුරවැසි සහාය ඇතිව කෙටුම්පත් කොට 1972 ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්මත කළ මැයි 22 දිනය ඉංගිරිසි කිරීටයට, පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට, පි‍්‍රවිකවුන්සිලයට ගැටගසා තිබූ තෝන් ලණුව කපා දැමූ දිනය යිග රටක් ලෙස, ජාතියක් ලෙස පූර්ණ නිදහස ලබා ගත් දිනය එයයිග 1972 මැයි 22 ජාතික නිදහස් දිනය වියග
ශී‍්‍ර ලංකා ජනතාවගේ පරමාධිපත්‍යයට, විධායකයට ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකයට සහ අධිකරණයට ඉහලින්, තමන්ගේ අභිමතය පරිදි ”අග‍්‍රාණ්ඩුකාරයෙකු” පත් කිරීමේ බලය ඉංගිරිසි රැුජිනට/රජුට නැති වියග අගමැති සහ ඇමති මණ්ඩලය පත් කිරීමේ සහ පනත් බලාත්මක කිරීමේ බලය ද අහෝසි වියග බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය අධිකරණයට යටත් කොට තිබූ රටේ අධිකරණය නිදහස් වියග ලංකා පුරවැසියන්ගේ පරමාධිපත්‍යය නියෝජනය කරන විධායකය, ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකය සහ අධිකරණය 1972 මැයි 22 දින නිදහස් වියග මැයි 22 ජාතික නිදහස් දිනය වියග
1977 ආණ්ඩුවේ අගමැතිගේ, පසුව ජනපතිගේ ප‍්‍රධාන උපදේශක වූ, ඇල්ෆ‍්‍රඞ් ජෙයරත්නම් විල්සන්් (එස්ගජේගවීග චෙල්වනායගම්ගේ බෑනා* මූලික වූ 1978 ව්‍යවස්ථාව බලගන්වා, රට සහ රටවැසියා සැබෑ නිදහස දිනූ, මැයි 22 ජාතික නිදහස් දිනය මකා පෙබරවාරි 4 බොල් නිදහස් දින සැනකෙළිය යළිත් ආරම්භ කිරීමට පරගැති වී ඇතග ව්‍යවස්ථාව 21 වතාවක් සංශෝධනය කළත් ආණ්ඩු කළ කිසිවෙකු මෙය නිවැරදි කළේ නැතග
ඇත්තට ම 1948 පෙබරිවාරි 4 දේශපාලන ඉතිහාසය සම්බන්ධ ව සටහන් කළ යුතු දිනයක් පමණකිග රටේ සහ රටේ පුරවැසියන්ගේ ස්වෛරීත්වය, ස්වාධිපත්‍යය, පරමාධිපත්‍යය හා සම්බන්ධව සැමරිය යුතු දිනයක් නොවේග සැමරිය යුතු නියම නිදහස් දිනය විය යුත්තේ මැයි 22 ජාතික නිදහස් දිනයයිග
1948 පෙරවාරි 4 දින පමණක් නොව අද ද නිදහසක් නැතග
1848 ට පෙර ලෝකෙට භයත් නැතිව ණයත් නැතිව ජීවත් වූ සිංහලේ පුරවැසියන් අද නැතග 1978 සිට අපේ මාතෘභූමිය අපට අහිමි වෙමින් ඇතග බැටළු හම් පොරවාගත් විදේශීය වෘකයන්ට විකුණමින් ඇතග ජනතාවට පහසුවෙන් පාන්පිටි සැපයීමේ කොන්තරාත්තුව අනුව සීමිත කාලයකට පැමිණි පී‍්‍රමා සමාගම ලංකා භූමියේ අක්කර දහසක පමණ සින්නක්කර ඔප්පු සහිත අයිතිය ලබා ගෙන ඇතග අද භයත්, ණයත් දෙක ම පොදි බැඳගත් පුරවැසියන් සහ ශී‍්‍ර ලංකාව බටහිර, යුරෝපීය වහල් වෙළෙන්දන්ට සහ ඔවුන්ගේ ගැත්තන්ට එම්සිසි (ඵක්‍ක්‍, එට්කා (ෑඔක්‍් ආදී ගිවිසුම් කොන්තරාත් මගින් විනුණමින්, පාවා දෙමින් ඇතග 1978 සිට ස්තී‍්‍ර පුරුෂ වෙනසක් නැතිව, ‘සිංහල’, ‘බෞද්ධ’ කීමට පවා දිව නැමෙන්නේ නැති, කොඳුනාරටිය සිඳගත්, සාරධර්ම මරා දැමූ පරපුටු සමාජයක් බිහි වී අතග නිදහස සඳහා සටනක අවශ්‍යතාව මතු වී ඇතග
සියලූ දේශපාලන පාට, පක්‍ෂවල සරුංගල්, සීනිබෝල කථා ප‍්‍රතික්‍ෂේප කොට, සියලූ වාද භේද දුර ලා, තම තමන්ගේ පෞද්ගලික න්‍යායපත‍්‍ර පසෙකට ලා රටේ, තමන්ගේ, තම දරු මුණුපුරන්ගේ සහ අනාගත පරපුරේ පූර්ණ නිදහස සඳහා සියලූ පුරවැසියන් එකාවන්ව බැඳී පෙරමුණ ගැනීම තවදුරටත් පමා කළ යුතු නැතග සැබෑ නිදහස් සටනක පෙර නිමිති ඇතග

ILO to assist introduction of dispute resolution mechanisms to public service

February 1st, 2024

Prime Minister’s Media Division

Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena requested the International Labour Organisation (ILO) to assist the government’s initiative to introduce a dispute prevention and resolution mechanism to public service. He made this request when ILO Country Director Joni Simpson called on the Prime Minister at the Temple Trees today (Feb 1) together with United Nations Resident Coordinator Marc-André Franche.

The delegation thanked the Prime Minister for the initiative taken in this regard and for obtaining the approval of the Cabinet of Ministers for the proposal. They assured the prime minister fullest support to implement the proposed mechanism this would not only result in resolving disputes but also prevent disputes in future through a system of tripartite dialogue.

Prime Minister briefed them on the impact of the Covid pandemic and economic crisis on the labour workforce and the short-term and long-term steps taken by the government to recover the economy and to help the workers, especially the low-income labour force.

Prime Minister Gunawardena stressed that the government was very keen to make the labour workforce upwardly mobile and explained the multitude of training programmes launched for skill development. Increasing the quality and quantity of jobs is the surest way of moving people out of poverty, he said.

He said Sri Lanka has implanted the ILO regulations on the labour workforce and provided opportunities for men and women to obtain productive work, in conditions of freedom, equity, security and human dignity.

The ILO delegation assured the fullest support to all the efforts taken by the government for the well-being of the labour and measures for upgrading the skills of the workforce.

Secretary to the Prime Minister Anura Dissanayake and UN Country Office Analyst Nethmini Madawala also took part in the discussion.

Remote Warfare and Expendable People -Forever War Means Never Having to Say You’re Sorry

February 1st, 2024

By Nick Turse

In war, people die for absurd reasons or often no reason at all. They die due to accidents of birth, the misfortune of being born in the wrong place — Cambodia or Gaza, Afghanistan or Ukraine — at the wrong time. They die due to happenstance, choosing to shelter indoors when they should have taken cover outside or because they ventured out into a hell-storm of destruction when they should have stayed put. They die in the most gruesome ways — shot in the street, obliterated by artillery, eviscerated by air strikes. Their bodies are torn apart, burned, or vaporized by weapons designed to destroy people. Their deaths are chalked up to misfortune, mistake, or military necessity.

Since September 2001, the United States has been fighting its war on terror” — what’s now referred to as this country’s Forever Wars.” It’s been involved in Somalia almost that entire time. U.S. Special Operations forces were first dispatched there in 2002, followed over the years by more security assistance,” troops, contractors, helicopters, and drones. American airstrikes in Somalia, which began under President George W. Bush in 2007, have continued under Presidents Barack Obama, Donald Trump, and Joe Biden as part of a conflict that has smoldered and flared for more than two decades. In that time, the U.S. has launched 282 attacks, including 31 declared strikes under Biden. The U.S. admits it has killed five civilians in its attacks. The UK-based air strike monitoring group Airwars says the number is as much as 3,100% higher.

On April 1, 2018, Luul Dahir Mohamed, a 22-year-old woman, and her 4-year-old daughter Mariam Shilow Muse were added to that civilian death toll when they were killed in a U.S. drone strike in El Buur, Somalia.

Luul and Mariam were civilians. They died due to a whirlwind of misfortune — a confluence of bad luck and bad policies, none of it their fault, all of it beyond their control. They died, in part, because the United States is fighting the Somali terror group al-Shabaab even though Congress has never declared such a war and the 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force on which the justification for the conflict rests predates the group’s existence. They died because Somalia has limited options when it comes to rural public transport and they caught a ride with the wrong people. They died because the United States claims that its brand of drone warfare is predicated on precision strikes with little collateral damage despite independent evidence clearly demonstrating otherwise.

In this case, members of the American strike cell that conducted the attack got almost everything wrong. They bickered about even basic information like how many people were in the pickup truck they attacked. They mistook a woman for a man and they never saw the young girl at all. They didn’t know what they were looking at, but they nonetheless launched a Hellfire missile that hit the truck as it motored down a dirt road.

Even after all of that, Luul and Mariam might have survived. Following the strike, the Americans — watching live footage from the drone hovering over the scene — saw someone bolt from the vehicle and begin running for her life. At that moment, they could have paused and reevaluated the situation. They could have taken one more hard look and, in the process, let a mother and child live. Instead, they launched a second missile. 

What Luul’s brother, Qasim Dahir Mohamed — the first person on the scene — found was horrific. Luul’s left leg was mutilated, and the top of her head was gone. She died clutching Mariam whose tiny body looked, he said, like a sieve.”

In 2019, the U.S. military admitted that it had killed a civilian woman and child in that April 1, 2018, drone strike. But when, while reporting for The Intercept, I met Luul’s relatives last year in Somalia’s capital, Mogadishu, they were still waiting for the Pentagon to contact them about an apology and compensation. I had obtained a copy of the internal U.S. military investigation which the family had never seen. It did acknowledge the deaths of a woman and child but concluded that their identities might never be known.

Expendable People

The Pentagon’s inquiry found that the Americans who carried out the strike were both inexperienced and confused. Despite that, the investigation by the very unit that conducted the attack determined that standard operating procedures and the rules of engagement were followed. No one was judged negligent, much less criminally liable, nor would anyone be held accountable for the deaths. The message was clear: Luul and Mariam were expendable people.

In over five years of trying to get justice, no one has ever responded to us,” another of Luul’s brothers, Abubakar Dahir Mohamed, wrote in a December 2023 op-ed for the award-winning African newspaper The Continent. He continued:

When I found out later that the U.S. admitted that they killed civilians in the attack, I contacted them again, telling them that the victims were my family members. I am not sure if they even read my complaint.

In June 2020, [U.S. Africa Command] added a civilian casualties reporting page to their website for the first time. I was very happy to see this. I thought there was finally a way to make a complaint that would be listened to. I submitted a description of what happened and waited. No one got back to me. Two years later, in desperation, I submitted a complaint again. Nobody responded. I now know that the U.S. military has admitted not only to killing Luul and Mariam, but doing so even after they survived the first strike. It killed them as Luul fled the car they targeted — running for her life, carrying Mariam in her arms. The U.S. has said this in its reports, and individual officers have spoken to journalists. But it has never said this to us. No one has contacted us at all.”

Late last month, a coalition of 24 human rights organizations called on Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin to make amends to Luul and Mariam’s family. The 14 Somali groups and 10 international non-governmental organizations devoted to the protection of civilians urged Austin to take action to provide the family with an explanation, an apology, and compensation.

The undersigned Somali and international human rights and protection of civilians organizations write to request that you take immediate steps to address the requests of families whose loved ones were killed or injured by U.S. airstrikes in Somalia,” reads the letter. New reporting illustrates how, in multiple cases of civilian harm in Somalia confirmed by the U.S. government, civilian victims, survivors, and their families have yet to receive answers, acknowledgment, and amends despite their sustained efforts to reach authorities over several years.”

Days later, the Pentagon unveiled its long-awaited Instruction on Civilian Harm Mitigation and Response,” which clarified the Department’s enduring policies, responsibilities, and procedures for mitigating and responding to civilian harm” and laid out further steps to protect civilians and to respond appropriately when civilian harm occurs.”  Under the DoD-I or dody,” as it is known at the Pentagon, the military is directed to take steps including:

(1) Acknowledging harm suffered by civilians and the U.S. military’s role in causing or otherwise contributing to that harm.

(2) Expressing condolences to civilians affected by military operations.

(3) Helping to address the harm suffered by civilians.

Under the DoD-I, the military is instructed to acknowledge civilian harm resulting from U.S. military operations and respond to individuals and communities affected by U.S. military operations… This includes expressing condolences and helping to address the direct impacts experienced…” 

The mandate seems clear. The implementation is another story entirely.

Phoning It In

Since the letter from the humanitarian organizations was sent to Austin, the defense secretary has been both everywhere — and nowhere to be found. In December, he traveled to Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar to thank American military personnel for their selflessness and service.”  He met with the king and crown prince of Bahrain to discuss their enduring defense partnership” with the United States. On December 20th, he paid a visit to the USS Gerald R. Ford carrier strike group in the Mediterranean Sea to thank the sailors for their patriotism and professionalism.”

A couple days later, Austin underwent surgery without informing his deputy Kathleen Hicks, much less his boss, President Biden. On January 1st, Austin was rushed back to the hospital, in intense pain,” but that information, too, was withheld from the White House until January 4th, and from Congress and the American public for an additional day.    

Austin reportedly worked from his hospital room, monitoring American and British air attacks on Houthi rebel targets in Yemen — more than 150 munitions fired from the sea and air on January 11th, alone — and conducting meetings by phone with military officials and the National Security Council. He was released from the hospital four days later and began working from home. Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III spoke by phone today with Ukrainian Minister of Defense Rustem Umerov to discuss the latest on the situation on the ground,” Pentagon spokesman Major General Pat Ryder announced on January 16th. Two days later, he had a call with Israeli Minister of Defense Yoav Gallant. And on the 19th, he talked shop with Swedish defense minister Pål Jonson.

Austin has had plenty of time for phone calls, travel, and elective surgery. He’s been around the world and is now hunkered down at home. But what he hasn’t done, since the letter from those 24 humanitarian groups was sent to the Pentagon more than a month ago, is make any apparent effort to contact Luul and Mariam’s family.

Since the strike, our family has been broken apart. It has been more than five years since it happened, but we have not been able to move on,” wrote Abubakar in December. It’s been a common story. In Yemen, where the U.S. has recently ramped up air strikes, victims of past U.S. attacks wait — just like Luul and Mariam’s family — for acknowledgment and apology. 

Between 2013 and 2020, for example, the U.S. carried out seven separate attacks in Yemen — six drone strikes and one raid — that killed 36 members of the intermarried Al Ameri and Al Taisy families. A quarter of them were children between the ages of three months and 14 years old. The survivors have been waiting for years for an explanation as to why it happened while living in fear. In 2018, Adel Al Manthari, a civil servant in the Yemeni government, and four of his cousins — all civilians — were traveling by truck when a U.S. Hellfire missile slammed into their vehicle. Three of the men were killed instantly. Another died days later in a local hospital. Al Manthari was gravely wounded. Complications resulting from his injuries nearly took his life in 2022. He beseeched the U.S. government to dip into the millions of dollars Congress annually allocates to compensate victims of U.S. attacks. They ignored his pleas.  His limbs and life were eventually saved by the kindness of strangers via a crowdsourced GoFundMe campaign.

The U.S. has a long history of killing civilians in air strikes, failing to investigate the deaths, and ignoring pleas for apology and compensation. It’s a century-old tradition that Austin continues to maintain, making time to issue orders for new strikes but not to issue apologies for past errant attacks. Through it all, Luul and Mariam’s family can do nothing but wait, hoping that the U.S. secretary of defense will eventually respond to the open letter and finally — almost six years late — offer amends.

My sister was killed, and she won’t be back again — but doesn’t she have the right to get justice, and for her family to at least be compensated for the loss of her life?” Abubakar wrote in his op-ed. He and his relatives find themselves endlessly grappling with their loss as the Pentagon puts out press releases filled with high-minded and (as yet) hollow, rhetoric about improving the Department’s approach to mitigating and responding to civilian harm,” while promising to make amends under the DoD-I.

It isn’t the only War on Terror pledge to be broken. President Joe Biden entered the White House promising to end the forever wars.” I stand here today for the first time in 20 years with the United States not at war,” Biden announced in 2021. We’ve turned the page.” It wasn’t remotely true.

Instead, the Forever Wars grind on from the Middle East to the African Sahel. And despite assertions to the contrary, America’s conflict in Somalia grinds on, too, without apology — from Biden for the broken campaign promise and from the Pentagon for Luul Dahir Mohamed and Mariam Shilow Muse’s deaths.

The U.S. claims that it works to promote democracy, social justice, the rule of law, and the protection of rights around the world,” Abubakar wrote. As we struggle to get them to notice our suffering, we hope the U.S. will remember what they claim to stand for.”

Copyright 2024 Nick Turse

Featured image: MQ-1 Predator Drone, Creech Air Force Base, Indian Springs, Nevada by Ken Lund is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0 / Flickr

Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook. Check out the newest Dispatch Books, John Feffer’s new dystopian novel, Songlands (the final one in his Splinterlands series), Beverly Gologorsky’s novel Every Body Has a Story, and Tom Engelhardt’s A Nation Unmade by War, as well as Alfred McCoy’s In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power, John Dower’s The Violent American Century: War and Terror Since World War II, and Ann Jones’s They Were Soldiers: How the Wounded Return from America’s Wars: The Untold Story.

Nick Turse

Nick Turse is the managing editor of TomDispatch and a fellow at the Type Media Center. He is the author most recently of Next Time They’ll Come to Count the Dead: War and Survival in South Sudan and of the bestselling Kill Anything That Moves.

The Military Occupation of the Entertainment Industry: Hollywood, Remote Warfare, Expendable People

February 1st, 2024

Tom Dispatch Posted on January 30, 2024

 How fully the worlds of toy-making and war-making, of toy companies, video-game outfits, movie studios, and the Pentagon have meshed” was Nick Turse’s first piece for TomDispatch. That was in October 2003, only months after President George W. Bush and crew had ordered the invasion of Iraq. Nick then wrote: The military is now in the midst of a full-scale occupation of the entertainment industry, conducted with far more skill (and enthusiasm on the part of the occupied) than the one in Iraq.” Decades later, looking back, I’m struck that, in his initial piece for this site, he also had the following line: Last holiday season the Forward Command Post, a bombed-out dollhouse from hell, rankled many consumers who objected to a toy that seemed to glorify civilian casualties and so prompted an outcry that caused JC Penney to withdraw it from sale and KBToys to stop stocking the item.”

In all the years that followed, from the publication of his classic book Kill Anything That Moves: The Real American War in Vietnam to late last night, one powerful focus for him has been just how expendable American forces have regularly found local civilians to be. As the remarkable Jonathan Schell wrote in 2013 of Nick’s masterwork on this country’s nightmarish Vietnam War of the last century, Turse discovers that episodes of devastation, murder, massacre, rape, and torture once considered isolated atrocities were in fact the norm, adding up to a continuous stream of atrocity, unfolding, year after year, throughout that country.” Similarly, in 2008 in a TomDispatch piece all too grimly entitled Big Game Hunting in Iraq,” he described how, from the commander-in-chief to low-ranking snipers, a language of dehumanization that includes the idea of hunting humans as if they were animals has crept into our world — unnoticed and unnoted in the mainstream media.”

Unnoticed and unnoted there indeed — but not by Turse. In fact, he’s never stopped noticing that grim reality. As he wrote at The Intercept only recently, During the first 20 years of the war on terror, the U.S. conducted more than 91,000 airstrikes across seven major conflict zones — Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Pakistan, Somalia, Syria, and Yemen — and killed up to 48,308 civilians, according to a 2021 analysis by Airwars, a U.K.-based airstrike monitoring group.”  So, today, it seems all too appropriate that he should focus on one tiny aspect of that never-ending war on terror he’s followed all these years deep into Africa — two dead Somali civilians, a child and her mother, taken out by an American drone and how little anyone responsible in this country gives a damn. Tom

PLEA FOR INTERVENTION

February 1st, 2024

RANJITH SOYSA

The Tamil political leaders have yet again approached the Indian political leadership through the Indian High Commissioner requesting to consider their demands on behalf of the Northern and the Eastern Tamils to ensure that their ‘problems’ are dealt with the intervention of India. Unfortunately, the periodic emotional plea to the Indian authorities by the Tamil political parties for intervention in the affairs of sovereign Sri Lanka has become an integral part of Lanka’s modern political history.

One should have itching ears to know how and why India should intervene in purely a domestic issue of Sri Lanka. Sri Lankan Tamils should consider foremost whether their political leaders who join this periodic pilgrimage to India with a begging bowl consider Sri Lanka as a part of India or whether the Sri Lankan Tamil people are recognized by them as Indian citizens. The fact that the plea to intervene has ignored the justification for such action is a strain on the leash.

Even, if one assumes that the Tamils in the North and the East live in extremely appalling conditions than many other minorities in India and other countries, no commentator has provided an acceptable reply to the commonly paused question What are the rights of the Tamils per se, do not have compared to other ethnic groups enjoy in Sri Lanka? Many sections of all ethnic groups have indeed encountered problems due to issues facing the country, while the rich and the upper-middle-class segments of all ethnic groups enjoy a higher standard of living compared to other developing nations. However, the unenviable situation cited is not dictated only by the ethnicity or the region where they live.

The inadequacy of basic facilities and the question of land ownership etc apply commonly to all Sri Lankan farming sector as most lands are vested with the government. But the request to transfer the ownership of the land among small scale farmers would create a worse situation within the first few generations as many of the farmers will sell their lands for financial gains and will finally join the landless category creating a massive social issue.

In conclusion, one must observe diligence before requesting the intervention of a foreign country to settle domestic issues as the results will have unexpected but debilitating effects. One can recall the unforgettable encounters the Sri Lankans, especially the Tamils in the North and the East had with the IPKF, in the 70s . Tamil political leaders should also remember the emphatic rejection of the Eelam by former Indian High Commissioner, Jogendranath Dixit who openly was critical of the Indian officials for being apologetic about India’s role in providing training and arming of the Tamil Terrorists

RANJITH SOYSA

ශාසන පරිහානියට එක මහනාහිමි නමක් වග කිව යුතුයි…

February 1st, 2024

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

අද වන විට ශාසනයට ඇතිවී තිබෙන පරිහානියට මහා නා හිමි නමක්ද වගකිය යුතුව ඇති බව අධිකරණ බන්ධනාගාර කටයුතු හා ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා ප‍්‍රතිසංස්කරණ අමාත්‍ය විජයදාස රාජපක්ෂ මහතා සඳහන් කරයි.

පුවත්පතක් සමඟ සාකච්ඡාවට එක්වෙමින් ඔහු මෙම අදහස් පළ කර තිබේ.

භික්ෂු කථිකාවත් පනත සම්මත කරලා ඔය කියන නිත්‍යානුකූල තත්ත්වය ඇති කරලා දෙන්න මම පෞද්ගලිකව විශාල මහන්සියක් ගත්තා. මේ නීතියේ අවශ්‍යතාව 1956 සිටම මතුව තිබුණා. එදා සම්බුද්ධ ජයන්ති කොමිෂන් සභාව මේ නීතිය සම්මත කළා. ඉන් පසුව චන්ද්‍රිකා රජයෙන් මේ සම්බන්ධ කරුණු විමර්ශනය කරන්න කොමිෂමක් පත් කළා. ඒ කොමිෂමත් මේ නීතියේ අවශ්‍යතාව අවධාරණය කළා. මම පෞද්ගලිකව වසර විස්සකට ආසන්න කාලයක් මේ නීතිය සකස් කරලා සම්මත කරගන්න මහන්සි වී තිබෙනවා. ඉන් පසුව මම බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍යවරයා විදියට ථෙරවාදි කථිකාවත් පනත හා විහාර දේවාලගම් පනත සංශෝධනය කරගන්න වසර දෙකක් මහන්සි ගත්තා. ඒ සඳහා සාකච්ඡා වට පනහකට වැඩි ප්‍රමාණයක් කොළඹ හා කොළඹින් පිට මහනාහිමිවරුන්ගේ සහභාගිත්වයෙන් පවත්වා තිබෙනවා. අවසානයේදී සියලුම ස්වාමීන්වහන්සේලා එකඟ වූ කෙටුම්පත තමයි පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කෙළේ. ඒ කෙටුම්පත සම්මත කරගන්න නියමිත දිනයේ එක් මහානායක හිමිනමක් ජනාධිපතිවරයාට හා අගමැතිවරයාට දුරකථනයෙන් කතා කරලා කළ බලපෑම නිසා තමයි ඒ නීතිය සම්මත කරගන්න බැරි වුණේ.

අද ශාසනයට වෙන හානිය ගැන ඒ භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේලා වගකීම බාරගන්න ඕනේ. ඒ වගේම අපි එදා යෝජනා කළා රාජ්‍ය වියදමින් සංගායනාවක් පවත්වමු කියලා. එවක ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රිපාල හා අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහත් ඒකට එකඟ වුණා. ඒකටත් සමහර භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේලා විරුද්ධ වුණා. ශාසනයේ හදන්න දෙයක් නෑ කියලා ඒ භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේලා කිව්වා. ඒ නිසා ඒකත් නතර වුණා. අපි පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුළ මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් කළ යුතු දේ කරලා තියෙනවා.

එක් මහනායක හිමිනමක් විරුද්ධ වෙලා මේ පනත සම්මත කරගන්න එක කල් ගියාට පස්සෙත් සාකච්ඡාවට කීපයක්ම පැවැත්වුවා. නමුත් තවමත් එකඟතාවකට පැමිණ නෑ. ඉන් පසුව රාමඤ්ඤ නිකායත් අමරපුර නිකායත් ඉල්ලීමක් කළා ඒ නිකායන්වල කථිකාවත් පමණක්වත් සම්මත කරලා දෙන්න කියලා. ඒකටත් මම සහය දුන්නා. ත්‍රෛනිකායික භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේලා එකඟතාවක් ඇති කරගෙන අපිට දැන්වුවොත් අපිට පුළුවන් සහය දෙන්න. එහෙම නැතිව අපිම මේකට උනන්දු වුණාම අපිටත් සමහර භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේලා මඩ ගහනවා.

රට වටේම රෝගීන් අසරණවෙයි…”අපි මැරුණත් මේක ඉවරවෙන්නේ නෑ මහත්තයෝ”..

February 1st, 2024

Free lunch program for Primary School Children starting March 2024

February 1st, 2024

Courtesy Hiru News

In a significant initiative, the Minister of Education, Susil Premajayantha, has announced that all primary school children will receive free lunches starting from March 2024. This program aims to ensure that every child in primary schools has access to a nutritious meal without any financial burden on their families.

The move is expected to enhance attendance and contribute to the overall well-being of primary school students. By providing free lunches, the government seeks to create a more conducive learning environment, addressing concerns related to child nutrition and health.

The program reflects a commitment to supporting the educational needs of young learners and promoting equality in access to essential services. As of March 2024, primary school children across the country will benefit from this initiative, marking a positive step toward enhancing the educational experience for the nation’s youth.

Malwathu Mahanayake Thero comments on new social media laws

February 1st, 2024

Courtesy Adaderana

Malwathu Mahanayake Thero comments on new social media laws

The Chief Prelate (Mahanayake Thero) of the Malwathu Chapter Most Ven. Thibbatuwawe Sri Siddhartha Sumangalabhidhana Thero states that there is no fault in introducing new laws to control the various abuses that are being perpetrated on social media by altering the truth, for a long time.

The Mahanayake Thero made this remark when a group of representatives of the International Human Rights Organization visited Maha Nayaka Thero today (Feb. 01).

Speaking further, Ven. Thibbatuwawe Sri Siddhartha Sumangalabhidhana Thero expressed that some groups of people defamed him as well on social media in the past with no basis.

However, the Mahanayake Thero further added that people who use social media should have no hindrances in using them freely, adding that if the government regulates social media without political objectives, people will not oppose the relevant regulations.

Speaker endorses Online Safety Bill – come into effect from today

February 1st, 2024

Courtesy Hiru News

Today marks a significant step forward in digital freedom as the Speaker has officially endorsed the Online Safety Bill. With this endorsement, the Online Safety Bill becomes effective immediately

Accordingly, the said Bill will come into effect as the Online Safety Act No.9 of 2024.

>Also, the Speaker endorsed the certificate on the National Hydrographic Bill passed on January 9th with amendments and the Contempt of a Court, Tribunal or Institution Bill passed on January 10th with amendments.

Accordingly, the said Bills will come into effect as the National Hydrographic Act No.7 of 2024 and the Contempt of a Court, Tribunal or Institution Act No.8 of 2024.

The Online Safety Bill is designed to address various aspects of online security, including the prevention of cyberbullying, harassment, and the dissemination of harmful digital content. It provides a legal framework to hold online platforms accountable for user safety and encourages responsible online behavior.

On 24th January, the Sri Lankan Parliament passed the Online Safety Bill, which aims to regulate online content. The legislation, published in the government gazette on 18th September, has been a subject of controversy and faced objections from opposition politicians, activists, and international organizations who argue that it could restrict freedom of speech.

The Online Safety Bill is designed to address several aspects, including the prohibition of online communication of specific statements, prevention of the use of online accounts for prohibited purposes, and suppression of the financing and support of communication of false statements. Despite the government’s stated intentions, critics express concerns about potential misuse and threats to free speech.

The passing of the bill has drawn attention not only from local activists and organizations but also from diplomats and international entities, further highlighting the global significance of issues related to online safety and freedom of expression.

Meanwhile, the Speaker of Parliament also endorsed the “Certificate on the Recognition and Enforcement of International Settlement Agreements” Resulting from the Mediation Bill and the Notaries (Amendment) Bill which were passed in Parliament recently.

Accordingly, the said Bills will come into effect as the Recognition and Enforcement of;International Settlement Agreements Resulting from Mediation Act No.5 of 2024 and the ; Notaries (Amendment) Act No.6 of 2024.

76 years on, is Sri Lanka Independent or in-dependence? What are we celebrating?

January 31st, 2024

By Raj Gonsalkorale

There was no fight for . . . freedom which involved a fight for principles, policies, and programmes . . . No. It just came overnight. We just woke up one day and we were told, You are a dominion now.” —S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, Ceylon Prime Minister (1956–1959)

Sri Lanka was declared bankrupt last year, 75 years after independence. The country owes more than its worth (or GDP) and its debt to GDP ratio is 120%. Its foreign debt is some 55 billion US Dollars. It has hardly any foreign reserves that the country could call its own as borrowings are also included as foreign reserves. The country has been bailed out on several occasions by India, and China has loaned some 7 billion US dollars for infrastructure projects. It has an airline that has been accumulating huge debts, 1 billion USD (https://www.ch-aviation.com/news/125137-colombo-to-take-on-srilankan-airlines-1bn-debt-official) and it has two other major government agencies with huge losses   Ceylon Petroleum Corporation and the Ceylon Electricity Board. The Public Finance web page providing free and open access to public finance data and analysis states that during the first four months of 2022 the cumulative loss of State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) amounted to LKR 860 BN and that this figure outweighed the annual loss of SOEs in 2021. The top 3 contributors to the increase of the loss are listed as (1) Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) (2) Sri Lankan Airlines and the (3) Ceylon Electricity Board (https://publicfinance.lk/en/topics/total-soe-losses-in-the-first-four-months-of-2022-outweigh-annual-losses-in-2021-1660039438.

The country’s public health system is in crisis and so is the education sector. Poverty levels have increased as has malnutrition especially amongst children. Recent government income revenue measures have dealt a crippling blow to a huge segment of the society while many seem to opine that these measures are not equitable and hits those in the lower income scales far more than those at the higher levels.

Given this backdrop, what is there to celebrate? Instead, the country should be mourning what has befallen it in the hands of those who have governed it since independence in 1948. While the current government has been making some unpopular decisions to arrest the country’s decline and has sought assistance from the IMF to provide some oxygen, no Opposition political party or a leader has offered specific alternate solutions as to how they would address these serious issues although their criticisms have been very loud. Reminds one of empty vessels.

This is the backdrop to the troublesome situation the country is in on its 76th independence anniversary. Despite this, in true nava gilunath band chun” style (a reference to the sinking Titanic when the ships band kept playing while the ship was sinking), the country is celebrating the event!

What did the country achieve in 1948 and was there a universal feeling of being free?

The Oxford Academic, its International Journal of Constitutional Law, in an article authored by Rehan Abeyaratne and published in 21 January 2020, examines in detail the status of sovereignty in Ceylon’s Dominion period (1948–1972). He says that unlike India and Pakistan, which experienced protracted and violent struggles for independence, and then appointed constituent assemblies to draft indigenous constitutions, Ceylon remained loyal to the British government in the 1940s. It achieved Dominion status through constitutional reforms negotiated by anglicized—and largely Anglophile—political leaders. This elite-driven process aimed to engender goodwill from the British government that would lead to greater concessions, culminating in the Ceylon Independence Act, 1947, which entrenched Dominion status”(https://academic.oup.com/icon/article/17/4/1258/5710838?login=false)

While Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) became free” from British colonial rule on the 4th of February 1948, the status it had from then till May 22, 1972, was that of a Dominion within the British Empire. It retained the British sovereign as its own sovereign, and it took 24 years from then for Ceylon to be truly free politically when the country became a Republic on the 22nd of May 1972. India became a Republic three years after they were granted dominion status in 1947.

Unacknowledged factors that influenced independence”.

  1. India’s freedom struggle

While it is known and well recorded that India, under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, carried out an unyielding fight for independence from Britain, there are no similar records of Sri Lankans (then Ceylonese) fighting” for the country’s independence.

This is echoed by Dharmasiri Kariyawasam in his YouTube series titled Kaarige Channel Eka” where he states that there are no similar records of Sri Lankans (then Ceylonese) fighting” for the country’s independence as India did. In fact, if one were to go by the revelations made by Kariyawasam, even the leader subsequently named the Father of the Nation, had been content to settle for what one might call, a dependent, limited, self-determination” where the elite in Sri Lanka would continue to rule Ceylon without any plans for a broad-based independent Ceylon.

  • The Atlantic Conference & Charter of 1941

Another little known or acknowledged factor that influenced and galvanised freedom fighters like Mahatma Gandhi to fight for independence in India was a particular development related to World War 2. This was the Atlantic Conference & Charter, 1941, a joint declaration released by U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill on August 14, 1941, following a meeting of the two heads of government in Newfoundland. The Atlantic Charter provided a broad statement of U.S. and British war aims (https://history.state.gov/milestones/1937-1945/atlantic-conf)

The Charter they drafted included eight common principles” that the United States and Britain would be committed to supporting in the postwar world. These principles were.

  1. No territorial gains were to be sought by the United States or the United Kingdom.
  2. Territorial adjustments must be in accord with the wishes of the peoples concerned.
  3. All people had a right to self-determination.
  4. Trade barriers were to be lowered.
  5. There was to be global economic co-operation and advancement of social welfare.
  6. The participants would work for a world free of want and fear.
  7. The participants would work for freedom of the seas.
  8. There was to be disarmament of aggressor nations and a common disarmament after the war.

As can be seen, a significant inclusion was that both the United States and Britain would be committed to supporting the restoration of self-governments for all countries that had been occupied during the war and allowing all peoples to choose their own form of government.

Although the Atlantic Charter of August 1941 was not a binding treaty, it was, nonetheless, significant for several reasons, amongst them, the right for self-determination. It is a widely published view though that Winston Churchill vehemently opposed the right for self-determination for countries as he felt that it would end British colonialism. It may be inferred that this is exactly what President Roosevelt had in mind!

A letter written by Mahatma Gandhi to President Rosevelt in 1942 expresses Gandhi’s concerns about the prevarication on self-determination by Britain.  Mahatma Gandhi says I venture to think that the Allied declaration that the Allies are fighting to make the world safe for the freedom of the individual and for democracy sounds hollow so long as India and for that matter Africa are exploited by Great Britain”. Although it is reported that Roosevelt went soft on self determination to accommodate Churchill and the broader goal of the Charter itself, ultimately it did serve as an inspiration for colonial subjects throughout the Third World, from Algeria to Vietnam, including India and Sri Lanka, as the stage was set primarily by President Roosevelt, for colonialism to end.

The acknowledgment that all people had a right to self-determination gave hope to independence leaders in British colonies. Historian Caroline Elkins said, “The independence genie was out of her bottle, and it was the Atlantic Charter that had set her free.

The future

The objective here is not to discuss or debate the lesser or greater efforts of leaders at the time regarding their efforts to gain independence for the country. It is history.

It is really to present a view that unlike in India where the sense of nationalism brought together leaders and ordinary folk of India of all faiths and stations in life in a common cause, the Sri Lankan effort was limited more or less to an English educated affluent few, many of whom were at times referred to as being more British than the British. Keeping in mind the fact that only around 5% of the population was English literate then, the absence of inclusiveness appeared to have been a designed strategy to keep the reins of power amongst that select few. Despite several drawbacks, the Indian sense of nationalism has persisted and grown making it a country that has a nondependent, self-reliant psyche built into its inner core.

Such a psyche never developed amongst Sri Lankans, and dependency, rather than real independence has instead become its inherent psyche. Self-determination was not a goal perhaps for most people as they did not know what it meant. Hundreds of years under the reign of Kings and Queens, followed by over four centuries of colonial rule would have made the general populace, subservient and ignorant of the meaning of nationalism.

It appears that the only time the country rises as one nation with a deep sense of nationalism is during the game of international cricket. This is so whether it happens in Sri Lanka or overseas, and Sri Lankans throughout the world have cheered for the Sri Lankan cricket team.

Sri Lanka has not had the benefit of a local Mahatma Gandhi, neither then, nor even today. So the country has to have a different model to India. The ideal model would be a collective leadership with a high level multiparty governing council for a period of time at least to chart a common economic program that sets some key parameters and strategies to set the country on a long term economic and social revival. What are the parameters? They can be (a) An agreed target for GDP growth and per capita income over an agreed period (b) a debt to GDP ratio that should be agreed and not exceeded (c) a target for export earnings and an agreed common program to achieve such a target (d) a rupee revenue target and an agreed expenditure projection as a percentage of the income (e) An agreed tax and revenue raising policy and structure that is equitable, and which includes introduction of penalties for non-disclosure and nonpayment of taxes (f) an agreed infrastructure development program based on need and not want, with a clearly defined return on investment and which may be funded by long term, low interest bilateral loans or similar borrowings from international agencies like the World Bank, BRICCS, ADB (g) the creation of a future fund with two components, one for foreign exchange and the other for rupees. Such a fund should only be used for emergency situations with the approval of the above-mentioned high level multiparty governing council.

Sadly, going on the current utterings by political leaders and the culture of promises rather than specific governance measures, and the refusal of political leaders to accept the repeated invitation by the President to meet and discuss a common program, it is very unlikely that there will ever be a climate in the country where the country comes before the self-interests of political leaders.

A strategy to show public displeasure with political parties – Register a protest vote.

Perhaps the voters should either not vote at the next election or spoil their votes when voting to register their displeasure with the political parties, and their leaders unless very specific governance policies and very specific measures as to how their policies are to be achieved are publicly announced by them at least 3 months before an election for the Presidency and the general election. If a sizeable majority of people were to do this, it will send a message to the political leaders and their political parties that they are not wanted, and it could give rise to a new breed of political leaders and political parties untainted by failure, corruption and lack of strategic thinking and action. All the key political parties and their leaders today have had their stints in governments, from the Presidency to cabinet ministerships. It is the same lot that is asking the people for their vote once again to acquire power without specific policies and without specific strategies to achieve their objectives. A serious question does arise as to why people should vote them in and continue with the charade of 76 years.

People have been fooled enough with false promises and these leaders should know they cannot be fooled all the time. The truth needs to be told as to where the country is today and how the decline may be arrested and how growth and prosperity may be ushered in at least for the future generations.

How our excellent agricultural extension system of the Sixties was sacrificed.

January 31st, 2024

By Garvin Karunaratne  former G.A. Matara

It is time to stop political bickering and take action before we totally fail in agriculture and millions face death due to the lack of food. 

In view of the attempts by our President to boost our agriculture, it may be worthwhile to ascertain what did happen to the excellent agricultural extension service we had in the Sixties- the effort of the combined Agriculture Department and Agrarian Services. 

I enclose a chapter from my forthcoming publication: NuwaraKalaviya which details what happened.. 

I was stunned  to read  a news item stating that  youths from schools in. Anuradhapura are very likely to be the cannon fodder for renal disease. Students in grades 10 to 12 in the North Central Province are prone to contact renal diseases…earlier it was people in the 30s and 40s.”(Daily Mirror (12/4) 

My mind lingered to the 25,000 farmers of the North Central Province who have succumbed to the CDKu- the Kidney Disease.  Some of them may have been the young farmers with whom I worked in the 296 cultivation committees I set up in 1962. Then there was a hive of activity- discussions and arguments  going on for hours at times till late at night-the thrust of it was to use high yielding varieties and supplement with fertilizer. This was accomplished.  

Full Article 

All PRIME MINISTERS SOUGHT THEM ACCORDING TO THEIR OWN PRINCIPLES

January 31st, 2024

By Dr. Tilak S. Fernando

Since Independence was sought on 4th February 1948, without shedding a single blood drop, the first Prime Minister was chosen by the Colonials as the Right Honorable D.S. Senanayake.  He was the Prime Minster from 24 September 1947 till 22 March 1952 when he had an accident and died immediately (after falling from horse riding in the morning).

After his death, there was a battle with Sir John Kotelawala to be the Prime Minister of Ceylon. As a result, according to the wishes of Rt.Hon. D.S. Senananayake, his son,   became (Dudley Senananayake ) became the Prime Minister of Ceylon from 02 December to July  in 1947.

Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike became the Prime Minister from 26 September 1959, known by the Sri Lankan people as “The Silver Bell of Asia”, the fourth Prime Minister of the Dominion of Ceylon (then Ceylon), serving from 1956 until in 1959, causing him to die in office. The founder of the left-wing Sinhalese Nationalist Sri Lanka Freedom Party, his tenure saw the country’s first left-wing reforms.

Born to a wealthy Family

Born to a wealthy, political family, he studied philosophy, politics, and economics at Christ Church, Oxford, and was called to the bar at the Inner Temple. Returning to Ceylon, he entered local politics by joining the Ceylon National Congress. Having been elected to the Colombo Municipal Council in 1926, he was elected from his family seat in Veyangoda to the State Council of Ceylon for two terms between 1931 and 1947, while serving in the second term as Minister of Local Administration in the Board of Ministers. Having founded the Sinhala Maha Sabha in 1936 on Sinhalese nationalist lines advocating for self-rule in Ceylon, he joined D. S. Senanayake by dissolving the Sinhala Maha Sabha and merging it with the United National Party at its formation in 1947. He was elected to the House of Representatives in 1947 representing the United National Party from Attanagalla, which would become the political seat of his family for the next fifty years. Since the Sinhala Maha Sabha formed the largest segment of the United National Party.

D. S. Senanayake appointed Bandaranaike as Minister of Health and Local Government; he was elected as the Leader of the House. Following several disagreements, Bandaranaike resigned from the government and approached the opposition, forming the Sri Lanka Freedom Party in 1951. Following D. S. Senanayake’s sudden death and the elections that followed, Bandaranaike was elected leader of the opposition. Mustering a powerful coalition called the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna and contesting on the lines of Sinhalese nationalism and socialism, he was able to achieve a landslide victory over the United National Party in the general elections in 1956, thereby becoming the fourth Prime Minister of Ceylon. Bandaranaike removed all the British Naval and Air bases in Ceylon and established diplomatic missions with several communist states. He implemented a new language policy, the Sinhala Only Act, making Sinhala the sole official language of the country, creating much controversy.

On 25 September 1959, Bandaranaike was shot at his house in Rosemead Place, Colombo, and died of his wounds the day after the day he was shot at. A Buddhist monk named Ven Talduwe Somarama was arrested, convicted, and hanged for the murder of Bandaranaike. Wijeyananda Dahanayake was appointed as the caretaker Prime Minister by the Governor General and was confirmed by the Parliament. Bandaranaike’s death led to political turmoil with the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna falling apart under Dahanayake, who eventually formed his own party and contested the general elections in March 1960. Although the Freedom Party failed to form a government under the leadership of C. P. de Silva, fresh elections were held four months, later after the United National Party government lost the throne speeches. Bandaranaike’s widow Sirima Ratwatte Dias Bandaranaike lead the Freedom Party to gain a majority in the Parliament and was appointed the first female Prime Minister in the world. She expanded on her husband’s left-wing reforms in her two terms as the Prime Minister from 1960 to 1964 and from 1970 to 1977. In 1994, Bandaranaike’s daughter, Chandrika Kumaratunga headed a coalition led by the Freedom Party to be elected Prime Minister, and thereafter as the President serving from 1994 to 2005, during which Bandaranaike’s widow served as the Prime Minister from 1994 to 2000. Bandaranaike’s son, Anura Bandaranaike served as Speaker of the Parliament of Sri Lanka from 2000 to 2001.

J.R. Jayawardene thus became the second President of The  Democratic Republic of Sri Lanka, after making Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike adjustments to Ceylon to be the Social Democratic Republic of Sri Lanka.  J.R. managed to restrict  Mrs. Bandaranaike’s civic rights for several years. Not only that He was in office from 4th February 1978 to 2nd January 1989. He produced the most ‘frightening laws to be able to keep the ‘Executive President’ would be able to do anything the President likes (which means that a woman cannot be turned into a man!). Not only that J.R. Jayawardena kept, in his pocket a few letters signed by the members of the Parliament so that they could abandon Parliamentary seats from the United National Party.

Followed by J.R. Jayawardena the next President became Ranasinghe Premadasa. He was in office from 6th February 1978, until the age of sixty-eight, till 2 January 1988. He was assassinated on Independence Day in February 1978 when a Tamil servant boy waved a hankey to attract him to the spot where he was killed there and then on the spot.

After his demise became the acting President Dingiri Banda Wijetunga, who also died recently. He was the acting President from 1 May 1993 – 7 May 1993 May 1993.

Mahinda Rajapaksa served as the President of Sri Lanka from 2005 to 2015; the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka from 2004 to 2005, 2018, and 2019 to 2022;] the Leader of the Opposition from 2002 to 2004 and 2018 to 2019, and the Minister of Finance from 2005 to 2015 and 2019 to 2021. He has been a Member of Parliament (MP) for Kurunegala since 2015.

Ranil Wickremesinghe is the 9th and current President of Sri Lanka. He also holds several ministerial positions, including the Minister of Finance, Minister of Defence, Minister of Technology, and Minister of Women, Child Affairs and Social Empowerment.

Ranil Wickremesinghe has led the United National Party since 1994. He has served as the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka on five separate occasions, leading six governments, from 1993 to 1994, 2001 to 2004, 2015 to 2018, 2018 to 2019, and for a few months in 2022. He has also served as the Leader of the Opposition from 1994 to 2001 and from 2004 to 2015.

Entering active politics in the mid-1970s with the UNP, he was first elected to Parliament from the Biyagama electorate and was appointed Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, by his uncle, President J. R. Jayewardene. He was thereafter appointed as the Minister of Youth Affairs and Employment and became the youngest cabinet minister in Sri Lanka.

In 1989, President Ranasinghe Premadasa, appointed Wickremesinghe as the Minister of Industry, Science and Technology and Leader of the House. He was appointed Leader of the Opposition in November 1994, following the assassination of Gamini Dissanayake during the campaign in Wickremesinghe was the UNP nominee in the 1999 and 2005 Presidental elections, but was defeated by Chandrika Kumaratunga and Mahinda Rajapaksa, respectively.

On 8 January 2015, Ranil Wickremesinghe was appointed as the Prime Minister by President Maithripala Sirisena, who had defeated President Mahinda Rajapaksa in his coalition alliance, the United National Front for Good Governance, won the 2015 parliamentary election with 106 seats. Although it fell short of an outright majority, Wickremesinghe was re-elected as the Prime Minister, with over 35 Sri Lanka Freedom Party members joining his Cabinet. Wickremesinghe was removed as Prime Minister on 26 October 2018 by President Maithripala Sirisena with the appointment of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Prime Minister, which Wickremesinghe refused to accept, resulting in a constitutional crisis. The crisis ended with Sirisena re-appointing Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister on 16 December 2018. He resigned as Prime Minister on 20 November 2019, and was again succeeded by Mahinda Rajapakse following the 2019 presidential election. He contested the 2020 parliamentary election but failed to secure a single seat for the UNP in Parliament.[

He re-entered Parliament as a National List MP of the United National Party and was sworn in as a member of parliament on 23 June 2021. In May 2022, Wickremesinghe was re-appointed as Prime Minister by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the new President On 9 July 2022. Wickremesinghe announced that he was willing to resign amidst mass anti-government protests that saw his personal residence set ablaze, along with the residence of then-President Gotabaya Rajapaksa taken over by protestors. He agreed to resign as Prime Minister once a new government was formed.

Wickremesinghe became the acting president on 14 July 2022, after his predecessor Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled the country. Rajapaksa resigned on 14 July 2022, and on the same day, Wickremesinghe was sworn in as acting President of Sri Lanka. On the same day, he decided to formally abolish the presidential standard and remove the style “His Excellency” when addressing the President. On 20 July 2022, Wickremesinghe was elected as the 9th President via an election by the Parliament on  21 July 2022, he took the Presidential oath in Parliament as the current President of Sri Lanka.

Those people who talk about Ranil Wickremasinghe as an efficient President, who has managed to cut down on people queuing for petrol and gas ( explosions!) and bringing the country to a satisfactory situation and not being a  bankrupt country anymore, despite the soaring prices of commodities,  seem to think that he should be the next Presidential candidate but he has declared that ‘ he would decide on that only in April 2024!’.That will show his confidence in resurrecting the country at all!

The basic fact remains that all the Prime Ministers were hell-bent on their own ideas and principles that have gone down the country to a stage of bankruptcy at present!

tilakfernando@gamail.com

විදුලි පාරිභෝගිකයන් ලක්ෂ 71කින් ලක්ෂ 50කටම රතු බිල ලැබිලා… විදුලි ගාස්තු සංශෝධනය සිදුකර ඇත්තේ අනීතිකවයි – නැගෙනහිර පළාත් හිටපු ආණ්ඩුකාර අනුරාධා යහම්පත්

January 31st, 2024

උපුටාගැණීම Lankaleader

2022 අගෝස්තු මාසයේ සිටි 2023 ඔක්තෝබර් මාසය දක්වා විදුලි ගාස්තු හතර වතාවක් සංශෝධනය කර ඇති බවත්, මෙම විදුලි ගාස්තු සංශෝධනය කිරීම් අනීතිකව සිදුවී ඇති බවත් නැගෙනහිර පළාත් හිටපු ආණ්ඩුකාර අනුරාධා යහම්පත් මහත්මිය පවසයි.

අනීතික ලෙස හා අසාධාරණ ලෙස විදුලි ගාස්තු ඉහළ දැමීම සහ එමගින් සිදුකෙරන විදුලි විසංධිකිරීම් සිදුකිරීම් සම්බන්ධයෙන් විශේෂ අනාවරණයක් සිදුකිරීමට ඉකුත් (29) දින පැවැත්වූ මාධ්‍ය හමුවකට එක් වෙමින් ඇය මේ බව පැවසීය.

රටේ විදුලි පාරිභෝගිකයන් ලක්ෂ 71ක් සිටින බව විදුලිබල මණ්ඩලය පැවසූවද, ඔවුන්ගෙන් ලක්ෂ 50කටම රතුබිල ලැබී ඇති බවද, විදුලි පාරිභෝගිකයන්ගෙන් තුනෙන් දෙකකටත් වඩා වැඩි පිරිසකට මෙසේ රතු බිල ලැබී ඇති බවද අනුරාධා යහම්පත් මහත්මිය පෙන්වා දෙයි.

ලක්ෂ 6ක ප්‍රමාණයකට විදුලිය විසංධිකර නැවත එය ලබා ගැනීමට නොහැකි තත්ත්වයකට පත්ව ඇති බවද ඇය පෙන්වා දෙයි.

සවිස්තරාත්මක වීඩියෝව නරඹන්න…

හිමාලය කන්ඳෙන් බැස සමනල ගිරි මුදුනට නැගපු හාමුදුරුවරු අතලොස්ස

January 31st, 2024

චන්ද්‍රසිරි විජයවික්‍රම, LL.B., Ph.D

කොසොල් රජතුමාගේ සීන සැබෑවීම

අතීතයේ දුටුගැමුණු-වළගම්බා-විජයබා රජවරුන්ට <කඩේ ගිය> හාමුදුරුවරුන් නමැති සංස්ථාවට අද අත්වෙන ඉරණම කුමක්ද?  මේ දිවයිනට ආවේනිකවූ, ලෝකයට සිංහල බෞද්ධ ශිෂ්ටාචාරය (හා ථෙරවාද බුදු දහම) දායාද කල මුරදේවතා සංකල්පය බලවත්සේ දූෂණය වෙමින් පවතී.  තරුණ කාලයේ jvp කාරයින්ව සිටි, පසුව මංගල සමරවීර සමඟ ngo සුදුනෙළුම් ව්‍යාපාරයක නිරතවූ අය ලෙස සැකකරණ එක් අතලොස්සක්, අවුරුද්දක් පමණ හොර රහසේ තටමා හිමාලය ප්‍රකාශණය නම් මී බෙට්ටක් ප්‍රසූත කලේ (වැදුවේ) ය. තව කොටසක් ශ්‍රීපාද කන්දට නැඟ අධිෂ්ඨානයක් කලායයි ලංකා සී නිව්ස් වෙබ් අඩවියේ පළවිය.

හිමාලය නැග්ග පංචස්කන්ධ පිටිපස්සෙන් සිටින්නේ කවුරුන්ද ගැන අදහසක් ඔවුන්ට ලබාදුන් ප්‍රසිද්ධිය මඟින්ම එලියට පනී. ජනාධිපති රනිල්, ජූලි චුං හැසුරුණේ මීට පෙර, තිම්පු (1985) නොව ඔස්ලෝ ප්‍රකාශයට (2002 දෙසම්බර් 5) පසුව G.L. පීරිස් ඇමති විසින් ටයිගර් බාලසිංහම්ට හිස් එක්සලන්සි යයි කියමින් නැටුවා මෙන්, ප්‍රීතියෙන් උද්දාම වෙමින්ය. කතානායක මහින්ද යාපා, අධිකරණ ඇමති විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂද වැඩේට ෆුල් සපෝට් ය. මේ ගැන විදේශ රටවල වාර්තා මඟින් විශාල ප්‍රසිද්ධියක් ලබා දෙන තරම අනුව කවුරු හෝ මේ හාමුදුරුවරුන්ට නොබෙල් ත්‍යාගය දීමට යෝජනාකරන්නට පවා ඉඩ ඇත.

ඔස්ලෝ ගමන මෙන්ම මෙම හිමාලයා කතාවද මොන තරම් මෝඩ හුටපටයක්ද යන්න රටේ හා ලෝකයේ භූගෝල විද්‍යාව හා ඉතිහාසය නිකමටවත් දන්නා අයෙකුට වැටහේ. ප්‍රකාශණයේ වගන්ති හයෙන්ම එය රටකැඩීමේ ව්‍යාපාරයට සිවුරක් ඇන්ඳවීමක් බව, සල්ලි තියෙනවා නම් ඕනෑම ගොනෙකුට වුනත් යුද්ධ කරන්න පුළුවන් යයි කිරිඇල්ලේ ඒකාලයේ කිව්වා මෙන් ඕනෑම ගොනෙකුට වුනත් තේරේ. ලංකාවට යුද ආධාර දෙන්න එපායයි රනිල් ලෝකයට කිව්වේ මෙම කිරිඇල්ලේ තියොරිය අනුවය!

තිම්පු වලදී නොදීපු හා ඔස්ලෝ වලදි දණින් වැටී ප්‍රභකාරන්ට දෙන්නට ගිය, එහෙත් ඔහු විසින් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කල දේ, හිමාලයාකාරයෝ 2023 දී පූජාකරන්නේ, උතුර නැඟෙනහිර දෙනවා නම් බංකොලොත් කල ලංකාවේ ණය ඩොලර් බිලියන 50 දෙන්නට යෝජනාකල ග්ලෝබල් ටැමිල් ෆෝරම්කාරයින් (GTF) සමඟ ගොස් මහානායක හිමිලාද හමුවීය. බටහිර රටවල අනුග්‍රහයෙන්, රටින් පිට ඊළම් ආණ්ඩුවක් හදා ගෙන ඉන්නා දෙමළ කොටසක් හිමාලයා වැඩේට විරුද්ධත්වය පළකරන්නේ උපාය මාර්ගයක් වශයෙන් බොරුවටය. එවිට සිවුරු කීපයක් මඟින් කරණ යෝජනාව මධ්‍යස්ථ  සාධාරණ දෙයක් යන හැඟීමක් සමහරුන්ට ඇතිකරවේ.

රනිල් ජනාධිපති විසින් කරණ කියන හැමදෙයකින්ම එලියට එන්නේ රට කැඩීමේ හා ඉන්දියාවට ලංකාව අල්ලාදීමේ ඔහුගේ ඇති අභිලාෂයය. ඒ නිසා මෙය ඔහුගේත්, පාත්ෆයින්ඩර් මිලින්ද මොරගොඩගේත් ගේම් එකක් නොවේය කියා සිතන්න පුළුවන්ද? දයාන් ජයතිලකලා වැනි 13-A ප්ලස්කාරයින් තිරයෙන් පිටුපස සිට උල්පන්දම් දෙනවා නිසැකය. රනිල්ට දයාන්ව අරහං වුනත් ඔහු සජිත්ගේ දේශපාලන උපදේශකයෙක් විය. 

පෙම්බර ලංකා සමනලගිරි ප්‍රකාශය

ශ්‍රී පාද කන්ද බදාගෙන තවත් නඩයක්  විසින් කරන ඝෝෂාව  මීට හාත්පසින්ම වෙනස්ය.

lanka C news | භාවනානුයෝගී භික්‍ෂුන් ශ‍්‍රීපාදයේදී ප්‍රකාශනයක් එළි දක්වති.. රට බාර දිය නොදිය යුතු අය නම් කරති..

පෙම්බර ලංකා පිරිස කියා සිටින්නේ:

*1. ලංකාව යන්තම් හෝ රැකුණේ 1951 සිට SWRD බණ්ඩාරනායක මහතා ගෙනා මැදමාවත් දේශපාලන බලවේගය නිසාය;

*2. ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ගේ අදූරදර්ශී, අපරිණත ක්‍රියා කලාපයත්, සෙසු සාමාජිකයන්ගේ බල ලෝභී ක්‍රියා කලාපයත් හේතුවෙන් එකී මැද මාවතේ දේශපාලන බලවේගය අද මුළුමනින්ම පාහේ දුර්මුඛ වී ඇත;

*3. පරම්පරා ගණනක් ඒ හා බැඳී සිටි මිලියන ගණනක දේශීය ජනතාවගෙන් කොටසක් අද මාලිමාවේ කපටි බල ව්‍යාපෘතියට නතු වී ඇත. බහුතරය වික්ෂිප්තව බලා සිටිති. මේ තත්ත්වය දිගින් දිගටම පැවතුණහොත් එය ලබන ඔක්තෝබර් මාසයේදී කෙළවර වනු ඇත්තේ පොල්පොට් පන්නයේ අච්චාරැ මාලිමා පාලනයකින් හෝ ඉන්දියාව මෙහෙයවන මනෝ-හකීම්-මුජිබර් ග්‍රහණයට සහ බෝන් අගෙන් මෙහෙයවීමට නතුවන පාලනයකින් හෝ අනීතිකව සිය පාලනය දිගු කර ගන්නා රනිල්ගේ භීෂණ යුගයකිනි;

*4. මේ ඛේදනීය තත්ත්වයෙන් ලක් මාතාව ගලවා ගත හැකි එකම මග 1951 දී බිහි වූ මැද මාවතේ ජාතික-ප්‍රගතිශීලී -වාමාංශික දේශපාලන කඳවුර ශක්තිමත් කිරීමම පමණි;

*5. ඒ සඳහා රාජපක්ෂ  පවුලෙන් පිට දේශපාලන අත්දැකීම් ඇති නායකයකු ඒකජන්දයෙන් පත් කර ගත හැකි නම් නැවත මාස 3 ක් ඇතුලත විසිර ගිය බලවේග එක කරගත හැකිය. මාලිමාව පසුපස ගොස් අතරමන් වී සිටින පිරිස ද නැවත සිය මුල් නිවසට පැමිණෙනු ඇත;

*6. නායකයන් බිහි වන්නේ ස්වභාව ධර්මයේ ආශීර්වාදය ඇතිවයි;

*7. මේ සඳහා ප්‍රගතිශීලී- වාමාංශික කඳවුරට සුදුසු පුද්ගලයෙකු පහත සඳහන් දේශපාලකයින් 12 අතරින්  තෝරාගත යුතුය.

1 කුමාර වෙල්ගම (73)
2 සරත් වීරසේකර (72)
3 සුසිල් ප්‍රේමජයන්ත (69)
4 ඩලස් අලහප්පෙරුම (64)
5 විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂ (64)
6 චම්පික රණවක (58)
7 රමේෂ් පතිරණ (54)
8 දයාසිරි ජයසේකර (54)
9 විමල් වීරවංශ (53)
10 උදය ගම්මන්පිල (53)
11 රොෂාන් රණසිංහ (48)
12 චන්න ජයසුමන (43)

වයස අනුව අනුපිලිවෙලින් ඇති මේ ලැයිස්තුව සමඟ මෙම කාරණාවට කිසිසේත් ගාවා නොගත යුතු මෙම කඳවුර දුර්මුඛ කල 12  දෙනකුගේ ලැයිස්තුවක්ද  ඇතත් ඔවුන්ගේ නම් සඳහන් කර නැත!

පුදන කොටම කාපී යකා!

හිමාලයා පිරිසගේ බොරුව ඔවුන්ගේ ප්‍රකාශණයේ කොන්දේසි වලින් පැහැදිලිවම එලිවෙන පරිදි මේ සමනල කතාවද හෘදය ශාක්ෂියක් නැති කට්ටියකගේ උප්පරවැට්ටියකි. ඊට හේතුව වැදගත් වන්නේ යමෙක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සිටියාද නැද්ද යන්න නොව ඒ පංචස්කන්ධයේ හෘදය ශාක්ෂිය හෙවත් ඔහු/ඇය ඩබල්ගේම්කාරයෙක්ද නැද්ද යන්නය. උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන්, නාගානන්ද කොඩිතුවක්කුට අනුව අනුර කුමාර හා සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස ඩබල්ගේම් කාරයින් දෙන්නෙකි. අනිත් කාරණය නම්  මේ සමනලගිරි පිරිස විසින් හඳුනාගත් විෂම 12 නම් මහජනයාගෙන් වසන් කිරීමය. මේ අනුව මේ  සමනලගිරි පිරිසද ඩබල්ගේම් කාරයින්ය.

අනිත් කාරණය නම් මේ ප්‍රකාශණය කල අයගේ නමක්වත් (සංවිධායක, ලේකම්, නඩේ ගුරා) සඳහන් නොකිරීමය. එවැන්නක් නැතිව ලංකා සී නිව්ස් මෙය පලකිරීමද ජුගුප්සා ජනකය

මහජනයාට කොලේ වහලා ගැහීම

එම විෂම නම් 12  එලිකලා නම් ඔවුන් විසින් <සුදුස්සන්> යයි නම් කල 12 තෝරාගත්තේ මොන නිර්ණායක යටතේ දැයි යම් අදහසක් මහජනයාට අඩුතරමින් අනුමානවත් කල හැකිය. ඇත්තවශයෙන් සිදුවිය යුත්තේ යම් පිරිසක් ඔවුන් කැමති ලැයිස්තුවක් හදාගෙන එය රටේ මිනිසුන්ට (හරක්?) කවන්නට සැදීම නොව, යම් පුද්ගලයෙක් රට ජාතියට වටිනා අයෙක්ද යන්න රටට වැදගත්වන නිර්ණායක අනුව තක්සේරු කිරීමය. මෙම පදනම අනුව අළුත් ලැයිස්තුවක් සැදීම සැලකිය හැක්කේ බළලාගේ බෙල්ලේ ගෙජ්ජියක් බැඳීමක් ලෙසය. සුදු-කළු කොටස් දෙකක් නොව, කිරි වතුරෙන් වෙන්කර ගැනීමය.  ඊට හේතුව සුභාෂිතයේ කියා ඇති අන්දමට <නිදොස් කෙනෙකු මෙදියත උපදින්නේ නැති> නිසාය. සමනලගිරි පිරිස තෝරාගත් 12 අතර ඉන්නේ, <මිනිස් හට සොඳුරු ගුණ සහ නුගුණ ඇත> යන්නට වැටෙන පංචස්කන්ධමය.

සිංහල ජාතිය, ඔවුන්ගේ නිජබිම හා සිංහල බෞද්ධ ශිෂ්ටාචාරය මේ වනවිට දේශීය හා විදේශීය බලවේග මඟින් ගිලගනිමින් තිබේ. රට කැඩීමට කෙළින්ම ක්‍රියාකරණ සිංහල දේශපාලකයින්, කළු සුද්දන් හා, දැන හෝ නොදැන ඊට බිලිවන සිංහල ජනයා බොහෝය. මේ නිසා තෝරාගත යුත්තේ මීට එරෙහිව ක්‍රියාකිරීමට අවංකවම කැපවෙන අයෙකි. උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් සමනල නම් ලැයිතුවේ 12 දෙනාගෙන් ඇසියයුතු ප්‍රශ්ණ හා ඊට ඔවුන් දෙන ප්‍රතිචාරය පිළිඹඳ ටේබල් එකක් පිළියෙල කල හැකිය.  ප්‍රශ්ණ තිරස් පේලි වශයෙනුත්, ඔවුන්ගේ නම් සිරස් කොලම් වශයෙනුත් පෙන්වන විට 12 දෙනා ගැන ජනතාවට ඔවුන්ගේ සුදුසු/නුසුදුසු කම ගැන අපක්ෂපාත අගැයීමක් කරගත හැකිය. එක් එක් ප්‍රශ්ණයට ඔව්/නෑ හෝ කැමතියි/ අකමැතියි (yes/no) කියා ඔවුන්ට සටහන් කල හැකිය.

මේ අන්දමේ ප්‍රශ්ණාවලියක් රටේ ඕනෑම චන්දයක් ඉල්ලන කෙනෙකුටම යැවිය යුතුය. එය ගමේ/නගරයේ හැම ගෙදරකටම බෙදා දිය යුතුය. මේ මඟින් ඩබල්ගේම් කාරයින්ට තවදුරටත් මහජනයා රැවටිය නොහැකිය. මෙහි පහතින් දැක්වෙන්නේ මේ අන්දමට පිළියෙල කල ටේබල් එකකට උදාහරණයකි.

සමනලගිරි ලැයිස්තුවේ ඇති නම් 12 න් මෙම ප්‍රශ්ණවලට සැලකියයුතු ධනාත්මක (ඔව්/කැමතියි යනුවෙන්) පිළිතුරු දිය හැක්කේ සරත් වීරසේකරට පමණය යන්න මගේ අදහසය. එපමණක් නොව සිය රට ජාතිය වෙනුවෙන් ජීවිතය පූජාකිරීමට ඉදිරිපත්ව නොමැරී ගැලවුන මේ ලැයිස්තුවේ ඉන්නා එකම තැනැත්තාද ඔහුය. ඔහු රට ජාතියට සේවයට යාමෙන් ඔහුගේ බිරිඳගේ මානසික හා ශාරීරික සෞඛ්‍යයද කඩා වැටුනේය. අනිත් බොහෝ අය පෙඩරල්කාරයින් හා හීතල හොරුන්ය.

සිංහල උරුමය සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව යන දෙකම එකවර රැකිය නොහැකිය; එකක් සුරැකීමට අනෙක මිය යා යුතුමය.

January 31st, 2024

දිල්රූක් කන්නන්ගර

ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සිංහල දේශය නොවේ. ශ්‍රී ලංකාව යනු 1948 බිහිවූ දුක්ඛිත 76 වසරක සාපලත්, ලෝකයටම ණය ගැති වූ කෙටි   ඉතිහාසයක් ඇති බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයන් විසින් 1833 අටවා ගත් අට්ටාලයකි. එයට කිසිම භාෂා අනන්‍යතාවයක් නැත; දිශානතියක් නැත; එල්ලයක්, ධර්මයක් නැත, විදේශ ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් නැත, ඉතිහාසයක් නැත. ඒ වෙනුවට අම්බලමක් හෝ මඩමක් සේ එයට භාෂා, නීති, ඇදහිලි සහ ඇදීම්/රිදීම් රාශියක් ඇත. එය මත සිංහල උරුමය පැටවීම ලේ හැලීම් ඇති කෙළේය; ජාතික සමගිය නැති කෙළේය; ලෝකෙට පිළිකුලක් විය. එය තුළ සිංහලයාට, සිංහල උරුමයට සහ සිංහල ඉතිහාසයට තැනක් නැත. ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුල සිංහල උරුමය සුරැකීම, සුප් බඳුනක ලුණු කැට සෙවීම වැනි නිෂ්ඵල ක්‍රියාවකි.

ජපානය, දකුණු කොරියාව, තායිවානය, නොර්වේ, ස්වීඩනය, ෆින්ලන්තය, ජර්මනිය, ඉතාලිය, පෝලන්තය ආදී තනි ජාතිය මත පදනම් වූ රටවල් සාමකාමීය, පොහොසත්ය, සංස්කෘතික සභ්‍යත්වය මෙන්ම ඉතිහාසගත ප්‍රෞඩත්වයත්, ආගමික සහ ජාතික අනන්‍යතාවයත් රැකගෙන ඉදිරියට ගිය රටවල්ය. අපට ගැලපෙන්නේද ඒ මොඩලයයි. වත්මන් අච්චාරු හෝ කකුස්සි වලේ මොඩලය කුඩා රටවල් වලට විනාශය සහ විකෘතිවාදය පමණක් ගෙන දේ.                

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිංහල උරුමය ගැන කතා කරන්නන්ට ළද බොළඳ ඉල්ලීම් ඇත. එවැන්නක් නම් සුළු ජාතීන් මේ රටේ ඉතිහාසගත සිංහල උරුමය පිළිගතයුතු බව! ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ මහාජාතිය වෙතත් කලාපයේ සිංහලයා සුළුය; සිංහලහරණය සියලු පොලිටික්කන් විසින් සිදු කරන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලාංකික-කරණය උදෙසායි; සුළු ජන කොටස් පිනවීමෙන් තොරව කිසිදු දේශපාලන පක්ෂයකට රාජ්‍ය පාලනය කල නොහැක; සුළු ජන කොටස් පිනවීමෙන් තොරව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ලෝක දේශපාලනය තුළ පණ ගැට ගසා ගැනීමට නොහැකිය; සුළු ජන කොටස් වලට ලෝක බලවතුන්ගේ පිහිට ආරක්ෂාව ඇතත් සිංහලයාට ඇත්තේ හුදු දුර්වල තිස්තුන් කෝටියක් දේව ආරක්ෂාව පමණි. එයත් ඇත්තේ සිංහලයා ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට මිස ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට නොවේ. මේ කටුක යතාර්ථ පිළිගැනීමට හැකියාව නොමැතිනම් සිංහලයාට හෙටක් තිබිය නොහැකිය. කළු ගල්වල හිස ගසා තුරන් වනු හැර.

අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ මුළු ශ්‍රී ලංකාවම සිංහල කිරීමේ තෘෂ්ණාව, මල පෙරේතකම නොවේ. දූපතෙන් කොටසක සිංහල උරුමය රාජ්‍යත්වයට ඔසවා තැබීමයි. බුදුබව ලැබ සුළු කාලෙකින් ගෞතම බුදුරදුන් දූපතේ උතුරු කෙළවරට වැඩම කර දෙසු ධර්මය අනුව යන්නේ නම් සිංහල දේශයක් ගැන සිතීම අපහසු නැත. එමෙන්ම දෙමල සහ මුස්ලිම් දේශයන්ද එමගින්ම බිහිවනු ඇත. ඉතිහාසය කෙසේ වෙතත් පොළොවේ යතාර්ථය නම් දෙමල උරුමයක්ද, මුස්ලිම් උරුමයක්ද ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුල ඇත. එය පිළිනොගැනීම ජුගුප්සාසහගත මෙන්ම ජාතිවාදීය. සිංහල උරුමය රැකෙන්නේ දෙමල සහ මුස්ලිම් උරුමයන් රැකෙන ක්‍රමවේදයක් තුල පමණි.

අද අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ උතුරු මැදද හිමි කාවන්තිස්ස කෙනෙකු මිස “සංහිඳියා දුටුගැමුණු” කෙනෙකු නොවේ. (සැබෑ දුටුගැමුණු සංහිඳියාකාරයකු නොවේ. නමුත් එදා වීරකම් අද කල නොහැක්කේ ඒවා අද අන්තර්ජාතික යුධ අපරාධ ලෙසට ගැනෙන නිසාය.)         

එවැනි බෙදීමකදී මහගම සේකරයන්ගේ “මේ සිංහල අපගේ රටයි” ගීතයේ වර්ණනා කරන කිසිවක්ද, ඩෝල්ටන් අල්විස් ගේ “සසර වසන තුරු”, කරුණාරත්න අබේසේකරගේ “අද පමණක් නොවේ”  ගීතයන්හී වර්ණනා කරන කිසිවක්ද සිංහලයාට අහිමි නොවේ.

1815න් නැවතුනු සියවස් විසිහතරක සිංහල ඉතිහාසය සපිරි ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ සිංහල දේශය යළි උපදිනු ඇත. දෙමල සහ මුස්ලිම් ප්‍රශ්ණ අපේ ප්‍රශ්ණ නොවනු ඇත. දූපත තුල සමානුපාතිකව සැදෙන සිංහල දේශය තුල සිංහල ජාතිය, උරුමය, ධර්මතාවන්, බෞද්ධාගම, ඉතිහාසය, ගුණාංග මෙන්ම සිංහල ආර්ථිකය, සිංහල පරිසරය, සතා සීපාවට මෙන්ම ගහ කොළට ඇති සිංහල ආදරයද රැකෙනු ඇත. වන සහ ජීව විවිධත්ව සංහාරයක් සිදුවූ කඳුකරය නැවත පණ ලබනු ඇත. සිඳුණු ජල උල්පත් යළි නැගෙනු ඇත. පරිසර පිළිලයන් වූ කොළඹ, මහනුවර, ගාල්ල, මීගමුව, බදුල්ල, පුත්තලම සහ අනෙක් එවැනි නගර ධරණීය මට්ටමට පත්වනු ඇත. ගමනාගමනය පහසු වනු ඇත. කතරගම, ශ්‍රී පාදස්ථානය, මුන්නේස්වරම් දේවාලය ඩොලර් ජනනය කරන ස්ථාන වනු ඇත. සිංහලයන්ට එරෙහි ව ලෝකයෙන් නැගෙන අබූත චෝදනා නිම වනු ඇත. දෙමල සහ මුස්ලිම් ප්‍රශ්ණ දෙමල ඊළම, මුස්ලිම් ඊළම රටවල් තුලම විසඳා ගනු ඇත (නොවිසදුනත් එයින් අපට කම් නැත).

බෙදුම්වාදයට එරෙහිව විවිධ අබූත චෝදනා ලැබ උතුරු නැගෙනහිර රඳවා ඇති හමුදා ඛණ්ඩ සිංහල දේශයේ සෞභාග්‍ය සුරැකීමට ගොඩබිම් මායිම මුර කරනු ඇත. ගෝලීය උෂ්ණත්වය ඉහළ යෑමෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාව කපෝති වීමට නියමිතය. ඒ ජලය නොමැතිව දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙන් පැමිණීමට නියමිත අති විශාල ජනගහනය නිසා මෙන්ම උතුරු නැගෙනහිර දිවෙන දූපතේ දිගම මුහුදු තීරය නිසාය. සිංහල දේශය මෙම බැරෑරුම් ප්‍රශ්ණ වලින් ගැලවේ.      

ඉන්දියානු සහ අරාබියානු සම්භවයක් ඇති මරුමකතයම්, අලියස්තාන, තෙසවලමි, මුක්කුවාර් සහ අරාබි නීති මත පදනම් වූ බහු නීති සිංහල දේශයේ නැත. දියුණු ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී රටක මෙන් සියලු පුරවැසියන් නීතිය ඉදිරියේ සමාන වනු ඇත.      

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට නිසි විදේශ ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් නැත. සියලු විදේශ ප්‍රතිපත්ති ඉන්දීය සහ අරාබි පිටස්තරවාදීන් නිසා දෙකට නවා ආර්ථික වටිනාකමක් ඇති සබඳතා (චීනය, මියන්මාරය, ඊශ්‍රායෙලය, ඉරානය) මොට කර ඇත. මෙවැනි පණ නැති විදේශ ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් නිසා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට විදේශයන්හී කිසිම තැකීමක් නැත. ශ්‍රී ලංකාව මෙන් නොව සිංහල දේශය ට එවැනි කසළ පොදි  උස්සා සිටීමට අවශ්‍ය නොවේ.       

කොටින්ම සිංහල දේශය යනු අදට ගැලපෙනසේ සැකසුනු රජ දවස මෙන් සෞභාග්‍යමත්, සාමකාමී, ධරණීය සහ ගෞරවාන්විත දේශයක්ය. ජාති විවිධත්වය නැති බැවින් ජාතිවාදය අවුළුවා චන්ද දිනීමට නොහැකි දේශයකි. එහෙත් සිංහල දේශය මරා ඉපදුනු ශ්‍රී ලංකාව පවතින තුරු එයට ඉඩක් නැත. මුළු දුපතටම හිමිකම් කියන තණ්හාව පවතිනා තුරු නොඉපදෙන දේශයකි. පරිත්‍යාගයෙන් තොරව නොඉපදෙන දේශයකි. දෙමල මුස්ලිම් දේශයන් නොතනා ඒ වෙනුවට සියල්ලන්ටම සියල්ල වීමට ගොස් බංකොලොත් වූ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවකි; වල පල්ලටම යන දේශයකි. වසර 76ක ලේ පැල්ලම්, කළු පැල්ලම් ඇති දේශයකි. මුළු දූපතම අල්ලා සිටීමට නොව එයින් සාධාරණ කොටසක සෑදිය හැකි සිංහල දේශයක වටිනාකම තන්හා ශෝකයෙන් මත් වූ ආර්ථිකමය හිඟන ඊනියා දේශප්‍රේමීන්ට ගෝචර වේවා! හැලුණු කිරට නාඩා තියෙන හකුරවත් රැක ගනිමු! එසේ නොකලොත් එයත් නැතිවේවි. ඒ සමගම අපේ හදවතට සමීප අපේම දේත් නැතිවේවි.

සිංහල දේශයක අවශ්‍යතාවය අද තදින්ම දැනේ. එය එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ ප්‍රඥාප්තියේ ඇති අයිතියකි (right of self-determination).   ශ්‍රී ලංකාව විසින් සිංහලයා බෙලහීන කර, අනාථ කර දමා ඇති අවධියක එකම විසඳුම දූපතෙන් කොටසක බිහිවියයුතු සිංහල දේශයයි. එමගින් ලෝක උරුම රැසක් වන සිංහල ජාතිය, සිංහල භාෂාව, සිංහල ඇදහිලි, සිංහල බුද්ධාගම, සිංහල දැනුම් සම්භාරය, අල්පේච්ච එහෙත් සපමණ සිංහල ජීවන චර්යාව සහ සොබාදම සමග සබැදුණු සිංහල ධරණීය සුපැවතුම මනුස්ස වර්ගයා වෙනුවෙන් ආරක්ෂා වනු ඇත. ශ්‍රී ලංකා අච්චාරුව තුල ඒ සැම දිරණු ඇත.          

State Minister Tennekoon and Defence Secretary visit paratroopers injured during Independence Day rehearsals

January 31st, 2024

Ministry of Defence  – Media Centre

State Minister Tennekoon looks into the well-being of paratroopers injured during 76th Independence Day rehearsals

State Minister of Defence Hon. Premitha Bandara Tennakoon visited the Army Hospital and the National Hospital in Colombo to personally inquire about the well-being of Army and Air Force paratroopers who sustained injuries during 76th Independence Day rehearsals at Galle Face on Tuesday (Jan 30).

During his visit, the State Minister checked on the condition of the paratroopers who faced the unexpected tragedy and interacted with them briefly while wishing them a quick recuperation.

Before leaving the hospital, Minister Tennakoon spoke with the hospital staff about the paratroopers’ on-going treatment and current health condition, as well as praising their prompt service and dedication in such emergency situations.

Defence Secretary visits paratroopers injured during Independence Day rehearsals

Defence Secretary General Kamal Gunaratne visited the National Hospital and the Army Hospital to inquire into the condition of the paratroopers who were injured during a mishap at the 76th Independence Day rehearsals.

Gen. Gunaratne took time off from his busy schedule to personally inquire into the wellbeing of all four military personnel who were injured in the unfortunate incident that happened yesterday morning at the Galle Face Greens. He also met with the medical authorities of both hospitals to ensure that the best care is provided to these paratroopers for a speedy recovery.

Two army personnel including an officer and two air force personnel were admitted to both hospitals after a mishap during a freefall jump during the Independence Day rehearsal held at the Galle Face on Tuesday (Jan 30).

ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ( SDGs) තිරසර සංවර්ධන අභිමතාර්ථ සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීම   ඇතුළත් තිරසාර ව්‍යාපාර ප්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීමේ උපාය මාර්ග දියත් කරනවා-අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා

January 31st, 2024

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

Ø ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ( SDGs) තිරසර සංවර්ධන අභිමතාර්ථ සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීම   ඇතුළත් තිරසාර ව්‍යාපාර ප්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීමේ උපාය මාර්ග දියත් කරනවා..                                              -අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා

Ø SDGs සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීම සඳහා එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ ආසියා හා පැසිෆික් කලාපය සඳහා වන ආර්ථික හා සමාජයීය කොමිසම (ESCAP)  ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පූර්ණ සහාය ලබා දෙනවා…

                -එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ සහකාර මහ ලේකම් Armida Alisjahbana

ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ SDGs සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීම සඳහා තිරසාර ව්‍යාපාර ප්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීමේ නව උපාය මාර්ග අද (2024.01. 31) අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේ දී අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා සහ ESCAP හි විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂවරිය ද වන එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ සංවිධානයේ සහකාර මහලේකම් (Armida Alisjahbana) අර්මිදා අලිෂ්ජබානා මහත්මිය ඉදිරියේ දියත් කරන ලදී.

මෙරට දැක්ම තිරසාර ව්‍යාපාර සංවර්ධනය කිරීම සහ ප්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීමකින් තොරව සාක්ෂාත් කරගත නොහැකි බව අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා මෙහිදි ප්‍රකාශ කළේය. අද ව්‍යාපාර ආර්ථික වර්ධනයේ පණගැන්වීමක් ලෙස පමණක් නොව ධනාත්මක වෙනසක නියෝජිතයන් ලෙස ද දැවැන්ත බලයක් දරණ බව අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා  සඳහන් කළේය.

ගෝලීය සංවර්ධන න්‍යාය පත්‍රයේ  ව්‍යාපාර ස්ථානගත කිරීම මගින් 2015 තිරසාර සංවර්ධන ඉලක්ක හෝ SDGs මෙම අවශ්‍යතාවය නිවැරදිව හඳුනාගෙන ඇති බව පෙන්වා දුන් අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා  මෙම විභවය පිළිබඳව ශ්‍රී ලංකාව දැඩි ලෙස දැනුවත්ව සිටින බවත් එබැවින්, ශක්තිමත් රටක් යළි ගොඩනැගීම සඳහා වූ අපගේ අභිලාෂකාමී ගමනේදී පෞද්ගලික අංශය සම්බන්ධ කර ගැනීම,  සවිබල ගැන්වීම,  පෞද්ගලික සහ රාජ්‍ය අංශයේ ව්‍යාපාර එකමුතු කිරීම තීරණාත්මක ලෙස සළකන බවත් පැවසීය.

SDGs සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීම සඳහා ව්‍යාපාරික අංශයේ වැදගත්කම අවධාරණය කිරීම පිළිබඳව අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයාට ස්තූතිය පළ කළ එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ සහකාර ලේකම් Armida Alisjahbana, SDGs සඳහා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව දරණ ප්‍රයත්නයන්ට UN සහ ESCAP අඛණ්ඩව සහාය දෙන බව පැවසීය.

එහිදී අදහස් දැක් වූ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා –

ශ්‍රී ලංකාව වඩාත් දීප්තිමත් සහ තිරසර අනාගතයක් කරා යන ගමනේ තීරණාත්මක මොහොතක අපි සිටිනවා. ලෝකය පෙර නොවූ විරූ අභියෝග සමඟ පොරබදමින් සිටින බව අපි කවුරුත් දන්නවා. දේශගුණික විපර්යාස, ආර්ථික කැළඹීම් සහ සමාජ විෂමතා කිහිපයක් මෙලෙස නම් කළ හැකියි.  මෙම තත්වයන්  තුළ වුවත් අප රට ප්‍රකෘතිමත් වීමට පමණක් නොව, සමෘද්ධිමත් මෙන්ම වඩාත් තිරසාර සහ ශක්තිමත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවක් නැවත ගොඩනැගීමට දැවැන්ත අවස්ථාවක් තිබෙනවා.

කොවිඩ් වසංගතය ලෝක ආර්ථිකය මන්දගාමී වීමට හේතු විය. ආර්ථික දුෂ්කරතා මඟහරවා ගැනීමට අපට UNESCAP  ලබා දුන් සහයෝගයට ස්තූතිවන්ත වෙනවා. ස්වභාව ධර්මයේ තිරසර පැවැත්මේ අවශ්‍යතාවය පැරණි බෞද්ධ හර පද්ධතියෙන් අපට උරුම වී තිබෙනවා. මිනිසා ස්වභාවධර්මයේ කොටසක් බවත් මිනිසුන් මෙන්ම අනෙකුත් ජීවීන් ද වැදගත් බවත්   ධර්මය අවධාරණය කළා.

එම උරුමය මත පදනම්ව, තිරසර ව්‍යාපාර සංවර්ධනය කිරීම සහ ප්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීමකින් තොරව නව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවක් සඳහා  අපගේ දැක්ම සාක්ෂාත් කරගත නොහැකියි. අද ව්‍යාපාර ආර්ථික වර්ධනයේ ගාමක බලයක් ලෙස පමණක් නොව ධනාත්මක වෙනසක නියෝජිතයන් ලෙස ද අතිමහත් බලයක් දරනවා.

ජනාධිපතිතුමා විසින් නිරන්තරයෙන් අවධාරණය කරන පරිදි, කලාපීය සහ ගෝලීය වෙළෙඳපොළ තුළ ඒකාබද්ධ වූ පුද්ගලික අංශයේ මූලිකත්වයෙන් යුත් තරඟකාරී වර්ධනයේ කාර්යභාරය නව ආදර්ශයේ තීරණාත්මක අංගයක් ලෙස සැළකෙනවා. බහු-ආංශික ප්‍රයත්නයකින් බිහි වූ මෙම ශක්තිමත් උපාය මාර්ගය, ව්‍යාපාර සඳහා මූල්‍යමය වශයෙන් දියුණු වීමට මාර්ග සිතියමක් ඉදිරිපත් කරනවා පමණක් නොව අපගේ සමාජීය සහ පාරිසරික යහපැවැත්මට අර්ථවත් ලෙස දායක වෙනවා.  

සෑම ව්‍යවසායකයෙකුට ම, සෑම ගොවියෙකුට ම, සෑම කුඩා ව්‍යාපාර හිමියෙකුට ම සමෘද්ධිමත් වීමට අවස්ථාව තිබිය යුතුයි. අනෙක් අතට, තිරසාරත්වය, හුදු පරිසරය සුරැකීමෙන් ඔබ්බට ගොස් සම්පත් කාර්යක්ෂමතාව, වගකිවයුතු සමාජ ව්‍යවහාරයන්, උසස් සදාචාරාත්මක ප්‍රමිතීන් සහ යහපාලනය ආවරණය කරයි. අපගේ ව්‍යාපාර දිගුකාලීන දැක්මක් ඇතිව ක්‍රියාත්මක විය යුතු අතර, ඒවායේ පාරිසරික බලපෑම අවම කර ගනිමින්, සමස්ත ධනාත්මක බලපෑම උපරිම කරමින්, සහ අනාගත පරම්පරාවන් සඳහා සමෘද්ධිමත් භාවයේ උරුමයක් ඉතිරි කළ යුතු යි.

ව්‍යවසායන් සහ ව්‍යවසායකයින් මෙන් ම, ඔවුන්ගේ ගනුදෙනුකරුවන් මෙන්ම ප්‍රජාව ද අන්තර්ගත කරගැනීම සහ තිරසාර ව්‍යාපාරවලින් ප්‍රතිලාභ ලැබිය යුතුය. එබැවින්, මෙම උපාය මාර්ගය හුදෙක් ලියවිල්ලක් නොවේ. එය ක්‍රියාවට නැංවීම සඳහා වන ඉල්ලීමක් වන අතර ජාතියක් ලෙස තිරසර බව සහ අන්තර්ගත කරගැනීමේ ප්‍රතිඥාවකි. මෙම අවස්ථාවෙන් ප්‍රයෝජන ගන්නා ලෙස මම ව්‍යාපාරිකයින්ගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා. ඔබේ මූලික වටිනාකම්වලට තිරසරභාවය සහ අන්තර්ගත කරගැනීම ඒකාබද්ධ කරන්න. ඔබගෙන් බොහෝ දෙනෙක් දැනටමත් ඔබගේ මෙහෙයුම්වල තිරසාරත්වය ළඟා කර ගැනීම සඳහා ගමනක් ආරම්භ කර ඇති බව මම දන්නවා.    

රාජ්‍ය ආයතනවල තිරසාර සහ අන්තර්ගත කරගැනීමේ ව්‍යාපාරික භාවිතයන් දිරිමත් කරන, නිලධාරිවාදී බාධා ඉවත් කරන සහ දියුණු ව්‍යසවසායක පරිසරයක් පෝෂණය කරන්නා වූ සහයෝගී ප්‍රතිපත්ති අවශ්‍යයි.  දැනුවත් කිරීම්, උපදේශනය සහ ප්‍රජා සහභාගීත්වය සඳහා තීරණාත්මක කාර්යභාරයක් ඉටු කරන ලෙස මම සිවිල් සමාජ සංවිධානවලින් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා. තිරසාරභාවයෙන් සැමට ප්‍රතිලාභ ලැබෙන බව සහතික කරමින් ඔබ  ව්‍යාපාර සහ,ප්‍රජාවන් අතර පාලම බවට පත් විය යුතු යි. තිරසාරත්වය සඳහා නවෝත්පාදනයන් පෝෂණය කිරීම සඳහා කර්මාන්ත-විද්වත් සහයෝගිතාව ඉතා වැදගත් වනු ඇති.

අපගේ ශක්තීන් උපයෝගී කරගනිමින්, සමෘද්ධිය සහ තිරසාරත්වය අත්වැල් බැඳගෙන ගමන් කරන ශ්‍රී ලංකාවක් ගොඩනඟමු. කැපවීම, සහයෝගීතාවය සහ නොසැලෙන ක්‍රියාවන් සමඟින්, අපට මෙම සැලැස්ම විචිත්‍රවත් යථාර්ථයක් බවට පරිවර්තනය කළ හැකි බව මම තරයේ විශ්වාස කරනවා.  

අමාත්‍යවරුන් වන ආචාර්ය රමේෂ් පතිරණ , මහින්ද අමරවීර, රාජ්‍යතාන්ත්‍රික නියෝජිතයින්, අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ලේකම් අනුර දිසානායක, මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම්  මහින්ද සිරිවර්ධන ඇතුළු ලේකම්වරුන් සහ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ නිලධාරීන් මෙම අවස්ථාවට එක්ව සිටියහ.  

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

Contribution of Siam and Burma to Buddhism in Sri Lanka

January 31st, 2024

By P.K.Balachandran/Daily Mirror

Contribution of Siam and Burma to Buddhism in Sri Lanka

King Kirti Sri Rajasimha appoints Velivita Saranankara as the Sangharaja of Sri Lanka

Colombo, January 30: It is well known that monks from Siam and Burma (as Thailand and Myanmar were called earlier) helped stem a decline in the practice of Buddhism and contributed to its democratization in Sri Lanka during certain periods in the island’s history.

The circumstances which necessitated help from Siam and Burma, the process of securing such help, the role of the Dutch in it, and the  results of foreign involvement are vividly described by Auckland University sociologist Kitsiri Malalgoda in his book Buddhism in Sinhalese Society 1750-1900 (Tambapanni Academic Publishers, Colombo, 2023).

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Because of the hilly terrain, Kandy was relatively isolated from the rest of the island and Western influence was minimal there. The seclusion of Kandy enabled its kings to nurture Buddhist institutions. Buddhist monks were so much privileged there that they were given even administrative posts. In 1731, the chief monk of Poyamalu Vihare was also a Basnayaka Nilame (a temple custodian who is usually a lay man) and a Disava (District Governor) too.

During the rule of king Rajasinha II (1635-1687), it was a monk, Kobbekaduwe Ganebandara, who conducted political negotiations with the Dutch. At that time, the Kandyans were cultivating the Dutch in order to throw the troublesome Portuguese out of the island.

Because of the physical security Kandy enjoyed, new temples were built and old ones were renovated. Kandyan kings welcomed monks from the Western coastal areas and the Low Country who were fleeing from the proselytizing Portuguese. 

All this made the clergy pretty influential and the kings quite willingly pampered them with land grants.

But as the British historian Lord Acton said: power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. The powerful monks of Kandy bent rules to serve their personal material interests. From the 13 th.Century onwards, the Kandyan  kings started donating lands to individual monks, contrary to the Buddhist Vinaya regulations. Monks became custodians of temple properties when that role should be played by laymen.

The rules required the custodian to pass on his power to a pupil. But the pupil chosen to inherit would be a kinsman of the monk who had entered monkhood primarily only to inherit the property. This way, temples went into the hands of the Kandyan aristocracy.

It was not uncommon for a monk to leave the order and take to a secular vocation after handing over the temple property to a pupil who is a relation, Prof.Malalgoda points out.

Those who joined the order under these conditions were not in it for spiritual reasons but to preserve property rights within their families. These monks were ill-trained and not ordained as per Vinaya rules. With the result, the institution of monks suffered. A stage was reached when there were few qualified monks to perform Upasampada or the higher ordination of monks.   

Sensing the deterioration, king Vimaladharmasuriya I (1591-1604) and Vimaladharmasuriya II (1687-1707) tried to re-establish higher ordination with the help of monks from Burma’s Arakan region. The Burmese monks came in 1697 and Velivita Saranankara (1698- 1778), who was to bring about a tremendous change in Sri Lankan Buddhist practice later, was ordained by them.

However, unfortunately, after Vimaladharmasuriya II died in 1707, the kingdom’s interest in improving spiritual matters ceased. Royal neglect resulted in Vinaya rules being violated. Many monks ceased to be celibate and maintained families with funds from the temples.  Instead of preaching the Buddhist doctrine they became practitioners of astrology, sorcery and exorcism, banned by Buddhism, points out Prof.Malalgoda.

It was at this time that Velivita Saranankara launched the Silvat Samagama (Pious Fraternity) Prior to this, he had retired to the mountainous area of Alagalla and devoted his time to meditation and learning Pali. His piety attracted a following and the group that emerged came to be known as Silvat Samagama. To keep the purity of the group, Saranankara revived the traditional practice of holding fortnightly confessional sessions to check if Vinaya rules were followed.

Saranankara received the patronage of the then king, Vira Narendrasinha (1707-1739), who helped him establish a Buddhist educational centre at Niyamakanda. But Saranankara was keen on training monks for higher ordination (Upsampada).

He was able to do that during the reign of Vira Narendrasinha’s successor, Sri Vijaya Rajasimha (1739-1747). Vijaya Rajasimha, the brother-in-law of Vira Narendrasinha, was a South Indian. To make himself acceptable to his Sinhalese subjects, he became a Buddhist and did all he could do promote Buddhism.

He commenced negotiations with the Dutch to charter a vessel to bring Siamese monk-teachers to Sri Lanka. In 1741, a delegation comprising two officials of the king and five followers of Saranankara’s set sail for Siam. But the mission failed as the ship floundered off Pegu, in Burma. Undaunted, Saranankara sent another mission in 1745 headed by Doranagama Muhandiram. This  reached Siam in 1747 and met king Maha Tammaraja (1733-1758).

But the king was reluctant to send his monks to Sri Lanka because he had heard by then that Vijaya Rajasimha had died and he was not sure if his successor would entertain the Siamese mission.

But, fortunately, the new king, Kirti Sri Rajasimha (1747-1782), who was the brother-in-law of Vijaya Rajasimha, was very keen on promoting Buddhism and getting down Siamese monks. Like Vijaya Rajasimha, Kirti Rajasimha was also a South Indian who had to prove that he would promote Buddhism.

The Dutch were again approached to arrange a vessel. They obliged and a delegation of five officials and 61 others left for Siam in 1750. The Siamese king sent a team of 25 monks led by Upali Thera. The team arrived in Sri Lanka in 1753 amidst great rejoicing. The king’s ministers escorted them to Kandy and king Kirti Sri Rajasimha received them warmly.

Upali Thera and his team of monks were put up in the Malwattu Vihare in Kandy. The first Upasampada ceremony was held at a consecrated Sima at Malwattu Vihare on a full moon day in Asala (June-July) in 1753. The second Sima was established in the Asgiri Vihare. Upali Thera travelled around the island and set up Simas at several Vihares and conducted Upasampada.

Welitota Sri Gnanawimalatissa Thero, founder of the Amarapura Nikaya

Upali Thera’s mission motivated many to join Buddhist order. Interest in a true monastic life grew rapidly. Enthused by this, the king of Siam sent a second group of monks in 1756 under Visuddhacharya, who was a master of meditation techniques, and Varananamuni who was well versed in the Buddhist doctrine.

The Thai team thoroughly overhauled the Kandyan Perahera (ceremonial procession). It had become a parade of Hindu Gods and deities. The Buddha was conspicuously missing. This reflected the Kandyan kings’ kinship with South Indian rulers. They were under South Indian influence. The Siamese monks changed the format reintroducing the Dalada Perahera in which the Buddha was given primacy.

The Perahera in this form symbolically re-established the primacy of Buddhism within the Sinhalese religious system” Prof. Malalgoda observed.

There was a marked spurt in Vihara building during the rule of Kirti Sri Rajasimha. It covered all parts of the island, says the art historian Ananda Coomaraswamy. But though Kirti Sri Rajasimha had become a Buddhist to be king, and did a lot for Buddhism, he was personally a Saivite, sporting the holy ash (Vibhthi) on his forehead. This was a cause of a revolt against him in 1760 which he crushed.

Be that as it may, Buddhist revival continued under Kirti Sri Rajasimha’s successor Rajadhi Rajasimha (1782-1798). Rajadhi Rajasimha spent a lot of money even using income from his own royal villages called Gabadagam.  Between the two Rajasimhas, places of  worship in Anuradhpura, Polonnaruwa, Mahiyangana and Kelaniya  were renovated.

Since Kandy was the centre of Buddhism, the Malwatte and Asgiriya Vihares became heads of the Buddhist order and all Vihares in the island were placed under one or the other of these two Nikayas ( fraternities).

However, the Malwatte and Asgirya Nikayas were the exclusive preserve of the Goyigamas, the top most caste in Sri Lanka. But a time came when the Karavas, Duravas and the Salagamas felt the need to have their own establishments.

In 1799, Ambagahapitiye Nyanavimala, a Salagama monk, proceeded to Burma with five novices (Samaneras) to get ordination there. When they reached Amarapura, which was the capital of Burma, they were received by king Bodawpaya (1782-1819). The Sri Lankans got their ordination done by the Burmese monk, Sangaraja Nyanabhivamsa in 1800.

When they came back, they set up their own Simas in South Sri Lanka and performed Upasampadas. The new fraternity came to be known as the Amarapura Nikaya and the Kandyan Nikayas, Malwatte and Asgirya, came to be known as the Siam Nikayas.

Sri Lankan workers exploited, poorly paid, with the lowest wages in Asia-Oceania

January 31st, 2024

by Arundathie Abeysinghe Courtesy PIME Asia News

A survey by the Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO) among Japanese firms that operate in the region highlights Sri Lanka’s low wages, inadequate to cover workers’ housing costs. Some 60 per cent of Japanese companies invested in the country because of its cheap labour. Meanwhile, local skilled workers continue to leave.

Colombo (AsiaNews) – Sri Lanka has the lowest wages in Asia-Oceania, this according to a survey by the Japan External Trade Organisation (JETRO) among Japanese companies operating in the region.

This is a sign of a critical situation for workers on the island nation where food inflation jumped 95 per cent based on last September’s estimates, while wages continue to stagnate, showing no sign of rising.

In some garment factories, workers are paid the national minimum wage, as low as 16,000 rupees (US$ 44). Overall, the wages of migrants who move to towns to work in free trade zones are inadequate to pay even for housing.

The current wage crisis in the Asia region is worst in Sri Lanka, a country that has yet to recover from the unprecedented economic crisis of the last few years.

The JETRO survey was conducted in August and September 2023, when most companies reported an improving situation after the country’s period of great difficulty.

Notwithstanding low wages, more than 53 per cent of Japanese firms surveyed reported benefits from investing in Sri Lanka, with “fewer language and communication issues”. About 30 per cent view the country as a good living environment for Japanese expatriates”.

About 26.7 per cent of firms reported ease of recruiting staff, while 32.3 per cent said they faced challenges with human resources, the lowest percentage in the Asia-Oceania region.

The garment industry is the main drive behind Sri Lanka’s exports, accounting for 40 per cent of the total with a total turnover of US$ 5.6 billion per year.

The United States and the European Union are its largest markets, but Australia, Sweden, Japan, Canada, India, and China are also significant destinations.

The sector directly employs about 400,000 workers and indirectly another two million, with most production in free trade zones employing mainly migrant women from rural areas.

About 60 per cent of Japanese companies invested in Sri Lanka because it has the lowest average monthly salary in the Asia-Oceania region,” this according to business experts Dhanushka Thalpahewa and Lal Dissanayaka, speaking to AsiaNews.

This is the case for manufacturing managers, non-manufacturing managers, manufacturing engineers, non-manufacturing staff, and manufacturing workers.”

Manufacturing engineers Mohan Samarawickrama and Nishantha Mannaperuma work at a garment factory in the Biyagama Investment Zone.

They believe that the “monthly salary, bonuses and prizes are important factors in choosing a job. In some garment factories, the total monthly wage ranges from 24,447 rupees (about US$ 77) to 51,324 rupees (about US$ 161, including bonuses). However, with the current high cost of living, this salary is not enough.”

Before the economic crisis, the worst since independence, garment workers were able to make ends meet despite low wages, thanks to overtime pay, attendance bonuses, and transport benefits.

As these benefits were discontinued, the take-home pay decreased drastically. Hence, they are struggling to pay their expenses. Companies are citing low orders to limit incentives,” they say.

Nandani Weerasinghe, Dishna Aponsu, and Menike Herath of the Katunayaka Free Trade Zone note that workers in the garment industry are required to put in 14 to 16 hours per day, seven days a week, while enduring verbal abuse from managers.

Most of us are from rural areas and we need to pay for housing and food. With the meagre monthly pay we get, currently, we are unable to send money home. Before the economic crisis, our factories provided lunch, but now we need to buy it from the canteen, which is a great expense.”

What is more, Sri Lanka has experienced an exodus of skilled and unskilled workers since 2022 as a result of the collapse of its currency, with the Sri Lankan rupee falling to 330 against the US dollar.

New Details on Trawler Hijacking as Somali Pirates and Crew Arrive in Seychelles

January 31st, 2024

By Vel Moonien in Mauritius, Courtesy gCaptain

Three Somali pirates arrive in Seychelles on board the Seychelles Defense Forces (SDF) vessel, the Topaz. Photo courtesy Vel Moonien

Three Somali pirates arrive in Seychelles on board the Seychelles Defense Forces (SDF) vessel, the Topaz. Photo courtesy Vel Moonien

The six crew members of the Sri Lankan trawler Lorenzo Putha 4, hijacked in Arabian Sea off of Somali on Saturday, arrived safely in Port Victoria on Mahé, Seychelles’ main island, on Wednesday morning.

They were escorted by the Topaz, a vessel of the Seychelles Defense Forces (SDF). On board the Topaz were the three Somali pirates arrested on Monday by special forces, approximately 180 nautical miles from Denis Island in the Seychelles’ Exclusive Economic Zone.

Recalling the ordeal, Francis Milroy Perera, owner of the Lorenzo Putha 4, stressed that if the Fisheries Department in Colombo and the Sri Lankan Navy had taken an extra day to request help from international maritime forces, the trawler would have been lost. In a press conference held in Sri Lanka on Tuesday to express his gratitude to the governments of Seychelles and Sri Lanka, Perera revealed that Somali pirates had hijacked an Iranian vessel and brought it alongside the Lorenzo Putha 4.

Perera added that the crew of the Iranian vessel were held on a dinghy. Our sailors and the vessel were saved after a great battle,” he stated.

Lorenzo Putha 4 in Seychelles alongside the Seychelles Defense Forces’ (SDF) vessel, the Topaz. Photo courtesy Vel Moonien
Lorenzo Putha 4 in Seychelles alongside the Seychelles Defense Forces’ (SDF) vessel, the Topaz. Photo courtesy Vel Moonien

The SDF mentioned a gunfight that lasted for several minutes. Upon notification of the incident, Sri Lanka Navy contacted the Combined Maritime Forces based in Bahrain. The Topaz was patrolling the area with commandos from the SDF on board when it was tasked on Saturday afternoon to locate the trawler.

We approached the boat with caution and discovered three Somali pirates on board. Despite their resistance and gunfire directed at us, it took us six minutes to gain control of the situation,” explained Major Hans Radegonde, the spokesperson of the SDF. There has been a resurgence in piracy since last year. The pirates are operating nearer to Seychelles waters,” he confirmed.

Indian Navy Flexing Naval Muscle in Fight Against Pirates

The Seychelles Maritime Safety Authority (SMSA) has advised all boat operators and fishermen from the archipelago to exercise caution. They were encouraged to equip their vessels with an Automatic Location Communicator (ALC) or Long-Range Identification and Tracking (LRIT), and a registered marine radio. This comes in light of noted piracy sightings and attacks in the northeastern sector of the Seychelles’ EEZ.

Colombo has now begun diplomatic negotiations with Victoria regarding the trial of the Somali pirates. A decision about their possible extradition to Sri Lanka is expected in the coming days. Meanwhile, Interpol’s assistance will be enlisted to identify the three Somali pirates.

පාළු ගෙයි වළං බිඳින විශ්වවිද්‍යාල සිසුවෝ ..ජනපති ඇවිත් යනතුරු සිට …නැවත විරෝධය ඇරඹුවේ මෙහෙමයි

January 31st, 2024

Five persons arrested during ‘Satyagraha’ in front of CID

January 31st, 2024

Courtesy Adaderana

Five civil society activists have been arrested while staging a ‘Satyagraha’ campaign in front of the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) today (31 Jan.) demanding the arrest of former Health Minister Keheliya Rambukwella.

Unions and civil society organisations staged a ‘Satyagraha’ campaign today, demanding that the former Health Minister be arrested over his alleged involvement in the controversial import of substandard medicines.

Rambukwella was due to appear before the CID today, however had failed to do so on account of having to appear before the Colombo High Court over another case. Thus, the Minister had requested the CID for a different date, Ada Derana learns.

Meanwhile, Additional Secretary to the Ministry of Health Dr. Saman Ratnakaye was also summoned before the CID today to record a statement. He was subsequently arrested and produced before the Maligakanda Magistrate’s Court.

THE STRANGE TALE OF NPP (MALIMAWA) AND JVP (SEENUWA): VULGAR REPRESENTATION OF MARXIST UNITED FRONT POLITICS

January 30th, 2024

By Sena Thoradeniya

A dog is smarter than its tail, but if the tail were smarter, then it would wag the dog”.

1. Relationship Between NPP and JVP

Even for the political analyst it is problematic to comprehend the concrete and organic relationship that exists between the Jathika Jana Balavegaya (National Peoples’ Power – NPP) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP).  The relationship between the two entities, JVP and NPP or in other words the organizational structure or the hierarchical relationship of the two cannot be ascertained following their public meetings, press conferences or social media snippets. Is it the tale of the tail wagging the dog? Has the tail become smarter? Or is it something like tail shedding (docking) in the future?

Everything is being done under the auspices of NPP now. JVP occupies a bank bench, never heard of it or it has gone into oblivion. The rhetoric is Malimawa Presidential candidate is destined to win the Presidential Elections, Malimawa will form the next government and Malimawa will definitely punish all those who ruined Sri Lanka. No mention about the JVP. Malimawa has conveniently dumped the JVP or JVP has gone into hibernation. What are the reasons for this metamorphosis? Is it to obliterate their murderous past, its politics, ideology, strategy and tactics and come forward as paragons of virtue to deceive the gullible electorate, to attract a wider segment of the society, to reenact Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde?  Or is it something like tail shedding, a defense mechanism enabling to escape the clutches of a predator (as in lizards)?

2. United Front

To prepare this article we consulted the official website of the NPP. Our thoughts that the NPP is the broad United Front formed by the JVP under its leadership was proved wrong within a few seconds and it confirmed our knowledge of JVP politics from its inception in 1965 that JVP is averse to the formation of a broad United Front. Readers are reminded that by United Front we do not mean coalitions of a plethora of political parties formed for winning parliamentary or presidential elections.

This aspect would be investigated bringing teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Mao to the discussion. Basically, a United Front is a front of all oppressed classes, strata and social groups formed in different countries and different periods of history in a given country.

Thus, a United Front is not a coalition of heads of political parties, a coalition of different political parties or civil society” organisations.

Under capitalism those who suffer include not only workers, peasants and petty- bourgeoisie; even the sections of bourgeoisie, small and medium producers and traders suffer. This condition calls for a wider democratic front.

Basic characteristic of the United Front is, it draws people – revolutionary or non-revolutionary- in common struggle; it presents a set of demands acceptable to revolutionary and non-revolutionary people; the forces or segments involved in it remain independent; there are intense battles between ideas, tactics and strategies among various factions in the United Front.

It should be reiterated that the concept of people varies in different historical epochs and times. In the struggle against the slavery the emerging landlord class played a progressive role. In the struggle against the landlord gentry the role of the emerging bourgeoisie was progressive. Mao adds to this that it varies in content in different countries and different periods of history in a given country.

Marx and Engels in Manifesto of the Communist Party”, say that The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working-class parties”. Its Section IV discusses how the Communists ally themselves with different segments in different countries.

Marx and Engels founded The International Workingmen’s Association or the First International, that united a variety of different Communist, Radical, Socialist, Social Democratic, and Anarchist groups and trade unions. It was the result of years of hard work by Marx and Engels to establish a revolutionary working-class party.

It was Leninin his book, What the ‘Friends of the People’ Are and How They Fight the Social-Democrats”, (1894) for the first time advanced the idea of a revolutionary alliance of the workers and peasants in overthrowing tsardom, the landlords and the bourgeoisie. In Lenin’s opinion the first duty of the Russian Marxists was to unite the Marxist circles into a united Socialist Workers’ Party. Lenin’s work was a magnificent reply to articles published in the organ of the Narodniks, who advocated reconciliation with the tsarist government and waged a bitter struggle against Marxism and the Russian Marxists.

Lenin’s Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution” (1905) is a major work in this regard. The complete unanimity of international revolutionary Social-Democracy on all major questions of programme and tactics is a most incontrovertible fact”, said Lenin.

In his ’Left-Wing Communism’ an infantile Disorder” (1920) Lenin describes the diseases of those who refused any united action with other parties, those refused to seek out allies in the name of independence, total purity” and opposition to any compromise. Lenin pointed out that compromises are essential, helped the party and class to gain strength and weaken the opponent’s effort to divide the movement and break its unity.

He said Russian Bolsheviks never refused to support the bourgeoisie against the Tsarism. He further said that Russian Bolsheviks found out allies even in most vacillating and undependable. Those who do not understand this reveal a failure to understand the smallest grain of Marxism”. 

Lenin was the genius who conceptualized the idea of United Front and implemented it successfully. He was the architect of the party of the most advanced revolutionary workers- the Bolshevik Party. But at the high tide of October, the United Front remained crucial. Bolsheviks forged an alliance with non-Bolshevik workers, poor peasants, soldiers and sailors and established the power of the Soviets.  

NPP bigwigs should study Mao’s seminal work, On Tactics Against Japanese Imperialism” written in 1935 to learn United Front tactics and understand the necessity of organizing a broad National United Front.

What it does now is aiming at a variety of targets and as Mao said their bullets hit not the principal enemies but lesser enemies and allies. It had failed to single out the principal enemy and failed to draw to its side those who would become its friends. We cannot say that the NPP wants to follow what we say because it is not a Marxist-Leninist front. 

Mao said a fine thing which befits Anura Kumara and his fellow travelers: Three year- olds have many ideas which are right, but they cannot be entrusted with serious national or world affairs because they do not understand them yet.”  This may be the reason why Anura Kumara avoided IMF Head of Mission when he visited NPP headquarters at Pelawatta. It was a serious national issue!

What Anura Kumara and his ilk do is as Mao stated, driving the fish into deep waters and the sparrows into the thickets”. Men and women who throng into NPP meetings do not constitute a broad United Front.

Mao said united front tactics are the only Marxist-Leninist tactics” that win the masses in their millions” (1937).

Mao advised to maintain both the United Front and Independence of the Communist Party and guard infiltration by enemy agents (1938). Every party and group in the United Front must preserve its ideological, political and organizational independence.  He said (A)all political parties and groups in the united front must help each other and make mutual concessions for the sake of long-term cooperation”. Such help and concessions should be positive, not negative or one-sided. As Mao stated we must not split the united front, but neither should we allow ourselves to be bound hand and foot”.

These theories and practical experiences do not apply to NPP as all groups affiliated to it are JVP’s proxies and bound hand and foot to JVP. NPP assures its adherents that they are good guys” and others are bad.

United Fronts are formed internationally also. Best example for this is the international United Front against fascist aggression. With the emergence of fascism in Germany, Italy and Japan to meet the challenge a broad international United Front was needed.

As Mao put forward in 1941, (T) the Soviet Union’s sacred war of resistance against fascist aggression is being waged not only in its own defence but in defence of all nations struggling to liberate themselves from fascist enslavement”. It was Stalin who forged an alliance between Soviet Union, Britain, United States and other countries who were opposed to the fascist rulers of Germany, Italy and Japan. During this period Communist Party of China persevered Kuomintang-Communist cooperation to drive the Japanese imperialists out of China.  The world revolutionary united front with the Soviet Union at its helm defeated fascist Germany, Italy and Japan. This gave a tremendous impetus to national liberation struggles in Asia, Africa and Latin America.

In the colonies excluding the comprador- bourgeoisie, national bourgeoisie and other democratic forces participated in the national liberation movements.    

In cultural work too, a broad United Front is indispensable. Mao’s essay The United Front in Cultural Work” (1944) is a must read for the NPP cultural activists if it has such a set instead of a set of pop artists, soap opera actors, actors and actresses of Sinhala erotic films and stuntmen.  Mao’s Talks at the Yenan Forum on Literature and Art” (1942) may be annoying and burdensome to people like Lal Kantha who proposes a pageant of bare-breasted and scantily dressed women from Matara to Colombo to attract tourists and his penchant for erotica.  Mao’s political report presented to the Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China (1945) titled On Coalition Government” may be tough even to Anura Kumara and other NPP academics! 

3. NPP Website

Official website of the NPP says; NPP is a political movement made up of 21 different groups, including political parties, youth groups, women’s groups, trade unions and other civil society organisations”. It was established in 2009 as a result of a series of conversations (?) about the need for a progressive political platform”.  The drafters are careful not to describe it as a political party.  For them it is only a political movement, a progressive political platform”.

Instead of providing definitions to movement and political party respectively suffice to give some examples to movement in Sri Lankan context, such as Cooperative Movement, Suriyamal Movement, Mahila Samithi, Village Reawakening Movement, Sarvodaya Shramadana Movement, Movement for Interracial Justice (MIRJ), Movement for Defense of Democratic Rights (MDDR), Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) etc.

JVP heads the list of Partner organisations and political parties of the NPP”. Other than the JVP, only other political groupings (we don’t call them parties) in this list are, Sri Lanka Communist Party- Alternative Group”, Eksath Vamansika Balavegaya” (United Left Power) and a rump of 1971, 71 Sahodarathwaya Sansadaya” (71 Brotherhood).

Of this the former group supported Maithripala Sirisena at the 2015 Presidential elections. According to Asian Mirror” this group include 21 members of the CPSL. (One of them was the head of a Typists’ Union). It was the Communist Party of Ceylon that was instrumental in denying Don Nandasiri Wijeweera a re-entry visa when he visited Ceylon for a short holiday from Moscow, dubbed JVP as a CIA Kemana” (CIA fish trap) in 1965. JVP/DJV killed several Communist Party stalwarts including L. W. Panditha, its Trade Unions Federation leader and George Ratnayake, Lanka Jathika Guru Sangamaya, the Teachers’ Union President.

A fine example of JVP’s underhand political maneuvers can be seen in what happened to the 71 Sahodarathwaya Sansadaya” (71 Brotherhood). This group consisted of the rump of Janatha Sangamaya, a breakaway group of JVP formed after the 1971 insurrection.  Some of its leading cadres such as T. B. Wijesuriya and Jamis Ethugala were brutally butchered by the JVP in 1988-89. Notwithstanding, its ideologue Wasantha Dissanayake contested last general elections in NPP ticket. True to JVP’s underhand political maneuvers, 71 Comrades” were ousted and the grouping’s leadership was seized by those agent provocateurs sent by the JVP, alarmingly not even born in 1971! So 71 Sahodarathwaya Sansadaya” (71 Brotherhood) cannot be taken as an independent entity now.

This was the same modus operandi adapted by Ceylon Teachers’ Union (CTU) President, the late H. N. Fernando, Wijeweera’s brother-in-law and CTU’s General Secretary Chitral Perera, in ousting non-JVP leaders from the CTU. National level office-bearers were elected at the Union Place Headquarters in Colombo, before the arrival of non-JVP district leaders from far away corners of the island (who were the majority) who had voting rights.

All political leaders are mortal; their underhand political maneuvers are immortal!

Our efforts in finding any information of the so-called Eksath Vamansika Balavegaya” (United Left Power) drew a blank as nobody of my associates were able to provide any clue. My guess is that it is a nameboard of a former Trotskyite group now under the control of JVP like the 71 Sahodarathwaya Sansadaya”.

Other organisations mentioned in the list except Dabindu Saamoohikaya” (Dabindu Collective) are trade unions, organisations of women, public servants, doctors, expatriate workers, intellectuals”, university teachers, estate workers, youth, Bhikkhus, cultural activists, all front organisations of JVP. All these front organisations played an active role at the Galle Face Carnival. Many of these groups mushroomed during Galle Face Days and afterwards. Dabindu Saamoohikaya” was in existence for about two decades, now devoured by JVP.

Sri Lankans domiciled in foreign countries and who live in clover and those working overseas (Ethera Api” clan) send millions to NPP/JVP reserves with no knowledge of the ground realities and the impending catastrophe. During the Galle Face protest Sunil Handunnetti demanded Ethera Api” members not to send remittances to Sri Lanka.

4. NPP/JVP, As the Biggest NGO in Sri Lanka  

All organisations mentioned above are NGOs; NPP-JVP combine has become the largest and highly funded, cash-rich NGO in Sri Lanka. Will the voters in Sri Lanka strive to bring into power an NGO is the biggest question.

To understand this, one would carefully study NPP’s official website under the title Prosperity Redefined: NPP’s Vision for Tomorrow”. Question is why an NPP when there is a JVP which has a long history to Redefine Prosperity”? Hasn’t it redefined prosperity”? Or it has redefined destruction and death only?

This document spells out again what the so-called developmental NGOs” funded by SIDA (Swiss), CIDA (Canadian), NORAD (Norway) FINIDA (Finland) and World Vision International (the largest Christian NGO), parroted a long time ago to bring forth development and prosperity. Now these catchy phrases are possessed by the so-called civil society” grandees and environmental lobbyists. A united future”, environmental sustainability”, empower individuals”, strengthen communities”, champion innovation”, prosperous tomorrow”, reshaping the future”, new standards for success”, equal opportunities”, equal  and greater participation”, equitable distribution of opportunities, resources and privileges through advocacy”, forging a society of true inclusivity and justice”, resilient economy”, accountable and transparent political culture” are the loan words borrowed from the NGO cartel operating in Sri Lanka.

Julie Chung in her daily sermons (X messages) harps on virtues of inclusivity, advocacy, resilience, transparency, accountability etc. 

NPP’s Rapid Response to Overcome Current Challenge” is nothing more than a replica of an NGO document which does not need any further examination.

Under Why Us” it discusses social justice, economic democracy, solidarity and cooperation, sustainability and corruption free governance, all NGO crap. There are NGOs like CPA, NPC and Transparency International and many more upholding these visions” and missions”, all rubbish associated with Corporate Planning, Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) etc. 

No word about Marxism-Leninism or socialism or a classless society. It is only the capitalist English press in Sri Lanka including one or two bourgeois theoreticians and a few who are domiciled in foreign countries still call the JVPers Rathu Sahodarayas” and JVP/NPP as Marxist-Leninist. They call it Marxist-Leninist because of their narrow understanding.

Lenin had replied to them: When I speak of a narrow understanding of Marxism, I have the Marxists themselves in mind. One cannot help remarking in this connection that Marxism is most atrociously narrowed and garbled when our liberals and radicals undertake to expound it in the pages of the legal press.” And if our liberals and radicals knew Marxism properly (if only from German works) they would be ashamed thus to distort it in the pages of censored press”.This applies to our columnists of the English press who provide theory to NPP/JVP.

WimalWeerawansa correctly identified Anura Kumara as the Rathu Alipetiya” diagnosing his dealings with the yahapalana government of Maithripala and Ranil.

At NPP public rallies no speaker speaks of Marxism-Leninism, socialism, its strategies and economic, political and cultural resurgence they bring forward or its statecraft.

5. Old Left  

Old Left political parties had a strong trade union base. Hundreds of trade unions covering almost all sectors of the economy and trades came under the trade union federations affiliated to the Left parties, such as Ceylon Trade Union Federation (CTUF- affiliated to Peking Wing”), Ceylon Federation of Trade Unions (CFTU- affiliated to Moscow Wing”), Ceylon Federation of Labour (CFL- affiliated to LSSP) and Ceylon Mercantile Union (CMU of Bala Tampoe- LSSP until 1964; after 1971 Tampoe became Wijeweera’s political mentor). They also, except CMU, had students’, women’s and to a certain extent literary and cultural organisations. None of these parties formed a double” aiming elections.

6.  NPP and JVP: The Façade: NPP is a Malleable Object of JVP  

Now let us examine numbers constituting the Central Committee of JVP and Executive Committee of NPP respectively. Official website of JVP mentions 26 names as members of its Central Committee. NPP website mentions 61 Executive Committee members of which 19 are JVP Central Committee members. Only 7 Central Committee members are left behind. My informants say that they are either purged or left owing to differences of opinion. I don’t call it an ideological struggle as no ideology remains with JVP except winning Presidential and Parliamentary elections.

This is ample testimony that NPP is controlled by JVP. What the JVP has done is rebranding and repositioning it. Remember that Harini Amarasuriya, their meteorite is not a member of the JVP Central Committee. We have discussed earlier why she was given the solitary lot JVP got to nominate a nominated MP bypassing all their seniors and ex-MPs, even ex-ministers like that rustic, small- scale chicken farmer, Lal Kantha who creates more and more news to the detriment of JVP/NPP. 

In our earlier articles titled, Janus-faced JVP: False Conceptions and Harini Amarasuriya Factor” posted on 14 December 2023 and ’Helplessness and Confusion’ in the Coming Year” posted on 31 December 2023 respectively, we have discussed about the Executive Committee members of the NPP other than the JVP Central Committee members. We don’t want to repeat what we had stated.

But we would say something about the intellectuals” again. Among the NPP Executive Committee members there are some professors and Ph.Ds. Except for an academic brainwashed and planted by the United States at Peradeniya and a plagiarist at Sabaragamuwa, we are not aware of the others or the contributions they have made to the existing body of knowledge in general or to their chosen field of study in particular.

What we see in NPP is a hotchpotch of liberal ideas ranging from uttering casual, arbitrary and illogical statements, ultra-democracy, lack of organizational discipline, subjectivism and individualism, close-doorism, maintaining a self-perceived purity”, to adventurism, commandism and military viewpoint.

Our sub-title of this essay, Vulgar Representation of Marxist United Front Politics” is fitting to JVP and NPP as neither the JVP nor NPP are Marxist organisations.

7. Why an NPP? 

Reasons are many.

1. To erase the past history of 1971 and 1988-1989. In 1971 some of them removed the intestines of Grama Sevakas simply using manna knives. In 1988-89 they imposed unofficial curfews and killed scores of innocents who did not follow the instructions given in their chits”; killed even petty-traders who kept open their shops despite JVP/DJV curfews; forcibly collected national identity cards; beheaded and gunned down scores of people and did not allow to remove their bodies; funerals were conducted according to their instructions, not allowing the dead body (coffins were not allowed) to raise up to shoulder level;  gunned down the first persons who went to cast their votes; set on fire banks, tea and rubber factories, busses, transformers, agrarian service stations; the list is too long. More than the capitalists and those who belonged to upper middle class it was the lower middle class, peasants and workers who suffered a lot from JVP/DJV atrocities. 

Majority of the NPP supporters do not know the heinous crimes committed by the JVP/DJV as many of them were not born in that period.

2. JVP knows the stigma of the crimes they have committed especially in 1988-1899 although they have not admitted those crimes making a self-criticism. Its official website does not say anything about what they have done during this period and inner-party struggles.

3. To paint themselves that they are faultless, uncorrupt, totally innocent, impeccable and upright, they wanted a sheep’s clothing and created the NPP. Jesus Christ said, beware of false prophets, which come to you in sheep’s clothing but inwardly they are ravening wolves”. Buddhist canonical literature refers to a myriad of such false prophets. But Lal Kantha’s (JVP Central Committee member/NPP Executive Committee member) psychopathic utterances expose the wolf’s true features. His recent utterances reveal what type of arts, literature and culture the NPP front- liners profess and propagate.

4. True to JVP’s tactics since 1965 JVP disowned themselves what they did in the name of revolution”. Wijeweera betrayed his own comrades testifying at the Criminal Justice Commission (CJC) that the 1971 insurrection was a plan of Loku Athula (Nimalasiri Jayasinghe who later joined Chandrika and UNP) to capture power. Before the insurrection, while in police custody he wrote the names of other political activists of rival groups on the reverse side of the photographs shown to him by the CID facilitating their arrest.  One of my colleagues was arrested, tortured and incarcerated as Wijeweera had told the police officers of a deformity in his right hand, easing his identification.  

5. Now Anura Kumara and his gang believe that the next president elect will be Anura Kumara and the next government will be formed by the NPP. I have discussed in my earlier pieces that it is a herculean task reaching 51% from the present 3% and attaining 113 from the present 3 in the parliament is a miracle respectively.

6. When the elections results will be declared NPP will create havoc in the country saying that they cannot accept as true the election results, as Trump and Bolsarano did in the US and Brazil respectively. NPP followers, sympathizers and fanatics will be the cannon fodder that will be used by the JVP for these protests and agitations. JVP leadershipwill hide as they did in 1971!

7. Nalinda Jayatissa did not rule out an armed struggle if Anura Kumara was not leading the poll.

8. The role of the ex-servicemen who had joined the ranks of NPP will be crucial in a time like this. A respected retired General told the writer, one of these ex-servicemen hopes to become the next Defense Minister. He has assured those who are close to him top government jobs, ambassador posts and promotions for those who were cashiered for misdeeds.

Still NPP or the ex-servicemen who joined the ranks of NPP have not replied to the allegation made by One Who Knows” (Sunday Island of December 24, 2023), about the Deputy Commander of Sri Lanka troops in the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti, in which about 114 Sri Lankan troops including 3 officers were involved in sex exploitation of hundreds of children.    

9. A colleague told the writer that NPP is the neo-liberal arm of the JVP funded to be the rabble-rousers and ground campaign contractors propped up by the US and India. When the NPP men and women come to the streets”, American and Indian forces will land here to bring normalcy” and install a puppet government.  

JVP/NPP know that they cannot come to power. They are funded not to take over power but to create havoc, mayhem and instability. Their recent stupid, muddleheaded and thoughtless statements (for example legalizing prostitution, a pageant of bare-breasted damsels) and damage control acts by some ill-equipped interlocutors such as Harini Amarasuriya and Nalinda Jayatissa show in what type of a chaotic internal environment the NPP/JVP operate.

When Lal Kantha says that his party is even ready for an armed struggle if the need arises and he will not shy away from such action as he was involved in the armed struggle in 1988/1989, (he has not told the journalist how he saved his own skin), Jayatissa says that they believe in capturing power through electoral politics. Lal Kantha bellows that they will definitely unleash repression once they capture state power (Rajya balaya aawoth api anivaryayenma mardanaya karanawa”).  Whenhe comes to the rescue of his comrade who advocated legalizing of prostitution, he should be asked to glance through the pages of Engels’ The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State”. (There was a Sinhala translation of this classic; the original Sinhala translation was destroyed by the translator himself when he joined the Hath Hawula” of Dudley Senanayake in 1965).

Next step after legalizing prostitution is opening up Red Light Districts” and legalizing same-sex marriage. In the NPP Executive Committee there are several men and women who advocate LGBTIQ rights, who publicly pronounce their sexual orientation and who have produced such drama and films. The woman NPP cum JVP Executive Committee member who championed the rights of sex workers should be taught that in Western countries producing adult films is not legally prohibited and protected as free speech. According to Federal Law in the US, no performers under the age of 18 are allowed to perform as pornstars. Production companies keep Custodian of Records that record the age of the stars and provide a certificate that all pornstars are above the age of 18.

This again shows us some powerful hidden hands are behind the NPP/JVP.   

Connecting North & East Sri Lanka (Part 2)

January 30th, 2024

by Wimal Patabandige – Academician, Lawyer, Retired Solicitor

Before 1833, the nearest land between Yapapatuna (Jaffna Peninsula*) and the Eastern Province was the land belonging to Kurundugamurata Disavani (Mulativ District*). It is necessary to look into the historical information & archaeological facts related to this piece of land says the author Wimal Patabandige. 

Reporting on this area was Portuguese Captain Ribeiro who was in Sri Lanka from 1640 for 18 years. He mentions that the land between a river in the southern jurisdiction of Yapapatuna and a river in the northern jurisdiction of Trincomalee was an area inhabited by the Vedi people.

The report also mentions that it was a densely forested area with a broad belt of ten leagues, extending more than eight leagues into the country, and that the population was very sparse.

(The two rivers are not named. According to him, it is probably the area between the Kanakarayanaru, which flows into the Kilali Lagoon, and the Ma Oya, which flows into the North Sea). 

As per his record, even in the 17th century, this area was a forest area inhabited by Vedi people.

During the time of the Dutch, in the French map published in 1722, this area is indicated as “Vedirata” (Country of Bedas). (* This area and the area inhabited by the Vedds indicated by Ribeiro are almost identical in size)

The area comprising present-day Kilinochchi District, Mullaitivu District and part of Vavuniya District is referred to as the land inhabited by Forestmen*.

That is the land where the Vanni people lived. This area is designated as Robert Knox Vanneen’s Land. That area is slightly larger than the above territory.

Valentine mentions that the Vedi people lived in the dense forest to the north of Trincomalee. (* And J. P. Lewis mentions that even in the 19th century, except for a few miles from the coast, this area was covered with dense forest.

As per the 1722 French map, the Vanni people lived in the dense forest between Yapapatuna and Trincomalee and was referred to as Forestmen”. The possessed physical features similar to the Portuguese and spoke a language different to Indian was how Portuguese captain Ribeiro described the Vanni people. 

Franciscois Valentine says that the people who lived in the area spoke Sinhala.

Thus, these foreign reports further strengthens the argument that the area that belonged to the Kurundugamura District was under the Sinhala State.

More importantly, it ascertains that Dravidian/Tamils DID NOT live in this area before the 19th century.

Those promoting the bogus theory of Tamil homeland must be able to prove that a permanent Dravidian/Tamil settlement existed in the Eastern Province from 13th century onwards. 

However, The data reported by Ribeiro, Sear, Robert Knox, Valentine, and Lewis confirm that this is not the case.

Yapapatuna was under Sinhalese rule until the end of the Polonnaru Kingdom period. It is speculated that in 1255 Kalinga Magha fled to the Jaffna Peninsula and was its ruler. Six years later in 1262, there is evidence that the Javaka Chandrabhanu invader who fled after losing the battle against King Parakramabahu II stayed in Nagadeep (Yapapatune*).

There is no confirmed information that Kalinga Magha was present Nagadeepe (Yapapatune*)

There is no information about Magha when Chandrabhanu fled to Yapapatuna. Did Magha really die as the chronicles say? If not, did you run away – this is uncertain.

For the invasion, Kalinga Magha had brought Kerala soldiers. Chandrabhanu had brought at first a Ja army and second Ja army in addition to Dravidian mercenaries.

(* Kalinga Magha (not Tamil*) and Chandrabhanu who invaded Kerala during the 13th century used Dravidian mercenaries.

However, if the Jaffna Peninsula had been an independent Tamil kingdom or state at that time, Magha and Chandrabhanu would not have been able to freely enter or stay there and become a ruler. There is no such information even in Tamil poetry.

That Chandrabhanu was a member of the ruling Buddhist dynasty of the Java country, receiving the support of the Buddhist Ja troops and Sinhala Buddhist people in Kurundi, Padi, Manawatu, Gokanna, etc. is available even in the 18th century as there were a number of important Buddhist shrines in Yapapatuna. There is no doubt that he may have ruled according to the Buddhist political and social philosophy as per his custom.

The remains of ancient Buddhist shrines still exist today. Marco Polo (* mentions that the ruler of Yapapatune at the end of the 13th century was a man named “Sendamen” (Chandrabhanu*). It is confirmed by the place names “Javankotte” and “Chavakachcheri” which are still in use today.

That Chandrabhanu lineage members were the rulers of Jaffna until the end of the 14th century is explained by Dr. P.A.T Gunasinghe.

Around 11th century in Northern Indian, constant Muslim invasions led by the Delhi Sultan on the Northern Route downwards from Vindhya Range and the Narmada River, Southern India (Southern Path=Deccan*) was unable to defend itself.

By 1310, even the city of Madura in the Pandya kingdom was a seat of Muslim Sultanate rule.

At that time Tanjore was also ruled by a Muslim Sultan.

Ibn Battuta reveals that by the year 1344, the South Indian (Malabar and Coromandel* ocean region) was the domain of Muslim and Hindu pirates.

It also reveals that Arisakar (Ariyasakvithi*), referred to as Sultan, who was a friend of the Muslim pirate leader of Malabar, was overseeing the pearl harvest in Mannar and was a power in the Koromandala region of India.

Also, Ibn Battuta referred to the Sinhalese king as “Emperor”. It is shown that the Portuguese came to Sri Lanka by chance in pursuit of pirates in the region.

It means that King Vijayabahu III (1232-1236 AD) who started the Dambadeni kingdom era was a Vanni ruler during the Magha rule of terror.

After Chandrabhanu invader defeat in 1262, the Vanni rulers at Anuradhapura received authority, flags, and images to rule their respective territories on behalf of King Parakramabahu II (1236-1270 CE).

Since then, the engagement with the state administration organization at the state headquarters resumed. At this time, Minister Devapathiraja has been engaged in the development and religious activities of the West (including the North-West) coastal area and has also been engaged in worship at the Devinuwara Upulvan temple.

The relationship between the Vanni rulers and the state may have been loosened due to the struggle between court members for leadership and privileges during the Gampola kingdom period, especially the power struggle of the Sinhala royal family led by the Senalankadhikara and Alakeswara dynasties.

In addition, During the 14th century Raigama power unit and Jayawardanapura (Kotte*) can also be seen.

The Chola, Pandya and Chera territories under the rule of the Muslim sultans who used Madura and Tanjore as their headquarters were able to preserve Hinduism following the renaissance of Hinduism after 1335 – 1565 when the Muslim sultans power began to decline. 

The rulers of Vijayanagara have stationed a commander named Aryachakravarti in Jaffna to fight pirates. Although freed from Vijayanagara rule at the end of the 14th century, the Pandyas and Cholas were not dominant.

As a representative of Vijayanagara, Aryachakravarti was powerful in Jaffna with the support of a Vijayanagara Karnataka (Kannada* army*). He lost Vijayanagara support and patronage due to the division in the Vijayanagara empire from 1447 onwards.

Since the beginning of the 16th century, South India and Ceylon have been the prey of the Portuguese, Dutch, French, British and other European invaders.

Yapapatuna, which belonged to the Kotte kingdom from around 1449 (* for King Parakramabahu VI, Prince Sapumal established a royal council like the Kotte Raja Sabha and ruled until 1470 AD

(* Kandaswamy of Nallur, which is the main temple of Jaffna, built the temple (Kandadevyan*) It is stated that a prince named Vijayabahu ruled after he ascended the throne of Kotte under the royal title of Bhuvanekabahu VI (1470-1478 BC).

In addition, there is no historical evidence that its rule changed until the early 16th century. After this information about Yapapatuna comes from the time of the Portuguese invaders.

The political situation in the island and the historical information recorded by Queiroz, Baldeus, Valentine and Trinidad confirms that till the end of the 18th century, the Jaffna Peninsula was under the rule of Kotte and then Senkadagala (Nuwara)* Sinhalese state.

However, during the period of the Kotte Kingdom, from the second quarter of the 15th century, Vannia and Yapapatuna (Jaffna Peninsula*) were also under King Parakramabahu VI.

During the reign of King Bhuvanekabahu VI (1470-1478 AD* until Senasammatta Vikramabahu (1470-1511 AD*) created the Senkadagala Regional State*, the title held in the Kurundugamurata District, Kurundi and Gonagamthota (Tirikunamalaya*, Bukhara, Eravururata ( Batticaloa* and Samanthurae were territories belonging to the Kotte kingdom.

At the time of the Portuguese invasion, even in the 16th century, Yapapatuna was ruled under the rule of King Kotte, Queiros, Baldeus, Valentine, Trinidad clearly stated. King Don Juan Dharmapala of Kotte (1551-1597*) gave Yapapatuna to the Portuguese King in his dying will.

According to historical information and archeological factors from the 13th century BC. There is no evidence of permanent Dravidian/Tamil settlement or rule even in Yapapatuna, Jaffna Peninsula, during the early 16th century.

Get Cracking on creating employment and alleviating poverty

January 30th, 2024

by Garvin Karunaratne.

In the Fifth Century we built the Yodha Ela at a gradient of six inches in a mile- so miniscule a gradient that defies the irrigation engineers of today. By 1970, we became self sufficient in producing rice- then we had no poverty as we provided rice free to all on a ration scheme. Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake  took charge of paddy production and Sri Lanka produced all the rice it needed. . As the Additional Government Agent of the Kegalla District it was my task every Saturday and Sunday to accompany the Prime Minister to a host of meetings and inspections in his electorate. There was no poverty and no one who had to live on two meals a day. On the other five days in the week I toured the other electorates and Yatiyantota was the electorate of Dr NM and there too I had to see that everyone was not living in poverty. We had definitely avoided poverty and deprivation then. Otherwise Dr NM would have raised the matter in Parliament and I would not know where to run. Then Sri Lanka was not a country in debt to anyone. We had development programmes that effectively alleviated poverty. But in 1978 at the instance of the IMF President Jayawardena abolished all those development programmes, confined the administrators to the barracks and today we are begging for dollars in the streets of the World. As a member of the Administrative Service, I was privy to play a role with Premier Dudley and also in the DDCP of Sirimavo, thus I speak of what we actually did, not learned surmises and projections on a chalk board.

Today we are living with a foreign debt of $ 54 billion- reduced from the debt of $ 56 b. of the Gotabhaya days. However it is time to call it all a day, muster ourselves and forge ahead.

Let us not talk of possibilities, plans hatched in air conditioned rooms by experts who have never spoiled their fingers in action, . Let us talk of what we really did once and can do it again.

We administrators were then charged with the task of creating production, alleviating poverty and we have real stories of what we did to tell-not fiction.

The Divisional Secretary at Kotmale, charged with creating employment and also making something useful , collected all the waste paper he could find, rolled up his sleeves and worked with the youth to wet and churn the waste paper, spread it out to dry and out came saleable paper and cardboard. This year 2024, commenced with the gift of a Desk Diary made from Mana by the Divisional Secretary at Dumbara, sent to me by the Hon. Prime Minister. . That shows what we have to do today. President Jayawardena in 1978 put a stop to Kotmale Paper to please the IMF in order to obtain loans and live on loans and thereby created the problem of today- a foreign debt of $ 54 billion. It is important to note that we waste all the used paper today.

Since 1978, the biggest industry one can find in Colombo is the collection of waste cardboard- we ship some 8000 tonnes to India every month and collect a few coppers and buy the cardboard that India makes out of it paying fat dollars. Mind you we have been doing it for the past four decades. We do deserve to be called lunatics for doing this for forty five long years from 1978 to this day. I saw a lorry being loaded with used cardboard last week. That is the prosperity that President Jayawardena brought to us and mind you we should call it a day even now.

In the Youth Self Employment Programme I established in Bangladesh in the two years I worked there-1983-1984 we had to address hundreds of youths on training workshops and we provided the youths with lunch packets. The lunch came in cardboard packs and there were some youth entrepreneurs collecting the discarded cardboard covers and packing them– back at home their sustenance came from churning it to cardboard. Our Divisional Secretary at Kotmale was a great man to make paper out of waste paper. Let us find him and get going instead of wasting money for the imports of paper. I hope he is kicking and alive. I am sorry I do not know his name.

In the DDCP of the Sirimavo days as the GA at Matara I established the Matara Mechanized Boatyard that made seagoing fishery boats- some forty a year. That was a great industry fixed by me in some two months. My giants, the DivSec Ran Ariyadasa and his Development Assistant did that task within two months and our youths made 40 seaworthy boats a year, a feather in the DDCP cap. The boats were sold to fishery cooperatives and ran on the high seas bringing a catch of fish. Ran is no more but his work stands out as something that can be done fast. However President Jayawardena to please the IMF closed that Boatyard in 1978. Imagine what the trained youths thought when they were thrown into the heap of the unemployed. Mind you they were fully trained entrepreneurs.

I got sick of the Ministry of Plan Implementation that ran the DDCP as they failed to allow more industries for me to establish-and I took charge without their knowledge. I had a Planning Officer , Vetus Fernando a raw chemistry grad from the University of Colombo. One day I persuaded him to find the method of making crayons. Once I had worked as Deputy Director of Small Industries and had a background in running powerlooms, handlooms, ceramic and furniture industries. Then I authorized the purchase of a few items that were required and started experiments in the night at my Residency at Matara. My wife a science teacher was also helpful but they never got anywhere due to the lack of equipment. A science lab was needed and we sought the assistance of the Principal of Rahula College the leading secondary school. Mr Ariyawamsa readily agreed for our use of the science lab after school hours. Vetus aided by us- the GA, the AGA and Development Assistant Paliakkara were at it experimenting every night from six to midnight. It went on for two months and the crayons made were really useless. Then Vetus sought the help of his professors at the University of Colombo, beseeching help on three days on bended knees and was chased away. We were not going to take that lying down and again undertook the daily experiments every night with vehement force. In around a month we did make a real crayon and I sat with Vitus experimenting again and again till the quality of our crayon was as good as Reeves, the best of the day.

We had won but how could we start an industry without money. Though I had money at the katcheri they were all tied up with rules that I could not vary. I was gazetted a Deputy Director of Cooperatives for the purpose of agriculture development. The Coops had money and it so happened that Sumanapala Dahanayake, the member of parliament was the President of the Morawaka Cooperatives. I summoned Sumane and showed him the crayon and he was ready to make it using cooperative funds if only I approved it. I was certain of his sincerity and ability. Though I had no authority I did approve it and Sumane got cracking. He and the Divisional Secretary at Morawaka found twenty unemployed youths, Sumane purchased the utensils and equipment and cleared two rooms at Morawaka Cooperatives and Vetus and five or six of us moved in to train the youths to make crayons. It had to be a dare devil job as we had to be successful and all of us broke rest for two weeks making crayons. It was hand made and thus every crayon had to be handcrafted. In the second week labels were printed and packets of crayons filled two large rooms. All this was done with unauthorized cooperative funds and I had no business to set up an industry without Ministry approval. We got over that in a smart manner by tying in other Ministers. Sumane and I took the crayons we made and showed them to Mr Subasinghe the Minister for Industries. He was taken aback at the quality and agreed to open sales and with that we came into legitimacy. We faced the problem of having to purchase dyes in the open market at high cost and the Ministry of Industries said that their funds were not for cooperatives. We got to know when the Ministry for Imports was about to authorize the import of crayons and both of us moved in. We showed the crayons we made to the Controller of Imports and he was satisfied with the quality but he wanted us to obtain the approval of his master the Minister for Imports, Mr Illangaratne as such a cross allocation had never been done earlier. . Sumane and I met the Minister and the moment we showed him the crayons he started scribbling them on paper and testing the quality and shouted for the Controller of Imports to stop all imports and gave us a fat allocation of foreign exchange to import dyes. He had a hard look at me and said, I want you to set up a branch in Kolonnawa my electorate.’ I gave him that assurance.

Coop Crayon, made crayons equal to the Crayola crayons of today. Sumane developed the sales to become islandwide. Coop crayon was very successful. It was easily the best industry that the DDCP ever made. Sumanapala excelled and developed the venture to have islandwide sales. But not for long- the Government changed and President Jayawardena won the elections. Coop Crayon was the best industry established in the DDCP and it had to get discredited. Sumane had to be sent to the gallows to discredit the industry so President Jayawardena hatched a masterplan . He summoned the Deputy Director of Cooperatives, Ariyaraatne and entrusted to him the task of taking a posse of auditors to do a forensic audit of Coop Crayon. Ariyaratne when I met him in 1982 told me of this and that he had subjected all the books to an audit for four full days and found everything in order. Ariyaratne was not an officer to fabricate facts to put Sumane in the soup. Sumane was saved a stint in the gallows. But the IMF stepped in 1978 and decided that if Sri Lanka was to be given loans the government has to accept that the private sector was the engine of growth all development work had to be stopped and the administrators who had manned all development departments had to be sent to the barracks. The IMF effectively ensured that all development activities were closed down

Since 1978, not a single industry was approved and all development activities were stopped and this stoppage continues to today- that is the barrier we have to surmount to create production and alleviate poverty within us.

I got sick of doing little work and decided to proceed to the UK to do further studies and sent in papers for retirement. I was entitled to retire but Minister Felix Dias decided that circular 28 should have retrospective effect. I lost my pension and resigned.

That ended my development tasks in Sri Lanka. I bagged the M Ed in Community Development from the University of Manchester and the Ph.D. from Michigan State. I moved to theUK and the Bahamas and toEdinburgh, when Bangladesh somehow wanted me for Youth Development and the Military Government that took over the country when I was there was determined to close youth development altogether. Identifying me as a foreigner, Minister Aminul Islam, the Air Vice Marshal ordered me: What can you do for Bangladesh.”

‘You should approve a new programme to create employment for the youth, the unemployed who have to scrape the barrel for life.”

The Secretary to the Treasury, the highest officer in the land, objected: The ILO tried hard to create employment on a special programme for three long years at Tangail, bringing experts from all over the World, but miserably failed. The Treasury had to face a huge loss. We cannot face a loss again.”

I do not need funds. All I need is the approval to start and approval to divert approved funds for training workshops”

The ILO are the experts and they did fail.” The battle between me and the Secretary to the Treasury took two long hours and the Minister Aminul Islam who was patiently listening got sick of our arguments and stopped the battle. He said: I approve a new Self Employment Programme for the Youth”.

The Secretary to the Treasury surmounted that order by saying:”I have no funds to get into a wastebin.”

I replied: I do not need any funds. I will work finding savings in approved budgets. I need authority to move approved funds and to vary the remits of officers.

We got cracking the very next day-training officers and guiding youths. I worked pell mell for two years and trained the staff including members of the elite BCS- Bangladesh Civil Service. They did continue what I commenced and Bangladesh has seen over three million youths in sustainable employment. It is an ongoing programme that can be seen by anyone.

It is left to our Prime Minister our elected head to spring into a process of action, fast and swift before our people rebel and have to be put down with the gun.

Garvin Karunaratne

former GA Matara, 30012924


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