ලෝක පොලිස්කාරයාට වගවීම කෙතරම් සාධාරණද

August 25th, 2016

 මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්      

එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ සංවිධානය තුළ තිබෙන මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිලය අද හඳුන්වා දිය හැක්කේ  ලෝක පොලිස් කාරයෙකු ලෙසය. එම ආයතනය කුමන ජාතීන් නියෝජනය වන පරිදි සැකසුණද පත් වුවද ඔවුන්ගේ ආධිපත්‍ය වන මානව හිමිකම් රාමුව භාවිතා කර තමන්ට පාලනය කර ගත නොහැකි රාජ්‍යයන් අත්අඩංගුවේ තබා  දඬු අඩුවේ හිර කිරීම කරති. එයට ව්‍යවහාර කරන්නේ වගවීම යනුවෙනි. 2015 වසරේ නව රජය පත් වූ පසු මේ වගවීම නව ප්‍රවේශයකින් ඉදිරියට පැමිණ ඇත. 2015 දෙසැම්බර් මස 10 දින බලහත්කාරයෙන් අතුරුදහන් කිරීමෙන් ආරක්ෂා කිරීම සඳහා සම්මුතිය( International convenitional for the protection of all persons erforecd disappearances ) අත්සන් කිරීමෙන් මේ වගවීමට අළුත් ප්‍රවේශයක් ලබා දීමට සමත්ව ඇත.

      මෙම කරුණ සාකච්ඡා කිරීමට ප්‍රථම අප හඳුනාගත යුත්‍තේ පසුගිය සන්ධාන රජය වගවීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් අනුගමනය කළ ක්‍රියාදාමයයි. කොටි ත්‍රස්තවාදය පරාජය කිරීමෙන් පසු මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය 2010 මැයි මසදී උගත් පාඩම් සහ ප්‍රතිසන්ධාන නමින් කොමිසමක් පිහුටුවීමට කටයුතු කළහ.මාස දහඅටකින් පසු එහි වාර්තාව 2010නොවැම්බර් 15 දින ජනාධිපතිවරයාට භාර දෙන ලද අතර එම ඉංග්‍රීසි බසින් නිකුත් කළ වාර්තාව මහජනතාව වෙත නිකුත් කරන ලද්දේ නොවැම්බර් මස 16 දිනදීය. මෙම වාර්තාව අනුව නිර්දේශ 285 ක් ඉදිරිපත් කරතිබුණි. ඒ අතර වැදගත් වන්නේ ප්‍රතිසන්ධානය සඳහා විශේෂ යාන්ත්‍රණයක් ස්ථාපිත කිරීම උතුර නැගෙනහිර පළාත් වල පුද්ගලික ඉඩම් නිදහස් කිරීම බාහිර පුද්ගලයන් එම ඉඩම් වල පදිංචි නොකිරීම ආදී ප්‍රධාන කරුණුය.  කෙසේ වෙතත් මෙම කොමිසම විසින් කරුණු එකතු කරන ලද්දේ 2002 වසරේ ඇති කරන ලද සටන් විරාම ගිවිසුමෙන් පසු ඇතිවූ තත්ත්වයයි. එහිදි උගත් පාඩම් යනුවෙන් දක්වා ඇත්තේ ඒ කාලය තුළ වාර්තා වූ අත්දැකීම් පමණකි.

      මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය ලෝක පොලිස් කාරයාගේ මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිලයට අවනතව මෙම වාර්තාව නිකුත් කරන ලද අතර එයට මහා බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය ඇතුළු රටවලින් ප්‍රසාදය එල්ල විය.එවකට ලංකාවේ සිටි ජාතික බලවේග මෙම වාර්තාව ගැන සතුට පළ කලේ නැත. ජාත්‍යන්තර වශයෙන් යම් ප්‍රසාදයක් එල්ල වුවද දෙමළ ගෝලීය සංසදය විසින් දිගින් දිගටම කරන ලද ගතූ කීම් මධ්‍ය යේ ජගත් ප්‍රජාව මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය කෙරෙහි අප්‍රසාදය වර්ධනය කරන්නට විය. නමුත් ඒ වන විට මහින්ද රජය උතුරේ විශාල සංවර්ධනයක් කිරීමට ආරම්භ කොට තිබුණි. හිටපු කොටි සාමාජිකයන් පුනරුත්ථාපනය සඳහාද විශේෂ යාන්ත්‍රණයක් සිදු විය. උතුරේ නිළධාරීනට සිංහල ඉගැන්වීම සඳහා ජාතික භාෂා අමාත්‍යංශය විසින් වැඩ සටහනක් ද ආරමභ කර තිබුණි.ඒ අතින් කල්පනා කර බලන් කල්හි  දීර්ඝ කාලීනව ඇතිවිය හැකි සාමයක් බලාපොරොත්තු ව මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය කටයුතු කළ බව පෙනුණි.නමුත් මේ අතරේ සිදු වූ ඉඩම් කොල්ලය උතුරේ දේශපාලඥයන් තේරුම් ගත්තේ තමන්ට එරෙහිව එන බල‍වේගයක් ලෙසටයි. එසේම බද්යුදීන් වැනි ඇමතිවරුන්ට රජය හිතකාරී ලෙසට සහාය දැක්වීමෙන් තත්ත්වය තවත් නරක අතට හැරුණි.

       එල්.එල්.ආර්.සී. වාර්තාව සැබවින්ම ලෝක පොලිස් කාරයා ට තමන්ගේ රජය පිළිබඳ සහතිකයක් දීම සඳහා සකස් කළ ලියවිලක් බව පැහැදිලිය. රජය කල යුතුව තිබුණේ යුද්ධයට පසුබිම් වූ සැබෑ  හේතුව සහ රජය කොටි ත්‍රස්තයන් ඉලක්ක කරගෙන යුද්ධයකට පෙළඹීමට තුඩුදුන් සැබෑ හේතුව විධිමත්ව තර්කානුකූලව ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමයි.යුද්ධය අවසාන කාලයේ නෝර්වේ බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය ආදී රටවලින් කොටි සංවිධානය ලද ආයුධ ගැනද හෙළිදරව් කිරීමට තිබුණි. නමුත් එය එසේ සිදු නොවීය. එවැනි ප්‍රඥාවක් තිබෙන විශේෂඥයන් ගෙන් සහාය ලබා ගැනීමටවත් රජය උත්සාහ නොකළහ.රජය සමග ඉතාම සමීපව සිටි මහාචාර්ය නලින් ද සිල්වා වැන්නවුන් ගේ උපදෙස් ලබා ගැනීමටවත් රජයට අවශ්‍යතාවයක් නොවුණ බව මෙහිදී මතක් කළ යුතුය.

        මේ තත්ත්වය මත යුද්ධයෙන් පසුව ඇති වූ ස්වර්ණමය අවස්ථාවක් මග හැරීමට අප කටයුතු කර ඇත.මෙයින් සිදු වූයේ මහින්ද රජපක්ෂ රජය උතුරේ දෙමල ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් ඉටු කළ විශාල මෙහෙවර ජාත්‍යන්තරයට වසන්ව යෑමයි. මේ පොලිස් කාරයාට එරෙහිව යෑමට බියෙන් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය උතුරේ අවතැන් සිටි සිංහලයන්ට තම ඉඩම් ලබා නොදුන් බව මෙහිදී පැවසිය යුතුය. නමුත් පෙර කී පරිදි යුද්ධයට තුඩු දුන් සැබෑ හේතුව ජාත්‍යන්තරයට හෙළිකරා නම් ඒ අවස්ථාව අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම අප රටට උදාවනු නිසැකය. කෙසේ වෙතත් මහින්ද රජපක්ෂ රජය පරාජයට පත් කිරීමට 2012 වසරෙන් පසු ජාත්‍යන්තරය විසින් මූලිකව තීරණය කරනු ලබන්නේ රජය පිළිබඳ වැරදි චිත්‍රයන් රැසක් වාර්තා වීම හේතු කොට ගෙනය.

             මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය පරාජයට පත් වීමෙන් පසු නව රජයේ ක්‍රියාකාරිත්වය තුළ දක්නට ලැබුණේ ඉක්මන් කඩිනම් වශයෙන් ලෝක පොලිස් කාරයාට සවන් දීමයි. ඇතැම් විට මහින්ද රජය පෙරළීම පිණිස ලබා දුන්සහයට පොලිස් කාරයාගෙන් කොන්දේසි ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමක් සිදු කලා විය හැකිය. කෙසේ වෙතත් යහපාලන රජය සංහිඳියා පිළිවෙත නමින් නව වැඩ පිළිවෙලකට අවතීර්ණ විය. ඒ සඳහා විශේෂ යාන්ත්‍රණයක් පිහිටුවීමටද කටයුතු කළහ.ඒ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය විසින් පිහිටුවා ලීමට කටයුතු නොකළ යාන්ත්‍රණයයි. එය ආරම්භ වූයේ 2015 දෙසැම්බර් 18 දිනදීය. සංහිඳියා කාර්ය සාධක බලකායක් පිහිටුවීමෙන් එම කටයුතු ආරම්බ විය.   රජය විසින්  සංහිඳියාව යන වදන ඉංගිරිසියෙන් දක්වා තිබෙන්නේ(Reconciliation) යනුවෙනි.මෙම ඉංග්‍රීසි වචනයට පසුගිය රජය  ප්‍රතිසන්ධානය යනුවෙන් අර්ථ ගන්වා සිටියහ. නමුත් ප්‍රතිසංධානය සහ සංහිඳියාව අතර සමාන කමක් නොමැත. ජාතීන් අතර ගැටුම් වලක්වා ගැනීම තේමා කොට වර්තමාන සංහිඳියාව ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙයි.( coexsistions) යන වචනයෙන් එය ප්‍රකාශ වෙයි.එකට එක් කිරීම යන අර්ථය එහි වෙයි.රීකොන්සිලේෂන් යන වචනය සමගි සන්ධානය යනුවෙන් අර්ථ ගැන්විය හැකිය. සමගි සන්ධානය කණ්ඩායම් දෙකක් අතර හෝ රටවල් දෙකක් අතර ඇති වන එකඟතාවයකට සමාන වේ.ප්‍රතිසන්ධානය යනු කෙසේ වෙතත් සිංහල ජනතාවට වඩා සමීප සංහිඳියාව වැනි වචනයක් යොදා ගෙන මෙම වැඩපිළිවෙල අර්ථවත් කිරිමට යහපාලනයට උපදෙස් ලැබුණා විය හැකිය.කෙසේ නමුත් පසුගිය දා රජය විසින් අතුරුදහන් තැනැත්තන් සඳහා කාර්යාලය පිහිටුවන ලද්දේ ලෝක පොලිස් කාරයාට වන වගවීම වඩාත් හොඳින් සහතික කරනු සඳහාය.

           මෙම ලිපියේ ප්‍රථමයෙන් සඳහන් කරන ලදේ මෙම කාර්යාල පණතට පසුබිම් වූ ගිවිසුමයි. සමාන්‍ය යෙන් ජාත්‍යන්තර ගිවිසුමක් අත්සන් කරන ලද පසු  අපරානුමතිය සඳහා රජයේ ආමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලයට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීම කළ යුතුය.රජය එය සිදු කලේ නැත. ඒ වෙනුවට පණතක් මගින් කෙලින්ම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීම කර ඇත. එය නීත්‍යානුකූල නැත.මේ තත්ත්වය මගින් පැහැදිලි වන්නේ ලෝක පොලිස් කාරයාට වගවීමට තිබෙන කඩිනමයි. මේ තත්ත්වය තුළ රටේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව ඉක්මවා යන කාර්යාලයක් ස්ථාපිත කරලීමට යහපාලන රජයට හැකියාව ලැබී තිබේ. මේ ක්‍රියාවලිය මෙතැනින් නොනවතී. ඊළඟ අවස්ථාව නම් සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ කොමිසමක් පත් කිරීමයි. ඒ සඳහාද දැනට උතුර සහ නැගෙනහිර ප්‍රදේශ වලින් සාක්ෂි එකතු කරනු ලැබේ. මේ කාර්යාලයත් කොමිසමත් විසින් එකතු කරන ලද තොරතුරු මත පදනම්ව දඬුවම් දීමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය තීරණය කිරීමට විශේෂ අධිකරණයක් පිහුටුවීම ඊළඟ කාරණයයි. සතර වෙනුව වින්දිතයන්ට සහන සැලසීම සඳහා පිහිට වන ආයතනයයි. එහිදී අතුරුදහන් වූ ගණයේ ලා එල්.ටී.ටී.ඊ. සාමාජිකයන්ටද  වන්දි ගෙවීම සිදු කරනු ඇත. මෙහි වඩාත්ම භයානක කරුණ වන්නේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට පටහැනිව යමින් ඇති කර ගත් ප්‍රතිපාදන මගින් හමුදාව දුර්වල කිරීමට කටයුතු කරලීමයි. අතුරුදහන් තැනැත්තන් යන්න අර්ථ නිරූපණයේදී බලහත්කාරයෙන් අතරුදහන් කළ තැනැත්තන් යනුවෙන්ද වගන්තියක් ඇතුලත් කර ඇත. එවිට යුධ සමයේදී සටන් වලදී මරණයට පත් වූ කොටි සාමාජිකයන් ගේ දෙමව්පියන්ට හෝ ජීවත්ව සිටින්නන්ට හමුදාවට එරෙහිව යෑමට ඉඩ ප්‍රස්ථා සැල‍‍සේ.

              මෙම කරුණු සැලකිල්ලට ගත් කල්හි තේරුම් ගතයුත්තේ ලෝක පොලිස් කාරයා ගේ චරිතයට පණ පොවන එක්සත් ජාතීන් ගේ සංවිධානය ස්වාධීන රටකට  එල්ල කොට ඇති පීඩනයයි. රජයයන් වෙනස් වුවද එහි බලපෑම මගින් ‍නොයෙක් අසත්‍ය චෝදනා ගොනු කරලීමට යාන්ත්‍රණ ක්‍රියාත්මක කරති. වසර දෙදහස් පන්සීයයකට වඩා ඉතිහාසයක් තිබෙන රටක් වශයෙන් මෙම පීඩනය අප පිට කළ යුත්තේ ගහ බැණ ගැනීමෙන් වත් පඹයන් පිලිස්සීමෙන් වත්  උපවාස කිරීමෙන් වත් නොවන බව දැන්වත් වටහා ගත යුතුය. ඊට වඩා එහා යන ශාස්ත්‍රීය විරෝධයක් තුළින් ජාත්‍යන්තරයෙන් පැමිණෙන අසාධාරණ බලපෑම අවම කර ගැනීමට කටයුතු කළ යුතුය. එවැනි වෑයමකට වත්මන් යහපාලන රජය නම් කෙසේ වත් නොපෙළඹෙනු ඇති බව අවසාන වශයෙන් සඳහන් කළ යුතුය.

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්     

Royal Asiatic Society Sri Lanka Public Lecture on Royal Asiatic Society Sri Lanka Public Lecture “Reward Management Practices of Monasteries with Reference to the Epigraph of King Mahinda IV (1026-1042 CE)”

August 25th, 2016

Royal Asiatic Society Sri Lanka Public Lecture 

Reward Management Practices of Monasteries with Reference to the Epigraph of King Mahinda IV (1026-1042 CE)

on

Monday 29thAugust 2016 at 5.00 p.m.

by

Ms. Dinithi Padmasiri

Lecturer, Dept. of Human Resource Management, University of Kelaniya 

at the

GaminiDissanayake Auditorium

No. 96, AnandaCoomaraswamyMawatha, Colombo 07

ALL ARE WELCOME

With the origin of the mankind on the planet earth, Human Resource Management (HRM) was born. Simply said, HRM is managing people. HRM scholars have defined functions of HRM as people resourcing, learning and development, performance management, reward management, employee relations, and employee wellbeing (Armstrong & Taylor, 2014). Reward Management (RM) is recognized as one of the significant Human Resource Management (HRM) functions in the contemporary world. The research objectives were to examine the ancient reward management practices during 1026–1042 CE, and to compare today’s reward management practices with those in the ancient past. Findings reveal that ancient people managed their employees’ rewards successfully centuries before establishing reward management as a human resource management function in today’s business world.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්‍ෂයේ 65වන සංවත්සරය  1

August 25th, 2016

චන්ද්‍රසේන පණ්ඩිතගේ විසිනි

ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්‍ෂය ආරම්භ කොට වසර 65ක් සම්පූර්ණව ඇත. මේ පක්‍ෂය සිංහල ජාතිය, සිංහල භාෂාව හා සම්බුද්ධ සාසනය පදනම ලෙස සලකා ගොඩනංවන ලද ප්‍රබල දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂයකි. මේ දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂය වර්‍ෂ 1951දී ආරම්භ කලද මේ පක්‍ෂය බිහිකිරීමේ බීජ අතැතිව එස්. ඩබ්ලිව්. ආර්. ඩී. බණ්ඩාරනායක නම් ළදරුවා උපත ලබා ඇතැයි කීවද නිවැරදිය. කාලය, දේශය, ද්වීපය, කුලය, දෙමව්පියන් නිසි ලෙස සැලසුම් කර සිදුකරන ලද මේ උපත අපට සිහි ගන්වන්නේ, මහාසෙන දිව්‍ය පුත්‍රයාව, සැලසුම් සහගත කාර්‍යයක් ඉටුකිරීම සදහා මිනිස් ලොවට වැඩමවූ ආකාරයයි.

මෙවර, බණ්ඩාරනායක නම්වූ මේ කුමරුවාට, තමන්ට බලවත්කම සපයන සමාජ අඩිතාලම දෙදරවීමේ කාර්‍යය පවරා තිබුණේ, සිංහල බෞද්ධ සංස්කෘතියට ජීවය ලබාදීම සදහාවූ දිව්‍යමය සැලසුමකට අනුවය. ඉංග්‍රීසි පාලකයින් හා බද්ධව කටයුතු කරමින්, ඉංග්‍රීසි සංස්කෘතියේ කිමිදෙමින් එහි ඇති සියළු පලයන් බුක්ති විදිමින් ජීවත්විය හැකි තරුණයෙකුට, ඒ සියළු සම්පත් නොසලකා හැර, තමන්ට හා තම ඥාතීන්ට මේ සියළුම ධන සම්පත් ගෙනදෙන පදනම දෙදරවා හැර වසර සිය ගනනක යටත් විජිත බැමි වලින් රටත් ජාතියත් මුදවා ගැනීමේ බාරදූර කර්තව්‍ය පවරා තිබිණි.

මෙතුමා තම දෙමව්පියන් හා සිය ඥාති පරපුරම මනාව හසුරවමින් සිය ඉලක්කයන් කරා හඹාගිය ආකාරය තුල ඇත්තේ, මහා වටිනා ජීවන කර්තව්‍යයකි. ඔහුට ධනවත් බලවත් ඉහල සමාජය තුල දිදුලන තරුවක් බවට පත්වීමට අවශ්‍යවූ උගත්කම කිසිදු අඩුවක් නැතිව නිසි කලදී, ලොවෙහි ඉහලම විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයකින්ම ලබා ගැනීමට හැකිවීම, ජාතිය ලද විජයග්‍රහණයයි. මෙවන් බලවත්, ධනවත්, උගත්, පුතෙක් කරන කාර්‍යන්ට එරෙහිව කිසිවක් කීමට මහා මුදලිතුමා ඉදිරිපත් නොවූයේ තම පුතු සම්බන්ධව ගොඩනැංවී තිබූ අචල විශ්වාසය හේතුවෙණි.

ඔක්ස්ෆඩ් සිට ලංකාවට පැමිණි ඒ මහතාව පිලිගැනීමේ රැස්වීමේදී, යුරෝපීය ඇදුමින් සැරසී ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් කථාව කරමින් එසේ කරන්නට වීම සම්බන්ධව කණගාටුව පලකරමින්, තමන් හද පතුලෙන් සිංහලයකු බවත්, අනාගතයේදී, සිංහලෙන් කථා කිරීමට සූදානම් වන බවත්, තමාගේ උත්සහය, පොදුවේ ජනතාවට සේවය කිරීම බවත්, එය ඉරණමේ හැටියට, තමාට පැවරී ඇති කාර්‍යය  බවත්, ඉලක්කය හරි ගියහොත් තමාට සතුටින්, නිවිසැනසිල්ලේ මියයන්නට හැකි බව ප්‍රකාශ කලහ.

ජනාධිපති මෛත‍්‍රීට ඕසටේ‍්‍රලියාවෙන් දැවැන්ත අල්ලස් චෝදනාවක්.. ෆෙඩරල් පොලීසිය පරීක්‍ෂණ අරඹයි..Yahapalana President Sirisena accused of Bribery by Australian Federal Police (See Comments)

August 25th, 2016

Hot News From Australia

Two Australian companies are embroiled in bribery scandals that reach into the offices of the presidents of Sri Lanka and the Republic of Congo, as the firms sought to secure multi-million dollar contracts.

වත්මන් ජනාධිපති මෛත‍්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතා කලින් රජයේ සෞඛ්‍ය ඇමතිවරයාව සිටි කාලයේ ලෝක බැංකු ව්‍යාපෘතියක් සඳහා ඔස්ටේ‍්‍රලියානු සමාගම් දෙකකින් අල්ලස් ලබා ගත්තේ යයි කියන සිදුවීමක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් එරට ෆෙඩරල් පොලීසිය පරීක්‍ෂණ ආරම්භ කර තිබේ.

මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් දීර්ඝ තොරතුරු සහිත වාර්තා ඔස්ටේ‍්‍රලියානු ප‍්‍රධාන පෙලේ වෙබ් අඩවි කිහිපයකම වාර්තා කර ඇත.

A Fairfax Media investigation has separately uncovered evidence – which is the subject of a major AFP probe – involving the iconic Snowy Mountains Engineering Company (SMEC).

The firm’s overseas staff allegedly bribed officials to secure a $2.3 million aid-funded sewerage project in Sri Lanka in 2011 and, in partnership with a Canadian company, a $2.2 million power plant project in Bangladesh in 2007.

Company emails also reveal Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena and his adviser allegedly demanded a political “donation” to be paid by SMEC when Mr Sirisena was a cabinet minister.

Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena.
Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena. Photo: AP

The emails show a plot to skim the money off a World Bank-funded dam project in 2009. In return, Mr Sirisena was to approve the awarding of the dam contract to SMEC, worth $1.82 million .

SMEC’s Sri Lankan manager, who was recently sacked, wrote in emails to two Australian colleagues that he wanted to “inform the minister/co-ordinating secretary” of the size of an alleged kickback to be paid and that he needed to “prioritise” certain payments to unnamed parties “since the signing of the contract would depend” on it.

SMEC has confirmed a “request for a political donation”, but insists an internal investigation found no donation was made and the firm “continues to fully cooperate with the AFP.”

Australia prides itself on being a clean place to do business, but revelations by Fairfax Media and others over a decade show that many companies agree to corrupt practices in developing countries.

The government gave the AFP an extra $15 million in April to fight corporate bribery after Fairfax Media revealed the global Unaoil bribery scandal, which involved construction giant Leighton Holdings, and allegations that Tabcorp bribed the sister of Cambodia’s president.

In addition to the World Bank inquiry, internal company emails reveal bribery allegations involving a second Sri Lankan contract, a dam project also funded by the World Bank. Emails from SMEC’s recently sacked Sri Lankan manager to two Australian colleagues detail an alleged meeting in 2009 with Sri Lanka’s president Sirisena, who at the time was minister for Agriculture, Development and Agrarian Services.

SMEC’s manager wrote on June 3 that Sirisena, who was also “secretary of the ruling party – a powerful man in the present administration”, may request “something out of the way – funds for the party”.

SMEC needed Mr Sirisena to sign off on cabinet papers approving the award of the $1.82 million dam project. Two days later, SMEC’s manager wrote another email to his colleagues about his meeting with Mr Sirisena.

“He said there will be elections in the near future and he wants to know whether SMEC could make a donation for the elections. He [Mr Siresena] detailed me to discuss this with his Co-ordinating Secretary. Co-ordinating-Secretary said this is the way it goes prior to signing the cabinet papers. He wants us to propose an amount/percentage on the contract value. If you could advise me on an amount of percentage based on the financial figures I could inform the minister/ Co-ordinating Sec …”

Twelve days later, the manager wrote another email saying that unnamed “key people” had asked for approximately “1%… of the total contract.”

“The key people have now disclosed their cost as 2.5m LKR [Sri Lankan Rupees, a sum worth about $A27,000]”.

“Since the signing of the contract would depend on our agreement to honour the cost of 2.5 M LKR, we have to prioritise that.”

Company accounts reveal that $A27,000 – a large amount of money in Sri Lanka- was withdrawn in cash by the manager, who appeared to agree to pay kickbacks to an unnamed “party”.

“I think this is a good opportunity for us to build up relationship with this party since they directly approached… us,” he wrote.

“Once we win their confidence… we could work with their blessings in future opportunities.”

In a statement, SMEC said the company’s internal investigation this year found no “payment to any person in response to the request for a political donation” and that any payments made were not improper. SMEC has referred its internal inquiry to the AFP.

Mr Sirisena did not respond to detailed questions.

Full Report

http://www.theage.com.au/business/australian-companies-linked-to-bribe-scandals-in-sri-lanka-and-congo-20160823-gqyzlp.html

http://www.smh.com.au/business/australian-companies-linked-to-bribe-scandals-in-sri-lanka-and-congo-20160823-gqyzlp.html

“චෝදනා ගැන ජනපති කරුණු පැහැදිලි කළ යුතුයි“ – දූෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ

August 25th, 2016

මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනය දූෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ

 

ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතා  අමාත්‍යවරයෙකු ලෙස කටයුතු කරන සමයේ  ඔස්ට්‍රේලියානු – කැනේඩියානු සමාගමකින්  අල්ලස් / කොමිස් මුදලක්  ඉල්ලා සිටි බවට  බවට ඔස්ට්‍රේලියානු රජය විසින් විමර්ශනයක් ආරම්භ කර ඇති බවට  ඔස්ට්‍රේලියානු  පුවත්පත් වාර්තා කර තිබේ. 

එම වාර්තා වලට අනුව 2009 වසරේ  මෙරට ව්‍යාපෘතියක්  සඳහා  පැමිණි  එම SMEC නැමති  සමාගමකින් මෛත්‍රපාල සිරිසේන මහතා දේශපාලන ආධාරයක් ඉල්ලා සිටි බවට එම සමාගමේ  නියෝජිතයෙකු ලෙස කටයුතු කර පසුව ඉන් ඉල්ලා අස්වූ පුද්ගලයෙක් චෝදනා කර තිබේ. 

යහපාලන සංකල්පයට අනුව  අල්ලස හෝ දූෂණය පිටුදැකීම සඳහා දේශීය වශයෙන් කටයුතු කරමින්  ජාත්‍යන්තර වශයෙන් ඒ පිළිබඳ අදහස් දක්වමින් සිටින ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා විසින්  ඔහුට හා ඔහුගේ කාර්ය මණ්ඩලයේ සේවකයෙකුට එල්ල වී ඇති මෙම චෝදනාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් වහා කරුණු පැහැදිලි කිරීමක් කළ යුතු බව   දූෂණ විරෝධි පෙරමුණ අවධාරණය කර සිටියි.

දූෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ වෙනුවෙන්

පුජ්‍ය උලපනේ සුමංගල හිමි – සභාපති දුෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ

කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් – උපදේශක දුෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ

ආචාර්ය නිර්මාල් රංජිත් දේවසිරි

නීතිඥ නාමල් රාජපක්ෂ

චමීර පෙර්රා

තිලක් කාරියවසම්

ප්‍රියදර්ශනී ආරියරත්න

Australian companies embroiled in bribery scandals in Sri Lanka and Congo

August 25th, 2016

Australian Broadcasting Corporation

Broadcast: 24/08/2016

Reporter: By Nick McKenzie and Emmanuel Freudenthal

Two Australian companies are being investigated over alleged bribery scandals linked to the presidents of Sri Lanka and the Congo, after the firms sought to secure multi-million dollar contracts in those countries.

Transcript

LEIGH SALES, PRESENTER: Tonight: 7.30 can reveal explosive new cases of Australian companies involved in suspected foreign corruption and bribery.

The allegations extend as high as the presidents of Sri Lanka and the Republic of Congo.

Already this year, we have heard allegations that the gaming giant Tabcorp and the off-shore arm of Leighton Holdings, paid bribes to relatives and intermediaries connected to foreign politicians.

The Turnbull Government’s beefed up the Federal Police’s anticorruption teams and flagged new laws to allow companies to avoid prosecution if they admit corruption and aid police, but even so there are questions about whether that’s enough.

Nick McKenzie has this special investigation.

NICK MCKENZIE, REPORTER: In July 2006, two men working for the ASX listed Australian mining company, Sundance Resources, travelled to the capital of the Republic of Congo on a secret mission. At stake was access to billions of dollars worth of Congo’s iron ore.

To clinch the deal, they had to impress the country’s most important man – Denis Sassou Nguesso and his family.

Nguesso is a despot who has ruled for three decades, a time in which he and members of his family have faced corruption allegations.

In a confidential report obtained by 7.30, the men describe a clandestine meeting at a luxury villa.

SUNDANCE AGENT: We met with Rodrigue Nguesso and Denis Sassou Nguesso, both nephew and son of the head of state.

NICK MCKENZIE: The meeting went well, but it was a risky venture.

The agents put an offer on the table an offer for members of Nguesso’s family. An offer that may well have put the company in breach of Australia’s bribery laws.

The Australian Federal Police warned companies against such practises.

PETER CROZIER, AFP COMMANDER: The AFP and certainly myself, I don’t accept it’s, it’s a needs of doing business and I don’t accept that it provides an opportunity for Australian companies.

It’s just not on. We shouldn’t be doing it.

NICK MCKENZIE: The Sundance agents report obtained by 7.30 reveals the agents offered the president’s son and nephew shares in the Sundance-controlled Congo mining company.

But the president’s son demanded a bigger stake.

SUNDANCE AGENT: Denis Sassou Nguesso was delighted by the project but clearly had a problem with the shareholder standing that was proposed to the Congolese side in this deal.

DAVID CHAIKIN, INTERNATIONAL CORRUPTION LAW EXPERT, SYDNEY UNIVERSITY: It’s just public knowledge, and well-known, both in the business community and the political community that corruption is a huge problem, going right up to the top of the Government.

So they must have been well aware of the corruption risk.

NICK MCKENZIE: The Sundance documents show that in 2006 and ’07, senior Sundance figures in Australia and Africa brokered share deals benefitting the president’s son and nephew to the tune of millions of dollars.

EXTRACT FROM SUNDANCE DOCUMENT: The Congo Party will be issued 15 million SDL shares upon grant of exclusive permits over the exploration areas to Congo iron.

NICK MCKENZIE: In August 2007, the President Nguesso signed off on exclusive mining permits for Sundance.

DAVID CHAIKIN: It would suggest that the company is relying upon a payment which is not legitimately due, in order to influence a public official in the course of their duties. And if that is, what is proved, well that would clearly amount to a criminal offence of foreign bribery under Australian law.

PETER CROZIER: We have received information in relation to Sundance and we’re doing an evaluation in relation to that information. So, Nick, I’m pretty restricted on what I can say.

But, you know, like anything, like all the investigations I have spoken about, the AFP takes these allegations very seriously.

NICK MCKENZIE: It was 7.30 who told the AFP in June this year about evidence suggesting that Sundance may have bribed the Congo’s president by giving some of his family members shares.

Ten years after that share deal, Sundance is still seeking finance hoping to build its Congo mine.

In response to these claims, the company told 7.30 today it was launching an independent inquiry. Activists are demanding answers.

SARAH WYKES, FORMER ‘GLOBAL WITNESS’: And those people in Congo would say that there is no rule of law and there is impunity including for corrupt behaviour.

NICK MCKENZIE: Sarah started investigating the Denis Nguesso Junior’s off-shore spending habits in 2005.

SARAH WYKES: There is actually an open investigation alleging that the president and his family had benefited from misappropriating a large part of the country’s oil revenues.

NICK MCKENZIE: Her report was publicly available when Sundance wanted the president’s backing for its mine project. A problem for the Australian Government is that Sundance may not be the only company with the staff who may have agreed to pay bribes.

7.30 has uncovered more evidence implicating another firm and another country’s president.

The Snowy Mountain Hydro Electric Scheme is an Australian engineering wonder.

ARCHIVAL FOOTAGE: This scheme goes to the two vital needs of Australia.

NICK MCKENZIE: The company that built it, Snowy Mountain Engineering Company, also known as SMEC is now privatised, has grown into a major international engineering firm.

In 2008, SMEC sought to win part of a large dam project in Sri Lanka, funded by the World Bank.

ANTHONY WHEALY, QC, CHAIR, TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL: Well, Sri Lanka, I think, has always had a reputation for what might be described as petty corruption but the real risks, the most serious risks, are corruption at a top bureaucratic level where monies are paid by companies, often overseas companies, to secure very valuable contracts.

NICK MCKENZIE: Again, there was one person’s support needed to make it happen, the Minister for Agriculture, Maithripala Sirisena, who is now Sri Lanka’s president.

2009, emails between SMEC staff leaked to 7.30 suggest the Sirisena requested a private meeting with the company.

SMEC SRI LANKA MANAGER: He’s the secretary of the ruling party, a powerful man in the present administration.

NICK MCKENZIE: The SMEC manager said that the powerful man wanted a favour.

SMEC SRI LANKA MANAGER: The minister wants to know whether SMEC could make a donation for the elections?

NICK MCKENZIE: The SMEC email suggested Sirisena and one of his advisors wanted the Australian company to bank roll Sirisena’s ruling Freedom Party before signing the cabinet papers for the World Bank funded dam project.

SMEC SRI LANKA MANAGER: Sirisena’s coordinating secretary said this is the way it goes prior to signing the cabinet papers. He wants us to propose an amount or percentage on the contract value.

NICK MCKENZIE: The president did not respond to questions from 7.30 including whether he was aware of or authorised such a request.

ANTHONY WHEALY: Well, I mean it’s pretty obvious that if an Australian country goes into a foreign jurisdiction and there’s a suggestion made that they could make a political donation when they’re on the lookout for a very valuable contract, well, anyone would know that’s most likely to be corruption at that high level.

NICK MCKENZIE: SMEC’s email showed that the company’s Sri Lankan manager agreed to pay a kickback of $27,000 to secure the dam contract.

SMEC says it’s internal investigation uncovered a request for a political donation but that no donation was made. Company records showed that $27,000 was withdrawn in cash by SMEC Sri Lankan office and paid to a consultant.

The Australian Federal Police is evaluating emails about SMEC and the Sri Lankan president.

Separately the AFP has launched a major investigation to allegations that SMEC’s overseas staff paid bribes to secure a second Sri Lankan contract as well as a contract in Bangladesh.

For the Australian Federal Police, suspected foreign bribery is tough to investigate and even harder to prosecute.

But after repeated scandals and an extra $15 million from the Federal Government, the AFP says it’s ramping up inquiries and pushing companies to dob themselves in before they get caught.

PETER CROZIER: For any company to think that this is just the cost of doing business, then they are going to, in due course, face the full effect of the law because it’s not legitimate, it’s, there, the companies themselves and their CEOs, they both have a legal responsibility, but they have a moral and ethical responsibility here to show some integrity in their business processes.

NICK MCKENZIE: Around 20 Australian companies, including some household names, are the subject of current AFP investigations – one which has been going for seven years.

PETER CROZIER: When you recognise that some people may not have access to proper healthcare and they may not have access to proper education and may miss out on the opportunities that you and I take for granted, then I think we should be passionate about these issues.

And if there’s an Australian entity involved in that occurring, then we should pursue it to the nth degree in relation to the legislation but also we got a moral obligation here.

LEIGH SALES: That report by Nick McKenzie.

LTTE attack Muttur 2006: Why did French NGO ACF not evacuate 17 aid workers when all others fled town?

August 25th, 2016

Shenali D Waduge

Why did ACF not prevent harm coming to its staff when they were well aware all civilians, ICRC and aid agencies were fleeing Muttur after the town came under LTTE attack from 1st August 2006 and LTTE had cut off the electricity supply? Why did ACF order their staff to remain in the compound even after appeals were made by their families and the Church Father and Divisional Secretary had personally arrived at the compound to ask them to seek shelter? More importantly, why is ACF continuing its sham performance when even after a Presidential Commission of Inquiry was established, ACF walked away and left the country before it was cross-examined? ACF appears to be trying its best to hide its own follies and cover up its mistakes and neglect of compensating the families of the deceased who died on duty by doing what most NGOs know best – hyped up propaganda drama to hide the truth!

Apropos to Manoli Jinadasa’s article appearing on the Island newspaper of 23rd August 2016 titled ACF cruelly abandoned its workers and compensation too, there are some poignant questions the public need to ask themselves and the ACF. http://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-details&code_title=150795

ACF had been operating in Sri Lanka from 1997 and had all of its suboffices in LTTE held areas so ACF knew the ground situation only too well. ACF was also aware that since 2005 LTTE were attacking Muslim villages in the East and LTTE was attempting to take Trincomalee harbour and Muttur was a strategic asset. ACF was well aware that following previous attacks Muslim IDPs were already living in schools and makeshift shelters. Which questions ACF decision to send 17 staff to Muttur jeopardizing their lives when the ground situation was not conducive.

Important dates:

  • 26th April 2006 – Female suicide LTTE cadre attempts to kill then Army Commander Sarath Fonseka inside Army Head Quarters
  • 21st July 2006 – LTTE close sluice gates of Mavil Aru reservoir in Trincomalee district
  • 1st August 2006 –the vessel Jetliner carrying 854 unarmed soldiers was attacked by LTTE on nearly 12 dozen small boats
  • 1st August 2006 – Muttur town was attacked by LTTE who even occupied government buildings and forced police to abandon their posts and retreat to main Muttur police.
  • 1st August – electric supply to entire town cut off
  • 2nd August 2006 – all aid agencies including ICRC pulled out of Muttur (local church father  testified at COI that they had appealed to ACF workers to evacuate or seek shelter but the aid workers had informed that they were ordered to stay on site)
  • The Christian Father and Divisional Secretary personally came to the ACF compound and requested the 17 ACF staff to take shelter
  • ACF permanent watcher left with his family without waiting for orders from Trincomalee and thus only his life was saved.
  • 4th August 2006 the 17 local workers of ACF were killed in Muttur
  • Forensic report established time of death to 4th August between 06:40a.m. and 7:00a.m. – LTTE having attacked Muttur on 1st August 2006 controlled Muttur till 5th August 2006. LTTE’s propaganda machine Tamilnet news item on 5 August 2006 11:04 GMT stays “the Military spokesman of Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, Irasaiah Ilanthiayan told Tamilnet that the LTTE troops by midnight Friday, returned to their original positions as per February 22, 2002 ceasefire agreement”. (Friday 4th August 2006 LTTE was controlling Muttur) This is further reiterated by the statement of the watcher of the Muslim Cultural Centre who had seen crows and dogs hovering and a strong stench when he saw the dead bodies on 5th August 2006 at 9a.m.
  • The Sri Lankan Security Forces claim that it succeeded in regaining control of Muttur town only on 5th August 2006. Clearly, at the timing of the death LTTE was in control of Muttur.

Ms. Jinadasa resurfaces some key factors. Action Contre La Faim (ACF) had been periodically issuing press statements ever since the deaths of their 17 employees attempting to project that there had been no inquiry. Ms. Jinadasa points out that Commission of Inquiry had been held (COI appointed on 3 Nov 2006, mandate renewed in Nov 2007 till Nov 2008 Chairman Justice Bhagwati) and ACF had been found guilty of neglect regarding the safety of its employees. ACF had left midway through proceedings prior to being cross examined. In legal parlance this disappearance tantamount to a contempt of court. Counsel for ACF K S Ratnavel informs COI on 7 April 2009 that his client would not take part in proceedings.

Ms. Jinadasa asks some poignant questions

  • Why did ACF went only Tamil staff to a predominantly Muslim town in a state of unrest?
  • Why did ACF keep the staff in Muttur when by 2nd August 2006 all civilians were seeking shelter elsewhere and even ICRC and hospital had evacuated?
  • Why did ACF insist staff remain in compound when 3 vehicles and 3 drivers could have driven them to safety no sooner Muttur hospital which was next to their office was bombed?
  • What was the point in keeping staff to provide safe drinking water when all civilians had left the town?

Ms. Jinadasa goes on to question whether ACF paid 10 years’ salary compensation to the families of the deceased as the COI had recommended.

She quite rightly questions the moral right ACF has to demand another inquiry having walked out of the COI before it was cross-examined.

ACF had paid the families of the deceased 2 years compensation plus a bonus linked to the seniority of the employee. Is US $ 4000 compatible with European or French standards as the staff died while on duty. Ms. Jinadasa points to the law of Delict for lack of duty of care by an employer. She questions whether the staff have been paid their statutory dues of provident and trust fund and alleges that ACF can be guilty of statutory offences if they had not paid these. What is also noteworthy is that it was the Counsel for the Army & Navy who canvassed for compensation on behalf of the families of the deceased and not the Counsel representing the civil society NGOs.

What Ms. Jinadasa clearly establishes is that the ACF using its propaganda mechanism is trying to hoodwink the masses and divert the public from drawing attention to ACF’s faultlines and instead trying to demand another inquiry at the expense of the Sri Lankan government.

?    Most importantly ACF must explain why they insisted on the 17 staff going when some of them made reservations about going?

?    ACF must explain why it chose to keep its staff when all civilians, NGOs, ICRC and even the hospital staff and patients were evacuating – to whom were the ACF staff to provide water when it was a ghost town by 2nd August 2006.

?    ACF must explain why they chose to ignore appeals by parents/families of the 17 employees begged to bring back their children?

?    Would a foreign NGO keep staff even after the hospital next to the ACF office was bombed by LTTE artillery?

?    When vehicles and drivers were available why did ACF insist that staff remain in the compound?

?    Was it not the fear of losing one’s job that compelled these 17 aid workers who were the sole income providers for their families to remain without going against the orders of ACF? The ACF watcher however left defying orders and only his life was saved.

?    We have to seriously question whether there was some understanding between ACF and LTTE – UTHR (J) report says “Trincomalee office of ACF was told that the LTTE had called on them and told them that they were pulling out of Muttur and could no longer guarantee their security”. LTTE made a similar overture to the SLMM asking them not to join the Jetliner vessel that LTTE attacked carrying 854 soldiers.

?    How comical to have ACF complaining of not been given access to Muttur after the deaths when they made no effort to save the lives of their staff!

?    Why did ACF order staff to remain in office when everyone else was fleeing the town to save their lives?

?    Why did the ACF head Frank Kamo not come forward to give evidence?

?    Why did ACF suddenly exit Sri Lanka without formally notifying the Commission of Inquiry or even the parents of the deceased? Is this not a dereliction of their duty and is this not why the parents of the deceased requested the counsel for the army and navy to appear on behalf of them.

?    To hide their guilt ACF in its December 2013 report claims of witness intimidation during the Commission proceedings strange that the ACF Counsel K S Ratnavale never made such objections during the Inquiry.

Before ACF continues to mislead the public and the international community it is time they disclose how much they paid as compensation to the families of the deceased and whether they also paid all statutory dues to them as well. Apart from the media tamashas what else have they done to these families given that these 17 aid workers died on duty especially when they were ordered not to leave the office when all others were fleeing the town for safety.

If ACF has been crying crocodile tears without meeting these basic obligations, it goes to highlight the hypocrisy and double standards of the ACF and its head and urges the public to take their newest calls for inquiries with a pinch of salt.

Shenali D Waduge

Political and religious leadership crisis of a Sri Lankan minority – a Response

August 25th, 2016

by A.Abdul Aziz.

This in reference to the article titled: Political and religious leadership crisis of a Sri Lankan minority (LW-23.8.2016) and a response posted by Noor Nizam. Both of them are unaware of the real solution of the disease. We have to find out the root cause and treatment should be given to the root not the branch.

This is the fact that the Muslim politicians are not representing Muslim Community in Sri Lanka. For their own benefit most of them   involve in politics, ignoring the welfare of their own community as the article and its response indicate.

On the other side, All Ceylon Jammiyathul Ulema (ACJU) – the religious body to represent Muslim Community in Sri Lanka also seems to be in a position that is not expected by the Muslim Community in the country. This fact is also being in clear from the said article and its response.

When I say about ACJU, I recall one sayings of Prophet of Islam Muhammad (PBUH) that reads as below:

Hazrat Ali (r.a.) relates, that the Holy Prophet (PBUH) said:

“A time will come when nothing will remain of Islam except its name and nothing will remain of the Quran except its script. Mosques will be full of its worshippers, but as far its righteousness  is concerned they will be empty and deserted. Their ‘Ulama’ (religious scholars) will be the worst of creatures under the canopy of the heavens. Evil plots will originate from them and to them will they return. (Mishkat – Kithabul Ilm)

According to the above saying, the decline of Islam in this era is clearly foretold. In such a condition, it is not justified to expect for a leadership to the Muslims in Sri Lanka and for the Muslim Ummah as a whole.

If the Religion of Peace being in such a pity condition, then how the Holy Qur’an can declare that: “He (Allah) may cause it (Religion of truth) prevail over all religions (Ch:61, Verse: 10)?

Is there any remedy for the survival of Islam? Qur’an clearly gives solution (Ch 61.Verse 7) and Prophet of Islam also foretold about this. In one occasion the Prophet of Islam (PBUH), while referring to a verse of the Holy Qur’an (Ch: 62, Verse 4) placed his hand on Salman the Persian (a companion of Holy Prophet)  and said, even if faith is ascended Pleiades (completely disappearing from the earth), there would be some from his people {In another version ‘one man’ is mentioned instead of ‘some people’}  – who would restore faith (back) to earth.  (Bukhari – Kithabul Thabshir – Commentary – Sura Jummah)

Therefore, Political and religious leadership crisis of a Sri Lankan minority – the solution which lies on assembling under the umbrella of that person by whom the faith will be restored back on earth, as Prophet of Islam foretold. Accordingly, there is only Community in Islam Ahmadiyya Muslim Community  which enjoys such a leadership since 1908, after the demise its Holy Founder Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian – the Promised Messiah and Imam-al-Mahdi, peace be on him.

The Muslims who should have been united and be in harmony, are divided in countless sects and divisions. It is not only in religious field but in politics too. When there is schism, they can achieve nothing in the world, which a united and harmonious people can do. By discord and disharmony the power of the Muslim world has not only disintegrated, but also they are using this broken strength against one another. When such are the conditions, the aggregate will be below zero.

The groups may be very powerful, but if they will oppose and counteract each other in minor and major issues and remain busy in fighting, their power will be scattered and strength broken.

This is happening in every Muslim country. Unfortunately it is being named as Jihad. What will they gain from all this? What resources will remain for their own nation building, defense of Islam or fighting the enemy? Therefore, it is incumbent that Muslims should unite on the hand of One Imam. There should be one Imam of the Muslims of the whole world. But without Khilafat (system of spiritual leadership established by Allah)), it is just impossible. Khilafat is the successor after the prophet in the form of a person who is representing the deceased prophet and Khalifa is the vicegerent and his subordinate. He is the central authority. This is the basic principle of Khilafat.

Muslims do understand its need as well as importance. This need was felt after the sad demise of the Holy Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) also. In Islam this is quite clear like broad daylight and is a part of Islamic teaching that without unity and harmony you cannot rightly work on the teachings of Islam. When you go to the mosque for Namaz (daily prayer) five times a day, there must be an Imam. Standing behind an Imam is a demonstration of unity among people. That is why the Holy Quran especially emphasizes the need of congregational prayer. Imam is given so much importance that if the Imam falters, the entire congregation must follow his mistake even if they know that a mistake has been committed. What better instance can be presented for the need of an Imam and unity in his following? If Imam is mandatory in a small mosque, then how can the whole of Muslims Ummah (community) survive without an Imam.

As far as the Ummah is concerned, there is commandment in the Holy Quran to turn their faces towards Qiblah (direction for the prayer). For the Muslims throughout the world, there is one and only one Qiblah. You may go anywhere in the world, the Qiblah remains the same. This is a pointer that it is incumbent for the Muslim Ummah that they should be united under one Imam. Had this not been the sole purpose, there would have been no Khilafat at all because the spiritual condition of Muslims in the days of the Holy Prophet was a thousand times better than the Muslims of today. If they need to follow an Imam (leader), how can we live without an Imam today when the condition of Muslims is crying for it. This is the answer why Khilafat is needed.

The issue is that once Khilafat is terminated, then it is not within the power of the people to introduce it again themselves. This is a dilemma, which the Muslim world is facing today. Khilafat starts after the passing away of the prophet and if unfortunately once it is destroyed, it is impossible that it restarts without a prophet. As far as Muslims are concerned, they are victims of dual issues. According to a large number of Muslims, the chain of Khilafat ended with the Khilafat of Hazrat Ali. After him, there was no Khiafat-e-Rashida. It was monarchy in the name of Khilafat and majority of Muslims agree that Khilafat-e-Rashida ended after Hazrat Ali. So how can you start this Khilafat once again?

As far as Shia Imams are concerned, there is no problem for them because majority of them believes that Imamate continued till the twelfth Imam. Some believe it up to the sixth Imam. Some think that it is continuing till today. But majority of Muslims deprived of the blessings of Khilafat. Even if we accept the continuity of Imamate till today, they are unable to unite the whole Ummah on one hand. I am not referring to the leadership of Sri Lankan Muslims, We are discussing the issue of uniting the whole Muslim Community Ummah on one hand and it cannot be achieved by partial or regional Khilafat. It can be achieved only by universal or global Khilafat, which will unite the whole Muslim Community – Ummah.

Muslims believe that no prophet, of whatever category, can come now. This means that the single avenue to open the way of Khilafat has been barred. This is the big issue, which the Muslim Ummah is facing today.

The non-Ahmadi Ulema present the only solution of this problem and say that they also believe in the coming of a prophet. No doubt, he will be an old prophet, but they say that when he will come, he will be a prophet. Thus the lost Islamic Khilafat will once again be revived by Jesus Christ of Nazareth when he will descend with his old form and body. But the problem is that fourteen hundred years have passed, and there is no trace of second coming of that Jesus. There is no sign visible of his descent. World conditions have totally changed. Muslims have passed and are still passing through their worst phase of decline. But no Jesus has descended from the sky so far.

Now, the majority of Muslims are so much frustrated that they say that he has died or is living they are least interested. The scholars of al-Azhar University have repeatedly expressed their well thought and considered opinion that according to the Holy Quran, Jesus Christ has died and his second advent is absolutely impossible. It may be in their fancies, but practically, they have completely closed this door.

No one will ever descend from skies, and this is the big and difficult problem, which the Muslim world is facing today. With this they have not only destroyed the most important institution like Khilafat but they have also blocked the entrance of the beginning of Khilafat.

In such a condition, there is no solution for Muslims on political and religious issues nationally and globally.

The Psychological effects of Torture

August 25th, 2016

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D. 

“The most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed.”

Stephen Biko

Torture is one of the most serious abuses of human rights. Generally torture is referred to as  ‘any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person”, for a purpose such as obtaining information or a confession, punishment, intimidation or coercion, ”or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind”.

Torture was used as a governing tool since the dawn of human history. The Law of Hammurabi- the oldest set of laws dates back to around the 18th century B.C. constitutes the famous “eye for an eye” principle, which allowed inducing physical punishment.  Torture was used as a method of coercion or as a tool to control groups seen as a threat.

Torture is about reprogramming the victim to succumb to an alternative exegesis of the world, proffered by the abuser. It is an act of deep, indelible, traumatic indoctrination. (Psychology of Torture – Sam Vaknin). Torture can be physical or psychological or sometimes a combination of both. Torture methods are designed to prolong the victims’ pain and fear for as long as possible without leaving visible evidence.

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Although the Third   and Fourth Geneva Conventions agree not to torture protected persons (enemy civilians and POWs) in armed conflicts torture has been practiced in many parts of the world and in almost all major military conflicts.

Torture has profound and long lasting physical and psychological effects.  Torture is a form of collective suffering. It does not limit to the victim. The victims’ family members and friends are also affected. Based on new research psychological and physical torture have similar mental effects.    Often torture victims suffer from Depression, Adjustment Disorder,  PTSD , DESNOS (Disorders of Extreme Stress Not Otherwise Specified) Somatoform Disorders and sometimes psychotic manifestations. Based on new research psychological and physical torture have similar mental effects.

The Torture Victim of Hammond Hill prison

The effects of torture can hound a person even decades. Mr. X2 participated in the 1971 insurrection and along with other members he attacked the Jaffna Police station. The assault was a failure and the police arrested most of the rebels. Mr. X2 and others were taken to the police station and beaten with batons and wooden poles for nearly 4 hours. After the assault, nearly 80 people were put   to a small cell where they could not move. All the suspects were kept in the cell fully naked until the afternoon of the following day.

After a few weeks, the suspects were taken to the Jaffna Hammond Hill prison. Hammond Hill fortress was built by the Dutch and they had large nine dungeons to store gunpowder. These dungeons were turned in to prison cells. At the Hammond Hill prison, the prisoners had to face inhuman conditions. The air inside the dungeons was not breathable. The heat was intolerable and due to poor ventilation and sanitary facilities, one prisoner died. During the interrogations, Mr. X2 was beaten and he was compelled to confess his role in the 71 uprising.  His sense of self-worth and self-esteem was crippled. He felt guilty and disgraced. He strongly held the view that he betrayed himself and his friends. He lost the capacity to cope with stressful interpersonal relationships

Following his confession, the hard-core members ill-treated Mr. X2 and treated him as a traitor and on numerous occasions, he was subjected to various physical and mental harassments. Mr X2 spent nearly one year in the Jaffna Hammond Hill prison and was then transferred to Akarayankulam open prison. He was released in 1977.

After nearly 38 years, Mr. X2 still has nostalgic feelings about his days at the Hammond Hill prison where he witnessed torture and experienced unbearable living conditions. Today he is an alienated character, politically inactive and has limited life goals.

The Torture Victim of 88/89

Mr L5 was arrested by the Ruwanwalla Police in 1988 for alleged illegal possession of political documents and posters. He was physically beaten a number of times. His interrogators used to hit him on the head with batons. To prevent, bleeding they used to keep a book on his head and then administered the beatings. Still for all Mr. L5 could feel the shock, pain and vibration. After his release in 1990, Mr L5 led an isolated life. He underwent a psychological assessment in 2001 and according to the assessment; he was experiencing nightmares, intrusions, insomnia, decreased libido and periodical headaches.

A Man who was detained under the PTA

Mr K3 was arrested in Vaunia under the Prevention of Terrorism Act in early 1993. He articulates his experiences in the following account.

When I was arrested I was taken to the ….. camp and questioned  about a claymore explosion which occurred several days ago. I had no idea about the incident.  They put me in so-called Darmachakra torture method. My Hands and legs were tied like the “Dharma Chakra” symbol and while rotating my body two people hit my soles with strips of wood. Then they asked me various questions. I was disoriented and experienced immense pain.

I was ordered to lie down on a table, face downwards, and they hit me with clubs and   S-lon pipes    on my back, feet and soles. After a series of  events I was questioned by Major …..   who was a fine officer from the Army Intelligence . He knew I had no connection with the terrorist act. He ordered my release. If not for Major ….I would have been killed.

After my release, I could not work and the slightest physical exertion gave me bad body pain. I could not sleep and every night I was on guard. I had an unexplainable fear that they would arrest me again. I had mental pictures of

Darmachakra torture method and sometimes I relived that painful event repeatedly. I had no interest in life anymore.  I had no interest in my wife and children.  my life was falling a part……..

The POW who underwent Torture

Lance Corporal P was captured by the LTTE in 1993 in Welioya and kept him in terrible conditions for over 5 years. He was frequently kept in painful positions, beaten and sometimes-electric shock treatment to the genitals were used to extract information. He was kept in the dark and in isolation for months to break the psychological orientation and the biological clock. Constantly he faced threats, humiliation, mock executions and witnessing the torture of others.

After his release in 1998, after the intervention of the ICRC Lance Corporal P was diagnosed with full-blown symptoms of PTSD. He has cognitive impairments, memory lapses, reduced capacity to learn, sexual dysfunction, social withdrawal, ideas of reference and emotional flatness.

Torture is a Double-edged Sword

Torture is a doubled edged sword that can harm not only the victim but the perpetrators as well. Many people who engage in torture have various psychological deviations and often they derive sadistic satisfaction. For a considerable degree, torture fulfils the emotional needs of the perpetrator and willingly he engages in these activities. They lack empathy and their victim’s agonized painful reactions, screaming and pleading give them a sense of authority and feelings of superiority.

The Police Officer who derived a sexual satisfaction torturing a young victim

According to the eyewitness account of Mr Birty Ranjith (who initiated the attack of Jaffna Prison and the author of the book Bakmaha Kandulu that gives a detailed account of events during 71) and many other participants of the Jaffna Police and Jaffna Prison attack in 1971 insurrection, a police officer tortured a captured young rebel in public. He gently touched the victim’s thighs and admired it, then took a knife and made deep cuts. When the young boy was shouting in pain, he was thrilled and excited.  The boy fell down and he was bleeding profoundly. Yet the officer found it very fascinating.

The interrogator of the Eliyakanda Torture Chamber (K.Point)

Rohitha Munasinge’s book titled Eliyakanda wada kandawura (Killing Point) gives a firsthand accounts of   torturing methods that were administered during 1988- 1989 in the South of Sri Lanka. Inmates were constantly subjected to physical torture humiliation and many witnessed the killings of their friends. Those who escaped or were released from the K Point still suffer from numerous psychological ailments.

Private xx2 worked as an interrogator at the K point during the 88/89 insurrection period. He used to physically beat the inmates; used to burn them with lighted cigarettes, pushed the genitals of the victims inside the drawer of a table, closed the drawer causing them enormous pain, and sometimes conducted executions.

He worked in the point for about a year and half then transferred to an Army camp in the North.

From 1992- 1993 his mental health started fading. He could hear the voices of his victims, their shouting in pain. Private xx2 had intense rage and as a result of repeated physical abuse, his wife and children left him. Several times, he tried to commit suicide. In 2002, he was diagnosed with PTSD after a series of psychological assessments and detailed clinical interviews.

Private xx2 had intrusions, nightmares, phobias, ideas of reference, hallucinations and various other trauma related symptoms. He was severely abusing alcohol in order to forget the events that occurred at the K point.

His recollections of the K point concurred with many descriptions given in the book Eliyakanda wada kandawura by Rohitha Munasinge. When Private xx2 was asked the color of the double cab vehicle in which they disposed dead bodies he gave the correct answer. This vehicle was vividly described in the book by the author.

The interrogator who became obsessed with blood

Mr. Lx5 had plenty of methods to torture his victims. He used clubbing, drowning or the bathtub method (in bathtub method or near-drowning method the prisoner’s hands and legs are tied. Then he is taken to a tub of water. Mr. Lx5 is holding the victim’s head and dips the head into the tub. Then the victim cannot breathe. Within a few minutes, Mr. Lx5 releases the victims head allowing him to take a deep breath, again the prisoner’s head is dip to the tub. This continues until the victim loses consciousness). The bathtub method has resulted in a number of deaths in his hand.

Another method he used frequently was cutting the victim with a knife and observing how the victim bleeds. Sometimes he used the gasoline method (the victim is hung from a rope tied to a beam upside down. His hands are tied behind his back. Then a plastic bag with a little gasoline inside is tied to his head. The victim is constrained to inhale the air with gasoline. In this method the victim’s   eyes and nostrils are irritating and he is partially suffocating) and Barbwire Method (when the victim is tied up, a hollow PVC pipe is inserted to the Victim’s anal cavity by using Vaseline cream. When the pipe is 6-8 cm inside the anus a barbwire is put to the anal cavity through the hallow pipe. Then the pipe is slowly taken leaving the barbwire inside the anal cavity. While interrogating the prisoner the tormentor manipulates the barbwire causing enormous pain to the victim) and infamous pen method (a plastic pen is inserted in to victim’s ear with a sudden pressure causing damage to the internal hearing apparatus.  Usually after this type of harm victims, suffer from internal ear infection, brain abscess and meningitis) to extract information.

Among the methods, Mr. Lx5 personally preferred the cutting method in which he cuts the victims body with a sharp knife. When the victim bleeds he gained immense satisfaction. He worked as an interrogator for a number of years and gradually became obsessed with blood. He often wanted to wash his hands with blood. When there were no victims, he used to kill cats and dogs and washed hands with their blood.  In 2003, Mr. Lx5 was diagnosed as having PTSD.

He has nightmares – images full of blood, often he sees a bleeding skull, himself drawing in a pool of blood. He has flashbacks of torture, intense rage, suicidal and homicidal ideas, alienation, impulse deregulation, alterations in attention and consciousness, alterations in self-perception, alterations in relationships with others, inability to trust and inability to maintain long-term relationships, or even mere intimacy.  Mr. Lx5 has many features evident in the Disorders of Extreme Stress Not Otherwise Specified (DESNOS).

Torture and the Sri Lankan Society

Unfortunately, torture has been a part of criminal investigation in Sri Lanka. Many local officers reason out torture saying that even FBI and the Scotland Yard use torture to extract information from the detainees.

Torture and murder of Gerard Perera brought a wider attention to this dilemma. Gerard Perera was mistakenly identified and arrested for a murder by some police officers attached to the Wattala Police station.  He was subjected to physical torture. Gerard Perera was assaults with blunt instruments while he had been hung from an overhead beam, which led to acute renal failure. After recovering from his injuries, Gerard Perera filed a FR case against the officers who tortured him. Before giving evidence, he was  gun downed in brought day light in a bus.  The officers who tortured him were implicated in his murder.

In another case, two school boys (age 10 and 12)   were tortured by the police investigating a theft from a school canteen. The boys were hung upside-down and beaten on the soles of their feet, had sharp objects inserted under their fingernails. The two boys suffered a great deal of physical and psychological effects of torture.

Torture of non-criminal suspects and people taken into custody in a political context was widely practiced during the conflict situations starting from 1971 insurrection. On matters of security, many unauthorized places of detention were maintained and torture was routinely practiced. For example, Vidyodaya and Vidyalankara universities were used as detention centers in 71, during 88 / 89 Yataro Cafeteria was a deadly destination for the suspects and Thalsevana in the North was used to question the LTTE suspects. Main while the LTTE had their own torture chambers at Devipuram.

The massive imbalance between judicial and executive authority gave a deep void in the social justice permitting torture practices. During these years, a large number of people became the victims of physical and mental torture. Many are suffering in silent still carrying their psychological scars.

Under international law, torture is considered one of the most heinous of crimes. A civilized society should eliminate the endemic practice of torture. The torture affects the victims as well as their family and in the final account, the entire Society. Torture affects the county’s economy, image and the spirit. It is a systematic annihilation of the physical and psychological well-being of the public. It shakes the every foundations and dignity of the society.

ජනාධිපති මෛත‍්‍රීට එරෙහි අල්ලස් චෝදනා ගැන ඔස්ටේ‍්‍රලියා නිල ගුවන් විදුලිය (ABC) විශේෂ වාර්තාවක් විකාශය කරයි..

August 25th, 2016

lanka C news

ෆෙඩරල් පොලීසිය විසින් ආරම්භ කර ඇති පරීක්‍ෂණ අවසානයේ ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා ජනාධිපතිවරයා එරට අධිකරණය හමුවේ වරදකරු වුවහොත් විදෙස් අධිකරණයකින් දුෂණ චෝදනා යටතේ වරදකරු වන ශ‍්‍රි ලංකාවේ පළමු ජනාධිපතිවරයා මෛත‍්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතා වනු ඇත.

එසේම ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා ජනාධිපතිවරයෙකු සම්බන්ධයෙන් විදෙස් පොලීසියක් දුෂණ පරීක්‍ෂණ සිදු කරන්නේද පළමු වරටයි.

ABC වෙබ් සංස්කරණය මෙතනින්

ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා ජනාධිපති මෛත‍්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතාට එරෙහිව එල්ල වී ඇති අල්ලස් චෝදනා සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඔස්ටේ‍්‍රලියානු ගුවන් විදුලිය විශේෂ වාර්තාවක් විකාශය කර තිබේ.

 

Sundance Resources, Snowy Mountain Engineering Co embroiled in bribery scandals in Sri Lanka and Congo

August 25th, 2016

මහින්දට මඩ ගහපු මෛත්‍රීපාලට වැඩ වරදියි. ඕස්ට්‍රේලියාවෙන් බරපතල අල්ලස් චෝදනා.

August 24th, 2016

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[1]. ජනාධිපති බවට පත් වූ අලුත මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා පසුගිය රජයෙන් සිදුවූවා යැයි කියන අල්ලස් සහ දූෂණයට එරෙහිව කතා කළේ මෙලෙසය. එසේ කීවේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ගොඩනැගූ මහින්දෝදය විද්‍යාගාරයේ නම වෙනස් කර තමාගේ නම ගසා ගනිමින් විවෘත කරන ගමන් ය.

 

[2]. ඉන් අනතුරුව පසුගිය කාලයම ගත කළේ “බරපතල වංචා සහ දූෂණ සෙවීමේ ජනාධිපති විශේෂ විමර්ෂණ කොමිසම” යනුවෙන් ආයතනයක් පිහිටවා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමන්ව මාස්පතා ඊට කැඳවමිනි. වත්මන් ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින්ම මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිඳුන්ගේ චරිතය ඝාතනය කිරීම සඳහා එම නම යොදා ආයතනයක් ඇරඹුවද කිසිදු බරපතල තියා සුළු හෝ වංචා දූෂණයක් හමු නොවුණි. ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ ජන නායකයෙක් පමණක් නොව දක්ෂ නීතීඥයෙක්ද වන මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිඳුන් එම කොමිසමට ගොස් තම නිර්දෝශී භාවය ජනතාව ඉදිරියේ ඔප්පු කර පෙන්වන ලදී.

Hon. Mahinda Rajapaksa (Former President, MP and Attorney-At-Law). Source: lankadeepa.lk

 

[3]. අවසානයේදී වත්මන් ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ අතවැසි රාජිත සේනාරත්න අමාත්‍යවරයාට පිළිගැනීමට සිදුවූයේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා කිසිදු වංචාවක් හෝ දූෂණයක් සිදුකර නොමැති බවයි.

 

[4]. එදා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමාගේ චරිතය ඝාතනය කිරීමේ අරමුණින් “බරපතල වංචා සහ දූෂණ සෙවීමේ ජනාධිපති විශේෂ විමර්ෂණ කොමිසම” හැදූ වත්මන් ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතාට කර්මය දිට්ඨධම්මවේදනීයව පරිසන් දී ඇත.

වත්මන් ජනාධිපති මෛත‍්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතා කලින් රජයේ සෞඛ්‍ය ඇමතිවරයාව සිටි කාලයේ ලෝක බැංකු ව්‍යාපෘතියක් සඳහා ඔස්ටේ‍්‍රලියානු සමාගම් දෙකකින් අල්ලස් ලබා ගත්තේ යයි කියන සිදුවීමක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් එරට ෆෙඩරල් පොලීසිය පරීක්‍ෂණ ආරම්භ කර තිබේ. මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් දීර්ඝ තොරතුරු සහිත වාර්තා ඔස්ටේ‍්‍රලියානු ප‍්‍රධාන පෙලේ වෙබ් අඩවි කිහිපයකම වාර්තා කර ඇත. [ මූලාශ‍්‍ර – 01 02 ]

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ වත්මන් ජනපති මෙන් ම පසුගිය මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ රජයේ කෘෂිකර්ම ඇමති ලෙස කටයුතු කළ මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා 2009 දී ජලාශ වේල්ලක් ගොඩ නැගීම සඳහා වන කොන්ත්‍රාත්තුවක් ඔස්ට්‍රේලියානු සමාගමකට පැවරීම සඳහා අල්ලස් ඉල්ලූ බවට වන චෝදනාවක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඔස්ට්‍රේලියානු ෆෙඩරල් පොලීසිය පරීක්‍ෂණයක් ආරම්භ කොට තිබෙන බව සිඩ්නි මෝනිං හෙරල්ඩ් නම් ප්‍රධාන පෙළේ ඔස්ට්‍රේලියානු පුවත්පත හෙළි කර සිටින්නේ ය. අදාළ වේලි ව්‍යාපෘථිය ලෝක බැංකු ආධාර යටතේ ඉදිරි කිරීමට නියමිත වූ අතර කොන්ත්‍රාත්තුව සඳහා කැබිනට් අනුමැතිය ලබා ගැනීමට නම් තමන්ට ආධාරයක් කරන ලෙස සිරිසේන මහතා හා ඔහුගේ සම්බන්ධීකරන නිලධාරියා විසින් සමාගමේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නියෝජිතයාගෙන් ඉල්ලා තිබේ. Snowy mountains නම් මෙම සමාගමේ හිටපු ශ්‍රී ලංකා කළමනාකරුවා සිය ඔස්ට්‍රේලියානු සමාගම් නිලධාරීන්ට ලියා දන්වා ඇත්තේ තමන් සිරිසේන මහතා හමු වූ බවත් එහි දී ඔහු පාලක පක්‍ෂයේ ලේකම්වරයා ලෙස රජයේ බලපෑම්කාරී චරිතයක් වන නිසා ඔහු විසින් ඉල්ලා සිටින මුදල ලබා දීම හරහා ඉදිරියේ දී ද මෙවැනි කොන්ත්‍රාත්තු ලබා ගැනීමට එය උපකාරි වනු ඇති බවත් ය. මේ පිළිබඳ වැඩිදුර සාකච්ඡා කිරීම සඳහා සිරිසේන මහතා විසින් ඔහුගේ සම්බන්ධීකරණ ලේකම්වරයා හමුවන ලෙස උපදෙස් දුන් බවත් කළමනාකාර තැන සිය ලිපියෙන් කියා සිටින්නේ ය. සමාගම විසින් ඔහුට ගෙවන මුදලේ ප්‍රමාණය හෝ එහි ප්‍රතිශතය සිරිසේන මහතා විසින් ඉල්ලා සිටින අතර ඒ පිළිබඳ තමන්ට උපදෙස් දෙන ලෙස ද ඔහු සිය මව් සමාගෙමෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටින්නේ ය. ඒ අනුව, රුපියල් මිලියන දෙක හමාරක මුදලත් අල්ලසක් සිරිසේන මහතාට ගෙවූ බව ද සමාගමේ ගිණුම් විස්තර හෙළි කර සිටින්නේ ය. [පරිවර්තනය: මහින්ද පතිරණ මහතා]

පසුගිය සතියේ ජනපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා දේශපාලන රැලියක් අමතමින් කියා සිටියේ මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා විසින් නව පක්‍ෂයක් නිර්මාණය කිරීමට කටයුතු කළහොත් ඔහුගේ රහස් හෙළි කොට මහපාරේ යෑමට හෝ නොහැකි තත්වයක් උදාකිරීමට කටයුතු කරන බව ය.

 

[5]. එම වාර්තාවල දැක්වෙන පරිදි ඕස්ට්‍රේලියානු ෆෙඩර්ල් පොලිසිය විසින් මෙම පරීක්ෂණ පවත්වයි. යම් හෙයකින් මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිවරයා ඕස්ට්‍රේලියානු උසාවියෙන් වරදකරු වුවහොත්, දූෂණය වෙනුවෙන් ලංකා ඉතිහාසයේ විදෙස් රටකින් දඬුවම් ලබන පළමු ජනාධිපතිවරයා බවට පත් වෙනු ඇත. නමුත් එසේ සිදු නොවේවායි අප පතන්නේ රටේ අභිමානය අපට වඩාත් වටින නිසයි.

දසක 3 ක ලේ ගංගා නවතා දමා, කඳුළින් පිරී සිටි ලක් මවට සිනහව එක් කරමින් දැවැන්ත සංවර්ධන යුගයක් කරා රට මෙහෙයවූ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිතුමාවට මඩ ගැසූ අයගෙන් අපට දැන් ඇසීමට ඇත්තේ “ඔබට දැන් සතුටුද?” යනුවෙනි.

අනිත් අයටත් බලන්නට SHARE කරන්න.
 

 
   

 

 

11 comments to මහින්දට මඩ ගහපු මෛත්‍රීපාලට වැඩ වරදියි. ඕස්ට්‍රේලියාවෙන් බරපතල අල්ලස් චෝදනා.

  • කැපුවත් කොළ

    මම මේ බැලුවා බයියො කාලෙකට පස්සෙ ආයිත් උම්බෑ කියන්නෙ මොකද කියලා. අල්ලස් ගන්න එක ලෝකේ හැම දේශපාලඥයාටම වගේ තියෙන චෝදනාවක්. ඉතින් ඕක මහ දෙයක් නෙමෙයි. අතිගරු ජනාදිපති මයිත්‍රිපල තුමා ඔය දේ කරල තිබුනත් ඉතින් මොකෝ? එතුමගෙන් වුන සේවය ඔයිට වඩා වැඩි නැද්ද? මහින්දව ගෙදර යවපු එකම මදිද? බයියො කොච්චර කෑ ගැහුවත් ආයිත් නම් මහින්දට එන්න දෙන්නෙ නෑ නෑ නෑ නෑමයි

    • මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිතුමාව තමුන්නාන්සෙල ගෙදර යැව්වේ එතුමාට එරෙහිව හොරා හොරා කියමින් අල්ලස් දුෂණ චෝදනා එල්ල කරලනේ.

      දැන් එජාපෙ රාජිත සේනාරත්න වගේ අය පවා පිළිගන්නවානෙ මහින්ද හොරකම් කරල නෑ කියලා.

      එතකොට තමුන්නාන්සෙ කියනවා මෛත්‍රීපාල හොරකම් කලත් කමක් නෑ, මහින්දව ගෙදර යවපු එක ඇති කියලා.

      එතකොට හොරකම් නොකරපු මහින්දව ගෙදර යවලා තමුන්නාන්සෙ කියන පරිදි හොරකම් කරපු කෙනෙක් වුණත් බලයට ආවට කමක් නැද්ද?

      තමුන්නාන්සෙට අනුව වැදගත් වෙන්නෙ හොරකම් නැති කිරීමට වඩා මහින්දව එලවපු එක ද?

  • Malith Dissanayake

    මේ ලිපිය අැත්තක්ද? අැත්ත නම් කියන්න තියෙන්නේ කල කම් පලදුන්නා කියල තමා. මෙතනදි මම අැඩ්මින් සමඟ එකඟ වෙනවා. කවුරැ කලත් මින් පහර එල්ල වෙන්නේ රටේ අභිමානයට.

    • මෙය “සිඩ්නි මෝනිං හෙරල්ඩ්” නැමැති ජනප්‍රිය ඕස්ට්‍රේලියානු පුවත් වෙබ් අඩවියෙන් වාර්තා කර තිබෙනවා. http://www.smh.com.au/business/australian-companies-linked-to-bribe-scandals-in-sri-lanka-and-congo-20160823-gqyzlp.html

      එම වෙබ් අඩවියේ ජනප්‍රියත්වය විශ්වාස නොමැතිනම් ඇලෙක්සා රෑන්ක් එක බලන්න. ඕස්ට්‍රේලියාවේ 30 වෙනියට ජනප්‍රියම වෙබ් අඩවිය එයයි. http://www.alexa.com/siteinfo/smh.com.au

      ඒ වගේම ලෝකයේ 1745 වෙනියට ජනප්‍රියම වෙබ් අඩවියත් එයයි.

      බටහිර වෙබ් අඩවියක් විසින් බටහිරින් පත් කළ නායකයෙක්ට දූෂණ චෝදනා එල්ල කිරීම මත මෙහි සත්‍ය බව ගැන තවත් සැකයක් ඇති වෙන්නේ නෑ.

  • Nisan

    kapwth kola kiyana aka adumasen epadunaakeda koheda rookada m3 rs1500 kade yana akekda koheda.jathiyak jammayak nathiun.

  • asanka

    API oya tika kiuwa… Loka gaurawayata pathra unu Jana nayakainta apahasa kara na epa.. Meka budun wediya ratak… Weradi kala eunta danduwam hamba wenawamaiye… Den munta kade giya eun utthara deepanko….

  • Dinuu

    නිකම් නෙවෙයි එහෙනම් ජනපති මේ තිරුපති කෝවිලේ දුවන්නෙ හිමිදිරි පාන්දර. තම කිල්ලෝටෙ තියෙන හුණු ප්‍රමාණය ගැන හොඳින්ම දන්නේ තමුන්මනේ.

    කරමින් හැම අවැඩ ජාතියෙ අවනඩුවේ..
    තිරුපති දෙවිඳුන්ට කිව්වට පල නැතිවේ..
    ජනයා අහිමි ජනපති තනියෙන් ලත වේ..
    කළ කම් පල දෙන්න මොහොතත් ලං ලං වේ..!

    (එඩිටර් තුමනි, මේ කරුණු සොයා දුන් ඔබටත් අප හිතවත් මහින්ද පතිරණ මැතිතුමාටත් තුති!)
    (සයුමි, ඔබ කොහිද?)

  • Dinuu

    රටට සැබවින්ම හිතැති මිතුරනේ…තවම ඇහුවෙ නැත්නම් අගමැතිතුමා මොරටුවේ ජනරැලියේදී අසිරිමත් බුදුදහමට ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ අගෞරව කරන හැටි අහන්න.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hRTJTwNRzZQ

  • Dinuu

    මිනිසත් බවට නිගරුයි අගමැතිඳුන්නේ..
    බහුතර ජනගෙ බුදුදහමට බැට දුන්නේ..
    පාලකයෙකුට නුසුදුසු බව ඔප්පු වුනේ..
    ඔබට ගරු නම්බු මින්පසු අහිමියි නේ..!

    වසර දහස් ගණනක මේ පින්බිමෙනී..
    හෙළ රජ දහන බුදුසිරිතින් ගොඩ නැගුනී..
    වැජඹුනි රජුන් මැතිඳුන් ඒ රැකගමිනී..
    ඔබ කළ නිගරුවට ජන හද කළකිරුණී..!

    රනිල්-සිරිසේන-හොරගොල්ලේ නෝනා..
    සංහිඳියා නාමෙන් රට වනසමිනා..
    හෙළ බොදු ජන වෙතට හිරිහැර පමුනුවනා..
    සුළු ජාතීන් කොටි පරපුර සනසවමිනා..!

    මේකද යහපාලනේ? මුලු රට අසනා..
    මේකද සංහිඳියා? මුලු ජන අසනා..
    බුදුදහමට නිගරුව! වැඩි ජන පුදනා..
    අගමැති ඔබයි මුලු රට පිළිකුල් කරනා..!

  • මටමයි වෙන්නේ
    – මීට සිරිසේන

  • shyam

    what goes around comes around! Lies can overcome truth but deceit cannot continue for long! Looks like the threats made are boomeranging back to the deceitful personality who holds the office of incumbent president! MR’s mistake was that he turned a blind eye to such things and covered such issues up which led to erosion of public confidence in his sincerity to implement the law without intervention from people who wielded power. Ultimately those whom MR protected turned against him and stabbed him in the back!If MR was more vigilant and sensitive to these issues he would have never lost the election!The incumbent president is a shame to such office! goes to show the glaring fact that though we have an educated society whose literacy rate is one of the highest in south east asia they are incapable of forming a judgement based upon principles and act out of emotion!That is the reason why 62 lakhs voted for such a deceitful personality to hold the office of president!

THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEATH-TRAP 2

August 24th, 2016

DHARSHAN WEERASEKERA

I have heard it suggested in certain circles that there will be no referendum on the constitution, i.e. that Maithripala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremasignhe will see to it that the constitution passes into law just by action in Parliament.  In my view, the said suggestion is wrong.  There will be a referendum.

What makes me so sure is that, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zied Al Hussein, in his oral update on Sri Lanka at the June-2016 session of the UNHRC, spends nearly 1/3 of the speech extolling the virtues of the constitution that SL is about to have, and also explicitly says:

‘Significant momentum has been achieved in the process of constitutional reform.  On 10th March 2016, Parliament adopted a resolution establishing a constitutional assembly to draft and approve a new constitution or amendments by the end of 2016, which would then be put to a referendum in 2017.’[1]

Note that the phrase, ‘which would then be put to a referendum in 2017’ is categorical.  How does Zeid Al Hussein know for certain that a referendum will take place?  Obviously, because the Americans told him so.

In my view, the persons who insist that there will be no referendum are operating under a mistaken assumption, namely, that MS and RW are free to do what they want with respect to the constitution-making process, or for that matter government policy in general.  They are not:  the Americans are now in control.  In this article, I shall explain why it is essential for the Americans, as well as for MS and RW personally, that the constitution be subjected to a referendum.

THE AMERICANS

Since the constitution will destroy Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and turn this country into a vassal of the US, the Sinhala-Buddhists will never accept it, and continue to protest against it.  Inevitably, the government will clamp down on those protests, which is to say, undertake a sustained campaign of repression against the Sinhala-Buddhists.

The Americans will participate directly or indirectly in the said campaign, since it is in their interests also to have the constitution ‘succeed.’  Meanwhile, news of what is happening in Sri Lanka will leak to the outside world, because is impossible to hide such things for long, with the internet, social media, and so on.

So, at some point, the Americans will have to justify their actions to the international community.  A referendum lets them do this.  For instance, it gives them a chance to argue that the constitution has been approved by the majority of Sri Lankans, that the protestors are extremists and rabble-rousers, and therefore it is only right that they (i.e. the Americans) help the government defend the constitution against such nasty elements.

MS AND RW

For MS and RW, a referendum is essential for two reasons:  first, if the constitution wins (I presume that by now the US—and their allies the UK and India—have figured out a way to rig a referendum so as to ensure victory) it will provide them with the best excuse for postponing Parliamentary elections in 2020.

Second, if by some chance the constitution loses (that is, whatever plan the US, UK and Indian have concocted fails, and the Sinhala-Buddhists manage to defeat the constitution at the referendum) then the fact that MS and RW allowed the referendum in the first place will help save their necks when the SB’s come for them afterwards.  I shall explain these two points in a bit more detail.

First, as the recent ‘Pada Yathra’ showed, MS is disliked if not reviled by the vast majority of rank-and-file SLFP’ers, which means that, in any future election, if he contests under the SLFP or the UPFA, he is sure to lose.

Let’s turn next to RW.  In my view, because of the hardships resulting from the high price of goods, the incompetence shown in providing basic services such as garbage collection, road-maintenance, and so on, most people in this country including those who voted for the UNP in August-2015 are fed up with the way the country is being run at present.  So, if Parliamentary elections are held today, the UNP will also lose.

The question is, ‘What will happen to MS and RW if they were to lose power?’ In my view, given the mood in the country, and also a perception particularly among SB’s that MS and RW, since coming to power, have done irreparable harm to the sovereignty, humiliated the armed forces, and, under the pretext of ‘national reconciliation,’ re-ignited the separatist ambitions of the Tamils, they (MS and RW) will be in serious trouble if they lose power.

At best, they will have to spend much of their retirement in court or in jail.[2]  At worst, if hard evidence is found that they colluded with foreign countries or with interested parties to compromise the sovereignty of the country, they might have to face life in exile, or, if caught within Sri Lanka, a firing squad, (no doubt after a hasty ‘trial,’ perhaps even with international participation).

In short, neither MS nor RW can afford to lose power, and that means they have to prevent the 2020 Parliamentary elections.  A new constitution will give them an excuse to do this.  For instance, they can argue that the constitution needs time to take root in the country, that it is unwise to subject this process to potential disruptions such as elections, and thereby try to extend the life of Parliament by way of a referendum.

If I’m not mistaken, the above is the tactic J. R. Jayawardena used in order to postpone elections in 1982.  If, however, MS and RW wish to resort to the same tactic, or a variation on it, they need to get the constitution approved at a referendum.  This is for two reasons.

First, most people in this country including UNP voters are well aware of what happened to the country as a result of the postponement of the ’82 elections, and it is unreasonable to suppose that they will want a repeat of those awful events.

So, at a minimum, MS and RW have to show that the present occasion is different from ’82, and they can do this if the constitution is put to a referendum.  For instance they will be able to argue that in ’82, except for the UNP, all other parties were against postponing elections, whereas in the present occasion all parties, including the SLFP, are for it.  They will also say that they are only trying to give the constitution a chance to succeed.

The real value of a referendum, however, is that it lets MS and RW resolve a certain conundrum with respect to the ‘National Government,’  a conundrum they have to resolve if they expect to defeat the SB’s in the clash that is to come.  The conundrum is:  in forming of the ‘National Government’ they abrogated the franchise of the majority of SB’s who voted for the UPFA in the August-2015 elections.

I have discussed the above matter in some detail in two articles (‘The Trap that will be Sprung on March 9th,’[3] and’ A Day that will Live in Infamy’[4]) both published in Lankaweb.com, and refer the reader to those articles, but in brief, my point there was that the UPFA manifesto for the August-2015 elections didn’t say that, if the UPFA lost, its candidates retained the right to join the winning party and form a government.

Thus, SLFP MP’s who contested under the UPFA banner, but then joined the UNP to form the ‘National Government,’ did not have a mandate for what they did.  If we presume that, for the act of voting to have any meaning voters must have the assurance that their representatives, once elected, will fulfill the promises they made prior to the elections, and not engage in conduct contrary to those promises, then the franchise of the SB’s who voted for the UPFA at the said elections has been abrogated.

Therefore, at the time the constitution-making process began in late January, Parliament was both legally and morally unfit to take up that task.  One may argue that the legal problem was resolved when the JO unanimously endorsed the resolution converting Parliament to a ‘Constitutional Assembly,’ but even so, the moral issue still remains.

If MS and RW try to enact the new constitution without a referendum, the said moral issue will re-surface, this time in its full intensity, and that is something they cannot allow to happen, because of the following reason.

The profound truth discovered by persons such as Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr.—the 20th Century’s pre-eminent exponents of the use of non-violence for political purposes—is that moral truth, i.e. the conviction that one’s cause is just, if directed properly, makes a non-violent resistance movement invincible against the power of the State.  They were led to that truth by a certain idea of Leo Tolstoy’s.

Tolstoy’s idea, as far as I understand it, is that the power of the State ultimately rests on its monopoly on violence, which in the final analysis is the ability to unleash the armed forces of the country on its own people.  The function of a non-violent campaign is to force the soldiers to confront the reality of what they are being forced to do.

Tolstoy’s conclusion was that, faced with the said reality, there comes a point where the soldiers refuse to shoot, and that’s the end of the command structure, at the top of which is the political leadership.

To digress a moment, I cannot resist recalling at this stage Tolstoy’s discussion of the above idea in his book, The Kingdom of God is Within You.  In a poignant series of passages, written in his inimitable style, he tells the story of being on a train with a company of soldiers on their way to put down a local rebellion:

‘All these lads, who for the most part come from the country, know what business is taking them out on the train; they know what the proprietors always offend their brothers, the peasants, and that therefore the same is taking place here.  Besides, the greater half of these men know how to read books, and not all books are ones in which the business of war is lauded—there are also those in which its immorality is pointed out.’

‘Amidst them frequently serve freethinking companions—volunteer soldiers—and just such liberal young officers, and into their midst has been thrown the seed of doubt as to the legality and valor of their activity.  It is true, all of them have passed through that terrible, artificial drill, worked out by ages, which kills all independence in a man, and they are so accustomed to mechanical obedience that at the words, of command, ‘Fire by company!  Company, Fire!’ and so forth, their guns rise mechanically and the habitual motions take place.’

‘But ‘Fire!’ will not mean now having fun while shooting at a target, but killing their tormented, offended fathers and brother who—here they are—are standing in crowds, with their women and children in the street, and shouting and waving their hands.  Here they are—one of them, with a sparse beard, in a patched caftan and bast shoes, just like their own fathers at home in the government of Kazan or Ryazan; another, with a gray beard and stooping shoulders, carrying a large stick, just like their father’s father, their grandfather; another a young lad in boots and red shirt, exactly as the soldier who is now about to shoot at him was an year ago.  And here is a woman in bast shoes and linen shirt, just like mother at home….’

‘Are they really going to shoot at them?’

‘God knows what each soldier will do during this last moment.  One slightest indication as to its not being right, above all as to the possibility of not doing so, one such word, one hint, will be sufficient, in order to stop it.’[5]

To turn to the Sinhala-Buddhists, if they launch a sustained campaign of non-violent resistance against the constitution, MS and RW are finished (and so are the Americans, at least as far as their ‘plans’ with respect to SL[6]).  So, it is imperative that the pair retain the moral high-ground, or at any rate a semblance of the high-ground, in relation to the SB’s.  A referendum will let them do the above, because:

One, it means the JO (the purported representatives of the SB’s in Parliament) have endorsed the constitution in Parliament, and two, a winning referendum will mean that at least a portion of the SB’s also have consented to the constitution.  So, MS and RW can argue that the remaining SB’s have no moral right to claim that they have been cheated.

Finally, in the event the constitution loses at the referendum, and MS and RW have to face the wrath of the SB’s, they will be able to plead something like the following:

‘We are now at your mercy because we loved the country more than our own safety.  We knew the risks, but allowed the referendum anyway, because we had faith in democracy and believed sincerely that the constitution would be good for the country. If loving the country is a crime, then consider us guilty.  Harm us, and you will be making a mockery of the very principles that you claim to hold so dear.’

In short, The Americans, and also MS and RW personally, have everything to gain and nothing to lose by holding a referendum:  on the other hand, they are sure to lose everything if they don’t hold one.  So, there will be a referendum.

Dharshan Weerasekera is an Attorney-at-Law. His latest book, The Relevance of American Constitutional Principles to Solving Problems of Governance in Sri Lanka, will be out in bookstores shortly.   

[1] A/HRC/32/CRP.4, 28 June 2016, www.ohchr.org

[2] The same type of treatment they’ve meted out to their rivals in the previous regime but magnified a hundredfold.

[3] 8 March 2016

[4] 16 March 2016

[5] Leo Tolstoy, The Kingdom of God is Within You, Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, New York, p. 341

[6] I presume the SB’s won’t be so dumb as to launch a campaign of violence.  The Americans are maestros at meeting violence with violence and will no doubt enjoy taking on the SB’s.  If one goes by some of their  ‘successes’ of the Americans in places such as the Philipinnes, Indonesia in the 60’s, and even Iraq an Afghanistan more recently, the Americans will see to it that the SB’s are wiped out.

යහපාලු පුබ්බඩයන්ගේ කොළේ වසා ගහන සංහිඳියා තුරුම්පු…!!!

August 24th, 2016

 වෛද්‍ය කේ.එම්. වසන්ත බණ්‌ඩාර

 Monday, August 22, 2016

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සහ බුරුමයේ දේශපාලන සහ හමුදාමය ප්‍රතිසංස්‌කරණ සඳහා ඇමෙරිකාව සක්‍රියව මැදිහත්විය යුතු බවට ඇමෙරිකානු ආරක්‍ෂක උපදේශකයකු වන ඇඩ්මිරල් ඩෙනිස්‌ බිලේයාර් පවසන්නේ මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂගේ පරාජයෙන් පසුවය. මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ පරාජය කළ මැතිවරණය සමස්‌ථ ලෝකයටම වැදගත් බව පවසමින් ඔහු කියා සිටියේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව දකුණු සහ නැගෙනහිර ආසියානු කලාපයේ ගමනාගමන මර්මස්‌ථානයක්‌ බවය. එම මර්මස්‌ථානයට චීනය පය තබාගැනීම ඔවුන් කිසිසේත්ම ඉවසන්නේ නැත. මත්තල ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ හම්බන්තොට වරායේ ණය හිලව්වට චීන සමාගම්වලට ඒවායේ ප්‍රාග්ධන අයිතිය ලබාදීම සඳහා ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආණ්‌ඩුව විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කළ යෝජනාව චීන රජය විසින් පළමු වටයේදී ප්‍රතික්‌ෂේප කොට ඇත. එය එක්‌තරා ආකාරයක තාවකාලික මවා පෑමක්‌ ලෙසද විග්‍රහ කෙරේ. 
 අමෙරිකානු නාවික හමුදාව යටතේ පාලනය වන දිගුදුර විශේෂ මෙහෙයුම් සඳහා යොදාගන්නා සුපිරි මැරීන් භටයින් රැගත් ”නිව් ඕර්ලියන්” යුද නෞකාව පසුගියදා කොළඹ වරායට පැමිණියේය. එම අවස්‌ථාවේදී පැවැත්වූ පිළිගැනීමේ උත්සවයේදී අදහස්‌ පළකළ ඇමෙරිකානු තානාපති අතුල් කේෂාප් විශේෂ ප්‍රකාශයක්‌ කළේය. ඔහු එහිදී කියා සිටියේ ශ්‍රි ලංකාවේ ව්‍යවස්‌ථා සම්පාදක ක්‍රියාවලියට ඇමෙරිකාව කොටස්‌කරුවෙකු ලෙස දායක වන බවය.
ඊට අමතරව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ හමුදාවේ ප්‍රතිසංස්‌කරණ සිදුකිරීම සඳහාද තම රට කොටස්‌කරුවෙකු වන බව ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේය. එම නෞකාවේ කාර්යමණ්‌ඩලය දින 3 ක කාලය තුළ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ හමුදාවට ”යහපත් පුරුදු” හඳුන්වාදීම සඳහා අදහස්‌ හුවමාරුකරගන්නා බවද සඳහන් විය.

එම නෞකාව ඇමෙරිකාව සතු ප්‍රධාන පෙළේ යුද යාත්‍රාවක්‌ වන අතර එහි අංගසම්පූර්ණ යුද ආම්පන්න සහිතව මෙහෙයුම් සඳහා යොදාගන්නා සුපිරි ”මැරින් භටයින්” 700 ක්‌ රැදවිය හැක. ලෝකය පුරා මහත් ආන්දෝලනයකට ලක්‌වූ බින්ලාඩන් මරා දැමීමේ විශේෂ මෙහෙයුම දියත් කළේද එම භටයින් විසිනි. එහිදි ඔවුන් පකිස්‌ථානයට ගුවනින් සහ ගොඩබිමින් කඩා වැදුනේ පකිස්‌ථාන රජයේ අවසරය නොමැතිවය. එම භටයින් මැරීන් යන නමින් හැඳින්වුවද ඔවුන් නාවික, ගුවන් සහ ගොඩබිම් යන තුන් ආකාරයේම විශේෂ මෙහෙයුම් සඳහා යොදාගන්නා සුපිරි කොමන්ඩෝ භට කණ්‌ඩායමකි. මීට මාස කිහිපයකට පෙර ජාත්‍යන්තර මාධ්‍යවල සහ ආරක්‍ෂක තොරතුරු වාර්තා කරන වෙබ් අඩවිවල පළවූ වාර්තා අනුව එම මැරීන් බටයින් සඳහා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කොළඹ නගරයේ මුහුද ආශ්‍රිතව අක්‌කර 06 ක නාවික කඳවුරු සංකීර්ණ ඉදිකෙරේ. එම කඳවුරු තුළ නේවාසිකාගාර, ආයුද ගබඩා සහ ගුවනින් සහ මුහුදින් කරනු ලබන ගොඩබැසීම් වලට පහසුකම් පවතින බව වාර්තා විය. එහෙත් ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජය හෝ ඇමෙරිකානු තානාපති අංශ එම වාර්තා ප්‍රතික්‍ෂෙප කළේ නැත.

මැරින් භටයින් රැගත් නෞකාව ගැන හෝ ඇමෙරිකානු හමුදාව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ යුද හමුදාවේ ප්‍රතිසංස්‌කරණ සඳහා මැදිහත්වීම ගැන හෝ ඇමෙරිකානු භටයින් සඳහා කොළඹ නගරයේ කඳවුරු සංකීර්ණයක්‌ ඉදිකිරීම පිළිබඳව ඉන්දියාවද එක වචනයකින් හෝ විරෝධය පළකොට නැත. චීන රජයට අයත් සබ්මැරීනයක්‌ හෝ යුද නෞකාවක්‌ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මුහුදු කලාපයට ඇතුල්වූ විගස ඉන්දියාව ප්‍රතිචාර දක්‌වන්නේ ඊට වෙනස්‌ ආකාරයකටය. මේ වන විට ඉතා සූක්‍ෂමව දියත් වී ඇති ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පය තබාගැනීමේ මෙහෙයුම ඇමෙරිකානු සහ ඉන්දියානු ඒකාබද්ධ ව්‍යාපෘතියක්‌ බවට කිසිදු සැකයක්‌ නැත.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බොහෝ දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ, විශේෂයෙන්ම වාමාංශික පක්‍ෂ විශ්වාස කරන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ආශ්‍රිත ඇමෙරිකානු මැදිහත්වීම්වලට ඉන්දියාව විරුද්ධ බවය. නමුත් සීතල යුද්ධය අවසන්වීමෙන් පසුව එනම් 90 දශකයේ සිට ඉන්දු – ඇමෙරිකානු සබඳතා සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට අදාලව එම රටවල් දෙක විසින් පවත්වාගෙන යන ප්‍රතිපත්ති සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම වෙනස්‌ විය. නමුත් අප රටේ දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ විසින් එම වෙනස සහ එය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අනාගත ඉරණමට කෙසේ බලපාන්නේද යන බරපතළ දේශපාලන අභියෝගය පිළිබඳව ගැඹුරු සංවාදයක්‌ ඇති කරන්නේ නැත. ඔවුන් තවමත් ඉතා බොළඳ ආකාරයට ශ්‍රී ලංකාව බෙදා වෙන්කිරීමට ඇමෙරිකාව ක්‍රියාකරන්නේ ඒ මගින් ඉන්දියාව බෙදා වෙන්කොට දුර්වල කිරීමට යයි තර්ක ගොඩ නගති. එම පටු දේශපාලන විග්‍රහ නිසා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට එරෙහිව දියත්වන ඉන්දු – ඇමෙරිකානු ඒකාබද්ධ මෙහෙයුම පිළිබඳ සැබෑ සංවාදය යටපත් වේ. 2013 වසරේ සිට එම රටවල් දෙකේ ඔත්තුසේවා විසින් දියත්කළ මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ පරාජය කිරීමේ මෙහෙයුම එදා ආණ්‌ඩුව විසින් අවතක්‌සේරු කළේද එම ජාත්‍යන්තර උපාය මාර්ගික දේශපාලන මෙහෙයුම නිවැරදිව කියවා ගැනීමට අසමත්වීම නිසාය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සහ බුරුමයේ දේශපාලන සහ හමුදාමය ප්‍රතිසංස්‌කරණ සඳහා ඇමෙරිකාව සක්‍රියව මැදිහත්විය යුතු බවට ඇමෙරිකානු ආරක්‍ෂක උපදේශකයකු වන ඇඩ්මිරල් ඩෙනිස්‌ බිලේයාර් පවසන්නේ මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂගේ පරාජයෙන් පසුවය. මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ පරාජය කළ මැතිවරණය සමස්‌ථ ලෝකයටම වැදගත් බව පවසමින් ඔහු කියා සිටියේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව දකුණු සහ නැගෙනහිර ආසියානු කලාපයේ ගමනාගමන මර්මස්‌ථානයක්‌ බවය. එම මර්මස්‌ථානයට චීනය පය තබාගැනීම ඔවුන් කිසිසේත්ම ඉවසන්නේ නැත. මත්තල ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ හම්බන්තොට වරායේ ණය හිලව්වට චීන සමාගම්වලට ඒවායේ ප්‍රාග්ධන අයිතිය ලබාදීම සඳහා ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආණ්‌ඩුව විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කළ යෝජනාව චීන රජය විසින් පළමු වටයේදී ප්‍රතික්‌ෂේප කොට ඇත. එය එක්‌තරා ආකාරයක තාවකාලික මවා පෑමක්‌ ලෙසද විග්‍රහ කෙරේ.

කෙසේ වෙතත් හම්බන්තොට සහ කොළඹ වරාය නගරය ආශ්‍රීත චීන මැදිහත්වීම ඉන්දියාවට සහ ඇමෙරිකාවට බරපතළ ප්‍රශ්නයකි. එය වඩාත් උග්‍ර වන්නේ බටහිර පකිස්‌ථානයේ ගොවඩාර් වරාය ආශ්‍රිතව චීනය විසින් ආරම්භකොට ඇති සංවර්ධන ව්‍යාපෘතිවල බරපතලකම නිසාය. ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 50 කට අධික එම ආයෝජනය මගින් එම වරාය නගරයේ සිට කි.මි. 1500 ක මහා මාර්ගයක්‌, ගෑස්‌ නලයක්‌ සහ තෙල් නලයක්‌ චීන දේශසීමාව දක්‌වා ඉදිකෙරේ. පකිස්‌ථාන චීන සබදතා විසින් ඉන්දියාව මත ඇතිකරන බලපෑම විසින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ආශ්‍රිත ඉන්දු – අමෙරිකානු මැදිහත්වීම තවදුරටත් ත්‍රීව කරන බව ඉතා පැහැදිළිව පෙනේ. එම තත්ත්වය තුළ ඉන්දියාව සහ ඇමෙරිකාව විසින් ඒකාබද්ධ මෙහෙයුම් තිප්පොලක්‌ ත්‍රිකුණාමලය වරාය ආශ්‍රිතව ගොඩනගන බවට ජාත්‍යන්තර ආරක්‍ෂක විශ්ලේෂකයෝ සැක පළකරති. දැනටමත් ත්‍රිකුණාමලය වරායේ පිවිසුම පාලනය කිරීමේදී ඉතා වැදගත්වන සාම්පූර් ප්‍රදේශයට බලාගාරයක්‌ මුවාවෙන් ඉන්දියාව පය තබා ඇත. එම ප්‍රදේශයේ පැවැති නාවික කඳවුරක්‌ද මේ වන විට ඉවත්කොට ඇත. ඊට අමතරව ත්‍රිකුණාමලය වරායේ ”බන්කරින් ව්‍යාපාරය” හෙවත් නැව්වලට තෙල් ලබාදීමේ වාණිජ මෙහෙයුම ඉන්දියානු අයි.ඕ.සී. සමාගම විසින් තම අතට ගෙන ඇත. ඒ අතර වරාය ආශ්‍රිත තෙල් ටැංකි සංකීර්ණයද ප්‍රතිසංස්‌කණය කිරීමේ මුවාවෙන් දිර්ඝ කාලීන වානිජ ගිවිසුමක්‌ යටතේ අත්පත්කර ගැනීමට ඉන්දියාව ක්‍රියාකරමින් සිටියි. එසේම ත්‍රිකුණමලය වරාය ආශ්‍රිතව ඉන්දියානු කර්මාන්ත පුරයක්‌ හෙවත් ඉන්දියාවට වෙන්වූ ආයෝජන කලාපයක්‌ද වෙන්කිරීමට ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආණ්‌ඩුව එක`ග වී ඇත.

මෑතකදී ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආණ්‌ඩුව විසින් ත්‍රිකුණාමලය වරාය ආශ්‍රිතව වරාය නගරයක්‌ බිහිකිරීම සඳහා ඊට අදාල සක්‍යතා අධ්‍යන සිදු කිරීම සහ ආයෝජකයින්ගේ උනන්දුව විමසීම ආදී කටයුතු සඳහා සිංගප්පුරු සමාගමකට රහසිගතව කොන්ත්‍රාත්තුවක්‌ ලබාදී ඇති බව වාර්තාවිය. එය රහසිගතව හෝ එළිපිට හෝ කුමන ආකාරයට කළද ඉන්දියාව සහ ඇමෙරිකාව ඒකාබද්ධව ත්‍රිකුණාමල වරායට පය තබන්නේ දැවැන්ත වානිජ ව්‍යාපෘති ජාලයක්‌ හරහා බවට නම් කිසිදු සැකයක්‌ නැත. වානිජ මැදිහත්වීම තුළ යුද්ධමය උවමනා ඉටුකරගැනීමේ කිසිදු බාධාවක්‌ නැත. සෘජු හමුදාමය පෙනී සිටීමකට වඩා වානිජ ව්‍යපෘතියක ආවරණය යටතේ හමුදාව ක්‍රියාත්මක වීම දේශපාලන වශයෙන් දිර්ඝකාලීනව වාසිදායක වේ. යම් අවස්‌ථාවක වානිජ ව්‍යාපාරවලට ත්‍රස්‌තවාදී ප්‍රහාර එල්ල කිරීමේ සැලසුම් සහගත උපක්‍රමයක්‌ මගින් හසෘමුදාව ජුව මැදිහත්වීමද සාධාරණිකරණය කෙරේ.

මේ වනවිට ඉන්දියාව විසින් ත්‍රිකුණාමල වරාය කලාපය මුල්කරගෙන කරනු ලබන මැදිහත්වීම් සිදුවන්නේ ඇමෙරිකානු ආශිර්වාදය සහ මගපෙන්වීම යටතේ බවද පැහැදිලිව පෙනේ. ඉන්දියාවේ ධනුෂ්කොඩි වල සිට ත්‍රිකුණාමලයට මහා මාර්ගයක්‌ සහ රේල් පාරක්‌ හැදීම සඳහා අවශ්‍ය ඊනියා හනුමාන් පාලම් ව්‍යාපෘතියට ආසියානු සංවර්ධන බැංකුව විසින් ඩොලර් බිලියන 5ක්‌ වෙන්කරන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආණ්‌ඩුව නිල වශයෙන් එම ව්‍යාපෘතිය අනුමත කිරීමටත් පෙරය. පසුගියදා ඉන්දුනිසියාවේදී ඊට අදාලව මුට්‌ටියක්‌ දමා බැලීමට කබිර් හෂීම් ඇමැතිවරයා යොදාගන්නේ මහජන විරෝධතා පිළිබඳ අවබෝධයක්‌ රජයන් දෙකටම තිබෙන බැවිනි. කෙසේවෙතත් දැනටමත් සැලසුම්කොට ඇති කි.මි. 125 දිග රේල් පාර ත්‍රිකුණාමලයේ සිට තලේමන්නාරමට ලගාවන්නේ මැදවච්චිය හරහාය. එවිට ඔවුන්ගේ දිර්ඝ කාලීන සැලසුම අනුව උතුරු නැගෙනහිර බෙදාවෙන්කිරීමෙන් පසුව එම රේල්පාර රටවල් දෙකක්‌ මැදින් ගමන් කරන ජාත්‍යන්තර මාර්ගයක්‌ බවට පත්වේ.

ඉන්දියාවේ දිර්ඝකාලීන උපාය මාර්ගික සැලසුම අනුව උතුරු නැගෙනහිර පළාත් බෙදා වෙන්කළ පසුව බොහෝ වාමාංශික පක්‍ෂ තර්ක කරන ආකාරයට බෙදුම්වාදී ව්‍යාපාරය තමිල්නාඩුවට පැතිරි තමිල්නාඩුව ඉන්දියාවෙන් වෙන් වන්නේ නැත. ඒ වෙනුවට සිදුවන්නේ ආරක්‍ෂක ගිවිසුමක්‌ සහ ආර්ථික ගිවිසුමක්‌ මගින් බෙදී වෙන්වුණු ඊළාම් රාජ්‍යය දේශපාලන වශයෙන් අර්ධ කොලනියක්‌ ලෙස පමණක්‌ නොව පාලමක්‌ මගින් භූගෝලීය වශයෙන්ද තමිල්නාඩුව සම`ග එක්‌වීමය. එම ක්‍රියාවලියට ත්‍රිකුණාමලය වරාය ආශ්‍රිතව පැලපදියම් වීමට නියමිත ඇමෙරිකානු හමුදාවේ ආශිර්වාදය නොමදව ලැබෙනු ඇත. යම් අවස්‌ථාවක ත්‍රිකුණාමලය වරායේ සිට ඉන්දියාවට භාණ්‌ඩ ප්‍රවාහනය කරන දුම්රියකට ‘හඳුනානොගත් ත්‍රස්‌තවාදීන්” පහරදුන් විටක එම ජාත්‍යන්තර මාර්ගය ආරක්‍ෂා කිරීම සඳහා ඉන්දියානු හමුqදාව කැදවිය හැක. එවිට මැදවච්චිය ආශ්‍රිතව ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ ද ඉන්දියානු හමුදාව රැදවිමේ ”සාධාරණ – ඉඩක්‌” ඉන්දියාවට ලැබේ.

අනාගතයේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ආශ්‍රිතව සිදුකිරීමට නියමිත ඉන්දු-ඇමෙරිකානු ඒකාබද්ධ මෙහෙයුමට පහසුකම් සැලසීම සඳහා ඉන්දියාව සහ ඇමෙරිකාව අතර ප්‍රධාන ආරක්‍ෂක ගිවිසුම් 3ක්‌ අත්සන්කොට ඇත. පළමුවැන්න එල්.එස්‌.ඒ. ගිවිසුම හෙවත් ක්‍රමෝපායීක සහායක ගිවිසුමයි. ඒ මගින් රටවල් දෙකේ හමුදා පහසුකම් වලට අවතීර්ණ වීමේ කොන්දේසි සපිරේ. ඒ මගින් ඒකාබද්ධ මෙහෙයුම්වලට පමණක්‌ නොව අදාළ කඳවුරු වල අරමුණු සහ ක්‍රියාකාරී පරාසයන් අනෝන්‍ය අවබෝධයෙන් පුළුල් කිරීමේ ඉඩ ද ලැබේ. දෙවන ගිවිසුම සී.අයි.එස්‌.එම්.ඕ. ගිවිසුම හෙවත් සන්නිවේදන සහ තොරතුරු ආරක්‍ෂක අවබෝධතා ගිවිසුමයි. ඒ මගින් රටවල් දෙකේ ආරක්‍ෂක කටයුතු වලට අදාලව පොදු සන්නිවේදන වේදිකාවක සකස්‌ වේ. තුන්වන ගිවිසුම බී.ආර්.සී. ගිවිසුම හෙවත් තොරතුරු හුවමාරු සහයෝගිතා ගිවිසුමයි. ඒ මගින් සැටලයිට්‌ හරහා ලබාගන්නා තොරතුරු සහ අනෙකුත් ආරක්‍ෂක තොරතුරු හුවමාරු කරගැනීමට ඉඩ සලසයි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ගූගල් ලුන් බැලූන් ව්‍යාපෘතිය හෙවත් ශ්‍රී ලාංකික ජනතාවගේ හිසට උඩින් සිට තොරතුරු එක්‌රැස්‌ කිරීමට ඉඩ සැලසින ව්‍යාපෘතිය සඳහා ජෝර්- සෝරෝස්‌ නැමති ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය ජාවාරම්කාරයා සම`ග ගිවිසුමකට එළඹීමේ ක්‍රියාවද ඒ සම`ග බැදී ඇත.

මෙම සියලු ක්‍රියාකාරකම් ඇමෙරිකාව සහ ඉන්දියාව අපේක්‍ෂා කරන ආකාරයට ඉදිරියට ගෙනයාම සඳහා ශ්‍රී ලංකා රාජ්‍යයේ ව්‍යහය බෙදුම්වාදය ශක්‌තිමත් කෙරෙන ආකාරයට දුර්වල කරන අතර ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආරක්‍ෂක හමුදා දුර්වල සහ දුර්මුඛ කොට ඒවා ඇමෙරිකානු ගැති හමුදා බවට පත්කළ යුතුය. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ව්‍යවස්‌ථා සම්පාදක ක්‍රියාවලියට සහ හමුදා ප්‍රතිසංස්‌කරණ ක්‍රියාවලියට ඇමෙරිකාව මැදිහත්වන බවට ඇමෙරිකානු තානාපතිවරයා ඒකපාර්ශවීයව ප්‍රකාශයක්‌ කරන්නේ තමා ඉදිරියේ පවතින ඒ අභියෝගය ජයගන්නා බව සහතික කිරීම සඳහාය. නපුංසක භූමිකාවක්‌ ඉටුකරන අප රටේ විදේශ අමාත්‍යාංශය ඉන්දු – ඇමෙරිකානු අභියෝගය ජය ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය සියලු පහසුකම් සලසන බවට කිසිදු සැකයක්‌ නැත. 

 වෛද්‍ය කේ.එම්. වසන්ත බණ්‌ඩාර

නන්දන මාරසිංහට මොකද වුනේ ?

August 24th, 2016

ධර්මන් වික්‍රමරත්න

නන්දන මාරසිංහ 71 කැරළිකරුවන් අතර සිටි සුවිශේෂි චරිතයක් වන අතර විමුක්ති ගී සාර්ථක කරගැනීම සඳහා කැපවී ක්‍රියාකල අයෙකි. ඔහුගේ පියා විදුහල්පතිවරයෙකි. දක්ෂ තබ්ලා වාදකයෙකුවු නන්දන අනුරාධපුර මධ්‍ය මහ විද්‍යාලයේ ඉගෙනුම ලබන විට ගුරුවරයෙකුවූ මුණසිංහ මගින් 1968දී ඔක්තෝබර් මස ජවිපෙට සම්බන්ධවී පූර්ණකාලිනකයෙකු විය. ඔහු ප්‍රථමවරට  අධ්‍යාපන කඳවුරට සම්බන්ධවූයේ 1968 දෙසැම්බර් මිද්දෙණියේදී වන අතර පොලිස් අත්අඩංගුවට ප්‍රථමවරට පත්වූයේ 1970 මින්නේරියේදීය. අප්‍රේල් කැරැල්ලේදී විජේවීර නිදහස්කර ගැනීම සඳහා කරාටේ සැම්සන්, අම්බලන්ගොඩ තිලකසිරි, කොටවල දේවසිරි හිමි යන අයගේ නායකත්වයෙන් විද්දෝදය සරසවියේ සිට යාපනයට බස් රථයකින් ගිය 60 දෙනාගේ කණ්ඩායමට අනුරාධපුරයෙන් එක්වූවෙකි. ප්‍රහාරය අසාර්ථක වීමෙන් පසුව පලායෑමට සමත්විය.

Dharman Wickremaretneධර්මන් වික්‍රමරත්න විසිනි.

ජවිපෙ 71 කැරැල්ලට හසුවී සිටි අය බේරාගැනීම සඳහා නන්දන මාරසිංහ ඇතුළු ජවිපෙ කණ්ඩායමක් අනුරාධපුර බන්ධනාගාරයට 1972 ජුනි 13වැනිදා ප්‍රහාරයක් එල්ලකර එහි සිටි පියදාස රණසිංහ, හීන්බණ්ඩා වනසිංහ, අකුරැස්සේ ෆැන්සිස් ඇතුළු ජවිපෙ ක්‍රියාකාරිකයින් 31 දෙනෙකු මුදවා ගන්නා ලදී. එම ප්‍රහාරයට මුවාවී මරුසිරා සමඟ නමගිය අපරාධකරුවන් 4 දෙනෙකු ඇතුළු සිරකරුවන් 7ක්ද පළාගියහ. යළිත් නන්දන මාරසිංහගේ මෙහෙයවීමෙන් ජවිපෙ සාමාජිකයන් පිරිසක් අනුරාධපුර බන්ධනාගාරයට 1972 සැප්තැම්බර් 29වැනිදා රාත්‍රී 12ට තාප්පයට වැල් ඉනිමන් ගැටගසා ඇතුළට පැන බෝම්බ ගසමින් එහි සිටි ජවිපෙ 71 කැරැල්ලට සම්බන්ධ සැකකරුවන් 134 දෙනෙකු නිදහස් කරගෙන පලා ගියහ. පසුව නන්දන මාරසිංහ 1973 මරදාන ටෙක්නිකල් හංදියේදී ගාමිණී බාස්ගේ පාවාදීමක් මත පොලිස් අත්අඩංගුවට පත්විය. යාපනය හිරගෙදරින් 18දෙනෙකු සමඟ පැනගිය මාරසිංහ නැවත අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් අතර නඩුවට ගෙනයන අතරතුරදී කලාවැව දුම්රිය ස්ථානයේදී නැවත පැනගොස් පොල්ගස්ඕවිටදී නැවත අත්අඩංගුවට පත්විය.

dharman2408161ජවිපෙ විමුක්ති ගී සමුච්ඡය ආරම්භයට අත්වැලක්වූ නන්දන මාරසිංහ, කොළඹ රාමක්‍රිෂ්ණ රඟහලේදී 1981 පැවති විමුක්ති ගී ප්‍රසංගයේදී.

මාරසිංහ 1978 නිදහස් වීමෙන් පසු කලාව මගින් සමාජය වෙනස්කර ගැනිම ජවිපෙ විමුක්ති ගී ප්‍රසංගයට වැඩි බරක් යොදමින් සමාජවාදී කලා සංගමය හරහා ප්‍රබල දායකත්වයක් ලබා දුන්නේය. පසුව 1981 ජවිපෙන් මතවාදීව ඉවත්වී රජරට කේන්ද්‍ර කරගනිමින් ජනතා කලා කේන්ද්‍රය නමින් සංවිධානයක් පිහිටුවා ගනිමින් කලාව හා සාහිත්‍යයට බරතබා ක්‍රියා කළේය.  ජනතා කලා කේන්ද්‍රය පසුව නුවර සහ කුරුණෑගලටද ව්‍යාප්ත කරන ලදී. විමුක්ති ගී බවට විකල්පයක් ලෙස කාලයේ රාවය ප්‍රසංගය බිහිවූයේ ඒ අනුවය. සුනිලා අබේසේකරද එහි ගී ගැයුවාය. අගනුවර කේන්ද්‍ර කරගත් ඉන්දු ලංකා ගිවිසුමට පක්ෂපාතී සංවිධානවල අනුරාධපුර සම්බන්ධීකාරකවරයා වූයේද ඔහුය. ඉන්දු ලංකා ගිවිසුමත් සමඟ 1987 අනුරාධපුර දිස්ත්‍රික් පුරවැසි කමිටුව පිහිටුවා එහි කැඳවුම්කරු විය. ජවිපෙ මගින් අනුරාධපුර පොළ භූමියේදී 1987 නොවැම්බර් 27 ඔහු වෙඩි තබා ඝාතනය කරන ලදී.

dharman2408162ජවිපෙ මගින් අනුරාධපුර පොළ භූමියේදී 1987 නොවැම්බර් 27 ඔහු වෙඩි තබා ඝාතනය කල ජනතා කලා කේන්ද්‍රයේ සභාපති නන්දන මාරසිංහ

කුරුණෑගල සහ කෑගල්ල දිසා ලේකම්, ජාතික කම්කරු සටන් මධ්‍යස්ථානයේ වයඹ සහ සබරගමු කලාප නායකයාවූ පන්නල කොට්ටල් භද්‍රආරච්චිගේ ඉන්ද්‍රරත්න ගල්ගමුවේදී 1986 සැප්තැම්බර් 22වැනිදා සිදුවූ බැංකු කොල්ලයේ නායකයෙකි. ගල්ගමුව බැංකු කොල්ලයෙන් පසු 1987 අවසානයේදී අනුරාධපුර පොලිස් අත්අඩංගුවේ පසුවූ අතර පොලිසියට ඔහු නියම නමින් හදුනා ගැනීමට හැකිවූයේ ජවිපෙන් ඉවත්වූ අනුරාධපුරයේ නන්දන මාරසිංහගේ මැදිහත්වීමෙනි. පසුව මාවතගම පීලස්සේ පදිංචි ව්‍යාපාරිකයෙකු වන රංජිත් විසින් පී.කේ.බී.ඒ. ඉන්ද්‍රරත්නගේ අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීම ජවිපෙට දැන්වූ අතර පසුව සබදකම් හරහා කොල්ලුපිටිය පොලිසියේ ඔහු රඳවා තබාගන්නා ලදී. කොල්ලුපිටිය පොලිසියෙන් පලාඑන ඉන්ද්‍රරත්න යළිත් ජවිපෙට එක්වී කෑගල්ලේ දිසා ලේකම් වශයෙන් 1989 මැද භාගයේදී පත්විය. අනතුරුව 1989දී කෑගල්ල ටවුමේදී ජවිපෙ ක්‍රියාකාරිකයෙකුවූ ශාන්තගේ ඔත්තුවක් අනුව පොලිස් අත්අඩංගුවට පත්වන අතර  මේජර් ජනරාල් ජානක පෙරේරා විසින් කුරුණෑගල වැහැර යුධ හමුදා කඳවුරට ගෙන ඉන්ද්‍රරත්න ගෙන එන ලදී.

dharman2408163ඔගී රණවීරට අයත් බම්බලපිටියේ ඔගී ශබ්දාගාරයේ විකල්ප කැසට් පටය සඳහා 1980 පෙබරවාරි පටිගත කිරීමකදී ගුණදාස කපුගේ, නිමල් පෙරේරා, මුණිදාස ගුණසිංහ සහ නන්දන මාරසිංහ(වමේ සිට),

එම කඳවුරේ ඇති දරුණුතම වධකාගාර කුටිවල(තහඩු ගසා ඇති එම කුටියේ අත්දෙකට මාංචු දමනු ලබන්නේ කකුල් දෙක එක් කරමිනි. දවස පුරා සිටිය යුතතේ දෙකට නැමීගෙනය). රඳවා තැබූ ඉන්ද්‍රරත්න 1989 ඔක්තෝබර් 07වැනිදා ඝාතනයට ලක්විය. වධබන්ධන වලට ලක්වූවද කිසිදු තොරතුරක් අනාවරණය නොකළේය. පසුව ඉන්ද්‍රරත්නගේ සිරුර නාරම්මල පාරේ ටයර් දමා පුළුස්සා තිබිණි. ඒ පිළිබඳ චෝදනා ලෙෆ්ටිනන්ට් ජයනෙත්ති, කෝප්‍රල් අමරසිංහ සහ බලපිටියේ පදිංචි කෝප්‍රල් සිල්වාට යොමුවිය. ඉන්ද්‍රරත්න අවාහ වූයේ ජවිපෙ ශිෂ්‍ය ක්‍රියාකාරිනියකව සිටි කුරුණෑගල මලියදේව විදුහලේ සාගරිකා සමඟය. ඇය සහ එකම දරුවා 2016වන විට ඉතාලියේ ජීවිත් වේ. ඉන්ද්‍රරත්න 71 අප්‍රේල් කැරළිකරුවෙක් වූ අතර පරාජයෙන් පසු විල්පත්තුවට පසුබැස ගියේය. ජවිපෙ ප්‍රතිසංවිධානය කිරීමේ වැඩකටයුතු වලට 1972දි එක්විය. ඔහුගේ පියා අනුරාධපුර බෞද්ධ මන්දිරයේ හිටපු සභාපතිවරයෙකි.

dharman2408164ජවිපෙ මගින් 1987 නොවැම්බර් 27 ඝාතනය කල නන්දන මාරසිංහගේ අවමඟුලට 1987 නොවැම්බර් 29වැනිදා සහභාගිවී සිටින විජය කුමාරතුංග.

නන්දන මාරසිංහගේ ඝාතනය සැලසුම් කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් සැකපිට අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් රාජපක්ෂ ආරච්චිලාගේ ෂෙල්ටන් රාජපක්ෂ නොහොත් සමන් වීරසිංහ ගම්පහ පහළගම පදිංචිකරුවෙකු වූ අතර මුල්පෙළේ සන්නද්ධ නායකයෙකි. ගම්පහ බණ්ඩාරනායක විදුහලෙන් 1982 අපොස උසස් පෙළ විද්‍යා විෂයෙන් සමත්වූ ඔහු බළල් ඇස්වැනි විශේෂ ලක්ෂණයකින් හෙබි ඔහු ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිටින දුර්ලභ පුද්ගලයෙකු ලෙස 1989 අනුරාධපුර විලච්චියේදී අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමෙන් පසු ඔහු හඳුනාගත් ජාතික බුද්ධ කාර්යාංශයේ පොලිස් නිළධාරි පෙරේරා විසින් වාර්තාකර තිබිණි. ෂෙල්ටන් කොස්ඕවිට, ගම්පහ, අනුරාධපුර, පොලිසි සහ බන්ධනාගාරවලද සිටි අතර මැගසින් බන්ධනාගාරයෙන් පලායෑමටද වරෙක සමත් විය.(The writer ධර්මන් වික්‍රමරත්න Dharman Wickremaretne is a senior journalist who could be reached at ejournalists@gmail.com OR 011-5234384)

JFA condemns scribe’s murder in Gujarat

August 24th, 2016

By NJ Thakuria

Guwahati: Journalists’ Forum Assam (JFA) strongly condemns the murder of a senior journalist based in Junagadh of Gujarat and asked the authority to nab the perpetrators and deliver justice to the victim family.

The forum expressed shocks that the miscreants had entered to the bureau office of Gujarati newspaper ‘Jai Hind’, where Kishore Dave was working on Monday night and stabbed him to death.

Dave, 53, was reportedly alone at the bureau office of the Rajkot based newspaper at that moment and he died on the spot. There was no security camera in the one-room office, where an office assistant found Dave’s body lying on the floor.

“We have lost now four journalists this year (nine since Jan 2015).

How may scribes have to die to compel the Union government to formulate a national action plan for safeguarding the media persons across the country,” said a statement issued by JFA president Rupam Barua and secretary Nava Thakuria.

The first incident of journalist murder this year took place in Uttar Pradesh, Tarun Mishra of Hindi daily ‘Jan Sandesh Times’ was shot dead on 13 February. The second casualty was reported from Jharkhand, where a local TV news reporter named Indradev Yadav of Taaza News was shot dead on 12 May. The third news of journalist murder broke from Bihar, where unidentified gunmen shot Rajdeo Ranjan of ‘Hindustan’ to death on 13 May.

India lost five journalists namely Jagendra Singh from Uttar Pradesh, Sandeep Kothari (Madhya Pradesh), Raghavendra Dube (Maharashtra), Hemant Yadav (Uttar Pradesh) and Mithilesh Pandey (Bihar) to assailants last year. Shockingly, no one has been convicted in all these cases.

Future borrowings only to settle debt – CB Governor

August 24th, 2016

By Paneetha Ameresekere Courtesy Ceylon Today

The future fiscal policy of the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) would be to borrow to settle debt and not to enhance government finance, Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) Governor Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy said.
Sri Lanka’s debt profile is equivalent to 76% of GDP. Speaking at the CIMA Business Summit on Tuesday he said that there are however no sovereign debt maturities to settle next year.

But from 2018 onwards there will be sovereign debt maturities to settle, each of US$ one billion in value, the Governor said.
He said that monetary policy is subsumed by fiscal policy and not vice versa. Fiscal policy is the writ of the GoSL and not CBSL’s, which writ is to maintain exchange rate (ER) stability and a low interest rate regime, said Coomaraswamy.
But what has happened is that there have been fiscal slippages in the past leading to high budgetary deficits and interest rates, as well as inflation and an overvalued ER, circumstances over which the CBSL had no control, he said.
On the other hand, the nation’s successful East Asian peers have maintained low budget deficits, devalued their ER, whilst working towards a low interest rate and inflationary rate regime, the Governor said. As a result, China was able to lift 400 million of its people out of poverty.
Coomaraswamy said that there should be targeted subsidies with a simultaneous targeting of a reduction in the nation’s fiscal deficit from the current 7.4% of GDP to 3.5% of GDP.
Otherwise, the island cannot aspire to grow at the 7-8% level which it aspires to.
And with an ageing population, growth cannot be stimulated by labour. It will have to be driven by innovation and productivity gains.
He further said that by this time next year Sri Lanka will have preferential trade agreements, giving it access to an aggregate market of three billion. Those include agreements with China, India and Singapore.
The Governor said that when Development Strategies and International Trade Minister Malik Samarawickrama was in China in March, the Chinese authorities had urged him to sign the proposed Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) with India so that that would be an inducement for Chinese companies to invest in Sri Lanka so as to export to India and vice versa.
The Governor further said that Singapore has undertaken a Master Plan study of Trincomalee with a view to investing in this area while Japan was looking at investing in Kandy and India was involved in developing Kankesanthurai Harbour and the Palaly Airport.
There are also proposals to build the Colombo-Kandy and Colombo-Ratnapura Highways. Coomaraswamy further said that this was the best opportunity that has our way over the past 50 years in Sri Lanka. He said that because the conflict was over and many negatives being things of the past , Sri Lanka’s proximity to the growing economic giant India and straddling the centre of China’s silk route, good relations with capital rich Japan and Korea and also with its major export markets in the West, now was the opportune moment for Sri Lanka.
He further said that the island was having good relations with the rest of the world, a hint that poor relations with India during the J.R. Jayewardene era had spawned the island’s 26 year- old Tamil terrorist conflict, which bled its economy nearly white.

Coal Controversy: USD 3mn loss in public funds?

August 24th, 2016

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

 The controversial Coal Tender process has taken a different turn with the Power and Energy Ministry deciding to continue to purchase coal from Swiss Singapore despite damning observations by the Supreme Court.

The issue came to light last year after the Daily Mirror broke the story regarding the circumventing of procedure and process in awarding a sport tender to the same company. Thereafter legal action was filed in the Supreme Court, which observed a blatant violation of the process when awarding the tender.

The decision comes despite the Power and Energy Ministry was said to have been “taken aback” last week when the spot tender they called for coal had the lowest price for this commodity at USD 64.77 per metric tonne. However, it was reported on Monday (22), according to Ministry Secretary Dr. B.M.S Batagoda, that the Power and Energy Ministry would continue to contract with Swiss Singapore Overseas Enterprises Pte Limited for the supply of coal. The reason given for this has been that their contract price was USD 7 less than what was quoted in a recent spot tender at USD 58 per metric tonne.

However, the Daily Mirror learns that in order to arrive at the complete price which has to be paid to Swiss Singapore the calculations have to be made according to an API 4 Index. This figure does not seem to have been taken into account in classifying Swiss Singapore as the best option because had it been accounted for, the calculations would have shown that the long term tender with this company would have resulted in USD 9.17 more per metric tonne than what would have been spent using the spot tender method.

This in turn translates into an excessive spending of USD 3,026,100 for the required 330,000 metric tonnes of coal in September.

The figures given by the Power and Energy Ministry has also been questioned publicly by Wasantha Samarasinghe of the Voice Against Corruption Movement.

Furthermore the continuation to contract with Swiss Singapore flies in the face of the concerns that were raised by the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka after this controversy that has racked the local coal industry was brought to light by fundamental rights petitions that were filed by two other coal suppliers.

K. Sripavan, C.J, in his judgement on the case said “I have no alternative but to declare the decision of the SCAPC (Standing Cabinet Appointed Procurement Committee) to award the tender to the 22nd Respondent (Swiss Singapore) cannot stand valid in the eye of the law.” In its judgment the Chief Justice also observed that some events which took place in the award of the coal tender to Swiss Singapore Overseas Enterprises Pte Ltd “shocks the conscience of the Court”

The applications were dismissed however due to preliminary objections that were raised. (Rashmin Tirimanne De Silva)

– See more at: http://www.dailymirror.lk/114624/Coal-Controversy-USD-mn-loss-in-public-funds-#sthash.UfX5Obo1.dpuf

An opportunity to rectify a grave error

August 24th, 2016

Editorial Courtesy The Island

 

The government came under fire from the Opposition in Parliament on Tuesday over the Office on Missing Persons Bill (OMPB), which the Speaker is said to have signed into law. Even the JVP, which is for the OMPB, insisted that some of the amendments including those it proposed had not been accommodated. Urged to resubmit the Bill with amendments to Parliament again Leader of the House Lakshman Kiriella said he would explore the possibility of doing so. Will he prove that he is a man of his word?

The Joint Opposition (JO) and the JVP accused the government of rigging a vote on a supplementary estimate in Parliament about three months ago. Some of the MPs were not in their seats when the vote was taken. The chair and the parliamentary staff took the count wrong and declared the estimate passed, but subsequently, it had to be submitted again. The OMPB was also ‘passed’ under similar circumstances. The House was in turmoil with some Opposition MPs protesting in the well of parliament when it was ‘ratified’.

A minister told the media the following day that the government had mustered a two-thirds majority for the Bill, but he was unable to say how many MPs had supported it!

The JO’s failure to challenge the OMPB in courts cannot be cited in extenuation of the deplorable manner in which it was ‘ratified’. The government, which claims to practise good governance, should have sought the opinion of the apex court, suo motu, on the Bill and rid it of the section inconsistent with the Constitution and other questionable features the Opposition has taken exception to.

Everybody is at sea as regards the amendments which are said to have been incorporated into the OMPB; it is not clear whether some controversial features thereof such as Section 11 have been retained or obviated. This particular section gives the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) untramelled powers to ‘enter into agreements with any person or organisation, whether local or foreign’ among other things. It is being argued in some quarters that if this provision has not been done away with the OMP will even be able to enlist the support of the International Criminal Court!

As we have pointed out in this space previously the OMPB, in its original form, sought to whittle down the powers of the executive president further by making Constitutional Council (CC) recommendations mandatory in respect of the appointment of personnel to the Office on Missing Persons (OMP); this kind of additional responsibility given to the CC amounts to further curtailment of the powers of the executive president elected directly by the people and, therefore, the OMPB, according to the original draft, was a constitutional amendment in all but name. The OMPB was not consistent with the Constitution. Article 82 (1) states: “No Bill for the amendment of any provision of the Constitution shall be placed on the Order Paper of Parliament, unless the provision to be repealed, altered or added, and consequential amendments, if any, are expressly specified in the Bill and is described in the long title thereof as being an Act for the amendment of the Constitution.” What would the legal pundits of the government say to this?

It is a pity that even the self-appointed guardians of democracy including western governments and NGOs have welcomed the seriously flawed OMPB in spite of the controversial manner in which it has been ‘passed’.

The government has set a very bad precedent which has made a mockery of its avowed commitment to good governance. The Opposition’s protests against the OMPB must be heeded and remedial action taken.

Nowadays everyone is ready to get perks and join Govt – Mahinda

August 24th, 2016

Nowadays everyone is ready to get perks and join Govt – Mahinda
ලිප්ටන් වටරවුම අලෙවි මවුලානා වටරවුම කළොත් හොඳයි

Batalanda and Ranil – lot of explanations needed

August 24th, 2016

Published Mon, 2005-10-17 05:00 Courtesy Asian Tribune

Bodipala Wijeyesinghe told “Asian Tribune” that he is not in favor of Ranil Wickremasinghe in the forthcoming Presidential Poll. He termed Batalanda as the “Killing Field” and said Ranil has to do lot of explanation to exculpicate himself from the accusing finger pointed towards him in the sordid chapter of the Batalanda saga.

This is the first letter to Editor regarding the Sri Lanka’s Presidential election where 13 candidates are in the fray and the voting is scheduled for 17 November.

The full text of the letter written Bodipala Wijeyesinghe is given below :

Editor,

Asian Tribune

Dear Sir,

Sri Lanka: – A beautiful island in the Indian Ocean.
Twenty miles from the southern most tip of India
Area of Sri Lanka, around twenty five thousand square miles
The current population 16 – 18 million

Sri Lanka was formally known as Ceylon.
It was under British Portuguese and the Dutch rule.
Independence came after (over) one hundred and fifty year of British rule, Independence was in February 1948.

Since independence, the government changed its status from being a Dominium to a Republic. From being a government led by an elected Prime Minister and members of parliament modeled to Westminster type of democracy to President “rule” more or less a French style.

Sri Lanka once a very peaceful country is now very “rough”
During early fifties it was not required closing your house when you sleep. Now you need to barricade your house at all times.
Law and order, protection of it citizens, would appear to be a thing of the past. Sad, is it progress? No it is a fact of life.

Object of the Letter to Editor: –

This letter to the editor is geared to assess the evidence by a (non legal) person to ascertain if there was government led ‘Torture and Killings’ that took place between 1987 and 1992 and, does it involves Ranil Wickremesinghe a presidential candidate for 2005 presidential elections.

Ranil Wickremesinghe was a senior Minister of the 1987 to 1992 administration. Thereafter, from 07 May 1993 to 19 August 1994, Prime Minister of Sri Lanka during the year 2001 general election Ranil Wickremesinghe led (The UNP) the party who won the most number of seats. Following the general election he was re-appointed as the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka.

What is known about Batalanda and what evidence is found to substantiate ‘killings’ and “Torture” that took place in Batalanda?
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There is evidence to support torture and killings in Batalanda. Witnesses have implicated person/s who was involved in the killing and torture activities.

Although there is sufficient evidence, successive Government/s did not take legal or other action against anyone?

Citizens have been imprisoned and/or sent to ‘gallows’ on evidence presented to a jury and /or to judges. In my opinion evidence in this case is sound but nothing has been done? Why?

Following are some of the details ;

Batalanda, is a housing scheme that is owned by the state fertilizer corporation.

Batalanda is located a short distance from the capital Colombo.

The government used Batalanda housing scheme, as a Counter Subversive Unit (CSU) to quell an uprising commonly know as the JVP uprising.

JVP uprising between 1987 and 1992 witness the deaths of,
between 40,000 and 140,000. No known number of deaths has been kept.
Figures quoted are those on publication.
Of course some were killed in combat while the
“CSU” unit set up by the government killed the others. The numbers killed and or tortured by the “CSU” unit is unknown.

The government of President Kumaratunga, the current President appointed a commission to investigate activates of Batalanda. Although the report is out she has not done anything about it?

Commissions report was dated 12 April 1998

The commission has pointed the finger at some high-ranking police officers and Ranil Wickremesinghe The report confirms that torture and killings took place at Batalanda.

Names listed to be the leading police officers involved:

Douglas Peiris Officer in charge.

Other officers mentioned in the reports who were involved: –

Keerthi Atapattu Officer in Charge of a police station

Nalin Delgoda. Superintendent of Police

Meril Goonaratne and Raja Dias.

Both were Deputy Inspector General of Police.

They were all implicated with the killings. Those killed also included the death of a brother “police officer” He was Sub Inspector Rohitha Priyadarshana.

Of course the police officers may say that he/they carried out orders. I think Nuremberg trials took a different view and hanged the killers of the Second World War.

The torture centre in Batalanda housing scheme would appear to have been set up by Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe who is a 2005 presidential candidate. Ranil Wickremesinghe was a senior Minister and later the Prime Minister of the government between 1979 and 1994

The former Inspector General of Police (IGP) Mr Ernest Perera in giving evidence to the commission admitted that he ‘subsequently’ came to know the existence of an illegal detention camp in Batalanda but he did nothing further?

The commission found that the Batalanda Housing scheme was a convenient and a safe place for detention torture and execution. The army guarded the housing scheme. It is situated in a secluded and secured place.

Douglas Peiris and Ranjith Wickremesinghe both were senior police officers. Their task was to maintain Batalanda. They did so with other lower ranking police officers. They were residence of the housing scheme.

Special concessions to Douglas Peiris and Ranjith Wickremasinghe were: –

To be resident at Batalanda housing scheme

These concessions were given to them by Ranil Wickremesinghe – the Presidential candidate. Residency in the housing complex is not common for police officers. Ranil Wickremesinghe said accommodation was given at the request of the defence minister who has since died.

Ranil Wickremesinghe gave evidence to the commission. In his evidence Ranil Wickremesinghe said that the detention centre was set up at the request of deceased defence Minister Mr Ranjan Wijeratna. Later in his evidence he denied the existence of the detention centre at Batalanda. Although the IGP and he confirmed that there was one.

Some relevant details found by the commission are: –

Sub Inspector Priyadarshana of Sapugaskanda Police Station was killed.
Reason for killing suspected of been involved in anti government activities or being a member of an organization. He went missing and later was found floating in a river. No post Mortem or inquiry was held to his death. Body was taken to Sapugaskanda Police station and found missing the next day.

Who was involved?

Based on the un-challenged and un-contradicted evidence the commission stated that –

Officer in charge of the Sapugaskanda Police Station Keerthi Atapattu who was a member of the CSU unit along with SSP of Police Douglas Peiris, Nalin Delgoda, Deputy Inspector General of Police Meril Goonaratna and Raja Dias were directly responsible for disappearance and death of Sub Inspector Priadarshana. Ranil Wickremesinghe set up the “CSU” unit Sapugaskanda Police stations is under a mile from the Batalanda detention centre.

Other person

Mr Wijedasa Liyanarachchi lawyer. He was arrested in Tangalle (120 miles from Colombo) was handed to the CSU unit under the instruction of Ranil Wickremesinghe. Mr Liyanarachchi was taken to a police station close to Batalanda. The next day he taken to the hospital with over hundred injuries and died.

Ranil Wickremesinghe stated that the deceased might have sustained the fatal injuries in Tangalle.

Un-challenged and un-contradicted evidence confirm that deceased sustained the fatal injuries were under detention. Commission’s view was that Mr Liyaanrachchi was taken to Batanada where he was tortured during the night. Later the deceased was returned to the police station from where he was sent to the hospital. He died in hospital.

The commission reported detail of the above death and recommended to the Attorney general to take legal action against the ‘killers’ and arrange to pay compensations as required. Nothing was done.

Not all the incidents were recorded in the report I have received. The commission continues to state that none of the witnesses testified to the fact that they were assaulted and tortured at Batalanda Housing Scheme were challenged on the basis that they were giving false evidence.

Other, known lawyers who disappeared or killed. They were: –

1) Wijedasa Lyanarachchie (as above)

2) Charitha Lankapura

3) Kanchana Abeypala

4) Neville Nissanka

5) C.W.J.K Weeraman

6) Leslie Yatanwala

7) Padmandan

8) K. Vemudais

9) A.W Wettasinghe

10)Amara Vellapillai

11)Wettasinghe

12)Gamini Meddegedra

13) Sanath Karalliyadde

14) Sarath Sepala Rathnayake

15) D.M.U Bandara

16) Tudor Keerthinanda

17) A .Amirthalingam

18) Kandasamy

19) T Yogeshwaran

20) AW Wickramasinghe

21) Wanapala Ranatunga

The India National News paper “Hindu” in their report (dated 23 August 2000) stated that a policeman who was associated with the detention centre resurfaced in Sri Lanka and gave evidence to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) directly linking Ranil Wickremesinghe with the death squad.

News paper report goes on to state that Ranil Wickremesinghe held ‘unauthorized meetings of police officers involved in counter insurgence operations in the housing complex but he did not have any such authority. He further implied Ranil Wickremasinghe’s involvement in Batalanda.

Lord Avebury in his letter states (dated 3 November 2002)

There was an illegal detention camp which formed part of the Batalanda Scheme

The “CSU” unit headed by Douglas Peiris ran the detention camp
Douglas Peiris was given a house in the scheme at the instigation of Ranil Wickremesinghe

Ranil Wickremesinghe was indirectly responsible for the establishment and maintenance of the illegal detention camp at Batalanda.

Lord Avebury goes on the say the he does not think the world leaders would do anything about the link between Ranil Wickremesinghe and Batalanda Camp.

Based on the above facts it is evident that Ranil Wickremesinghe who was a senior Minister at that time and later he was appointed the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka. Was not only aware of torture and killings at Batalanda camp and it would appear that he was personally involved in its activities.

With this background a letter was sent to Wickremesinghe asking him to come clean. Something likes the ‘truth commission’ in South Africa but he has opted to ignore the option. The letter to Wickremesinghe was sent on 14 November 2002.

Following Ranil Wickremesinghe’s silence a letter a letter was sent to Mr Faiz Mustapha, previous High Commissioner for Sri Lanka in the United Kingdom. The letter was sent to him when he was the High Commissioner. The letter was for his information and confirming my intension to circulation this report.

As Ranil Wickremasinghe has failed to come up with any convincing explanation so far, I am not in favor of his election.

Bodipala Wijeyesinghe,

Resident in UK

Post your comments

– Asian Tribune –

ICC: Destroying shrines is a war crime – Sinhala Buddhists must showcase the war crimes committed by LTTE-TNA & Muslim fundamentalists

August 23rd, 2016

Shenali D Waduge

The International Criminal Court has charged Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi of war crimes for the destruction of cultural heritage in Mali in 2012 declared World Heritage sites by UNESCO. On 20 July 1983 the late Cyril Mathew sent a comprehensive report to UNESCO to safeguard and preserve the cultural property in Sri Lanka endangered by racial prejudice, unlawful occupation or wilful destruction. That report covered only a handful of sites that had been subject to rape by parties and individuals attempting to eliminate evidence of Sinhala Buddhist occupation in the North and East and replace with Hindu, Christian/Catholic & Islamic new sites and claim them to be their heritage sites manipulating political correctness, and riding on the bogey of multiculturalism and reconciliation. Such treachery needs to be exposed and the real heritage sites needs to be identified and protected.

There are some key factors to take note of.

The Sinhala Buddhist heritage sites has been target of destruction by Indian invaders, colonial occupiers (Portuguese, Dutch and British & the Church) LTTE-TNA and now Muslim fundamentalists. That historical objective has continued with the modus operandi only changing.

All the while attempts have been made to wipe out the Sinhala Buddhist history of Sri Lanka, denationalize the people of their historical roots and memories and craftily remove Sinhala Buddhist culture, events, traditions etc. An excellent example is the well-funded campaign out to stop the Dalada Perahera by creating a notion of cruelty to elephants while the same activists are stoic silent on animal sacrifice/ritual sacrifice and animal killing and other forms of animal cruelty. Their campaign is only surrounded around stopping the perahera and using the elephant as the scapegoat.

Whether it is the Tamil vellalas, the LTTE or their political arm the TNA, the quest has been to claim a tract of land as their own for which they had been moving earth and heaven. Just because some loose cannon politicians and paid activists claim homelands without historical basis an island nation cannot be separated. This is what foreign envoys, the UNSG, the UNHRC head and even the Western Bloc nations needs to realize and understand. Cross examination of all homeland claims only lead back to Tamil Nadu and ascertains the false notions at play.

With no historical evidence to prove that Tamil language, Tamil people, heritage originated and evolved in Sri Lanka’s north or even east, given the heavy evidence to showcase the Tamil Nadu links to Sri Lankan Tamils the next option was to generate a hyped propaganda of lies and deception through falsified ‘history’ and by attempting to destroy, ruin and deface the artefacts in the North and East of Sri Lanka by Tamil vellalas, TNA-LTTE, the Church-NGOs and Muslim fundamentalists.

In the case of Muslims, who first arrived as traders and were treated as aliens by the Sinhale kings and the colonials initially began trading in coastal areas and were allowed to live as guests though they did not have land rights till after 1800s, therefore they cannot claim any historical area as being their heritage sites given that land rights were not given to them prior to this period. Technically only claims after land rights have been given to Muslims are valid. However, there is much contention with Muslims claiming Buddhist heritage sites to be ‘theirs’ and using media and churning incidents in their favour to win over political correctness and thus ‘secure’ these Buddhist heritage sites as theirs. We can give examples of Kuragala, Muhudumahavihara, Dambulla and a pattern now to claim sites close to all Buddhist heritage sites as a means to surround Buddhist sites and create animosity.

In 1932 Charles Collins the British Civil Servant and GA for Ratnapura in his “The Archaeology of Sabaragamuwa, Bintenna” makes note of 7 places – Budu-gala, Kura-gala, Diyainna, Handa-giriya, Kottimbul-wala, Sankha-pala Vihare in Pallebedda and Galpaya tracing inscription to second century B.C http://ratnawalli.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/The-Archaeology-of-the-Sabaragamuwa-Bintenna..pdf please read http://ratnawalli.blogspot.com/2014/03/kuragala-lessons-fighting-with-honour.html

shenali230816A01

shenali230816A02

What is important and has to be reiterated is that incursions have a history. Territories and lands have been confiscated and taken by force with the use of the sword through history and people have been converted with death threats. This is how Islam and Christianity/Catholicism has increased globally. In the modern era, in lieu of swords have been at the extreme end terrorism and at the other more sophisticated end the manipulation of multiculturalism and reconciliation using NGOs and other sophisticated methods all of which have demanded that Buddhists keep quiet while their heritage sites are usurped and replaced with others. Objections by Buddhists is declared as going against reconciliation and multiculturalism and voicing these objections are promoted as racism and those flagging the wrongs are branded as fascists, fundamentalists, radicals and whatever name they can concoct to ridicule the messenger whereby the aim is to dilute and conceal the message.

While Cyril Mathew boldly generated a report with facts, figures and images and sent to UNESCO the present day incursions, destructions and incursions upon Buddhist heritage sites are available and now need to be collected, compiled and correlated to demand that no individual, group or politicians can eliminate or destroy ancient heritage as by virtue of the ICC judgement these are now construed as war crimes.

Moreover, political parties and politicians must be told to desist from using their office to be influenced into allowing incursions by non-Buddhists into Buddhist heritage sites and build new religious sites which lay the foundations for animosities when they demand that their new construction be given prominence over the ancient site. There is a pattern to all these incursions and this needs to be clearly exposed.

The Buddhist organizations must establish a website where they can upload all these incursions so that the truth can be made public as against the falsehoods that are being promoted because money and power & mode of communications are vested in non-Buddhists clearly signalling in imbalance and injustice.

To protect our heritage we must assert our rights. In not asserting our rights we forfeit our right to demand justice and in so doing we will lose what our ancestors had toiled to erect and protect to pass on to us to also protect and preserve. It is our duty and we must do justice to what has been passed down from history. Such magnificent and ancient past that goes back centuries before Christ cannot be replicated even with modern technology which is why anyone attempting to destroy or deface and replace them should be treated as war criminals and the offence a war crime.

Shenali D Waduge

අතුරුදන්වූවන් පිළිබඳ කාර්යාලය අතුරුදන්වූවන් සෙවීමටද? රණවිරුදඩයමටද? සංවාදශීලී සම්මන්ත‍්‍රණය අගෝස්තු 24 වන බදාදා සවස 3.30 ට කොළඹ මහජන පුස්තකාලීය ශ‍්‍රවණාගාරයේදී පැවැත්වේ

August 23rd, 2016

ලසන්ත වික‍්‍රමසිංහ ලේකම්, යුතුකම සංවාද කවය

අතුරුදන්වූවන් පිළිබඳ  කාර්යාලය සාක්ෂිආඥා පනතට හො ්තොරතුරු දැන ගැනීමේ පනතට යටත් නොවන අතර  ඕනෑම අයෙකුට ආරක්ෂක හමුදාවලට එරෙහිව නිර්ණාමිකව බොරු චෝදනා නැඟිය හැකි ය. එම අසත්‍ය චෝදනා පදනම් කරගෙන රණවිරුවන් සේවයෙන් නෙරපා හැරීමට ද ඔවුන්ගේ කීර්ති නාමය විනාශ කිරීමට කටයුතු කළ හැකිය. කාර්යාල නිලධාරීන්ට ආරක්ෂක මර්මස්ථාවලට පවා කඩා පැන තොරතුරු රැුස් කළ හැකිය. මිනී වළවල් ගොඩ දමමින් විවිධ මාධ්‍ය රංගන දක්වා ලංකා හමුදා කෙරෙහ ිලෝක මට්ටමින් අප‍්‍රසාදයක් ඇති කළ හැකි ය. රණවිරුවා සහ ත‍්‍රස්තවාදියා සම මට්ටමෙහි ලා සැලකෙන මේ පනත රජයට රට පුරා මරාගෙන මැරෙන ප‍්‍රහාර එල්ල කළ ත‍්‍රස්තවාදීන්ගේ සිට මිය ගිය සහ අතුරුදන් සියලූ ත‍්‍රස්තවාදීන්ට වන්දි ගෙවීමට ද සිදුවනු ඇත.

මේ පිළිබඳ සම්මන්ත‍්‍රණයක් අගෝස්තු 24 වන බදාදා සවස 3.30 ට කොළඹ මහජන පුස්තකාලීය ශ‍්‍රවණාගාරයේදී පැවැත්වේ. මෙහිදී ජනාධිපති නීතීඥ මනෝහර ද සිල්වා, ප‍්‍රවීණ මාධ්‍යවේදී මොහාන් සමරනායක සහ යුතුකම සංවාද කවයෙ ්සභාපති ගෙවිඳු කුමාරතුංග ආදී විද්වතුන් ඔබ අමතනු ඇත. එසේම රට වෙනුවෙන් සටන ්වැදුනු රණවිරුවෙකුද සිය අදහස් එක්කිරීමට නියමිතය. මෙහි මුලසුන හොඹවන්නේ පූජ්‍ය බෙංගමුවේ නාලක හිමිපාණන් වහන්සේ විසිනි. මෙම අවස්ථාවට සහභාගීවන මෙන් දෑහිතකාමී ජනතාව වෙත යුතුකම සංවාද කවය ආරාධනා කර සිටියි.

ලසන්ත වික‍්‍රමසිංහ (

ලේකම්, යුතුකම සංවාද කවය

 

Case Management in Substance Use Disorders

August 23rd, 2016

Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D.

Abstract: This article discusses the case management in substance use disorders. Substance use disorders have devastating physical, mental, spiritual and socio-economic consequences for users and their families.  It causes enormous burden to the health care system. Individuals with Substance use disorders have multiple social, physical, and mental health treatment needs. To provide more effective treatment in substance use disorders, case management has been introduced. Numerous studies have shown that case management is effective in treating substance use disorders.

Key Words: Substance Use Disorders, Addictions, Case Management

Alcoholism, drug dependence and addiction are known as substance use disorders (USDHHS, 2004). Substance abuse is defined as a maladaptive pattern of substance use leading to clinically significant impairment or distress (APA, 1994). Substance use disorders affect millions of individuals and the problems associated with these disorders are pervasive and destructive (Caravella, 2008). Substance use disorders are major contributors to morbidity and premature mortality.

Substance abuse is increasingly recognised as a chronic and relapsing disorder (McLellan, 2002) Compton and colleagues (2005) found poor social adjustment and psychosocial burdens connected with substance use disorders. Hesse and colleagues (2007) highlight that Substance use disorders are associated with a wide range of serious health, social and economic complications.

Substance use disorders are often presented with co-occurring disorders—the use of more than one substance and/or one or more psychiatric disorders simultaneously. A co-occurring disorder may also be a medical condition. Clients with SUDs may also display poly-substance patterns, in which they experience physical or psychological effects from more than one substance. (NASW, 2013).

Individuals with substance use disorders have complex, multiple problems, and disabilities. Surveys indicate that substance abuse and other mental illnesses are often comorbid. Depression, Bipolar Affective Disorder, PTSD, Schizophrenia Personality Disorders etc are comorbid with substance use disorders.  Comorbidity is often associated with more severe illness course.

There is high level of comorbidity of PTSD and substance use disorders (Saladin et al. 1995). The comorbidity of PTSD with substance use disorders is complex because while a substance use disorder may often develop as an attempt to self-medicate the painful symptoms of PTSD, withdrawal states exaggerate these symptoms (Brady et al. 2000).

Comorbidity of substance use disorders with mood and anxiety disorders has been found in many studies. Mirin, Weiss & Michael (1988) hypothesized that up to 70 percent of individuals treated for substance abuse have a lifetime history of depression.

Substance use could trigger psychotic symptoms in vulnerable individuals (Green, 2006). Co-occurring substance use disorders including alcohol are common in schizophrenia and are associated with poor outcome (Mesholam-Gately et al. 2014).

People with substance use disorders are heterogeneous, with wide variations across groups in terms of substances used, comorbid disorders, and their strengths and resources (McGovern  & Carroll, 2003). Multiplicity of social, familial and economic problems associated with substance use disorders make the treatment process challenging and sometimes prolongs the recovery. In substance use disorders multiple needs of the individual should be considered and multimodal approach is recommended. The goals of treatment include the achievement of abstinence or reduction in the use and effects of substances, reduction in the frequency and severity of relapse to substance use, and improvement in psychological and social functioning (APA, 2006).

 

Providing Case Management   Services in Substance Use Disorders

Addiction is a chronic disease for which multiple episodes of treatment, remission, relapse, and retreatment frequently occur before achieving stable recovery (Tai &Volkow, 2013).  People with substance use disorders have a wide variety of needs across the range of symptom severity (Reif et al. 2014). Substance abuse can have a devastating effect on the social support networks of individuals (Sarrazin & Hall, 2004). They need effective and uninterrupted support to combat their addictions. In Substance Use Disorders multiple aspects of a patient’s care ought to be addressed. To coordinate the treatment and support servicers case management has been recommended in numerous therapeutic modalities.

Since the 1970s, case management has been introduced in various countries to improve the accessibility, accountability, coordination and continuity of services provided to diverse at-risk populations with multi-faceted problems, such as persons with mental illness, the elderly, homeless persons and multi-problem families (Hall et al., 2002; Holloway & Carson, 2001; Moxley, 1989; Sargent et al., 2007; Kolind et al., 2009). Case management has a long and  relatively successful history for the treatment and support of several mental health  populations in the United States, Australia, Canada and several European countries  (Burns, Fioritti, Holloway, Malm, & Rössler, 2001; Hesse et al, 2007).

Case management is regarded as one of the most important innovations in mental health and community care of the past decades (Holloway et al., 2001; Vanderplasschen et al., 2004). Case management has been widely used as an intervention in the treatment of substance abuse problems (Rapp et al., 2014).

In general terms Case Management is defined as a multi-step process which ensures coordination of medical and specialty care and access to a range of appropriate medical, psychosocial and social services for the client and family and which promotes and supports the independent functioning of the client and family. A case manager is the person who takes responsibility for coordinating various forms of support to achieve the objectives of the case plan. They have a strong relationship with the client and are the key liaison between all services involved.

According to the Ontario Addiction Services Advisory Council (2000) Case Management services are a defined as a process which includes the designation of a primary worker whose responsibilities include the ongoing assessment of the client and his/her problems, ongoing adjustment of the treatment plan, linking to and coordination of required services, monitoring and support, developing and implementing the discharge plan, and advocating for the client. Case management services are offered regardless where the individual is in the system.

The National Case Management Standards Network of Canada (2009) defines case management as a collaborative, client-driven process for the provision of quality health and support services through the effective and efficient use of resources. Case management supports the clients’ achievement of safe, realistic and reasonable goals within a complex health, social, and fiscal environment.

Case management is flexible and consists of a broad range of activities.  Case management is a client-centered strategy to improve coordination and continuity of care, especially for persons who have multiple needs (Moxley, 1989).  Hall et al (2002) describe case management as a coordinated and integrated approach to service delivery, intended to provide ongoing supportive care and to help people access the resources they need for living and functioning in the community. The core functions of case management—assessment, linking, monitoring, and advocacy—remain constant across almost all applications of case management (Rapp et al. 2008). Case management is also viewed as a tool or service to help clients maintain their autonomy while achieving positive health outcomes (MacNeil Vroomen et al., 2012).

According to Annicka and colleagues (2012)   case management is a heterogeneous concept of care that consists of assessment, planning, implementing, coordinating, monitoring, and evaluating the options and services required to meet the client’s health and service needs.  Case management was developed to address fragmentation in service delivery and is rooted in the social casework tradition (Weiss, 1998; Lillquist, 2008).  Case management is pragmatic as well as culturally sensitive. CM servicers help to recover from a substance abuse problem more effectively.

 

According to Vanderplasschen et al. (2004) four models of case management are usually distinguished for working with substance abusers: the brokerage / generalist model, assertive community treatment / intensive case management, the clinical / rehabilitation model, and strengths-based case management. Case management could reduce attrition from treatment and improve both psychosocial and drug and alcohol outcomes among persons with substance use disorders (Lightfoot et al. 1982; Vanderplasschen etal, 2004). The man objective of case management is to keep the individual with substance use disorder engaged in treatment, preventing relapses and helping the client to move towards recovery.

 

The Efficacy of Case Management Services

Case management in mental health services has been a positive initiative (Ziguras & Stuart, 2000). As indicated by Zwarenstein and colleagues (2005) in case management, an individual or a small team is responsible for navigating the patient through a complex process in the most efficient, effective and acceptable way. Case management has been suggested as an innovative strategy that facilitates the improvement of a patients’ quality of life, the reduction of hospital length of stay, the optimization of self-care and improvement in the satisfaction of the patient and the professionals involved (Lee et al., 1998).

Willenbring and colleagues (1991) demonstrated that the effectiveness of case management as it helped keep public inebriates engaged in treatment, stabilize their situation, and improve access to service providers, reduce clinical deterioration, and provide continuity of care.  Rapp and colleagues (2008) state that the effectiveness of case management is largely based with improving linkage with treatment. Vanderplasschen et al (2007) of the view that strengths-based and generalist case management have proven to be relatively effective for substance abusers in general. Intensive case management is associated with reduced health care costs and increased client satisfaction with services received (Vanderplasschen et al., 2007).  Fukui et al (2012) report positive outcomes with strengths based case management – especially for people with psychiatric disabilities and in the areas of hospitalization, housing, employment, symptoms, leisure time, social support and family burden.

Through Case management   clients with complex, multiple problems, and disabilities receive all the services they need in a timely, effective, and appropriate fashion (Rubin   1992;   Caravella, 2008). Evidence suggests that case management has been a powerful intervention to assist people with psychosocial problems (Cowger, 1994). Although case management may seem a radical intervention relative to clients’ situations, appreciation by clients is consistently high (Vanderplasschen, 2006).

 

Case Discussion

 

  • MXVX: 51 year old male separated from his family and living alone. Mr. MXVX was diagnosed with Fibromyalgia, Depressive Disorder and Generalized Anxiety Disorder.  He had been abusing substances for over 18 years and predominantly used Oxycontin for pain symptoms. Ten years ago Mr. MXVX tried to end his life by overdosing himself. Several years ago he sustained a TBI (Traumatic Brain Injury) as a result of self harm.

Mr. MXVX was referred for Case Management and following treatment goals & plans have been identified.

  1. MXVX needed psychological counselling and he was referred to a counsellor.
  2. The client had no family doctor and he was connected with a GP (General Practitioner)
  3. For his addiction issues referred him to an addiction specialist and as harm reduction procedure treated him with Methadone.
  4. The client was referred to a Psychiatrist for a psychiatric assessment and to update his medications for depression and anxiety.
  5. To provide him with financial assistance connected the client with Ontario Disability Support Program (ODSP).

After these procedures Mr. MXVX’s psychosocial health and functionality improved to a significant level. Now he is not abusing any street drugs and effectively connected with his support services.

 

  • PXVX: 45 year old woman abused crack cocaine for five years and was impacted by homelessness. In case management Ms. PXVX was provided income and housing support. In addition she was referred for Methadone maintenance treatment (MMT).

 

Today Ms. PXVX is housed and she is on Methadone without abusing any other drugs. She is positive about her future and wishes to go to school to obtain additional skills and knowledge. She intends to be a journalist.

 

  • AXVX: 36 year old male used heroin for nearly eight years and served three year jail term for a robbery. Following his drug habits the Children’s Aid Society had to remove his underage child and sent him for foster care. Mr. AXVX had no aim in his life. He was unemployed and homeless.

 

The case management servicers helped him to obtain income support and along with his other case workers found him housing. Also referred him for Methadone maintenance treatment (MMT). He is on 100 mg of Methadone daily and gets six take-home doses. He has moved away from his user friends and stopped using other street drugs. As a result of his positive changes Mr. AXVXc is now allowed to connect with his child for a longer period.  Mr. AXVX is now hoping to get his child for his care and to lead a productive life.

 

Conclusion

A significant burden of disease has been reported in Substance use disorders. Individuals with substance use disorders have complex, multiple problems, and disabilities and wide variety of needs across the range of symptom severity. They need effective and uninterrupted support to combat their addictions. To provide an optimal support and care case management services have been recommended. Case management is a pragmatic intervention that helps in treatment, stabilize their situation, and improve access to service providers, reduce clinical deterioration, and provide continuity of care.  Case management promotes recovery and enables the substance abuse client to fully integrate into society as a healthy, substance-free individual.

 

Acknowledgement

  • Professor Adele Robinson MSW, RSW – Seneca College, King Campus, Toronto Canada

 

 

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රැකියා ඉල්ලා උපාධිධාරීන් උපවාසයේ

August 23rd, 2016

කැදවුම්කරු, ඒකාබද්ධ රැකියා විරහිත උපාධිධාරී සංගමය

දෙනවා යැයි පොරොන්දු වු ගුරු පත්වීම් ලබාදෙන ලෙස ඉල්ලමින් අද දින (23) වයඹ පළාත් ගුරු විභාග සමතුන් විසින් මාරාන්තික උපවාසයක් ආරම්භ කර ඇත. ගුරු පුරප්පාඩු 3500 කට අධික ප‍්‍රමාණයක් ඇති බවට පළාත් අධයාපන ඇමතිවරයා පවසා ඇති මොහොතක මෙසේ පත්වීම් ලබා නොදී සිටීම තරයේ හෙළදකිමු.

විශේෂයෙන් පසුගිය කාලය පුරා සියලූ උපාධිධාරීන්ට රැකියා ලබාදෙන ලෙෂ ඉල්ලා අපද අඛණ්ඩ අරගලයක් කරමු. 2012 මාර්තු මාසයේ සිට මේ දක්වා 30000 කට ආසන්න උපාධිධාරීන් ප‍්‍රමාණයක් විරැුකියාවෙන් සිටිති. ඒ ගුරු පුරප්පාඩු 32000ක් ඇතුලූ රාජ්‍ය අංශයේ පුරප්පාඩු 50000ක් පමණ තිබිය දීය.

            ජනාධිපතිවරයා මෙන් ම අගමැතිවරයාද පසුගිය කාලය පුරා උපාධිධාරීන්ට රැකියා දෙන බවට විවිධ ප‍්‍රකාශයන් කරන ලදී. නමුත් රැකියා ලබාදෙන වැඩපිළිවෙළක් මෙතෙක් ඉදිරිපත් කර නැත. එපමණක් නොව රැකියා විරහිතව සිටින උපාධිධාරීන්ගේ සංඛ්‍යා ලේඛන පවා ආණ්ඩුවට නැත. එයින්ම වත්මන් ආණ්ඩුවේ තත්වය මනාව පැහැදිලි ව ඇත.

පසුගිය වසරේ අගමැතිවරයා විසින් රැකියා ගැටලූව විසදීමට අදාළව අගමැති පත් කළ කමිටුව රැස් වුයේ එක් අවස්ථාවක් පමණි. එය ද සුදු අලියෙකු බවට පත්ව ඇත. පසුගිය මාස 8 පුරාම සාකච්ඡුා ඉල්ලූවද සාකච්ඡුාවක් පවා ලබාදුන්නේ නැත

රැකියා ලබාදෙන බවට කරන ප‍්‍රකාශයන් වහාම නවත්වා සියලූ උපාධිධාරීන්ට වහාම රැකියා ලබාදෙන වැඩපිළිවෙළක් සකසන මෙන් අවධාරණය කරමු.

මෙයට,

කැදවුම්කරු,

ඒකාබද්ධ රැකියා විරහිත උපාධිධාරී සංගමය

LOOKING TOWARDS ASHRAF GHANI

August 23rd, 2016

ALI SUKHANVER

After Narendra Modi’s speech on August 15 this year, the severe reaction of brave people of Balochistan was neither unexpected nor strange. They were already in a state of rage and fury against the activities of R&AW in Balochistan and they no doubt hold Modi responsible for all such activities; Modi’s speech simply added fuel to fire. Unfortunately some Indian supported elements, very much active in Afghanistan, tried to exploit the situation in their favour. In response to public response in Balochistan against Modi’s speech a group of Afghan demonstrator not only burnt Pakistan’s flag but also attacked the friendship gate at Chaman. After this incident the border security forces of Pakistan closed the Pak-Afghan border to avert any untoward incident. The situation resulted in suspending the movement of trade shipments between two countries along with supplies for NATO forces in Afghanistan. According to different media reports there are long queues of vehicles on both sides of the border; with people on both sides facing problems as a result of the border closure but more in trouble are the people of Afghanistan. This situation could have been avoided if the Honourable president of Afghanistan Mr. Ashraf Ghani had played his role positively and sensibly.

Before his selection as President of Afghanistan, Mr. Ashraf Ghani was being considered and ranked as a wise man among the people of Pakistan but he did not come up to their expectations since after joining the office of the President of Afghanistan. On 25th of April 2016, talking to his nation at joint session of the Afghan parliament, apparently he outlined his vision for the future of the nation’s security but actually he invited more troubles for the already distressed Afghan nation. In his speech he drew a very clear line of demarcation between the friends and foes of Afghanistan. He said, ‘The enemies of Afghanistan are those who work for foreigners including Daesh, al-Qaeda, the human killers of Haqqani network and some Afghan Taliban who take pleasure in killing their countrymen and continue the war and terrorism. There is no place for conducting talks with groups like these.’ He added, ‘I categorically announce that we do not want Pakistan to bring Taliban to the talks but we urge Pakistan to comply with the QCG agreement and take action against those whose presence has been confirmed by our intelligence services and intelligence services of our international partners. If Pakistan feels reluctant to take military action against these criminal, then it should hand them over to our Sharia courts to punish them. Dividing the terrorists into good and bad ones could have negative repercussions.’ Throughout his speech Mr. Ghani kept on blaming Pakistan and Taliban directly or indirectly for the destabilization of Afghanistan. Commenting upon the QCG agreement, he referred to Pakistan, ‘Those who failed to deliver on their promises within the framework of these efforts are now pushed in further isolation on an international level.’

How pathetic is Ashraf Ghani’s approach towards a country which has been facing a lot of troubles because of Afghanistan’s internal state of civil war. If the politicians of Afghanistan, the ‘bold’ soldiers of Afghanistan and the ‘real friends’ of Afghanistan were so sincere and devoted to the peace and prosperity of Afghanistan, the situation could have never been so painfully agonizing for the people of Afghanistan. The actual problem is that most of the rulers of Afghanistan have never been ‘indigenously’ and ‘genuinely’ from Afghanistan; unfortunately they have ever been ‘imported’ ones. Be it Hamid Karzai or Ashraf Ghani; most of the democratically elected presidents had their strings in the hands of their foreign masters. If they had really belonged to Afghanistan, they would have never blamed Pakistan for the internal warlike situation. They won’t have forgotten that Pakistan is a country taking care of more than 1.7 million Afghan refugees for the last thirty years. It is simply the climax and extreme of Ashraf Ghani’s hatred against Pakistan that he didn’t even like to include Pakistan’s name in the list of Afghanistan’s well-wishers. During his historical address to the joint session of the Afghan parliament he said talking about the terrorist attack in Kabul in April, “As you all know, the world including the Muslim nations, particularly Saudi and Islamic republic of Iran, the United Nations, the majority of Asian countries, Europe, US, China, Japan, Australia and Canada denounced the act by the terrorists. But the attack in Kabul further isolated the terrorists and their foreign backers in the world arena.” In short he mentioned the name of every Tom Dick and Harry but there was no appreciation or acknowledgement for Pakistan. It seems that this speech was written by someone from the RA&W who simply had just one target; Blaming and Defaming Pakistan. What Pakistan must do in such a hostile atmosphere; the question arises. Does Pakistan really cannot survive without having relations with Afghanistan? Why are we always eager to arrange and facilitate negotiations and table-talks between Afghan government and the Taliban? Why are we bearing such a huge burden of Afghan refugees when we have a lot of our own problems? Furthermore in guise of the Afghan refugees so many agents of the RA&W and NDS are simply causing a very serious loss to our society by promoting terrorist activities. Better we let our Afghan brothers live their own life and let them deal with the Taliban themselves.

 

ආසයි-බයයි: බුදු දහමට අනුව රට පාලනය කිරීම (4 කොටස)

August 23rd, 2016

චන්ද්‍රසිරි විජයවික්‍රම

බයිබලයේ අනාගත වාක්‍ය එමටය. මෙසේ අනාගත වාක්‍ය කීම නිසා ප්‍රසිද්ධ වූ කෙනෙක් නම් ප්‍රංශ ජාතික නොස්ට්‍රාඩෑමස් (1503-1566) ය. නිව්‍යෝක් නගරයේ ලෝක වෙළද මධ්‍යස්ථානයේ කුළුණු දෙකට සිදුවූ ත්‍රස්තවාදී ප්‍රහාරය (2001 සැප්තැම්බර් 11) ඔහුගේ අනාවැකියක කියා තිබුණා යයි ප්‍රචලිත විය. යකඩ කුරුල්ලන් කියා ඔහු කීවේ ගුවන් යානා වලටලු.

බයිබලයේ මෙන් නොව බෞද්ධ සාහිත්‍යයේ මෙවැනි අනාවැකි විරලය. බුදු දහම වසර පන්දාහක් පවතිනා බවත්, එය ක්‍රමයෙන් පිරිහී යන බවත්. අන්තිමේදී ඉතිරිවන්නේ අතේ කහපාට නූලක් බැඳගත් සංඝයින් බවත් සාහිත්‍යයේ ඇත. වැලිවිට සංඝරාජ හිමියන්ගේ කාලයේ සිටියේ දරු පවුල් පවා සිටි ගනින්නාන්සේලා ලු. උන්වහන්සේ බුරුමයෙන් හාමුදුරුවරු ගෙන්වා ගෙන උපසම්පදාව යළි දිවයිනේ ඇතිකල සේක. කෙසේ වෙතත් මේ ගනින්නාන්සේලා ත්‍රිපිටකය අපට රැක දුන් බව අමතක නොකල යුතුය.

අප හැම දෙනාම දන්නා ප්‍රසිද්ධ අනාවැකියක් නම් මහා සුපින ජාතකයේ එන කොසොල් රජතුමා දුටු සීනා දාසැය ය. මෙම සිහින දාසැය හරියටම 1971 ජේ වී පී කැරැල්ලේ සිට මේ දක්වා ලංකාවේ සිදුවී ඇති, සිදුවෙමින් පවතින, සමාජය, සමාජයේ සාර ධර්‍ම උඩු යටිකුරුවීම ගැන ලියූ අනාවැකියක් වැනිය. මෙය යමෙකුට උසස් උපාධි පර්යේෂණයකට උචිත මාතෘකාවක් යයි මට සිතේ. ක්‍රිස්තු පූර්‍ව 5 සියවසේ ලියවුන මේ අනාවැකිය, මෙම ජාතක කතාව, යුරෝපීය චින්තනයට ආවඩන කළු සුද්දන්ට, නූතන දේශපාලන විද්‍යාඥයෙකු, සමාජ විද්‍යාඥයෙකු හා පරිසර විද්‍යාඥයෙකු විසින් ගැසූ කම්මුල් පාරක් වැනිය.

මගේ මාතෘකාවට මෙම ජාතක කතාවේ ඇති ඍජු සම්බන්ධය නිසා , මෙම ලිපි පෙලේ හතරවන කොටස වශයෙන් එය  මෙහි කොපිකරන්නට මට සිතුණි. මා එය කෙටිකර, කොපි කරගත්තේ ආචාර්ය විලේගොඩ ආරියදේව හිමියන් ගේ ඉන්ටර්නෙට් වෙබ් අඩවියකිනි (ශ්‍රී විජයරාමය, කළුවඩුමුල්ල අම්බලන්ගොඩ, 2009 සැප්තැම්බර් 24)

මහා සුපින ජාතකය- පසේනදී කොසොල් රජතුමා දුටු සීන දාසැය

සිහිනය හා සිහිනයට දුන් විග්‍රහය

1. ගොන්නු හතර දෙනෙක් සටන් කරනවා වගේ පැමිණ සටන් නොකර ආපසු හැරීයනවා දුටිමි.
අනාගතයේ අධාර්මික පාලකයින් නිසා රටේ දේශගුණයත් කාලගුණයත් වෙනස්වනවා

2. කුඩා පැලවල ගෙඩි හටගන්නව දුටිමි.
අනාගතයේ මිනිසුන්ගේ කාමාශාව වැඩිවනවා. කුඩා ගැහැණු ලමයි ගැබ්බර වනවා.

3. ඉපදී දවසක් වන වසු පැටවුන්ගෙන් මහ වැස්සියන් කිරි බොනවා දුටිමි.
අනාගතයේ දරුවන් දෙමාපියන්ට නොසලකා හරිනවා.

4. බර ඇදීමට නොහැකි ගොණුන් ඉස්සර හට දමා ශක්තිමත් ගොණුන් අගට දැමීම නිසා උන් බිම වැටී සිටිනවා දුටිමි.
අනාගතයේ පාලකයින් බුද්ධිමතුන්ට ඇමතිකම් හා නිල නොදී බාලයින්ට තනතුරු හා වගකීම් දී පාලනය අවුල්කර ගන්නවා.

5. අශ්වයින් කටින් හා පස්ස පැත්තෙන් තණකොල උලාකනවා දුටිමි.
අනාගතයේ අධාර්මික පාලකයින් නිසා නීතිය අනීතිය වනවා. යුක්තිය අයුක්තිය වනවා. නීතිඥයොත්, නඩුකාරයොත් දෙපැත්තෙන්ම අල්ලස් ගන්නවා.

6. ජරපත් හිවලෙකුට ඝනරන් තැලියකට මුත්‍රා කිරීමට ඉඩදී මිනිසුන් බලාසිටිනවා දුටිමි.
සම්භාවනීය වශයෙන් සලකන මිනිස්සු අනාගතයේදී සම්පත්වලින් පිරිහී ගියවිට ඔවුන් තම දූ දරුවන් අයථා අන්දමින් ධනවත්වූ අයට කසාද බන්ඳවා දෙනවා.

7. මිනිසකු ආසනයක සිට සම් පට වලින් ලණුවක් අඹරණ විට, සිවල් ධේනුවක් පුටුව යට සිට එය කනවා දුටිමි.
අනාගතයේ මිනිසුන් අතර කාම ම්ථ්‍යාචාරය බහුල වනවා. හොර අඹු සැමියන් බහුල වනවා.

8. හිස් කළගෙඩි තිබුණත් මිනිසුන් වතුර පිටාර ගලා යන එකම කලයටම වතුර වක්කරනවා දුටිමි.
අනාගතයේ පාලකයින් රට සමෘධිමත් නොකිරීම නිසා වැසියන් අතිශයින්ම දුප්පත් වෙනවා. එවිට පාලකයින් වැසියාට තව තවත් බදු බර පටවනවා. ධනවතුන් තව තවත් තර වෙන අතර දුගීන් තවතවත් දුගී වෙනවා. ඇත්තෝම තරවෙනවා.

9. පොකුණේ මැද වතුර බොරයි. එහෙත් පොකුණ වටේ සතුන් දඟලන තැන්වල වතුර හොඳටම පැහැදිලිව නිල් පාටින් තිබෙනවා දුටිමි.
අනාගත පාලකයෝ ධර්‍මයෙන් රට පාලනය නොකරණ නිසා රට හැම අතින්ම දූෂණයට පත්වෙනවා.  උගත්තු, බුද්ධිමත්තු රට ගැන කලකිරෙනවා. ඔවුන් රට හැර යනවා. නගරය අතහැර ගමට යනවා.

10. එකම සැළියේ පිසෙන බත එක පැත්තක බෙරි වෙලා, තව පැත්තක ඇට්ටකුණා වෙලා, තව තැනක නොපිසිලා, බාගෙට තැම්බිලා තිබෙනවා දුටිමි.
අනාගත පාලකයින්ගේ වැරදි නිසා, අධාර්මික නිසා කලට වැසි ලැබෙන්නේ නැහැ.  හරියට ඍතු අනුව වැසි ලැබෙනවා වෙනුවට කඩින් කඩ තැන තැන වහිනවා. නියඟ හටගන්නවා ඒ අනුව ලැබෙන අස්වැන්නද වෙනස් වෙනවා.

11. ඉතාමත් සුවඳ සඳුන් කොටයක් පිනුල්වූ ගඳ ගහන කුණු මෝරු (කිරි?) කළයකට හුවමාරු කරගන්නවා දුටිමි.
අනාගතයේ බොහෝ භික්‍ෂූන් ලාභ සත්කාර අපේක්‍ෂාවෙන් ධර්‍මය දේශනාකරනවා. පස්කම් ලබාගැනීම සඳහා සිවුරු දරනවා. ධර්‍මය, ලාභයට, මුදලට යටකරනවා.

12. සැහැල්ලු ලබු කබල් දියේ පාවෙනවා වෙනුවට බර වස්තුවක් මෙන් දියයට ගිලෙනවා දුටිමි.
අනාගතයේ සුදුස්සන්ට මැතිැමතිකම් නොදී පහත් ගති ඇත්තන්ට ඇමතිකම් හා නිලතල ලබාදෙන නිසා රාජ සභාව හිස් කතාවලින් පිරීයනවා. විහාර ආරාම පූජනීය ස්ථාන වලත් හිස් දේවල් රජවනවා. රටේ හිස් දේවල් තමයි මිනිසුන්ගේ හිත්වල කා වදින්නේ.

13. මහා විශාල ගල් වතුරේ පාවෙනවා දුටිමි.
අනාගතයේ පාලකයෝත් ප්‍රජාවත් උගතුන්ගේත්, බුද්ධිමතුන්ගේත්, වියත් සිල්වත් හිමිවරුන්ගේත් උසස් කතා අහන්නේ නැත. සලකන්නේ නැත. රාජ්‍ය සභාවේත් රටේ හැමතැනමත් යහපත් අයගේ අදහස් මිනිසුන්ගේ සිත්වල කිඳා නොබැස පාවී යනවා.

14. මීපුප් වගේ පුංචි මැඩියන් සර්‍පයින් පස්සේ පන්නමින් ඇඹුල දඩුසේ මුරු මුරු ශබ්දය නගමින් කනවා දුටිමි.
අනාගතයේ මිනිස්සු අදට වඩා රාගාධික වනවා. වයසට ගිය ඔවුන් අඩු වයසේ ස්ත්‍රීන්ට අසුවෙනවා. දේපලට, ධනයට ආශාවෙන් ඒ ස්ත්‍රීන් වියපත් ඔවුන් සමග විවාහවී ඔවුන්ගේ සම්පත් ලබාගෙන ඔවුන්ට නිග්‍රහ කරමින් තමන්ගේ වසඟයට ගන්නවා.

15. හැම විටම යමක් සොයා ඩැහැ ගැනීමට බලා ඉන්නා කපුටෙකු ස්වර්‍ණ හංසයින් පිරිවරාගෙන ඉන්නවා දුටිමි.
අනාගතයේ පහත් වැඩ කරනා දාමරිකයින්ට, හොරුන්ට පාලකයින් විසින් සම්භාවනීය තත්වයක්දීම නිසා ඔවුන් ඉහළින් වැජඹෙන අතර, උගතුන්ට බුද්ධිමතුන්ට ඔවුන්ට යටත්වීමට සිදුවනවා.

16. එළුවන් විසින් දිවියන් අල්ලාගෙන කනවා දුටිමි.
පහත් ගති ඇති අයට දාමරිකයින්ට රජයෙන් වරප්‍රසාද ලැබෙන නිසා ඔවුන් පාරම්පරික අයිති ඉඩකඩම් කොල්ල කනවා. අධිකරණයේ පිහිට සෙවීමට ගියවිට මැරවරයන් තාඩන පීඩන කරනවා. අත පය කඩනවා. මේ ජීවිත අන්තරාය නිසා  නුඹලාම ගනිල්ලා කියා මැරයන්ට ඉඩම්දී ඒ ගැන ඇති ආශාව අතහරිනවා. සිල්වත් භික්‍ෂූන්ද එසේම අධාර්මික දුස්සීලයන්ට බලයත් ඉහල තනතුරුත් දැරීමට ඉඩදී නිහඬ වනවා.

චන්ද්‍රසිරි විජයවික්‍රම
අගෝස්තු 23, 2016

Sri Lanka: The Chief Buddhist Monk of North Central Province presented Holy Qur’an Sinhala Translation.

August 23rd, 2016

Abdul Aziz – Press Secretary AHMADIYYA  MUSLIM  JAMA’AT – SRI LANKA

I am always against allegations leveled against Islam as it teaches peace and harmony, remarks Chief Sanga Nayake of North Central Province.

A three member delegation from the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama’at Sri Lanka (AMJSL) comprising Moulavi K.M. Munir Ahmad (Missionary – Pasyala), Murabbi N.A. Akram (Polonnaruwa) and Murabbi N. Munazzer (Negombo) visited Polonnaruwa District, North Central Province of Sri Lanka recently.

The delegation met Ven. Siriesha Siri SeewaliNayakaThero , Hingurakgoda who warmly welcomed the delegation. On receiving the copy of Holy Qur’an Sinhala Translation, the Ven. Thero said:  I am always against allegations leveled against Islam as it teaches peace and harmony. He went on to say that he is not in favor of extremism in religion.

The delegation also had the opportunity to meet Chief Buddhist Monk of Polonnaruwa district Ven. Damma Pala and presented the copy of Holy Qur’an Sinhala Translation. He remarked: Holy Qur’an is the book of understanding for whole mankind and praised the task of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in translating this holy book into Sinhala language – really being a bridge to unite other communities as well.

Ahmadiyya delegation met Chief Police Officer (HQI) Polonnaruwa Mr.Jarool (a non-ahmadi) who said, he is very happy to have a copy of Holy Qur’an Sinhala Translation.

When the delegation met the Principal of Royal College, Polonnaruwa, Mr. Mr.I.K.K.R.Wijayawansha to gift a copy of Holy Qur’an Sinhala Translation, he expressed his willingness by saying that he will read it fast so that I would be able to convey its message to others.

The delegation visited public library Polonnaruwa and Hingurangoda and gifted the Holy Qur’an Sinhala Translation. Moreover, Jama’at del;egation visited a number of schools in Polonnaruwa and its nearby towns, namely Thopawawa Maha Vidyalaya, Weenadhipathi Palugasdemana Maha Vidyalaya, Gamini Disarathna Sewamuktha Maha Vidyalaya, Madurathna Marasinghe Risitha Maha Vidyalaya, Nagara Maha Vidyalaya, Bendhiwewa Maha Vidyalaya, Girithala Maha Vidyalaya, Mainneria National College, Medirigiriya National College, Ananda Balika National college and Manampitiya Sinhala Maha Vidyalaya.

To all of them, along copy of the Sinhala Translation of the Holy Qur’an with some other literatures including Peace Messages in English as well as Sinhala were presented.

People should read and understand this Holy Book – that is our prayers and wish.

Abdul Aziz – Press Secretary.

THE “OFFICE” OF MISSING PERSONS: LURKING DANGERS

August 23rd, 2016

  By Prof. G.L.Peiris Courtesy The Daily Mirror

I. Co-Sponsorship of the Geneva Resolution as the Original Sin

The proposal to establish the “Office” of Missing Persons is one of the solemn guarantees embodied in the Resolution co-sponsored by the Government of Sri Lanka at the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva on 1 October 2015. This is pledged explicitly in Operative Paragraph 4 of the Resolution. The intensity of pressure to compel implementation is reflected powerfully in the statements at the Council by twelve countries last month and in the proceedings of the British House of Commons, calling for the Government of Sri Lanka to give effect to its own undertakings. The resulting legislation is one of the most dangerous statutes proposed for enactment in recent times.
II. “Office” of Missing Persons a Total Misnomer

It will be evident from the analysis which follows, that what is sought to be established by legislation in Sri Lanka, is no “office” at all, but a fully fledged quasi-judicial mechanism with extensive coercive powers to compel the giving of testimony and the production of documents and other material; untrammelled authority to enter any premises, including sensitive military installations, at any time of the day or night; powers of breathtaking scope to bring in foreign personnel to perform a wide variety of functions with far-reaching repercussions; to exercise these powers, bereft of the safeguards imposed by salutary legislation such as the Evidence Ordinance; to operate in complete secrecy, with no right to information available not merely to the public but even to the highest court in the land; and to wield penal powers for contempt at the same level as the authority conferred on the Court of Appeal. The total gamut of this awesome authority is at the disposal of a tribunal operating entirely outside the country’s institutional framework.

III. De Facto Truncation of the Country

A particularly obnoxious feature of the proposed law consists of its definition of a “missing person”. One of the limbs of the definition declares that a “missing person” means “a person whose fate or whereabouts are reasonably believed to be unknown and which person is reasonably believed to be unaccounted for and missing in the course of, consequent to, or in connection with the conflict which took place in the Northern and Eastern Provinces” [section 27].
One is wholly at a loss to understand why the effect of the law should be stated in this way. Human life is of equal value in the North, South, East and West of the Island. To confine solicitude regarding the fate of “missing persons” to one part of the country, as a matter of explicit priority is absolutely indefensible.

IV. Composition of the “Office” of Missing Persons

The highly elevated status of this institution is manifest in the provision that its members, seven in number, shall be appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Constitutional Council [section 4(1)(a)]. The description of their credentials is revealing. Members of the “Office” are required to be “persons with previous experience in fact finding or investigation, human rights law, international humanitarian law or humanitarian response” [section 4(2)(b)]. There is no requirement that the persons appointed should be citizens of Sri Lanka. The phraseology used is entirely consistent with the appointment of foreign personnel.

“Personnel belonging to foreign NGOs and other foreign organizations which enter into agreements with the OMP and fund it generously, may lawfully be appointed “officers and staff” of the OMP.”

V. Procedure for Instituting Proceedings: A Gross Travesty of Natural Justice

It is declared that the OMP has the power “to initiate an inquiry and/or investigation pursuant to a complaint made to the OMP” [section 12(b)]. However, the complaint is shrouded in complete secrecy. There is explicit provision that “Every member, officer, servant and consultant of the OMP shall preserve and aid in preserving confidentiality with regard to matters communicated to them in confidence” [section 15(1)]. This is stated to be the case, “notwithstanding anything to the contrary in any written law”. The provisions of the Right to Information Act are specifically excluded.
Not even the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka is able to penetrate this fog of secrecy. The proposed law boldly states this principle without qualification [section 15(2)]. The danger not only to the country’s Armed Forces but to society at large is all too obvious.
The “Office”, acting on purported complaints by nameless, faceless persons, embarks on an investigation, at the conclusion of which it is empowered to report “to the relevant law enforcement or prosecuting authority” [section 12(i)] generating all the consequences which would ordinarily follow in terms of penal sanctions. What is beyond belief, to the point of absurdity, is that, where a person claimed to be missing is in fact found very much alive, his whereabouts can be disclosed only “subject to the consent of the person found alive” [section 13(1)(b)]. The preposterous effect of this provision is that persons potentially placed in the gravest peril are even precluded from establishing that the person claimed to be deceased is in fact hale and hearty, living in a specific location overseas. Nothing could be further removed from an objective inquiry into truth. What defies understanding is why, if the genuine purpose of the proposed legislation is to institute investigations directed towards discovery of the truth, elaborate provision needs to be incorporated to enable the “Office” to set about its work in a totally furtive and clandestine manner, and why this reliance on an approach of smoke and mirrors has commended itself so unequivocally to the architects of this iniquitous law.

VI. Foreign Influence Manifestly Dominant

The “Office” has global and unfettered power to enter into agreements on any subject with any foreign government, NGO or other institution. This power extends to the making of agreements “with any person or organization whether incorporated or otherwise, and whether domestic or foreign” [section 11(a)]. The most extravagant language is used to vest the OMP with authority to raise funds from foreign sources. These include “grants, gifts or endowments” [section 21] from the international community. The government amendment, requiring these resources to be channelled through the External Resources Department of the Treasury, makes no difference in practice

VII. Foreign Personnel Insidiously Exercising Powers of the “Office”

This is the thin end of the wedge. The provisions are crafted in a way which makes their true import not immediately discernible. The OMP is empowered to appoint “such officers and staff” [section 16(2)] as may be necessary. Personnel belonging to foreign NGOs and other foreign organizations which enter into agreements with the OMP and fund it generously, may lawfully be appointed “officers and staff” of the OMP. There comes into being, moreover, a “Tracing Unit” of the OMP, entrusted with functions of a critical character.

“The intensity of pressure to compel implementation is reflected powerfully in the statements at the Council by twelve countries last month and in the proceedings of the British House of Commons, calling for the Government of Sri Lanka to give effect to its own undertakings. “

As far as this vital organ is concerned, it “shall be headed by an Executive Officer appointed by the OMP and shall include competent, experienced and qualified investigators, including those with relevant technical and forensic expertise” [section 17(2)]. The door is wide open for foreign funding agencies to become an integral part of, and to exercise pervasive influence over, the Tracing Unit.
There is an especially dangerous provision which ought not to escape scrutiny. The OMP is empowered “to authorize a specified officer of the OMP, to enter without warrant and investigate, at any time of day or night, any place of detention, police station, prison or any other place in which any person is suspected to be detained, or is suspected to have previously been detained in, by the State or any State agency, instrumentality, or any officer of the State, and to examine, make copies of, extract from, seize and retain, any object that is deemed necessary for the purposes of any investigation” [section 12(f)].
The amendment requiring the Inspector-General of Police to be informed within 48 hours is obviously cosmetic: the stable door is being shut after the horse has bolted. It must also be noted that the proposed government amendment making a warrant necessary, applies only to excavation, and has no application to entry.
It must be noted that the definition of a “specified officer” is conspicuous by its absence, and that any foreign personnel, made available to the OMP by foreign funding agencies, are entitled to be designated “specified officers” who, ipso facto, become armed with the whole range of these all-encompassing powers.
These “specified officers”, for good measure, are given powers co-eval with those exercised by Sri Lanka’s Police Force with regard to entry, search and seizure on all public or private premises [section 12(g)]. These powers are lavishly conferred on undefined “specified officers” whose judgment and actions can conclusively determine the course of criminal proceedings subsequently launched against our country’s Armed Forces and members of the public. The proposed law even envisages invocation of Magisterial jurisdiction to arm this amorphous category of “specified officers” with these Draconian powers. VIII Unrestricted and Irresponsible Delegation Yet another repugnant provision in the proposed Act is that governing delegation. Having regard to the pivotal importance of the functions assigned to the OMP, it is essential that responsibility for performing these functions should be clearly demarcated and meticulously monitored. The opposite is, regrettably, the case. In flagrant violation of all principle and sound policy, the greatest laxity is deliberately envisaged in respect of delegation. An entirely new frontier with regard to utterly unprincipled delegation is established by the provision which gives the OMP the power “to establish from time to time, and in addition to those Units and Divisions specifically mentioned in this Act, such Committees and/or Divisions and/or Units as are required for the effective administration and functioning of the OMP, and shall also have the power to delegate such powers and functions as are necessary to such Committees, Divisions and Units” [section 11(e)]. This is scarcely believable. We are now asked to accept complacently the position that the powers of the OMP, marked as they are by the gravest implications for this nation’s vital interests, are amenable to delegation to a plethora of officials comprising an indeterminate structure, itself the OMP’s own unbridled creature, with no ascertainable guidelines embedded in the empowering law. The consequences of this are entirely unacceptable.

IX Subjugation of All Public Authorities 

The omnipotence of the OMP is nowhere more clearly demonstrated than in the provision which, in terms, clothes the OMP with authority “to request assistance from any State, governmental, provincial or local authority or agency, or any officer thereof” [section 12(e)]. The provision further declares: “Notwithstanding anything to the contrary in any other written law or regulation, any such authority, agency or officer shall forthwith render such assistance”. It may be noted, in particular, that the OMP has full power “to summon any person residing in Sri Lanka to be present before the OMP to provide a statement or produce any document or other thing in his possession” (section 12(c))ii)]. This gives short shrift to such fundamental principles as the privilege against self-incrimination, the presumption of innocence and the right to silence.

X. Conferment of Immunity

While it is legitimate and permissible to confer on public authorities exemption from liability, both civil and criminal, in respect of acts committed in good faith under the aegis of the enabling legislation, the scope of the protection contemplated by the proposed law is grotesquely excessive. This protection is available not only to any member of the OMP, but to “any officer or servant appointed to assist the OMP” [section 25(2)(a)]. Attention has already been drawn to the widest authority conceivable, which the OMP is given in respect of appointment of agents, consultants, servants and delegates. That they should all be considered above the law, is undeniably contrary to seminal principle and intuitively repulsive.

XI Severity  

Section 24(1) refers to ten situations which involve liability for the offence of contempt committed against the authority of the OMP. These situations cover a remarkably wide field. Severity of the criminal penalties to which the offence is declared to give rise, is made explicit by the provision which equates the OMP with the country’s Court of Appeal for the purpose of determining the condign punishment (extending to rigorous imprisonment) applicable, and declares that “Every offence of contempt committed against the authority of the OMP shall be punishable by the Court of Appeal as though it were an offence of contempt committed against the Court of Appeal” [section 24(2)].

XII. Extent of the Danger

It is important not to be misled by the seemingly disarming provision that “The findings of the OMP shall not give rise to any criminal or civil liability” [section 13(2)].
The protection inherent in this provision is limited to conclusions or findings, and has no application whatever to the body of evidence gathered by the OMP in the exercise of the full range of its coercive powers. The entirety of this evidence, garnered in cynical contravention of basic rules of natural justice and fairness, can be resorted to without restriction in proceedings founded on the concept of universal jurisdiction which the present Government has accepted by its co-sponsorship of the Geneva Resolution on Sri Lanka. The true dimensions of the peril created by this Bill cannot be realistically appreciated by viewing it in isolation. A holistic approach is possible only when all the dots are connected, and the draft statute is assessed in conjunction with the comprehensive strategy involving war crimes charges, special judicial mechanisms containing hybrid segments, retrospective criminal laws and selective administrative procedures designed to weed out members of the Armed Forces __ all interlocking components agreed to by the Government by its initiatives in Geneva.

– See more at: http://www.dailymirror.lk/114481/THE-OFFICE-OF-MISSING-PERSONS-LURKING-DANGERS?fbrefresh=refresh#sthash.zreLG3Ml.dpuf

Ex-PM Ratnasiri Wickremanayake’s heartfelt request to SLFP leaders

August 23rd, 2016

Ex-PM Ratnasiri Wickremanayake’s heartfelt request to SLFP leaders
දිගට හරහට අයින් කරන්න හොඳ නෑ – රත්නසිරි වික්‍රමනායක


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