PTSD in the Soviet Union – සෝවියට් දේශයේ සාමූහික ව්‍යසනයන්

August 14th, 2016

වෛද් ගෝඩ්න් අතර්ලි  සයිමන් ෆ්රේසර් විශ්ව විද්යාලය කැනඩාව

“A terrible cloud hangs over Russia into darkness, no light, a whole ocean of tears and there is no counting them…we will drown in blood….so much blood. The coming disaster is great.”  

– Grigory Rasputin (The mystic of Nicholas II, Russia’s last Czar)

බොල්‍ෂවික් විප්ලවය ජයගත් ලෙනින් ෆීලික්ස් දෙර්ශීන්ස්කිට චෙකා සංවිධානය භාර දුන්නේය​. චෙකා සංවිධානය විසින් ප්‍රති විප්ලවවාදීන් ලෙස නම් කොට මිනිසුන් දස දහස් ගනනක් මරා දමන ලදි . ලෙනින් ගෙන් පසු බලයට ආ ස්ටාලින් කල්හෝස් ක්‍රමය ආරම්භ කරමින් යූක්‍රයිනයේ කෘත්‍රිම සාගතයක් ඇති කොට ජන ඝාතන කලේය​. එසේම ඔහු ගුලාර්ග් දේශපාලන සිර කඳවුරු වල ආරම්භකයාය. 1941 දී හිට්ලර් සෝවියට් දේශය ආක්‍රමණය කලේය​. මෙම යුද්ධය නිසා හට ගත්තේ සාමූහික ව්‍යසනයකි. පසුකාලීනව ඇෆ්ගන් සෝවියට් යුද්ධය  නිසා පශ්චාත් වියසන ක්ලමථ අක්‍රමතාවයෙන් පෙළුනු සොල්දාදුවන් පරම්පරවක් බිහි වූහ​. චෙර්නෝබල් ව්‍යසනය නිසා සිවිල් වැසියන්  විශාල සංඛ්‍යාවක් පශ්චාත් වියසන ක්ලමථ අක්‍රමතාවයේ ලක්‍ෂණ පෙන්වන ලදි.   සෝවියට් දේශය තුල මතුවූ සාමූහික ව්‍යසනයන් සහ පශ්චාත් වියසන ක්ලමථ අක්‍රමතා අධ්‍යනය  කොට ඇත්තේ අඩුවෙනි.  PTSD in the Soviet Union ග්‍රන්ථය  සෝවියට් දේශය තුල මතුවූ සාමූහික ව්‍යසනයන්  පිලිබඳව සමාජ මනෝ විද්‍යාත්මක ඇසකින් බලන්නකි.

PTDSinRussiaA

වෛද් ගෝඩ්න් අතර්ලි 

සයිමන් ෆ්රේසර් විශ්ව විද්යාලය 

කැනඩාව

Why short men and women perform better as managers??

August 14th, 2016

Sarath Obeysekera

Top Leaders in the world were quite short .Do you know why ? When the leader speaks to his subordinate ,he or she has to look up and gets tired and lose concentration !

In Sri Lanka We had a super performing Engineer Kulasinghe who was quite strict and a “terror” in the words of his subordinates ,and many other short people in Sri Lanka were and are good managers.

shortpeople

We have Ms Merkel in Germany who is 5.2” ,Nicoas Sarkozki  5.5”Mahatma Gandhi was 5,2”.Napoleon Bonaprate was 5.6”,Andrw Carnagie who was a management guru was 5.2” ,Yuri Gagarin 5.2” ,Charlier Chaplin 5.5”, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad 5,2” and Queen Elizabeth is 5.2”

Finally the greatest emperor in the World Asoka was a short person >

Reason is that a short person can look down at the eye of the subordinate when giving orders and the subject does have to lower the head  as he gets tired to look up ,which makes him losing concentration .

Government should look for short men and women to manage the projects or even the country as they perform better!

Sarath Obeysekera

Port City is “sailing” and how Sri Lankan companies and Industries can benefit ……..

August 14th, 2016

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

I was quite happy to hear the news about re- signing Port City agreement again .I am sure Sri Lanka can benefit immensely by having some exclusive clauses in the final agreement, to reflect the need to use local know and physical capabilities in building the port city .These are some useful suggestions we can propose.

Attached photograph is taken last week  from a Drone above our shipyard located on Modera .This floating structure with four legs can carry 1000 tons. These type of structure is built first time in Sri Lanka designed by Sri Lankan Engineers and local labour force .Some major steel components has to be imported as Steel Corporation does not manufacture the same. It took only 4 months to design and build ,and we will be using it for piling of the harbour to build a Lift to raise ships of 65 meter long /1300 ton weight .

Point I am trying to make is that we Sri Lankans can do anything as we were historically developed nation with an inbuilt innovative ideas and talent.

Now back to Port city ……

Port city will have a marina for parking Yachts for rich people who will come to Sri Lanka to stay in the financial city and even gamble in Casinos  ( If Chinese fund the project and have some land on long lease ,they will surely build casinos as the Chinese love them) .Contracts for building offshore structures need floating barges like what we did ,and Government should impose rules on  Chinese  to allow local companies in participating during construction .They cannot refuse as the funds deployed are  loans not outright grants .

When high rise buildings are going to be built, most of the work can be done by local companies. Under ETCA  we can import labour from India ( or even form Chinese labour supply companies)  place them in the Finance City isolate them and re-export back after work permit  expire ,so that they do not settle here like they do in other countries .These local labour can be deployed by local companies who have enough capabilities to manage them.

Another problem we will be facing is that large steel H beams etc used for buildings are not manufactured in Sri Lanka .I assume that steel tonnage to be used will be 100s of thousands  .We should ask Chinese to start a steel plant in hinterland ( there is a 200 acre land in Muthurajawela ) which can be used for the purpose) which can hot or cold draw steel beams.

Of course we do not have iron ore, but Chinese can ship iron ore and we have the value added in Sri Lanka.

To melt iron ore we need energy .Government plans to build a floating LNG Storage plant In Sri Lanka ,and we can expand capacity to provide LNG gas to melt steel .Same LNG source can augment the power generation by installing few more turbine driven power plants near Port City .

Steel melting  plant should be a PPP ( Private Public Partnership) and run efficiently and even export steel to Male  ( Male is reclaiming hundreds of acres  to develop a city like Port city in Hulu Male ).

Then the cladding material for the building to be imported, Sri Lankan capacity can be developed to manufacture the same. As there will be a shortage of cement, Chinese can start a plant to make Breezer Blocks using local Gypsum and Sea sand to replace cement blocks and clay bricks.

Government failed to develop local industries when they build Hambantota Port and Airport as everything came from China including labour .

There are many other areas such as providing Synthetic pipe materials for the port city for water supply and sewerage .I do not think Maharaja and Central Industries can accommodate the demand. We should ask Chinese on Indians to start manufacturing   them in Sri Lanka.

Only problem we may have is ;

We may build using local iron material but we need indigenous “Iron Fisted local managers “ to manage the joint venture enterprises.

Government ,Centre for Strategic Development,UDA,Megaoplis  may have  many “Harward”  trained wizards .But are they good as implementers ? ( I note that a State minister is also going to Harward to sharpen (straighten?) his knowledge )

What we need is a force to implement from our local management teams who should be remunerated well .

( one stupid idea is to request all the purported “black” money pumped out from Sri Lanka is allowed to be brought back to make them “white” and pardon the people who repatriate the cash under a general amnesty .If the government can pardon some people and give them Ministerial Posts and exonerate from FCID action ,why not exonerate other Black Money “Marketeers”  as well !)

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

China back in the driving seat

August 14th, 2016

Editorial Courtesy The Island

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, responding to the Joint Opposition’s objections to ETCA (the proposed Indo-Lanka Economic and Technology Cooperative Agreement), observed wryly that had the JO been around at the time, it would no doubt have also opposed Arahat Mahinda.

“They surely would have opposed him coming and propagating the message of the Buddha in this country,” he observed.

Wry and apt in a political culture where the Opposition believes that its responsibility is to oppose anything and everything proposed or done by the Government. It was also not out of order to fudge history a little – that too licensed by the current political culture.

Arahat Mahinda, after all, did not come from India or ‘Bharat’ but from Jambudvipa which, as has been pointed out, is cartographically, conceptually and culturally completely different to India. He came as a Shravaka of the Dhamma Raaja or the Buddha and no one else. Prince Siddhartha, in any case, was born in what is now known as Nepal. And anyway India of today did not exist back then. It can be argued that India, in fact, is a product of the British. That ‘India’ (of Arahat Mahinda) is not the India of Prime Minister Modi and his immediate predecessors going back to Rajiv Gandhi (as far as relations across the Palk Straits are concerned) and ETCA is certainly not the Word of the Buddha.

That history aside, the bigger issue is that it is not only the JO that is opposing ETCA. Professionals as well as business leaders have expressed concern. Add the fact that there’s an uncomfortable and disconcerting history of the Cabinet proposing and the President disposing, and all of a sudden ETCA looks more troubled than a deservedly flippant dismissal of the JO might indicate.

In contrast, relations between Sri Lanka and China, after what can in retrospect be called ‘some minor hiccups’ in the run up to the January 2015 election and a few months thereafter, seem to be improving by the day. The Government’s detractors would of course extract some ridiculing content for purposes of sloganeering, but one cannot but applaud the Prime Minister for being pragmatic.

The writing was on the wall, so to speak, immediately after Britain voted itself out of the European Union. While the immediate economic impact of that decision may have prompted the statements issues to the effect that Sri Lanka would look to Asia, the realities of the global economy and in particular the woes of North America and Europe could not have escaped the Prime Minister. China after all owns significant slices of European and US debt. An 180 degree turn on the Port City, a negotiated settlement of dues for losses incurred due to stoppage by way of sanctioning an expansion of the project, clearly indicate that the anti-China rhetoric is history as far as this Government is concerned.

The Government, from the beginning and regardless of loose statements from politicians from whom one cannot expect too much indicated that it would seek to improve relations with all countries. China, no doubt, understands that for reasons of proximity and subcontinent history (recent and ancient) Sri Lanka can ill afford to upset today’s India. Neither will today’s India be wished away. India, for its part and notwithstanding its angst vis-à-vis Chinese presence, would understand that a cash-strapped Sri Lanka with little help from countries in Europe and North America that appear to promise much but are certainly hard-pressed to deliver, has to look elsewhere. That ‘elsewhere’ is China and it’s a no-brainer to anyone with even an iota of knowledge about global economic realities.

Now whereas the previous regime was quite belligerent and even careless when choosing friends abroad, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has demonstrated that there’s very little to gain by screaming out the obvious. The preferred region mentioned post-Brexit was Asia and not China. ETCA, troubled though it is, has not been scrapped. Indeed, the Government has, at least in its statements, assured India that ETCA is a priority and will continue to be pushed.

Diplomatic niceties notwithstanding the Government will have to come to terms with another no-brainer: you seek economic support from a country and you are compelled to stand with that country politically. China may say ‘We understand your need to be nice to India, but look, if you want us to bail you out, then you have to see things as we see them’. International relations, need we say, are all about interests and not largesse?

What the relevant ‘politics’ would be, of course, is left to be seen. In an ideal world, Sri Lanka would not have to fret over choosing friends. In an ideal world there would be as much take as there is give, whether the giving and taking comes in the form of money or strategic interests. The Government appears to have dropped idealism and picked up pragmatism. Indeed, one might argue that the Government didn’t have much of a choice. In any event, the apparent decision to ‘go with China’ must blunt relations with India, notwithstanding pro-ETCA pronouncements. In fact, it might also yield the excuse and exit that the Government may need to manage ETCA-related discontent that it can ill-afford politically.

Perhaps things will become clearer once the Prime Minister returns from China. The chances are that China will make him and the Government stronger, both in negotiating India and the Joint Opposition. After all whereas India is an easy target for the JO, China is most certainly not.

Beware of Americans bearing assistance

August 14th, 2016

by Rajeewa Jayaweera Courtesy The Island

Last week’s Sunday Island news report captioned “U.S. to assist in drafting a new Sri Lankan Constitution” is indeed food for thought. US Ambassador Atul Keshap, during a reception on board USS New Orleans, docked in at the Colombo Port on a three day goodwill visit, had reportedly held sway of his country’s desire to partner with the Sri Lankan military while assisting the government in drafting a new constitution and meeting commitments it had made to the United Nations Human Rights Council with regard to accountability issues. He supposedly welcomed new staff to the American embassy in Sri Lanka to work, amongst other things, on “human rights cooperation, rule of law and justice”. He has stated “we are working to strengthen our relationship with all of the different facets of the Sri Lankan government, including the armed forces, because we believe that a professional military is essential to the development and success of any viable democracy”. He has further expressed America’s desire to “partner with the security forces and move forward on the very important issues that had attracted the attention of Sri Lankans which encompassed development of a new Constitution and cooperation with the international community to address commitments with regard to accountability issues made in September of last year”.

article_image

Few of the 504 victims of My-Lai-Vietnam-Massacre (top) Lynndie Rana England ‘interrogating’ an Iraqi prisoner in the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq(Bottom) 

Both Sri Lanka’s Constitution and Judicial system has its share of imperfections. So does the American Constitution and Judicial system. Court proceedings commence with a contradiction. Accused are required to take an ‘honesty oath’ or affirmation to “to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.” Immediately thereafter, an accused may plead the Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution which is a part of the Bill of Rights and protects a person from being compelled to be a witness against himself in a criminal case. It invokes the privilege that allows a witness to decline to answer questions where the answers might incriminate him or her. In short, he or she does not need to “tell the truth”. In light of the ability to plead the Fifth Amendment, the need for an ‘honesty oath’ or affirmation is a contradiction.

Strengthening Relations & partnering Sri Lankan military

Dozens of US officials have visited Sri Lanka since January 2015. The Indian born Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Nisha Desai Biswal recently visited Sri Lanka for the sixth time. Even the current Secretary of State saw it fit to visit Sri Lanka. Elements of the US navy have paid more than a half dozen ‘goodwill visits’ to Sri Lanka.

Intelligence assistance provided by US in the later years of Sri Lanka’s fight against terrorism need be acknowledged with gratitude. That said, the lack of other forms of military assistance, America’s disinterest in partnering our military and absence of goodwill visits by US naval craft during the decades Sri Lanka spent fighting terrorism need be highlighted. In light of America’s attitude towards Sri Lanka since mid-1980s, motives for its sudden desire to “strengthen relations”, to state mildly, is questionable.

America has indeed come long way from the dark days in mid-1987 when then Sri Lanka’s pro American President JR Jayawardena (JRJ) desperately attempted to speak to then US President Ronald Regan. In his naivety, JRJ wanted Regan, who had previously entertained him to dinner in the White House, to prevail upon pro Soviet India to desist from a possible invasion of Sri Lanka (ship loads containing Indian Black Cat commandos could be seen from Galle Face, supposedly on standby by to evacuate Indian nationals in Colombo). Regan who declined to accept the telephone call had notoriously stated “tell him to talk to Spain” (James W Spain was the then US Ambassador to Sri Lanka). Left with no alternative, JR Jayawardena agreed to the infamous Indo – Sri Lanka Accord, the IPKF and the 13th Amendment. Thereafter, there were hardly any US bigwigs or underlings who came by Sri Lanka except in the aftermath of the 2004 Tsunami when two former US Presidents, US Secretary of State and a naval contingent visited Sri Lanka in connection with relief operations.

A Professional Military

Professionalism of Sri Lanka’s military was proved by their defeat of the LTTE terrorist group. That is not to say, certain excesses did not take place or to deny the need to investigate such cases, not forgetting the concept of ‘collateral damage’, a justification regularly used by America. The US army’s professionalism, in spite of access to superior fire power, technology and virtually unlimited funds spans all the way from Korea to Vietnam to Beirut to Somalia to Iraq to Afghanistan. Narration of excesses by US forces abroad would require volumes. Two random examples would suffice for the purpose.

The My Lai massacre committed by US forces killed 504 (subsequently reduced to 347 by US military investigators) unarmed civilians in South Vietnam in 1968 within a few hours. Victims included men, women, children, and infants between ages of one and eighty two. Some of the women were gang-raped and their bodies mutilated.

Members of the US Army and the CIA committed a series of human rights violations against dozens of detainees in the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. They included physical and sexual abuse, torture, rape, sodomy, and murder.

Human Rights

America led the western pack at the UNHRC in Geneva by sponsoring a Resolution against Sri Lanka in September 2015. Sri Lanka, facing the threat of international sanctions had no option but to accept the resolution even though the need to co-sponsor it is understood only by those responsible for the decision. Since then, the international community cabal has never failed to remind Sri Lanka of its ‘commitments with regard accountability made in September 2015’. Recent history is strewn with examples of abuse of Human Rights by US during the Vietnam war, in Guantanamo Bay, unjustified regime changes in Iraq and Afghanistan to name a few. One is left bewildered trying to understand the logic of perpetrators of excesses in Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan and rendition, thousands of miles away from US soil sponsoring a resolution against Sri Lanka, accusing it of alleged human rights violations during its endeavor to defeat a terrorist group advocating separatism on its own soil.

Raymond Allen Davis, a private security firm employee, and contractor with the CIA, killed two reportedly armed men in Lahore, Pakistan in 2011. The U.S. government claimed diplomatic immunity for an employee of a contractor on the basis he was an employee of the U.S. Consulate in Lahore. Nevertheless, Davis was jailed and criminally charged by Pakistani authorities with double murder and the illegal possession of a firearm. In a back room deal, Davis was released after the families of the two killed men were paid $2.4 million in diyya (a form of monetary compensation or blood money).

Judicial System

The absence of a credible judicial investigation to investigate pogroms in July 1983 is a clear case of the lack of a credible and robust judicial system in Sri Lanka. Such an investigation would have no doubt contributed immensely towards reconciliation. However, considering America’s own poor track record in such matters, one is left wondering if Ambassador Keshap’s new team of Americans now in Sri Lanka to work on “human rights cooperation, rule of law and justice” are the right people for the task.

After the My Lai massacre in Vietnam, twenty six soldiers were charged with criminal offenses related to the massacre. However, only Lieutenant William Calley Jr, a platoon leader was convicted. Found guilty of killing 22 villagers, he was originally given a life sentence, but served only three and a half years under house arrest before being released. The US Judicial system has left it to the imagination of the public to deduce the manner in which the remaining 482 lost their lives.

Lynndie Rana England, a former United States Army Reserve soldier along with eleven other soldiers was convicted of war crimes and torture in the Abu Ghraib torture and prisoner abuse scandal by Army courts-martial for inflicting sexual, physical and psychological abuse on Iraqi prisoners of war. She was sentenced to three years in prison and dishonorably discharged from the army. She served 521 days of her 1,095 days prison sentence before being paroled. After multiple investigations, human rights organizations stated that the abuses at Abu Ghraib were not isolated incidents, but were part of a wider pattern of torture and brutal treatment at American overseas detention centers, including those in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Guantanamo Bay. Several scholars stated that the abuses constituted state-sanctioned crimes. Allegations have also been made of then Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld having authorized some of the actions.

CIA contractor Raymond Allen Davis was never tried in US for his crimes.

It is left to the discerning reader to fathom if Lt. Calley and his twenty five fellow soldiers, Lynndie Rana England and her eleven fellow soldiers and Raymond Allen Davis would have received different sentences, had they been tried under Vietnamese, Iraqi and Pakistani law. Further, would US have agreed to any “special courts” to prosecute the likes of Lt. Calley, Lynndie England, their fellow soldiers and CIA contractor Davis with “foreign assistance” and participation of “foreign Judges and expertise”?

Partiality and leniency towards members of its armed forces and nationals committing crimes abroad against foreign nationals, practiced regularly by US, is a perversion of its judicial system.

The incidents narrated herein should not be taken in isolation but in totality with US actions abroad since WWII, too numerous to be narrated in a single essay. The US has been responsible for thousands of acts similar to those narrated. They do illustrate a distinct pattern of sheer impunity and absolute disregard to international humanitarian law, when it involves America’s own interests and its forces.

Ambassador Keshap is the public face of America in Sri Lanka. Considering America’s track record, it behooves the Ambassador to explain to us Sri Lankans, his nation’s credentials, competence and suitability to assist this country on “human rights cooperation, rule of law and justice”.

Govt., Basil, FCID and SB

August 14th, 2016

By C. A. Chandraprema Courtesy The Island

“The election laws have not been cited in any of the B Reports filed by the FCID against Basil Rajapaksa.”

Former minister Basil Rajapaksa (BR), who had been remanded over allegations of fraud and corruption, was released on bail last Tuesday (09). People are vaguely aware that BR’s latest stint in remand was over a case involving the distribution of GI pipes to Pradeshiya Sabhas. On Tuesday night, the present Minister of Social Empowerment and Welfare S. B. Dissanayake told Hiru TV that he had no idea how Basil Rajapaksa had been arrested over the matter since the correct tender procedures had been adhered to in purchasing the GI pipes and all the Pradeshiya Sabhas (PSs)had acknowledged the receipt of the goods.

By now BR has been arrested four times by the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) and remanded twice over what people think are allegations of corruption and abuse of state property. The FCID has eight ongoing investigations against him. Five of them relate to the Divineguma Department and three to properties allegedly belonging to him. Since his latest release from remand was over one of the Divineguma cases let that be dealt with first.

All the Divineguma cases have been filed in the Kaduwela Magistrate’s Court. The first case filed under B Report No: 9556/15 was about the distribution of Rs. 2,500 to Divineguma recipients to make improvements to their houses under the Isurumath Nivahanak programme. The second case (B Report No: 9557/15) relates to the payment of compensation and gratuity to voluntarily retiring employees of the Divineguma Department. The third is over the printing of ‘lith’ (almanacs) for distribution among Divineguma families. The fourth relates to the distribution of GI pipes to PSs (B Report No: 44/15 filed on 24 Feb., 2016.) The final case in this group relates to expenditure on the Divineguma National Convention in November 2014 (B Report No: 9578/15 filed on 16 March 2015).

The first arrest of BR in April 2015 was over the first three cases mentioned above. The Isurumath Niwahanak programme started on 24 Oct. 2014, sought to provide Rs. 10,000 to each Divineguma family to make improvements to their houses and the first installment of Rs. 2,500 was paid out of the Divineguma Prajamula Bank Fund on 17 and 18 November 2014. The FCID informed court that the Isurumath Niwahanak programme had been started without allocations being made by the Treasury and that the funds in the Divineguma Prajamula Banks consisted of the savings of members and that it was illegal to use that money for a purpose like this.

The FCID stated in its B Report that according to article 44 (b) of the Divineguma Act, the money in the Divineguma Prajamula Banks was state property and, therefore, it came under Article 5(1) of the Offences Against Public Property Act No: 12 of 1982 and further that Sections 100, 113, 386 and 389 of the Penal Code and Section 03 of the Money Laundering Act No: 5 of 2006 were applicable to this case. Former Minister of Economic Development BR, former Secretary to the Ministry of Economic Development Dr Nihal Jayatilleke and former Director General of the Divineguma Department R. A. A. K. Ranawaka were arrested in this connection and remanded by the Kaduwela Magistrate. Though the FCID claims, in its B Report, that according to Article 44 (b) of the Divineguma Act, the money in the Divineguma Prajamula Banks is state property Article 44(b) refers only to the ‘movable and immovable property’ of the Samurdhi Authority and other bodies abolished to form the Divineguma Department and not to the deposits of members in the Samurdhi Banks which had been converted into Divineguma Prajamula Banks.

Handunnetthi’s question & SB’s answer

It would appear that the provision that applies to the Divineguma Prajamula Banks is not article 44(b) as stated by the FCID but Articles 44(g) and 45 of the Divineguma Act. By Article 44(g), all Samurdhi Banking Societies and Samurdhi Banking Federations became Divineguma Prajamula Banks and Divineguma Prajamula Banking Societies respectively. Article 45 of the Divineguma Act stipulates that the trusts and funds established by the Samurdhi Development Authority shall be managed by the Divineguma Department ‘without any change in the beneficiaries or its objectives’. Hence, the funds in the Divineguma Prajamula Banks do not belong to the State but to the Divineguma beneficiaries and the money disbursed to the Divineguma recipients to make improvements to their houses was their own money and not money belonging to the state.

According to Article 28(d) of the Divineguma Act, one of the functions of the Divineguma Prajamula Banks was to ensure ‘the welfare of the depositors and members of their families’ and providing a grant to make improvements to the houses of Divineguma beneficiaries was well within the scope of the Prajamula Banks. If Article 5(1) of the Offences Against Public Property Act No: 12 of 1982 was to apply to this case, the property concerned had to belong to the state and be ‘dishonestly misappropriated’ and converted for the use of the suspects in this case. However, the money in the Divineguma Prajamula Banks does not belong to the state and the B Reports do not say that this money has been misappropriated for the use of the suspects either.

The FCID has also charged BR et al. under Sections 100, 113, 386 and 389 of the Penal Code as well. Sections 100 and 113 of the Penal Code relate to aiding and abetting, instigation, conspiracy, facilitation or concealing the commission of a crime. Section 386 of the Penal Code pertains to ‘dishonestly misappropriating or converting to one’s own use’ any movable property. The numerous illustrations given in the Penal Code to elucidate the application of this Section makes it abundantly clear that if Section 386 is to apply, it is mandatory that the movable property concerned has to be converted to the use of the person committing the offence. The B Reports do not indicate that the Rs. 2,500 paid out has found its way into the pockets of the three suspects arrested in this case.

Section 389 of the Penal Code relates to the criminal breach of trust which too cannot really apply in this case because the money has been utilised for a purpose that comes well within the functions of the Divineguma Prajamula Banks as pointed out earlier. The FCID has also charged BR and the three officials under Section 03 of the Money Laundering Act No: 5 of 2006, which however, applies only to transactions relating to property derived from unlawful activities whereas all the money that was distributed to Divineguma recipients, was their own money as per section 44(g) of the Divineguma Act.

On 03 Nov. 2015, JVP parliamentarian Sunil Handunnetthi addressed a question to the Minister of Social Empowerment and Welfare S. B. Dissanayake (SB) in Parliament wanting to know whether a sum of Rs. 3 billion belonging to the Divineguma Fund had been misused to fund the Isurumath Nivahanak programme, which was launched on the eve of the last presidential election. Handunneththi said that when a minister in charge of a subject ‘destroys’ funds belonging to the state without any sanction from cabinet, that sets a bad precedent. In reply to this question, SB stated that no money belonging to the Divineguma Fund had been misused and the Divineguma Fund had not lost Rs. 3 billion.

The JVP was taken aback by this answer and JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake told Parliament that the question was actually not about the ‘Divineguma Fund’ but the ‘Divineguma Prajamula Bank Fund’ and that they would address another question in this regard later. However the JVP did not bring up the issue again. A day or two before he answered that question in Parliament, the Divaina had reported SB as having explicitly said at a Divineguma gathering in Galle that none of the funds he created when he was the Samurdhi Minister had been misused by BR.

Gratuity and compensation for voluntary retirement

The other case over which BR and three other officials of his ministry were arrested was over the payment of Gratuity and Compensation to employees voluntarily retiring from the Divineguma Department. With the Divineguma Development Department becoming operational on 03 Jan. 2014,the Samurdhi Authority, the Southern Development Authority, the Up-Country Development Authority, the Samurdhi Commissioner General’s Department and the Department of Up-Country Peasantry Rehabilitation were dissolved and merged with the Divineguma Department. Of the 25,101 employees in the bodies that were abolished, 23,581 were absorbed into the Divineguma Department under various arrangements while 1,520 decided to go on voluntary retirement. The problem arose regarding the Rs. 1,177 million spent to pay compensation and gratuity to the first batch of 1,059 employees who had gone on voluntary retirement.

Due to the Treasury’s delay in releasing the money despite requests made, this money had been paid out of the funds of the Divineguma Prajamula Banks as a temporary measure. The FCID informed court that it was illegal for money belonging to the Divineguma Prajamula Banks to be used to pay compensation and gratuity to employees without the express sanction of the Treasury. Once again the FCID had charged BR et al. under Article 5(1) of the Offences Against Public Property Act No: 12 of 1982 as well as Sections 100, 113, 386 and 389 of the Penal Code and Section 03 of the Money Laundering Act No: 5 of 2006.

However, according to Section 44(e)(i) of the Divineguma Act, it was the Minister who had the authority to determine the terms of a voluntary retrenchment scheme for employees of the bodies that were dissolved.

In this case, BR formulated the retrenchment package and obtained approval for it from Cabinet as well. And Cabinet directed that it be paid. Furthermore, even if the money in the Divineguma Prajamula Banks was used to temporarily pay the retiring employees, the Offences Against Public Property Act No: 12 of 1982 does not apply because the money in the Divineguma Banks is not the property of the State but the property of the Divineguma beneficiaries. Likewise, Section 386 of the Penal Code cannot apply because none of this money was taken for the personal use of the suspects. This writer learns that there has been a large allocation in the Samurdhi Authority which accumulated during the Rajapaksa era without being utilised. In the early years, the profits of the Samurdhi Banks were calculated without taking into account the salaries paid to the employees of the Samurdhi Authority who were administering the Samurdhi Banks. Later, on World Bank advice a part of the profits was laid aside for the salaries of Samurdhi bank officials, but the actual salaries were paid by the government. Over years, this allocation for salaries accumulated to over Rs. 11 billion. Then there was a general welfare fund which also had well over Rs. 1 billion.

The treasury was aware that the Samurdhi Banks had a lot of money. The B Reports of the Isurumath Nivahanak case stated that the Treasury had requested the Divineguma Department to see whether the funds for the Isurumath Nivahanak programme could be raised from the funds available to the Divineguma Department – which is a reference to these accumulated funds. The employees going on voluntary retirement were apparently paid out of that unutilised allocation until it was reimbursed by the Treasury. The government changed by early January which did not leave any time for the Treasury to reimburse this money. We learn that the money has since been reimbursed.

The third case over which BR and his officials were remanded was over the printing of Lith (almanacs) to be distributed to Divineguma households. (The writer is not in possession of the B Reports pertaining to this case as yet. Indictments have however been served in the High Court against BR and his officials in relation to this case.) On 04 May 2016 JVP parliamentarian Sunil Handunnetthi asked the Minister of Social Empowerment and Welfare SB in Parliament whether the latter was aware that a sum of Rs 29.4 million had been misused by the Divineguma Department to print five million almanacs (lith) with photographs of the former president for the Presidential election 2015 and why five million almanacs had been printed to be distributed among just 1.8 million beneficiaries for the year 2015?

SB replied that at the end of 2014, a ‘lith’ had been published with details of auspicious times for agriculture and other such information and that all the procurement guidelines had been followed in awarding the printing contract. Dissanayake further stated that no money from the Divineguma Fund had been utilised for this purpose and that allocations of the Economic Development Ministry for the year 2014 had been utilised for the purpose. Asking further questions Handunneththi and Bimal Ratnayake wanted to know why five million almanacs had been printed when there were only 1.8 million Divineguma families. SB explained that these lith were supposed to be distributed to all households – not just Divineguma beneficiaries as had happened in previous years, and that plants, seeds and fertiliser had also been distributed in that manner to Divineguma recipients as well as the general public.

The most recent arrest of BR took place in relation to the purchase of GI pipes to be distributed to PSs. According to the B Reports of this case, a total amount of Rs. 35.5 million was used from the capital expenditure allocation of the Divineguma Department to purchase 32,976 GI pipes distributed to 58 Pradeshiya Sabhas. The FCID reported to courts that there had been no pre-arranged programme of the Divineguma Department to supply GI pipes to PSs or a request from the PSs for GI pipes and there had been neither criteria by which the 58 Pradeshiya Sabhas were selected to receive GI pipes nor any guidelines by which the number of pipes that would be given to each Pradeshiya Sabha would be decided. The FCID stated in their B Report that the Divineguma Department belonged to the Economic Development Ministry and the Pradeshiya Sabhas belonged to the Local Government Ministry and, therefore, by the supply of those GI pipes to a different ministry, there had been criminal misappropriation of Rs. 35.5 million and breach of trust.

As in the earlier cases, the FCID informed court that Article 5(1) of the Offences Against State property Act of 1982, and Sections 100, 113, 286, 389 of the Penal Code and Section 03 of the Money Laundering Act No: 5 of 2006 had been committed in this regard. There is no doubt that it was state property because the money used for this purpose belonged to the Divineguma Department. However there is a question mark over the applicability of Article 5(1) of the Offences Against Public Property Act No: 12 of 1982 to this case because this movable property had not been converted to the personal use of the suspects. Sections 100 and 113 of the Penal Code relate to aiding and abetting, instigation, conspiracy facilitation or concealing the commission of a crime. For section 386 of the Penal Code to apply, the said property has to be dishonestly misappropriated or converted to the personal use of the suspects which has obviously not happened in this case.

Section 389 of the Penal Code relates to the criminal breach of trust which too does not apply in this case because the money has been utilised for a purpose that comes within the functions of the Divineguma Department. According to Sections 5(e)(i), 5(m), and Section 6 of the Divineguma Act, the Divineguma Department has the right to utilise their money ‘to secure the co-operation of local authorities, and to purchase equipment, for the purpose of promoting the activities of Divineguma beneficiaries and to facilitate the providing of services to Divineguma beneficiaries by any local government institution’. Though the FCID had mentioned Section 03 of the Money Laundering Act No: 5 of 2006 in relation to the purchase of these GI pipes, that law cannot apply in this case because the property transacted was not acquired by the Divineguma Department through unlawful means.

The contention of the FCID that the offence of ‘criminal misappropriation’ has been committed by the Divineguma Department in supplying these GI pipes to bodies that belonged to a different ministry, is absurd to say the least. This is why minister SB said publicly that he was at a loss to understand how BR had been arrested over this GI pipe case. The final case in this category over which BR arrested yet relates to expenditure on the Divineguma National Convention held in November 2014 – which we can discuss when it is taken up.

SB: Unintended victim of FCID folly

The key point to remember in relation to the four Divineguma Department cases over which BR was remanded is that there is not the slightest hint even in the FCID’s B Reports that BR or anyone else made money out of the transactions involved even though the whole country mistakenly believes these cases are related to fraud and corruption. All these Divineguma offences, the Isurumath Nivahanak programme, the voluntary retirement programme, the printing of lith, the GI pipes case and even the still un-discussed Divineguma Convention are supposed to have been decided around October or Nov. 2014, when it was widely speculated that a snap presidential election would be held.

Yet, the election laws have not been cited in any of the B Reports filed by the FCID against BR. One reason for this is that the decisions relating to these matters were made before it was legally possible to declare a presidential election. Another reason is that the Elections Commissioner and the political party secretaries have an ongoing informal agreement arrived at outside the law, to disregard provisions in the election law relating to canvassing, the distribution of handbills and propaganda material and the display of symbols etc after nominations have been handed in. It would not be possible to claim that BR had violated certain election laws while other aspects of the same elections law were being openly flouted by the elections authorities and the police themselves.

The US Imperialists are Planning to Build US Army, Navy, Air Force Bases at Trincomalee and Set Up an Eelam by Supporting the TNA and other Separatist Terrorists

August 13th, 2016

By: Plumblossom

There is absolutely no doubt about imperialistic US plans to build a US army, navy and air force base at Trincomalee. Please note that once the US builds their US army, navy and air force base at Trincomalee, they are not going to stop there. They will build other bases within the island. For example, Hambantota harbour could also end up as a US navy base and the Mattala airport a US air force base. Iranawila will again recommence their CIA operations of disseminating biased propaganda to all Indian Ocean rim countries and beyond and Palaly in the North in Jaffna will also be converted into a US air force base.

This is the main reason that the US has, from the very beginning, supported the LTTE terrorists, who are in fact the US imperialists proxy force, wage a war against Sri Lanka to set up a bogus Eelam. The US knows that the only people who are standing in their way are the Sinhala people who due to they being majority Buddhist and wanting to preserve Buddhism, being the indigenous people of the island with over 2,600 years of history behind them and with our tribal ancestors having over 30,000 years of history within the island and due to they being very socialist in nature and supportive of socialist and eco-friendly ideals will never, ever let the US set up any bases in the island.

Therefore the imperialistic US, UK, EU, Canada, Sweden, Norway and India supported the LTTE terrorists and the TNA set up their bogus Eelam within the island for sure so that they can then set up US army, navy, air force bases within the island.

Sri Lanka lies along the world’s busiest sea route or the maritime silk road. To the South of Sri Lanka lies the vast Indian Ocean. Sri Lanka is located at one of the most strategic locations of the world with the Middle East, Africa and Europe to the North West, with India to the North and with South East Asia and East Asia to the North East of Sri Lanka.

At present, the US uses its Diego Garcia base extensively to subdue, bomb, decimate and dominate the rest of the world. Iraq and Afghanistan was bombed by the US using this most strategic of US bases, Diego Garcia. However, due to sea level rises as a result of climate change, low lying Diego Garcia will eventually be taken over by the sea. What better place therefore to build a US base than Sri Lanka? This is the reason that the US supports Eelam since sepoy, slavish LTTE, TNA will do whatever the US tells them to do. The only people standing in the way of the US building bases in Sri Lanka are the Sinhala people and they have been slapped with bogus US resolutions at the UNHRC with a view to partitioning this island and bringing on an Eelam with these constitutional changes to turn Sri Lanka into federal states or to even implement the 13th amendment to the full

However the 13th amendment should never ever be implemented and no more powers should be given to the provincial councils, especially no land, police or fiscal powers should be given to the provincial councils under any circumstances. Also the concurrent list subjects should be given over to the national list. Also merger between any two provinces should not be allowed.

About Trincomalee harbour, please visit this absolutely stunning and vast harbour and then anyone will be able to see its potential. Already, the road to and from Trincomalee has been built and all the roads and bridges around Trincomalee harbour has been built. There are over 99 oil tanks near the harbour. There is the existing Sri Lankan air force, army and navy bases. Trincomalee town has been refurbished. Trincomalee harbour is the world’s second largest natural harbour. It has a submarine canyon along its sea floor which is a very deep canyon along the sea floor which can accommodate submarines which then cannot be detected by radar. The harbour itself can accommodate a large fleet of ships. There is also a railway line all the way from Colombo to Trincomalee. All the infrastructure development was completed by the previous Mahinda Rajapakshe Government.

In the North of the country, offshore from Mannar are the Kauvery and Mannar basins, which contain oil and gas deposits. In the East and North coast too, offshore, there are oil and gas deposits. In the very North, there are many mineral deposits. Sri Lanka’s EEZ or the Exclusive Economic zone is around four times the size of Sri Lanka itself. Half of this vast ocean is located within the North and the East (or bogus Eelam). Sri Lanka is also, in the future, a recipient of an expanded EEZ which will be twenty three times the size of Sri Lanka itself. If this happens, half of this (or half of a vast ocean twenty three times the size of Sri Lanka) will belong to bogus Eelam. Since Sri Lanka is an island, its ocean resources are just as or even more important than its land resources. Almost all of Sri Lanka’s offshore oil and gas deposits, its mineral deposits and half of Sri Lanka’s EEZ is located within a future bogus Eelam. This is the reason that the US imperialists want to create an Eelam so that they can then grab all these resources easily.

Therefore, there is no doubt that the US would want to build a US army, navy, air force base at Trincomalee. For that, they only need an Eelam or a federal state and this treacherous Ranil, Sirisena, CBK and Mangala will make sure that happens since they have accepted the bogus US resolution at the UNHRC and placed our armed forces in deep trouble when our armed forces are totally not guilty but the LTTE war criminals are now suddenly totally innocent of all the war crimes that the LTTE terrorists committed for over three decades by massacring over 47,000 mainly Sri Lankan Forces, Police Force and Civil Defense Force members and also thousands upon thousands of civilians.

All Sri Lankans should totally oppose implementing the 13th amendment to the full and any more powers being given to the provincial councils than they have at present. Especially no land, police or fiscal powers should be given to the provincial councils under any circumstances. Also the concurrent list subjects should be given over to the national list. Also merger between any two provinces should not be allowed.

වර්තමානයේ ජීවත්වන්න !

August 13th, 2016

තේජා ගොඩකන්දෙආරච්චි

‘වර්තමානයේ ජීවත් වන්න’ යි බුදුන් වහන්සේ පවසා ඇති බව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී  මතක් වූයේ ලක්ෂ්මන් කිරිඇල්ල ඇමතිවරයාටය. එය සිදු වූයේ 2016 අගෝස්තු 11 වන දින පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී සම්මත කරගත් ‘අතුරුදහන් වූවන් පිලිබඳ කාර්යාලය’ පිහිටුවීමේ පනත සම්මත කරගැනීමෙන් අනතුරුවය. මේ විවාදය සිදු වෙත්දී ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරු පිරිස සභා ගැබ මැදට පැමින විරෝධතාවක නිරත වූ අතර ඒ කාලය තුල ආසනවල රැඳී සිටි පිරිස සමග පනත සම්මත කර ගැනීමට රජය කටයුතු කලේය. ඒ ගැන කතාකල ලක්ෂ්මන් කිරිඇල්ල විසින් ඉහත ප්‍රකාශය කලේ ‘දැන් ඉතින් පනත සම්මත වී ඉවරයි’ කියමිනි. මේ වන විට මේ අතුරුදහන් වූවන් පිලිබඳ කාර්යාලය පිලිබඳ පනත ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුල තවත් අවුලක් මවා තිබේ.

මෙයට හේතු වූයේ මේ පනත සම්මත කර ගැනීමේදී රජය විසින් අනුගමනය කල විනිවිද භාවයෙන් තොර ප්‍රතිපත්තිය සහ මෙය සම්මත කර ගැනීමට දැක්වූ කඩිමුඩියයි. විදේශ කටයුතු පිලිබඳ අමාත්‍යංශයට අනුබද්ධ රජයේ ක්‍රියාකාරී කණ්ඩායම සහ උපදේශකත්ව මණ්ඩලය විසින් මෙම පනත් කෙටුම්පත සකස්කල පසුව එය සාකච්ඡාවට ගැනීම සඳහා 2016 මැයි 9 වන දින කොළඹදී පවත්වන ලද වැඩසටහනට සහභාගි වීමට අවස්ථාව ලැබී තිබුනේ සීමිත පිරිසකටය. එය සිදුවූයේත් එම රැස්වීම පිලිබඳ දැනුම් දුන් කාල පරාසයේ කෙටි බව නිසාය. එබැවින් මෙයට කොළඹ හා කොළඹ අවට ක්‍රියාත්මක වන මානව හිමිකම් පිලිබඳ ක්‍රියාකාරී කණ්ඩායම්වලට හැරුනකොට දුර බැහැර පෙදෙස්වල සිටිමින්, අතුරුදහන්වූවන්ගේ පවුල් සමග ඍජුව කටයුතු කරන සිවිල් සංවිධාන වලට සහභාගිවීමට ලද ඉඩකඩ ඉතා සීමිත විය. එමෙන්ම මේ පනත පාර්ලිමේන්තු ගත කිරීමට ප්‍රථම, මෙවැනි පනතක් ගෙන එනවා කීවා විනා එය සවිස්තරාත්මකව දැන ගැනීමේ අවස්ථාවක් ජනතාවට ලැබුනේ නැත. මෙම පනත පිලිබඳ තොරතුරු යුද්ධයට සම්බන්ධ වූ සියලු පාර්ශ්වයන්ට වැදගත්ය. මේ පිලිබඳ විනිවිද භාවය රැකීමේ වගකීම ඇත්තේ රජය අතේ මිස වෙනත් කිසිවකුන් හෝ අතේ නොවේ. එබැවින් තමන්ගේ කාර්යය හරි හැටි නොකර ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයට දොස් නැගීමට ඔවුන්ට නොහැකිය. මන්ද මෙවැනි කොලය වසා ගසන වර්ගයේ සෙල්ලම් වලදී ඊට ගැලපෙන පරිදි සෙල්ලම් කිරීමේ හැකියාව හා නිදහස අනිත් පාර්ශ්වයටත් ඇත. මෙම කාර්යාලයට විදේශ රටවලින්ද කාර්ය මණ්ඩල අනුයුක්ත කිරීමට නියමිතය. මේ තාක් දුරට ජාත්‍යන්තරය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මානව හිමිකම් කඩවීම් දෙස බැලූ පක්ෂග්‍රාහී ආකාරය ඉතා පැහැදිලිය. මේ සියලු කරුණු සලකා බැලීමේදී ජනතාව තුල සැකයක් ඇතිවීම පුදුමයක් නොවේ.

87-90 ජවිපෙ දෙවන කැරැල්ල සමයේදී මරා දැමුනු සංඛ්‍යාව 42,000 ක් පමන වන බව සංඛ්‍යා ලේඛණ දක්වයි. නමුත් නිල නොවන වාර්තාවන්ට අනුව එය 60,000 ඉක්මවයි. එනම් වාර්තා වූ මරණ සංඛ්‍යාවට අමතරව තව සෑහෙන සංඛ්‍යාවක් අතුරුදන් වූවන්ගේ ගොඩට වැටෙයි. ජවිපෙ නායක රෝහණ විජේවීර පවා මරා දැමුවා කියා දන්නවා විනා ඔහුගේ පාර්ශ්වයෙන් ඒ මල සිරුර දුටු අයෙක් නැත. වැලලූ තැනක් නැත. ඔහු සමගම අත්අඩංගුවට පත් වූ අනිකුත් ජවිපෙ ඉහල ක්‍රියාකාරීන් වූ උපතිස්ස ගමනායක ඇතුලු අයගේ කතාවද මෙයට සමානය. මේ අය වෙඩි තබා ආදාහනාගාරයට විසිකර දැමුවා කීවා විනා ඔවුන්ගේ අලු කලඳක්වත් දුටුවේ නැත. 1999-2001 වසරවල මොණරාගල දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ වැන්දඹු කාන්තාවන් සමග මා වැඩ කරද්දී, එහි සෑම ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කොට්ඨාශයකින්ම ඒකරාශී වූ කාන්තාවන් අතර සැමියා අතුරුදහන් වීම නිසා වැන්දඹු ලෙස සැලකෙන කාන්තාවෝ බොහෝ සංඛ්‍යාවක් වූහ. ඔවුන්  මුහුණ දී සිටි නීතිමය හා සමාජීය ප්‍රශ්ණ රාශිය සාක්ෂාත් වන විට ඔවුන්ට ඉටු විය යුතු සාධාරණත්වය කිසිදු රජයකින් ඉටු වුනේ නැත.

කෙසේ වුවද එදා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුල පැන නැගුන මේ ප්‍රශ්ණය දෙස ජාත්‍යන්තරය බැලුයේ එය රට තුල සිදුවන අභ්‍යන්තර ගැටුමක් ලෙස පමනි. ඔවුන් සිටියේ එය අපම විසඳා ගත යුතුය යන ස්ථාවරයේය. එදා ජවිපෙ කලේ ‘ඉල්ලන් කෑමක්’ ලෙස ඔවුන් නොදුටුවා නම් අද, එදා වධකාගාර පවත්වාගෙන ගිය නායකයන් මුල් පුටුවල වැජඹෙන වත්මන් රජයට මෙතරම් සෙනෙහස පාන්නේ නැත. අනික අද ජවිපෙ එජාපය සමග කටයුතු කරන ආකාරය තුල මේ දෘශ්ඨිය වඩාත් සාධාරණීකරනය කරයි. හරියට බත් හැලිය ඉදෙන තෙක් තිබූ ගෙදර රණ්ඩුවක් මෙනි. නමුත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිදු වූ වර්ගවාදී යුද්ධය දෙස ඔවුන් බලන්නේ අසල්වාසී රටක් ආක්‍රමණය කර ගණනටය. පක්ෂග්‍රාහී බවකින් තොරව ‘ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන්ගේ’ මානව හිමිකම් ගැන ජාත්‍යන්තරය සැලකිලිමත් වේ නම් 80 දශකයේ අග අතුරුදහන් වූයේත්, මරා දැමුනේත්, වර්ගවාදී යුද්ධය තුල අතුරුදහන් වූ සහ මරා දැමුනු ද්‍රවිඪ ජාතිකයන් බඳුම ශ්‍රී ලාංකික මනුෂ්‍යයන් බව ඔවුන්ට දැනිය යුතුය. එදා ජවිපෙ දෙවන නැගිටීමෙන් පසුවද ජීවිත ආරක්ෂාව පතා පිටරටවලට පලා ගිය ශ්‍රී ලාංකික පිරිසක් සිටියහ. නමුත් ඇම්නෙස්ටි ජාත්‍යන්තරය වැනි ආයතන ඒ සිද්ධීන්වලට බරක් යෙදුවේ තනි තනිව සලකාගෙනය. ඉතින් මේ කරුණු තුල අතුරුදහන්වූවන් පිලිබඳ කාර්යාලයට අනුයුක්ත වන විදේශිකයන්, ජවිපෙ දෙවන කැරලි සමයේ අතුරුදහන් වූවන් පිලිබඳ පැමිණිලි දෙස කුමන ආකාරයකට බලාවිද යන්න නිශ්චයක් නැත.

මේ පනත රජය විසින් අනුමත කර ගත්තේ උපක්‍රමශීලීවය.එපමනක් නොව අවසානයේ ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ හැසිරීම නිසා තමන්ට කර ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය වූ සංශෝධන කරගන්නටවත් ඉඩ නොලැබුන බව කියූ ජවිපෙ හි දෝෂ දර්ශනයට ලක්වීමටද ඔවුන්ට සිදුවිය. මේ සියල්ල අවසන ‘දැන් ඉතින් ඊයේ මේ පනත සම්මත කර ඇති නිසා බුදුන් වහන්සේ දේශනා කල පරිදි වර්තමානයේ ජීවත් වන්නැ’ යි ලක්ෂ්මන් කිරිඇල්ල පැවසීය.

එම කියමන වඩාත්ම අදාල වන්නේ තම රජයට බව ඔහුට අමතක වී ඇත. මන්ද රජයක් ලෙස පත් වී වසරක් ගත වුවද තවමත් අතීතයේ ජීවත් වන්නේ ඔවුන්ය. රජයේ කටයුතු ගැන මාධ්‍යය ප්‍රශ්ණ කරන සැම විටෙකම ඔවුන් පවසන්නේ පසුගිය රජයේ වරදක්ය. ජනාධිපතිවරයා කොතැන කුමකට කතාවක් පවත්වන්නට ගියත් රාජපක්ෂ නම ඇදගත්තේ නැතිනම් ඔහුට මාන්දම හැදෙනවා බඳුය. මේ මෑතකදී ඔහු පැවසුවේ තමා ‘හැමදාම’ අසන ප්‍රශ්ණයක් නම් බලයේ ඉන්නට තව වසර 2 ක් තිබියදී මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිවරණයක් කැඳෙව්වේ ඇයිද යන්නයි. ලක්ෂ්මන් කිරිඇල්ලගේ ප්‍රකාශයට අනුව මෙයට පිලිතුර සරළය. දැන් ඉතින් ජනාධිපති තමා බැවින් දැන් අතීතයට එක්ව ඇති ඔය ප්‍රශ්ණය, තම මනසට වදදෙන ලොකුම ප්‍රශ්ණය කර නොගෙන රටේ දිනෙන් දින මතුවන ප්‍රශ්ණවලට පිලිතුරු සෙවීමට ජනාධිපතිවරයා උනන්දු විය යුතු බවයි. මන්ද අතුරුදහන් වූවන්ගේ කාර්යාලය යනු යුධ අධිකරණයක්කරා යෑමේ පලමු පියවර බව ජනතාවට හැඟී ගොස් ඇත. මේ කටයුතු තුල විදේශ මැදිහත් වීම් වලට තමා ඉඩ නොතබන බවට ජනාධිපතිවරයා ජනතාවට පොරොන්දුවක් දී තිබේ. නමුත් අද විදේශ ඇමතිවරයා හෝ අගමැති ඇතුලු රජයේ එජාප කණ්ඩායම ජනාධිපතිවරයාට සත පහකට නොසලකන බව පෙනේ. එමෙන්ම දැන් රජයට එක්ව සිටින සන්ධාන මන්ත්‍රී කණ්ඩායමට සිදුවී ඇත්තේ වත්මන් රජයේ කුණු සේදීමට පමනි.

මේ පනත තුල සරත් ෆොන්සේකාට සිදුවනු ඇත්තේ රජයේ සාක්ෂිකරුවකු බවට පත්වීමට පමනක් බව ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණේ මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙකු පැවසීය. එය දැනටමත් සිදු වී හමාරය. ඔහු මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂට එරෙහිව කරලියට පැමිනියේම ‘සුදු කොඩි’ කතාව කියාගෙනය. කෙසේ වුවද සුදු කොඩි ඔසවාගෙන පැමිනි අනිත් පාර්ශ්වයේ අයට වෙඩි තබන සෙබලුන් සිටියා නම් එය රජයේ හමුදාවේ විනය පවත්වා ගැනීමේ යාන්ත්‍රණයේ වරදකි. ඊට වගකිව යුතු හමුදාපතිය. එබැවින් මේ කාර්යාලය හරහා හෙලිදරව් වන දේ තුල ඔහුටද වග කියන්නට සිදුවනු ඇත. මන්ද මන්ද මේ යුද්ධය සතියක් දෙකක් පැවති යුද්ධයක් නොවේ. එය පැවති තිස් වසර පුරාම අදාල දෙපාර්ශ්වයෙන්ම ඊට ගොදුරු වූවෝ බොහෝය. පක්ෂග්‍රාහිත්වයකින් තොරව මේ සියල්ලන්ටම සාධාරණය ඉටු වනවා නම් එහි වරදක් නැත. නමුත්?

එමෙන්ම සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස ඇමතිවරයාද, ලක්ෂ්මන් කිරිඇල්ලගේ වර්තමානයේ ජීවත් වන න්‍යාය පිලිපදින අයෙකි. ගම්බද ජනතාවට තම සුපුරුදු මහප්‍රාණ භාෂාවෙන් ‘පාදඩ යාත්‍රාව’ ගැන කියමින් යාම ඔහු තවමත් අවසන් කර නැත. 2013 ඔක්තෝබර් 5 වන දා එජාප නායක රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහට එරෙහිව දෙවිනුවර සිට කොළඹට එන්නට එජාපයේම මෙෙත්‍රී ගුණරත්න සහ ශිරාල් ලක්තිලක ඇතුලු පිරිස ඇරඹූ පාද යාත්‍රාවට එජාපයෙන්ම වැදුනු කුරුඳු පොලු ප්‍රහාරය ඔහුට අමතක එබැවිනි. ‘පැරදුනා ඇති’ යන සටන් පාඨයද ඉස්සර කරගෙන ඇරඹූ එම පාද යාත්‍රාවට තම පක්ෂයේම රනිල් හිතවාදී පිරිසකගෙන් එසේ ප්‍රහාරයක් එල්ල වූයේ එයද පාදඩ යාත්‍රාවක් නිසාද යන්න සජිත් නම් දන්නවා ඇත. එදා ඔහු සිටියේත් රනිල්ට එරෙහි පිලේය. ඒ නිසාම ඒ පාදඩ යාත්‍රාවට ඔහුගේද දායකත්වයක් නොතිබුනා යැයි කිව නොහැකිය.

2015 ජනවාරි 09 වන දා ඇමති පදවියක් ලැබ වසරකුත් මාස 7 ක් ගිය තැනදී වත් වර්තමානයේ ජීවත් වන්නැ’යි බුදුන් වහන්සේ පවසා ඇති බව ලක්ෂ්මන් කිරිඇල්ලට මතක් වුනා නම් එය ලොකු දෙයකි. නමුත් ඉතින් මෙය ප්‍රායෝගිකව දිගටම අනිකුත් දේවල් සඳහාද අනුගමනය කරයි නම් වඩාත් අගනේය. මන්ද මේ දේශපාලකයින්ට බුදු බණ මතක් වන්නේත් තමන්ගේ වාසියට බැවිනි. අනික වාංචනික ලෙස පනතක් සම්මත කරගෙන ඒ වංචාව වසා ගැනීමට බුදු බණ ඇද ගැනීම තුල ඒ පනතේ අන්තර්ගතය සම්බන්ධවද මතු වන්නේ විචිකිච්ඡාවකි.

බුදු වදන් අනුව වැඩ කරනවා නම් බුදු බණ මෙසේ උපහාසයට ලක් කරනු වෙනුවට මේ රට කරවන උත්තමයන්ට පන්සිල්වල සිට, ඉතිපිසෝ ගාථාවේ සිටම බුද්ධාගම නැවත ඉගන ගන්නට පටන් ගන්නේ නම් යහපත්ය.

FUNDING AGENCIES ATTACH CONDITIONS FOR DONATIONS

August 13th, 2016

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

We are a poor third world country hence we depend heavily on borrowing.We go to other countries and plead aid and donations .Japan ,Korea ,UK and EU countries provide donations and attach the funding to a condition stipulating that the award of the contract should be given to  the country who donates the money .

As an example,Japan is providing a donation to Sri Lanka to supply large coast guard vessels ,with a condition that the ships should be built in Japan ,Sri Lankan companies do not reap any benefit .Another Japanese soft loan is given to Sri Lanka to build smaller Coast Guard Vessels ,with a condition that the contract should be carried out by Colombo Dockyard which is a Japanese own company in Sri Lanka.

Not only Japanese take away over 50% of the profit of the company ,they supply equipment to build them thru one of the subsidiary of the Japanese owner .Then the yard used majority Indian Workers ,thus pumping out some more foreign currency out of the country.

Other small time contractors and boat builders have no chance of reaping any benefit.

Indian Exim Bank also gave a loan to build two number Coast Guard Vessels with a condition that they should be built in Goa shipyard in India .Another loan was given to build two bulk supply vessels to Shipping corporation and they are built in India .

Austria give soft loans to improve infrastructure and the job should be done by an Austrian Company.

Access built many bridges In Sri Lanka and the fabricated bridge components were brought form UK who gave the loans.

Altair tower built  by Indian a Company with material and most of the labour from India .

Port City to be built by Chinese ,Hamabantota Port and Airport were built by Chinese with loans  from China .

Sri Lanka have no way of improving our own skills and technology as we have to depend on other countries to provide funds  and they execute the job too.

It is high time that the Government seriously considers this situation and rethink the strategy if and when sign ETCA

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

The JVP was an Extremely Patriotic Party until Anura Kumara Dissanayake the Traitor took over- Today it is Betraying its Motherland Sri Lanka and Supporting US Imperialists, the UNP and the TNA Separatists Set Up a Separate State or Eelam

August 13th, 2016

By: Plumblossom

The JVP was an extremely patriotic party especially during 1987 when they campaigned against the infamous rescue Sri Lanka from being dismembered by India and by the imperialistic forces led by the US, UK, EU, Canada, Sweden, Norway etc. the TNA and the LTTE terrorists led by the megalomaniac mass murderer Prabhakaran. Just one day prior to signing of the infamous Indo-Lanka Accord, there was an over 20,000 strong demonstration in Colombo by the JVP, SLFP and all other patriotic national forces. ThereIndo-Lanka Accord and the patriotic JVP was at the forefront of the patriotic struggle to, over 22 civilians perished when the police fired at the crowd (I am sure the police was pressurized by the UNP Government to carry out this unfortunate act) and 22 brave citizens, who I am sure included some JVPers, of this island, had to make the supreme sacrifice at that demonstration to preserve the unitary status of this island.

The JVP was so patriotic that they fully supported the UPFA governments of both the then CBK (now the treacherous Chaura Rejina) and later the Mahinda Rajapakshe Governments  to preserve Sri Lanka’s unitary status, to preserve Sri Lanka’s independence and freedom (which Sri Lanka has been for over 2,600 years of its history) and work towards social justice. The patriotic JVP was at the forefront of totally opposing the TNA and the LTTE separatist terrorists led by the megalomaniac mass murderer Prabhakaran. The JVP even went to the Supreme Court to nullify the illegal merging of the Northern and Eastern provinces.

However from 2010 onwards, after the Rathu Ali Patiya or Anura Kumara Dissanayake the traitor took over the JVP, the JVP has become a treacherous party who has become lackeys of ultra-capitalists, deal capitalists and cow-boy capitalists such as the UNP, the US, UK, EU, Canada, Sweden, Norway imperialists, the racist TNA and the separatist terrorists. The JVP today is totally working against the interests of the Sri Lankan people and is being treacherous to its own motherland and this is having an extremely deleterious effect on Sri Lanka as a country.

The JVP, until around 2010, was an extremely patriotic political party. However after Rathu Ali Patiya or Anura Kumara Dissanayake the traitor took over and a few other traitors to their own motherland took over (by this I mean the traitors Sunil Handunneti, Wijitha Herath, Lal Kantha, Tilvin Silva, Wasantha Samarasinghe etc.) the JVP has become traitors to their own Sri Lankan people and to their own motherland and become lackeys of ultra, extreme capitalist forces and lackeys of the US, UK, EU, Canada, Norway, Sweden, India (someone called these countries ‘mankolla kalliyak’ who steal other countries resources by bombing those countries) the racist TNA, the separatist terrorists etc.

The JVP is today being indirectly funded by thousands of US dollars and they are indirectly working for US imperialism. It is absolutely clear to most people with an ounce of sense. It calls itself ‘socialist’ only to hoodwink its gullible supporters in order to obtain those gullible supporter’s votes.

The US imperialists have carried out this type of operations elsewhere, in other countries, whose patriotic government or patriotic opposition resists US imperialism. The US buys off small fake socialist parties indirectly via dubious NGOs disguised as local set ups with thousands of US dollars. These small fake socialist parties are useful since they are there to raise some valid but not so important issues and make some noise (but not at all a threat to US imperialism’s dubious aims in the unfortunate country concerned) and hoodwink a few thousand voters to support them. In Sri Lanka the JVP, the treacherous Wickramabahu and the NSSP, the FLSP, they are all indirectly supportive of setting up an Eelam and indirectly supporting US imperialism. It is obvious from their actions, utterances, statements especially regarding national security, sovereignty of the country, independence, freedom, lack of opposition to the idea of a separate state, lack of opposition to federalism, lack of any comments about the racist, fascist TNA and its ethnic cleansing of Sinhala people from the North, lack of any comments about the thousands upon thousands of Sri Lankan armed forces members and civilians massacred by the LTTE terrorists etc.

In other independently thinking countries also where the US wants to bring about ‘regime change’, the US imperialists support small fake socialist parties such as the JVP, FLSP and Wickramabahu of the NSSP. So this is not at all a surprise to anyone who has observed the world stage and world trends over many years.

In addition, the ever cunning Norway and its NORAD wrote a detailed report about why the 2001-2004 treacherous Ranil’s Eelam project failed. There, the NORAD report mentions buying off the JVP and the Hela Urumaya for future success in setting up an Eelam. That is exactly what has happened today as anyone can see. The traitors Rathu Ali Patiya or Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Sunil Handunneti, Wijitha Herath, Lal Kantha, Tilvin Silva, Wasantha Samarasinghe etc. Chapika Ranawaka, Rathane so called Hamuduruwo and Nishantha Sri Warnasuriya’s conduct is total proof of want I am saying.

It is extremely disconcerting to observe the extremely patriotic JVP of yesteryear become traitors to their own motherland due to the Rathu Ali Patiya or Anura Kumara Dissanayake taking over. The JVP was extremely patriotic especially during 1987 when they campaigned against the infamous Indo-Lanka Accord and was at the forefront of the patriotic struggle to rescue Sri Lanka from being dismembered. The JVP was so patriotic that they fully supported subsequent UPFA Governments to keep Sri Lanka a unitary state ( which it has been for the past 2,600 years) and to preserve Sri Lanka’s independence and freedom and at the forefront of opposing totally the separatist terrorists at that time.

The Psychological Impact of Political Violence in Sri Lanka –

August 13th, 2016

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge

Of all the tasks of government, the most basic is to protect its citizens from violence.-John Foster Dulles

Commonly violence is defined as the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual against oneself, another person or against a group or community that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, mal-development, or deprivation (Krug, Dahlberg, Mercy, Zwi& Lozano, 2002).

Political violence refers to acts of violence undertaken to further the political objectives. Violence is a common means used by people and governments around the world to achieve political goals. In this context Sri Lanka is one of the countries that is highly affected by political violence. The scale and intensity of political violence has increased in Sri Lanka over the past few decades. Violence has become a common occurrence during the elections in Sri Lanka. Violence pervades Sri Lankan social and cultural life.

Political violence and its associated factors are complex and multidimensional. There are many theories are associated with individual and collective violence. Based on social learning theory Albert Bandura argued that individuals especially children learn aggressive responses from observing, others, either personally or through the media and environment. Bandura further stated that many individuals, believed that aggression will produce reinforcements. These reinforcements can formulate in to reduction of tension, gaining financial rewards, or gaining the praise of others, or building self-esteem.

In 2002 the National Academy of Science indicated that violence can occur in waves with highly publicized crimes copied by others. The social learning processes reflected in, such contagious episodes include imitation and vicarious reinforcement.

Duncan Pedersen emphasizes the root causes for the political violence and of the view that in poor and highly indebted countries, economic and environmental decline, asset depletion, and erosion of the subsistence base lead to further impoverishment and food insecurity for vast sectors of the population. Growing ethnic and religious tensions over a shrinking resource base often escort the emergence of predatory practices, rivalry, political violence, and internal wars. (Duncan Pedersen-Political violence, ethnic conflict, and contemporary wars: broad implications for health and social well-being)

In Sri Lanka ideological differences , racial tensions and even personal grudges have amplified political violence and there had been many deaths and destruction of property over the years. Typically in every major election violence has become a common occurrence and during elections many people live in heightened fear and anxiety. Violent assaults , intimidation , murders , rape and arson had been reported in the past elections. Many perpetrators who commit such violence go unpunished due to political interferences and deficiencies in the criminal justice system. Therefore political violence has become an unstopable crime.

Collective Violence

The collective violence is defined as instrumental use of violence by people who identify themselves as members of a group-whether this group is transitory or has a more permanent identity-against another group or set of individuals in order to achieve political, economic or social objectives.

William Kornhauser introduced the social attachments theory of collective violence and it deals with the influence of a person’s interaction with society on their potential for membership in violent groups. This theory explains that people who have no attachments to society are more likely to join a group in order to have a sense of belonging.

Collective violence is often social control: self-help by a group. It typically defines and responds to conduct as deviant. When unilateral and nongovernmental, it appears in four major forms lynching, rioting, vigilantism and terrorism each distinguished by its system of liability (individual or collective) and degree of organization higher or lower. ( Roberta Senechal de la Roche Department of History, Washington University).

In Sri Lanka, collective violence had occurred in the form of riots, protests ,banditry and gang warfare etc. Collective violence in Sri Lanka has taken place in political or ethnic dimensions and it has a drastic impact on mental health, as well as the economy.

The World Health Organization (2008) National Report on Violence and Health- Sri Lanka specifies that, immediately before the country gained Independence from the British in 1948, violence in any form was not common as it is today and had not assumed political or ethnic dimensions. Diverse causes that precipitated group violence too were almost non-existent and individual acts of violence – killings, rape, abductions, looting, banditry and so on were scarce with little impact on the overall social, order of the country. In the pre-independence period collective violence, if at all was in the, form of struggle for freedom against the foreign rulers. ( WHO National Report on Violence and Health- Sri Lanka 2008).

Fanon on Violence

Frantz Fanon -the well known French Algerian Psychiatrist designates violence as a cleansing force which frees the person from his inferiority complex and from his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless and restores self-respect’(The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon). Commenting on Fannon ‘s theoty Peter Worsley is giving more dapth analysis in his article “Frantz Fanon and the Lumpenproletariat “. Peter Worsley states that violence is often thought of sentimentally, as a deviation from a, normal condition of natural order and shared understandings. Thus, violence is often treated as social “pathology”. Yet even the most, orthodox political theorists also recognize, often quite inconsistently that in the last analysis ruling Clites depend upon force, even if they, usually try to buttress their power by persuading those they rule that they have a legitimate right to rule.

In Sri Lanka many politicians use political violence to gain public attention, popularity and to induce fear among the opponents. Often the violence is marked by territorial aggression and the aggressor expects submissive behaviour , conformity and respect.

Scapegoating

Scapegoating is a hostile social – psychological discrediting routine by which people move blame and responsibility away from themselves and towards a target person or group. Sometimes political violence could emerge as an act of scapegoating. The French Philosopher Rene Girard described “scapegoat mechanism” in which particular groups are held responsible for various social maladies. These groups are demonised , excluded and then subjected to violence. The scapegoat theory of inter group conflict provides an explanation for the correlation between times of relative economic despair and increases in prejudice and violence toward out groups.

Over the years the phenomenon of Scapegoating has been seen in the Sri Lankan society and sometimes sinister political groups have targeted specific people or communities for economic and cultural decline. Sometimes it was done to achieve egoistic political advantages. These actions had caused deep mistrust , hate among the communities and violent conflicts were erupted in the past .

Childhood Trauma and Violent Behavior

Childhood trauma has a profound effect on brain development and it can negatively affect the person in relation with his / her behavior in the society. Children who had become the victims of collective and personal violence might carry anger and resentment towards society and it could erupt in a violent form. The researches indicate that majority of the former members of the German Baader-Meinhof Group that engaged in political violence had traumatized childhood. Many research confirm that the link between adverse childhood experiences and social violence.

Trauma and violence that people experience can pass in to the next generation and it can lead to a vicious cycle. A 1998 study by R. Yehuda titled Vulnerability to posttraumatic stress disorder in adult offspring of Holocaust survivors indicated that offspring of Holocaust survivor parents with PTSD have a higher lifetime risk for PTSD and report more distress after traumatic events. Therefore, sociopolitical violence has severe damaging effects to the population.

A large number of Sri Lankan children face sexual – physical and emotional abuse within the family circle, in school, in religious institutions etc. Many of the victims do not get any psychological treatment and often the time does not heal these traumas. They grow up with the emotional scars silently hating their perpetrators. Once they become adults they are ready to project their anger and resentment at any individual or group.

The violence committed by most of the members of the JVP during 1988-89 had tormented childhood and many were affected by maternal deprivation ( Middle East Syndrome) , cast related oppression and severe poverty. Some had the history of childhood sexual abuses. One of the members who had such a childhood experience committed a politically motivated crime ( shooting a family and then murdering their infant son with an axe in the Southern part of Sri Lanka) without any remorse.

The victims with childhood trauma frequently suffer from depression and anxiety and many have unresolved psychological conflicts. They have free floating anger and it’s easy to manipulate such victims and get them to commit atrocities by igniting their deep rooted hatred. (Voltaire once said “those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities.”) Numerous political groups in Sri Lanka had recruited such characters to fulfill their political goals during the past few decades. The abduction and assassination Daya Pathirana (in 1986) assassination of Nandana Marasinghe (in 1988) and killing of Razmar Hussain of Matale (in 1995) signify such crimes.

Lumpenproletariat Factor and Political Violence

Uneducated under privileged social elements (commonly called as goons ) play a crucial role in the Sri Lankan politics since 1940s. Up to dated these elements are one of the decisive and conspicuous factors in the Sri Lankan politics. All the leading political parties use these social outcasts to get their dirty work done.

According Rev Udukandawella Saranakara Thero who was an active supporter of the Left-wing political movement in Sri Lanka revealed how their political meetings were violently sabotaged by hired thugs of the United National Party. In 1958 these social elements instigated racial riots with the help of local politicians. By 1960 many Members of Parliment had their own henchmen to attack the opposition members when necessary. During 1971 uprising many SLFP MPs used their goons to form a paramilitary group called Samanala Balakaya to fight the JVP rebels. While retreating from Balapathhava -Kegalle to Sinharaja Forest a group of JVP members headed by Samarathunga alias Bola Samare directly confronted with this para military group and six of them were later executed by the rebels.

After 1977 the political goons became more powerful and lethal. Gonawala Sunil was a powerful political thug and even the Police used to salute him. Similarly Sothhi Upali had police powers and sometimes pretended him self as a member of the Police Special Task Force. Baddagane Sanjiva was officially attached to the PSD (President’s Security Division). Today the political thugs like Julampitiya Amre operate with full political patronage and they have become untouchables.

In the recent past the lumpenproletariat factor has evolved in to a new operational stage in Sri Lanka. A large number of mob elements have entered politics by joining the provincial councils. By becoming local political members they get exceptional chances to evade Police investigations against them and also could engage in illegal activities (drug business / extortion / sex trade/ transporting and selling of illegal timber etc) without any legal interferences. According to the Police sources some of the the provincial council members of Kamburupitiya , Tanglle , Pujapitiya etc are charged with murders and sex crimes . But the legal procedure against these people have been decelerated due to various interferences and justice is not served to the victims yet.

Political Violence and Antisocial Personality Disorder

From JRJ to the present leadership every head of the state had his or her henchmen to carry out politically connected violence. They were either ministers or the members of the parliament or thugs with political patronage. Most of them were under educated and had violently inclined behavior. These mob elements had committed a number of atrocities and violent acts but they were always protected and safeguarded by their political masters. This phenomenon has become a naked reality of politics in Sri Lanka. These men were always above the law and had licenses to commit violence in the name of their political leaders. In the psychological context, these characters have deviant behaviors and fit in to the diagnostic category of Anti-Social Personality Disorder (ASPD).

Antisocial Personality Disorder is a condition characterized by persistent disregard for and violation of the rights of others. Deceit and manipulation are central features of this disorder. The people with ASPD disregard the social norms and respect to lawful behaviors. They are impulsive as well as aggressive and with a slightest provocation they can commit violent acts. They are also reckless disregard for safety of self or others and irresponsible. Their characters are marked with lack of remorse. They are selfish, callous and remorselessly use of others to full fill their goals. They have chronically unstable, antisocial and socially deviant lifestyles. When these brands of men become politically powerful, they can do a vast damage to the country.

The Dynamics of Political Popularity in Sri Lanka

A large number of Sri Lankan politicians believe that violence would enhance their popularity and it could give enormous public attention. They customarily think that political thuggery is the key way of winning the hearts and minds of the public. Many use person directed , institution directed or social directed violence to achieve popularity and establish power. In addition some use indirect violence as modes of threats or sanctions. In the resent past some politicians have imposed unlawful -unconstitutional sanctions such as prohibition of selling meat , specific vegetables in their respective electorates.

There were no public outcry or protest following these unlawful acts and the public always maintained silence. The other poignant fact is that the election results in Sri Lanka indicate that the politicians who use violence have more chance to win and those who practice decent and civilized methods of politics had disappeared from the political arena. Therefore the voters have a great responsibility to elect educated and decent candidates who denounce violence and prevent political violence in the country.

Religious Fundamentalism and Violence

Religious fundamentalism has become a subject of much controversy and debate and it has become one of the contributors of collective violence in the modern world. In the past few decades, collective violence had occurred in Sri Lanka as a part of religious fundamentalism and this trend is aggravating.

The clergy who embrace violence and socially unacceptable disharmonise path are often psychologically deviated and they view people outside their religion or faith as opponents. They are governed by US vs Them principle. They lack empathy when addressing issues related to people outside of their religious circle and often justify violence against them. They preach hate and instigate their followers to commit violence. Often the clergy who support collective violence have had disturbed childhood and some of them had been the victims of sexual abuse. Their anger and resentments are generalized or projected to people outside their faith or ethnic group. They put forth their insecurities as threats to the religion or conspiracies against religion and use it to validate violence.

Annually a considerable number of Sri Lankan children become victims of sexual violence. Desolately some of the perpetrators have been identified as clergy and many of these molestations occur in various religious institutions. Frequently these abuses occur repeatedly over a long period. Sometimes the children with insidious sexual trauma get attached to the perpetrators (like in the Stockholm Syndrome) and they could become strong believers in their perpetrator’s religion or faith. In the later years these victims could become hate preachers and commit violence in the name of the religion.

Political Extremism that leads to Collective Violence

Laird Wilcox defines political extremism as taking a political idea to its limits, regardless of ‘unfortunate’ repercussions, impracticalities, arguments and feelings to the contrary, and with the intention not only to confront, but also to eliminate opposition with the intolerance towards all views other than one’s own by adoption of means to political ends which show disregard for the life, liberty, and human rights of others.”

Political extremism in Sri Lanka has vivid faces and the extremism is often masqueraded by using national feelings or religious ideology. Political extremist is one who advocates or resorts to measures beyond the norm, especially in politics. His antisocial components are often concealed and it can emerge when the time and situation is favorable. The political extremists often try to create a homogeneous society that is based on religion or ethnic group.

What is the deep psychology beneath creating a homogeneous society disregarding human rights , overlooking multi ethnicity or multi religious spectrum? This indicates the sadistic homosexual instincts inside the extremist’s mind. This feature was evident in Adolf Hitler’s mind. Hitler took every effort to create a homogeneous society in Germany. Hitler believed that the Aryan race were supreme to other races and did not have any racial tolerance. His extremism was connected with the libidinous instincts. According to Henry Murray a prominent personality specialist at Harvard University, Hitler was confused about his sexuality. He directed his sexual sadism on his half niece Geli Raubal and Geli later committed suicide. He has had unresolved sadistic homosexual instincts and took many unconscious efforts to repress them. Hitler ordered to terminate gay men probably he could not stand the repressed impulse that he had in his unconscious.

According to the DSM 4, homosexuality is not a mental illness but homosexual instincts mixed with sadistic traits and if the person is deeply troubled by it, a pathological condition may appear. A political extremist who is deeply confused with his sexuality unable to come to terms with his homosexual impulses would try to create a homogeneous society under any cost. He would be focused and make this extreme vision as his life mission. The German people once surrendered their liberty to such a person.

Political Violence and Democracy

Political violence manifests itself at all levels of social organization. The prolonged arm conflict in Sri Lanka has caused a massive and radical transformation in democracy justifying political violence. Free arm circulation aggravated the condition and violence has become a part of day today life. Many politicians facilitated such conditions and saw it as one of the easy ways to grab power and rule inspiring fear among the opponents. The vicious cycle of political violence affected the every layer of the Sri Lankan society.

Kristine Höglund, of the Dept. of Peace and Conflict Research – Uppsala University describes the nature of political violence in Sri Lanka.

……From the perspective of democratic politics, violence and insecurity may affect the election results or the outcome of elections in various ways. Threats and intimidation may be used to interfere with the registration of voters. Voter turn out may be influenced if large sections of the population refrain from casting their votes due to fear of violence. Assaults, threats and political assassinations during the election campaign may force political contenders to leave the electoral process or prevent elections from taking place. ( Electoral Violence in War-Ravaged Societies: The Case of Sri Lanka by Kristine Höglund )

When political violence is prevailing citizens have no equal say in the decisions that affect their lives. The violence does not allow people to elect their representatives democratically. There is a drastic power dis-balance and people lose sense of trust in the political system. The power shift become unequal and there is no social justice in the state. In long term political violence could lead to lawlessness, anarchy and terrorism.

Political violence in the first parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka

The first parliamentary election of Sri Lanka was held in 1947 and mob violence were unleashed in larger scale. As a result of such action, one active supporter of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka (pro-Soviet wing) was injured and became disabled. His 4-year-old son became heavily traumatized by this incident. As a boy, he realized that the people in politics made his father a disable aggravating their living condition. In the later years, this disabled man’s son launched two insurrections (in 1971 and in 1988) causing a collective trauma in Sri Lanka. In both events, nearly 70,000 people lost their lives.

The Prabhakaran Factor

Ethnic riots were initiated as a part of political violence in Sri Lanka. In mid 1950s, some of the local politicians organized gang violence against Tamils for cheap popularity. When the tensions rose between the Tamils and the Sinhalese, some opportunists fabricated awful stories to keep high emotions on both sides. There were rumors that Sinhalese women were raped and murdered in the North and there were similar exaggerated stories that stated brutal violence against Tamil women in the South. Rumors as well as true incidents contributed racial violence that was initiated by both sides. In one of the events a sacred Buddhist temple in the North was destroyed by hooligans who were motivated by some extremist Tamil politicians. Sir Oliver Gunathilaka took immediate and praiseworthy measures to restore the temple and he took deliberate efforts to keep the event away from the newspapers. Short sighted Sinhala and Tamil Politicians capitalized these tension situations and sometimes aggravated it expecting political profits. In the North, people started having doubts about democracy.

Young Prabhakaran used to listen to the terrible stories that occurred in the Gal Oya riots (1956) and 1958 ethnic riots where the mob savagely attacked Tamil civilians causing many deaths. As the investigative journalist M.R.Narayan Swamy describes young Prabhakaran was utterly ravaged when he heard the story of the violent murder of a Hindu Poosari in Panadura. The Poosari was burnt alive by the mob during the ethnic riots in 1958. Prabhakaran was determined to take revenge. He became very much focused and his made his entire life mission to fight the Sinhalese. At the age of 16, he committed his first antisocial act – setting fire to a CTB bus in VVT. When he became the leader of the LTTE he ordered a number of massacres including Anuradhapura massacre in 1985 and Aranthalawa Massacre in 1987 and hundreds of suicide bombings targeting Sinhala civilians. Hence, Prabhakaran launched his terror for three decades causing over 90,000 deaths in Sri Lanka.

Violence Conducted by the Radical Political Groups in Sri Lanka

In Sri Lanka, several radical political organizations conducted violence to achieve their political targets. The JVP launched two insurrections in 1971 and subsequently in 1988. Tamil militant groups launched their violent campaigns since 1970 s and the LTTE became the mainstream militant group that was in action until 2009 May.

As Professor Gamini Samaranayake highlights the origin and development of the JVP and the LTTE relate more closely to the social expansion and the lack of economic and political development in Sri Lanka since the beginning of the 1960s. Basically, both groups are more action-oriented than ideology-oriented and dominated by youth with a similar socio-economic background.( Political violence in Sri Lanka: A diagnostic approach Gamini Samaranayake )

The former JVP General Secretary Lional Bopage explains the genesis of political violence in Sri Lanka in following account.

…..the Island’s post-1948 political leadership did not come into being as a result of a coherent anti-colonial struggle that unified its people. The neo-colonial establishment not only carried forward the policies and practices of the exclusively colonial, mono-cultural and unitary administration, which were not only incongruent with the culturally and linguistically diverse nature of its inhabitants, but also their socio-economic, political and cultural expectations.

The post-colonial Sri Lankan state never considered it significant to protect the dignity and security of marginalized and disadvantaged social groups. Domestic issues were viewed and dealt with in a mindset of a conflict paradigm. Peaceful demands for social equity, justice, security and dignity were continuously disregarded and/or violently suppressed. The indignity and insecurity caused by such attacks on the physical and psychological integrity of individuals and communities thus motivated them to take up arms.- (Political violence in Sri Lanka- L. Bopage).

The Ethnic Riots and Political Violence

The human rights activist Rajan Hoole points out that the politicians like Gamini Dissanayaka, Cyril Mathew etc insinuated ethnic riots as a part of political violence. (Sri Lanka: The Arrogance of Power: Myths, Decadence & Murder – Rajan Hoole)

Following extract is taken from Sri Lanka: The Holocaust and After,” by L. Piyadasa, Marram Books, London (1984) which gives a comprehensive account how violence can be planned and executed by the politicians.

In Kelaniya, Industries Minister Cyril Mathew’s gangs were identified as the ones at work. The General Secretary of the government “union” the Jathika Sevaka Sangamaya (J.S.S.) was identified as the leader of gangs which wrought destruction and death all over Colombo and especially in Wellawatte, where as many as ten houses a street were destroyed. A particular U.N.P. municipal councillor of the Dehiwela-Mount Lavinia Municipality led gangs in Mount Lavinia. In the Pettah (the bazaar area, where 442 shops were destroyed and murders were committed) the commander was the son of Aloysius Mudalali, the Prime Minister’s right-hand man. And so on. Thugs who worked regularly for the leaders of the U.N.P., the Ministers of State and Party Headquarters, and in some cases uniformed military personnel and police, were seen leading the attack. They used vehicles of the Sri Lanka Transport Board (Minister in charge, M. H. Mohammed) and other government departments and state corporations. Trucks of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation’s Oil Refinery came from many miles away bringing the men who destroyed so much of Wellawatte. There is much other evidence of this sort. In view of the quasi-governmental nature of the “action,” the killings that took place may have been difficult for the eye-witnesses to resist … But in the neighbourhoods, after the initial shock, Sinhalese and Burghers organised themselves and kept off the gangs who had been sent to burn and kill.

How Nuwara Eliya was erupted following the minister Mr. Gamini Dissanayake s visit, specifies in Sri Lanka – ‘Paradise’ in Ruins,” (Sri Lanka Co-ordination Centre, Kassel, 1983. )

The town was closely guarded by the army. All vehicles were checked. Bus conductors had orders not to transport Tamils. Minister Gamini Dissanayake came from Colombo to Nuwara Eliya to hold a meeting with party members. The day before, M.P. Herath Ranasinghe had arrested precautiously (sic) some well-known rowdies. Soon after the end of Gamini Dissanayake’s party meeting they were released. These people went out immediately, well-equipped with petrol, iron rods and other kinds of weapons, and tried to attack two Tamil priests in town. They managed to escape. Without having succeeded they moved on – another mob joined up with the first one. They laid a ring of petrol around a Tamil shop which was then burnt.

Election Violence

Electoral violence has become a widespread trait in Sri Lankan politics. It has profound effects on people and their perceptions about politics and power. As Kristine Höglund, of Uppsala University points out that the electoral violence is used for a number of reasons: to hinder people from voting, to prevent candidates from campaigning, to display discontent with election results, or to overthrow the outcome of the election.

Politics in Sri Lanka and in the Village Politics impede many aspects of life in Sri Lanka. In an anthropological study of a rural village, politics in Sri Lanka is described as “a consuming passion” (Spencer 1990) closely linked to nationalist and religious identity formation. State-based political patronage is widespread in Sri Lanka. State resources have been used by the party leaders for personal benefits, to reward political loyalty, to remain in power, and to undermine the opposition (Suri 2007).

Patron-client relationships are core aspects of party politics and organization in Sri Lanka. The party workers and supporters expect benefits in different forms – for themselves and for their family. Such rewards include, for instance, employment opportunities, state contracts and loans, or governmental welfare benefits (Suri 2007).

Series of violence were unleashed in 1977 elections and many people became victims. After the election victory in 1977, the newly appointed Prime Minister J.R Jayawardene gave vacation leave to the Police Department. The supports of the ruling United National Party openly attacked their political opponents.

Following is an eyewitness’s account that narrates the magnitude of violence that occurred mainly in the rural areas.

“My father was a cooperative committee member during the Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s regime. We were not rich or privileged people and lived in a small house in Hasalaka area. My father engaged in farming and we had a 2-acre paddy land where our family members jointly worked. In 1977 election, my father openly supported for the SLFP candidate. But he lost the election to the UNP candidate.

Soon after the election, one evening a group of villagers came to attack our house. Many of them were our neighbors whom we knew for generations. They shouted slogans and then attacked our house with stones. The windows were broken. One person broke our main door with an axe. Some assaulted my father and humiliated my mother. We could not go to the police or seek justice. My father was upset about this incident and became ill. He was very depressed and disconnected with the people. He passed away less than one year after this incident.

Many decades have past now and I had finished my school education and now working as a schoolteacher. Sometimes I meet those villagers those who attacked our house in 1977. They are now old and enfeeble. Though I have no anger towards them, the events that occurred soon after the 1977 election are very much unforgettable. I still remember it like yesterday.

In the subsequent elections, this violent trend became a foremost factor in Sri Lanka. Murders, assaults, rapes and arson have became common crimes during election periods. In the infamous Wayamba Provincial Council, election in 1999 , 52-year-old woman was assaulted and stripped in public by a local politician.

An officer who was on the Election Duty at the polling center at the Anamaduva electorate in 1999 observed mob violence and documented his thoughts thus.

I was attached to the Reginald Directorate of the Health Services in Puttlam and called for election duty in 1999. There were many prominent politicians – local and national level and many instigated violence. Uneducated youth from the lower social strata gathered with these political elements. They were drunk and shouting in filth to the opposition party members. Some people were publicly assaulted and some houses were burnt. The police officers did nothing to stop it and just became spectators. I approached one police officer and requested to intervene. He looked at me as I was mad and said why should I interfere , this is all planned, if I do interfere I would get a punishment transfer to Jaffna tomorrow morning. I realized the policeman’s burden and thought for myself-this country left us no hopes anymore. I was ashamed to be a Sri Lankan.

(within a few years the said officer migrated to Australia)

In 2001 election, a new tendency emerged in the Sri Lankan politics and politicians used army deserters and ex combatants to initiate election violence in larger scale. Many combatants from various fighting units became deserters and joined the politicians. The culmination of the violence took place in Kandy on polling day for the General Election and ten Muslim youth were gunned down in Udathalawinna.

Udathalawinna massacre case in which General Anurudha Ratwatte, former Deputy Defense Minister, his two sons, Rohan and Chanuka were indicted for various election violence and also for the conspiracy to murder and committing the murder of ten Muslim youths on the general election day on December 5, 2001 at Udathalawinne in Kandy district ( Udara Soysa – Asian Tribune 2005). In 2006 the Colombo High Court acquitted all the suspects charged in connection with the Udathalawinna murder case.

A large number of combatants with battle trauma took part in election violence from 2001 to 2010 elections and some of them were believed to be undiagnosed PTSD patients. As military psychologists indicate, anger and violence are prevalent problems combatants with PTSD.

Matthew Tull, of the University of Mississippi Medical Center in Jackson did extensive case work on PTSD and social violence. According to him, individuals with PTSD may have intense and unpredictable emotional experiences, and anger and aggressive behavior may ways of establishing a sense of control. Anger may also be a way of trying to express or release tension connected to uncomfortable emotions often associated with PTSD, such as shame and guilt. His research on Iraq and Afghanistan War veterans who screened positive for PTSD reported significantly greater anger and hostility than those in the subthreshold-PTSD and non-PTSD groups. Veterans in the sub threshold-PTSD group reported significantly greater anger and hostility than those in the non-PTSD group.

It’s a known fact that the traumatized soldiers can be used to commit political and social violence. This factor was seen in Somalia and in Rwanda. Extreme groups transform traumatized people into perpetrators of violence. At the end of the American Civil War, extremists formed KKK that conducted a series of racial violence in America through ex-soldiers. Many Lincoln brigade soldiers who fought in the Spanish civil war involved in social violence soon after the Great Depression.

Psychological Impact of Political Violence

There is a close relationship between political violence, mental health and psychosocial wellbeing. Political violence has a variety of discernible long-term effects on political beliefs and attitudes, behavior and behavioral intentions, emotions, and other psychological variables. It can massively affect the mental health of the people. People constantly exposed to violence and deteriorating social conditions, become emotionally insensitive and gradually losing their respect for the values of life. The “culture of violence” transforms people to believe that aggressive attitudes and violent behavior are normal and acceptable in an environment where violence is viewed as an acceptable way to get and maintain power and to solve problems. Therefore, psychological distress and mental disorders are closely connected with political violence.

Political violence has negative impact on public health and it causes erosion of socio-cultural values. When violence take place children and women become the most vulnerable groups and they are forced to bear the consequences. The political violence affect communities creating a profound functional vacuum. Violence affect people in individual and collective levels. Following community based collective violence people lose basic trust and often maintain conspiracy of silence. Some plan revenge.

When facing violence communities disintegrate. The potential victims could become highly stressed, feared and could feel powerless. Fear psychosis dominates the community. As groups begin to fear for their safety, dangerous and, difficult-to-resolve strategic dilemmas arise that contain, within them the potential for tremendous violence….Ethnicactivists and political entrepreneurs, operating within, groups, build upon these fears of insecurity and polarise, society (Lake and Rothchild, 1996: 41).

Brandon A. Kohrt of the Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia, did a clinical research of the Bhutanese refugees in Nepal and the impact of the Maoist People’s War and found that psychological distress and mental disorders in situations of political violence.

Political violence is linked to poor mental health outcomes at the individual and collective levels. People exposed to political violence have symptoms of traumatic stress, depression, anxiety and aggressive feelings and it can lead to a vicious cycle of further violence.

Raija-Leena Punamäki- Department of Psychology, University of Helsinki did extensive study on political violence in Palestine and according to him exposure to political hardships also increased mental health problems, which is a reminder of the price which people are forced to pay in order to cope with political violence.

The victims generally do not forget the violent episodes that they experienced and frequently plan for revenge. Hence violence turns in to a never ending cycle. There had been many reports that those who suffered election related violence during 1970 took revenge from their perpetrators in 1977 general election with the change of the government. For nearly seven years they repressed anger and hatred until they found an appropriate payback time. In one incident in 1977 July a foreman attached to the Sri Lanka Petroleum Corporation was attacked with iron rods by some ex workers and later the foreman succumbed to the injuries. The reason for this attack was that the SLFP backed foreman had assaulted some of the UNP workers and expelled them from the Petroleum Corporation soon after the 1970 election.

Ending Political Violence in Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka is a beautiful country with high 91% literacy rate. This earthly paradise has been deeply traumatized by political violence for many decades. The violence has generated further violence damaging inner layers of the communities making it more dysfunctional. The politicians would not implement fruitful efforts to end politically motivated violence and ending political violence in Sri Lanka is a responsibility of an every citizen. When civil society is aware of the disastrous and manipulative nature of political violence, they do not support such action. When people have insight, they are not gullible or easily carried out by false propaganda that instigates political violence. When the civil society is strengthened , educated and well aware it is safeguarding democracy and become the guardians of social justice. When there is a strong , literate , politically conscious and civilized civil society, there is no space for political violence.

Hope for the future: Putting the Jaffna University incident behind us

August 13th, 2016

By Rohana R. Wasala

What appeared to have happened on the Jaffna University campus on July 16, 2016 (as judged from newspaper reports, electronic and social media, personal communication, etc) was an unprovoked attack by some racist Tamils (both students and outsiders representing perhaps a minority of hardcore separatist sympathizers) on a troupe of  Kandyan dancers who were performing, as part of a mixed cultural programme on the occasion of a ceremony organized to welcome first year students.  The aftermath which, according to the same sources, included apparent minimal police action taken where a more robust response would have been deemed warranted, a quick evacuation of all the Sinhalese students out of Jaffna the same night, their transport to Vavuniya where they were left stranded, unprotected, the surrender of the main attack suspect to law enforcement authorities through a lawyer (who happened to be a prominent TNA MP closely engaged in partisan politics), and the suspect’s bailing out despite the alleged offence being described as non-bailable according to informed legal opinion, led to a suspicion among the general public in the south that it was a carefully orchestrated incident with sinister political implications.

BUT, in the light of veteran, Canada-based journalist D.B.S. Jeyaraj’s exemplary journalistic analysis of the Jaffna University incident in his column in The Daily Mirror (July 23) and the similarly authentic ‘record’ about the same subject by some responsible university teachers in The Island (July 28), both mentally juxtaposed with other information gathered from nondescript sources, a substantially modified, potentially constructive, reading of the events in Jaffna on that day took shape in my mind. The purpose of this article is to set it before the reader for what it is worth.

Of course, these commentators are not absolutely free some partiality for their own race. That is only human. It is enough if that partiality stops short of denying the other side their own humanity and human rights. In that respect they are commendable. The truth is that there has never been any racial conflict worth talking about between ordinary Tamils and ordinary Sinhalese. Over the past one hundred years, the Sinhalese leaders have been reaching out to the minorities even when they insisted on redressing the historic wrongs inflicted on the Sinhalese by the occupying European invaders. Most minority leaders have reciprocated this gesture. The university teachers and the journalist mentioned here display the same friendly reaching out attitude to the majority community in their reports of the Jaffna University scuffle.

D.B.S. Jeyaraj devotes his column in the Daily Mirror (July 23, 2016) for dealing with the Jaffna University incident and what followed. He says that he contacted various sources in Sri Lanka on the phone and through email with a cross section of Tamil and Sinhalese undergraduates of Jaffna University, members of its academic staff, law enforcement authorities, political leaders and informed residents of Jaffna. The information that he thus gathered is presented in his article with hints of his particular interpretation of the same. Jeyaraj’s approach is to take the clash as something between a factional strife and a racial conflict, which agrees with my own view.

Jeyaraj outlines the history of the University of Jaffna. It was inaugurated in 1974 by the United Front government of Mrs Sirimavo Bandaranaike. When she came to Jaffna to open it, Jeyaraj writes, the ordinary people of Jaffna welcomed it, calling it ‘valavukkul valaaham’ ‘campus in the compound’; but the politicians of the Tamil United Front opposed it, hoisting black flags. Under the university reorganization scheme launched as part of the educational reforms introduced by that government, the five or six existing universities then existing in the country were combined into one University of Sri Lanka, and each of them became a campus of that single university. But the UNP government that succeeded it in 1977 restored the earlier separate universities system. The Jaffna Campus of the University of Sri Lanka became the University of Jaffna. Like other universities in the country, it admitted students from all ethnic communities and all regions.

However, not long after, there was a clash between some Sinhalese and Tamil students during which a Sinhalese student was stabbed. The attack left him permanently confined to a wheelchair bound life. That was also the end of Sinhalese presence in the Jaffna University, and it became a virtual Tamil university. This was something unusual, for to this day there hasn’t been a monolingual university in Sri Lanka. The civil conflict prevented Jaffna university from taking in Sinhalese students until 2009 when it again became multiracial, multi-religious, and multilingual. From 2010, the Sinhalese student intake also increased. Jeyaraj thinks that the incident should be viewed against this background. But it seems clear that most Tamil students and the staff apparently have no problem with this (though politicians seem to have a different idea).

Jeyaraj also draws attention to an alleged linguistic barrier that, according to him, divides Sinhalese and Tamils students. For one thing, university students are an educated lot; though they may have been monolingual in their own language at high school, they surely have some knowledge of English. In any case, they learn science at the university in the English medium. So, there cannot be a language problem that prevents verbal interaction between the two groups. The tradition in this country has been that in any province in Sri Lanka, the minority learns enough of the majority’s language for day to day communication. The Sinhalese speaking minority in the north and east learn Tamil, and the Tamil speaking minority in the other areas learn Sinhala, though there’s no compulsion to do so. Even within a province, this rule applies. Thus, on the tea estates in the Hill Country, Sinhalese workers naturally learn Tamil to speak with their fellow workers. Ordinary Sri Lankans don’t even think that there could be a language problem. The other commonsense factor is that the need for communication comes before the means or the mode of communication. So when monolinguals have to communicate in a multilingual context, they may use sign language, for example. Even uneducated people are not satisfied with that. So they learn the language that most of their neighbours use. In Sri Lanka, we have three languages to choose from. In the university context, the clear common alternative to Tamil and Sinhalese is English. So, what’s the problem?

A university is a big place that is usually isolated from its local neighbourhood, at least to some extent. It is the students, academic and administrative staff, and other workers who could get some idea of what sort of social interactions occur there. Traditional festivals like Sinhala Hindu New Year and Vesak, and other ceremonial events usually enhance social interactions among students. The day the clash occurred, they were having an event of triple significance: it was a welcoming ceremony for the freshers; it was also a farewell to Professor Srisatkunarajah, the outgoing Science Faculty dean; along with this, his successor, Professor R. Vigneshwaran was to assume duties in his new post.

It seems that it was purely a student organized event. The students had contributed Rs 2500 each to make the function a success. The request for the inclusion of the Kandyan dance item had been jointly made by the Sinhalese students and Tamil student office bearers. But the organizing students had refused it because the agenda had by then been finalized. Professor Srisatkunarajah had asked them whether they could accommodate it, but the students were adamant in their refusal; however, they said, the item could be accommodated next year.

It is obvious that the gracious senior academic Professor Srisatkunarajah was very sympathetic to the students’ request; he must have been aware of the undercurrent of ethnic politics that was introducing an element of tension into the request and its rejection on this occasion. His concern for the safety and welfare of the students of both races cannot be doubted. He did his utmost to prevent an untoward incident as much for his own sake as for theirs. As should be clear to anyone familiar with situations like the one they were facing, Professor Srisatkunarajah did not want to mar the last day of his official term in the university with violence and bloodshed.

Jeyaraj reports what a Tamil student told him on the phone about why they refused the Sinhalese students’ request: it was because they said that the item had to be accommodated because the Sinhalese Buddhists are the majority in the country. I find it difficult to believe that a university student said such a stupid thing, especially in that sensitive environment. My feeling is that it is a fabrication of that Tamil student.

Nothing like this incident has ever happened in any of the universities in the south, except in the three relatively new universities of Sabaragamuwa, Uva Wellassa, and Eastern as mentioned in the university teachers’ record (please see below) and reportedly invoked by MP Sampanthan (referred to in Jeyaraj’s article). From the early 1970s until not very long ago, student organizations in Sri Lankan universities were dominated by the JVP. Since that party as a principle prioritizes class over ethnic divisions, racial conflicts are not likely to occur in the Lankan universities. Absence of racism in campuses is not due to the influence of the JVP student politics alone. Other political parties too have their presence in the campuses. None subscribe to racism. There is no communalism among the Sinhalese in the South. It is some members of the minorities who show a tendency to communalism, often egged on by politicos. The first racial conflict in a university I ever heard of was the one at the University of Jaffna in the late 1970s or early 1980s touched on above. The next was an alleged attack on a Tamil student at Sabaragamuwa in 2014; except for that, I think I missed news about alleged similar incidents reported from Uva Wellassa and Batticaloa. However, these were highly unusual in our university system, and could be attributed to the lurking tensions in the aftermath of the civil war. They cannot be taken as manifestations of any existing or emerging racism in Lankan universities.

In the south, even during the worst of the civil conflict, Tamil cultural events were held in absolute safety and freedom usually with the participation of the Sinhalese, just like those held by the other communities according to their respective customs, and this has not changed to date. There is a lot of religious and cultural interaction between ordinary Tamil Hindus and Sinhalese Buddhists. In fact, after 2009, these trends further improved. I know these things through personal experience. A friend of mine, a successful Sinhalese businessman, a fluent speaker of Tamil, in the multi ethnic Ampara town, met a group of young Tamil visitors from Jaffna at the Dalada Maligawa in Kandy in 2010, who said they were surprised to see such a beautiful building where they expected to see a half destroyed  temple because it had been the target of a truck bomb attack in 1998 by the LTTE; they were truly impressed by the splendid surroundings with their green freshness and the friendly attitude of the people who, they had been earlier told, were real bad Tamil-haters. He told them that the place was their heritage as well. Those youngsters were surprised to learn that Tamils from Jaffna were big businessmen in Kandy.

The joint ‘record’ of the first year students  welcome event compiled from firsthand experiences of several members of the Science Faculty of the Jaffna University  published in The Island newspaper (July 28, 2016) by four dons of the university , Rajan Hoole, Prince Jeyaratnam, N. Sivapalan and S. Selvarajan, strikes me as a responsible eyewitness account of what actually  happened just before, during, and after the particular event. It is as rational, as factual, and as objective a record of events that could ever be expected in such an explosive and emotionally charged situation. My familiarity with previous writings of Professor Rajan Hoole about  subjects of this nature, which I have found to be  rational, factual, constructive, and humane, helps me to come to this conclusion. Though I don’t have any idea about the other three, there is no doubt in my mind that they too share the same attitudes and values.

According to them, the faculty members and the outgoing dean (Professor Srisatkunarajah mentioned by Jeyaraj) tried hard to prevent the incident which had been brewing for some time. That is how mature individuals working with restive young people usually behave in such situations in our country. The trouble seemed to have been initiated by a group of some non-science faculty students numbering about 20-30 who had no business to be there. The unrest apparently centred on the Sinhalese students having allegedly insisted, at the eleventh hour after the programme schedule had been finalized, on a Kandyan dance item being also included. There must have been some division of opinion about that before. At the instance of the faculty members, the student counselors and the marshals of the university almost succeeded in forestalling the untoward happening. When they thought that order should prevail as a result of their exertions, a group of students (probably the same 20-30 ‘loiterers’ as the faculty members describe them) came towards the Sinhalese students wearing helmets with visors down, ‘but  not lethally armed’. (Jeyaraj, in his account, mentions ‘poles and rods’ and ‘stones’, but he doesn’t talk about helmets.) The Sinhalese students also armed themselves with branches, etc  to face them, and a clash took place. Now, according to the university dons’ account, one of the attackers got trapped among the Sinhalese students who started beating him. A faculty member jumped into the melee and pulled him out and pushed him away allowing him to escape. The faculty officials have identified this student as the president of the University Students Union of Jaffna University this year, and he is from the Management Faculty. Then the fighting broke out among the Tamil and Sinhalese students scattered about the place. The student, thus rescued, was the one who surrendered to the court and was bailed out. He was Thankeshwaran Sisitharan (as mentioned by Jeyaraj in his report).

Four injured Sinhalese students were taken to hospital. Three of them needed stitches. One who had been struck on his head probably with a stone was warded in the ICU, and later transferred to Colombo for surgery. When the police arrived around 2:00 pm, they were allowed in by the outgoing dean, but by then the fighting had ended, and most Tamil students had withdrawn. The Sinhalese students  expressed a wish to be sent home. So the police arranged for the hire of some buses, and the Sinhalese students left in the night.

Obviously, the dons’ narrative cannot be expected to be a holistic version of the events. For one thing, these four or five individuals could not have been in several places at the same time. Their actions and words, however well meant, could have drawn conflicting responses from different students; and they had to think of their own survival in that naturally highly politicized place, like any other university is. But the ‘record’ – though it has left out many things that the available videos and eyewitness accounts of various students involved lead us to suspect – is a suitably toned down description of events, and a forward looking one.  For me, the dons’ initial comments embody the essential message they mean to convey, which I am quoting below:

‘The event is a warning when taken alongside sectarian violence in other Lankan universities, recently in Sabaragamuva, Uva Wellassa and Eastern, where the response of the authorities has been constrained by factors, which include local prejudices and peer pressures, bias in the university security services and local readings of wishes of the authorities in Colombo. The change in attitude of the authorities after the regime change of 8th January 2015 is reflected in their wanting as far as possible for the problems to be tackled on local initiative. The universities should use this opportunity to address, in their locality, causes that threaten the integrity of university values and education. These causes, if left to follow their course, would make peaceful coexistence and pluralism even harder to achieve’.

These wise teachers avoid using the adjective ‘ethnic’, and instead use the word ‘sectarian’ to describe the factional division. Clearly, there were Tamil students who wanted to accommodate their Sinhalese colleagues’ request, which the violent few baulked at. So, the clash was between two sects subscribing to two opposing ideologies, rather than two blindly opposed ethnic groups. We have known all along that the so-called ethnic problem is a matter of sectarianism, not of pure racial animosity.

According to the Jeyaraj version, the student leader on bail now is a Management faculty student, hailing from Kaluvaanchikkudi in Batticaloa. The bulk of his supporters were from the Arts. His getting isolated among the victims of the attack and his being in need of being pulled out and pushed to safety by a weak old retiring senior don is strangely funny. Jeyaraj says the Tamil attackers far outnumbered the Sinhalese students who found refuge in the science lab. But he also adds: ‘A very large number of students from both communities kept aloof from this confrontational environment’(which means that they were largely indifferent to the ethnic dimension).

A very important thing to remember is that these youngsters’ worldview is very different from ours. They do not have the poisonous baggage of artificial racial prejudice that we the older generation have been condemned by circumstances to carry in our minds to the end of our days. May this not be mere wishful thinking! Unless deliberately misled to believe otherwise by power hungry  politicos, the young people of the north will understand that the whole of this very beautiful island of ours belongs to them as much as it belongs to the young people of the south. Foreigners including Indians will be foreigners. They will not serve our interest.

My feeling is that the university authorities have managed the situation well. It was at the last minute that they invited the police to intervene. It is the duty of the government and Joint Opposition (because it can’t be ignored that true reconciliation was initiated under the previous regime) to build on this and ensure that the University of Jaffna return to normal soon. Of course, a couple of graceless, senile, surly old men with one foot in their grave who want to create an ethnically cleansed north and east for them to lord it over will not draw any comfort from this. May they take it easy and rest in peace.

Concluded

Buddhist Fundamentalism? A short answer to Asoka Bandarage: “I can understand you”

August 13th, 2016

Christian Thomas Kohl, Freiburg, University of Education

Dear Asoka Bandarage, Thank you for your article “Buddhist Fundamentalism”?

In your article you mention the reasons why Buddhists in many countries of Asia had been attacked by Muslims. You explain how Buddhist are just defending against Muslim domination and Muslim aggressivities in many aspects.

That’s right. This is true. Nobody can deny this. I understand you.I can understand every Buddhist who want to defend himself and his community. I understand your point.

I am a Buddhist myself. I belong to the Tibetan Buddhism since 1984. Tibetan Buddhism belongs to the history of Indian Buddhism, in particular to the Nalanda School of Indian Buddhism.

We belong to the Nalanda tradition of Nagarjuna. I am a student of Nagarjuna. I know that the Nalanda University had been destroyed by Muslim conquerers and by inner weakness of Indian Buddhism in the 11th and 12th century.

As Buddhists we should not blame the exterior ennemy only. There exists an inner ennemy also. This inner ennemy has a name and we should speak about him:

I call him ‘egoism’ and the feeling to be a better person than others. You might call it in English ‘self-congratulating’ or self-praise’ or self-adulation.

It is the feeling to be a better person than others. One political expression for this is ‘Colonialism’. The attitude of colonialism had been well known in Africa and South America and Asia also. European ‘supermen’ took command over animals or half-animals or second-class human beings as they were considered by the white European colonial Lords.

This belongs to the time of colonialism which ended in 1950 and 1960. But this is not finished yet completely and Asians are not completely free from this feeling of being superior to others.

The majority of Myanmar how do they call Indians from India or from Bengal?

I have heard that they have a very pejorative expression for them.

Those who use these expressions might feel superior to Bengali or Indians or Rohingya or other neighbours.

This is a mistake. And we should start every international discussion by admitting our mistakes.

We should not see just the mistakes of Muslims. We should defend against Muslim terrorism.

But we should shake hand with every peaceful Muslim. And we should tell the Rohingya people: You are not animals.

And we should give up the idea of killing Rohingya and other Muslims. And we should give up anti-Islamic fear-mongering and the idea that every Muslim is our ennemy. An we should learn the two arab words: Salam Aleykum.

Christian Thomas Kohl, Freiburg, University of Education. http://ctkohl.googlepages.com

 

වැට් වැඩි නොකර ආදායම හොයන හැටි දේශීය ව්‍යාපාරිකයෝ ජනපතිටත් උගන්වයි..

August 13th, 2016

lanka C news

වැට් වැඩි නොකර ආදායම හොයන හැටි දේශීය ව්‍යාපාරිකයෝ ජනපතිටත් උගන්වයි..වැට් බදු වැඩි කිරීමකින් තොරව රජයට ආදායම් උපයා ගන්නා ආකාරය සම්බන්දයෙන් ජනාධිපති මෛත‍්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතා වෙත ලිපියක් යොමු කරමින් මව්බිම ලංකා පදනම අදහස් දක්වා තිබේ.

මාධ්‍ය වෙතද පිටපත් යොමු කර ඇති එම ලිපිය මෙහි වෙයි.

අතුරුදහන් පනත කඳ හරහා ඇණගනී.. කිරිඇල්ල කියවා ඇත්තේ වෙන පනතක්.. සම්මත වී ඇත්තේ එයයි..

August 13th, 2016

lanka C news

අතුරුදහන් වූවන් සම්බන්ධයෙන් සොයා බැලීමට කාර්යාලයක් පිහිටුවීමට අදාලව සම්මත කරන ලද පනත් කෙටුම්පත නැවත වතාවක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට සිදුව ඇති බව වාර්තා වෙයි.

සභානායක ලක්‍ෂමන් කිරිඇල්ල විසින් කියවා ඇත්තේ අවසාන සංශෝධන සහිත පනත නොව ඊට පෙර ලියනිල්ලයි. ඒ අනුව පාර්ලිමේන්තු ස්මප‍්‍රදාය වන්නේ සභානායකවරයා කියවන පනත සම්මත වීමයි.

ඇතිව තිබෙන තත්වය මත පනත සම්පූර්ණයෙන් යලි ගෙන ඒමට හෝ සම්මත වූ පනතට අවසාන සංශෝධන යලි ගෙන එ්ම සිදුවනු ඇත.

කොලඅලි-රතුඅලි වරාය නගරයේදී එකවර ඔළුවෙන් හිටගත් සුන්දර අවස්ථාවක් මෙන්න…

August 13th, 2016

lanka C news

කොළඹ ගාළු මුවදොර ඉදිකරන වරාය නගරය ඉදිකල පසු අයත් වන්නේ ලංකාවේ කුමන පළාත් පාලන ආයතනයකටදැයි ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ නායක අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී අගමැති රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගෙන් ප‍්‍රශ්න කලේය.

වරාය නගරය භූමිය අලූත් සංස්ථාවකට අයත් වන්නේ යයි අගමැති වික‍්‍රමසිංහ පිලිතුරු දුන් විට ජවිපෙ නායකයා කියා සිටියේ එවන් සංස්ථාවකට අයත් විය යුතු නැති බවත්ය.

වරාය නගරයට යන කළුගල් කියුබ් ලක්‍ෂ ගණනක් ප‍්‍රමාණය කැඩුවහොත් ලංකාවට සිදුවන මහා පරිසර විනාශය, මුහුදේ හලාවත සිට ගාල්ල දක්වා සිදුවන මහා විනාශය ගැන ගිය පාලන සමයේ ජවිපෙ නායකයා මහ හඬින් සිදු කරනු ලද ප‍්‍රශ්ණ කිරීම් කිසිවක් අගමැති වික‍්‍රමසිංහගෙන් නොකලේය.

ජවිපෙන දැන් ඇත්තේ වරාය නගරය බිම් කොටස සංස්ථාවක් වීමයි. ඔවුන් තර්ක ගොඩනගන්නේ එය ලංකාවේ කිසියම් පළාත් පාලන ආයතවයකට අයත් විය යුතු බවටයි.

එවකට රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මෙන්ම ජවිපෙ නායක අනුර කුමාරද එකල කියා සිටියේ වරාය නගරය වහා නැවැත්විය යුතු ව්‍යාපෘතියක් බවත් ඉන් සිදුවන්නේ මහා විනාශයක් බවත්ය.

Inclusion of “Tamil Elam” as country of birth in Australia ASB Website – Mischievous Misinformation

August 13th, 2016

Dr.Chula Rajapakse MNZM Spokesperson, USLA.

To: Rt. Hon John Key MP,
Prime Minister of New Zealand.

Dear Mr. Key,

Please find below an email trail showing how LTTE (Tamil Tiger) Diaspora had been able to achieve the inclusion of “ Tamil Elam” as a country of birth in the Australian Electoral register at the ASB website. Clearly, this has been achieved by hood winking unsuspecting officials involved into believing that “Tamil Elam “ exists or existed as a country, when it never did even remotely.

This is very similar to how the unsuspecting NZTA officials were made to permit the  motor car personalised plate “ LTTE”,  the initials of a terrorist organisation, considered the most brutal ever by the FBI. You may recall how a few months ago I brought this to your notice and that of the police, that eventually led to the withdrawal of the number plate and including these initials as “proscribed” for number plates in the NZTA computers.

These events highlight the importance of the security services in Australia and New Zealand being vigilant to the manipulations of the LTTE diaspora. One particular area , I believe , this diaspora is active in manipulating is in  advocating for increasing refugee arrivals. I believe, they use such provisions to facilitate the arrival of their associates with terrorist connection, under guise of refugees, to support their activities.These would  ultimately  serve to be a threat to the security of New Zealand & Australia.

I believe that the likes of the owner of the “LTTE” personalised plate and  his  associates should be kept under surveillance for  such activities.

Thank You.

Yours Sincerely,

Dr.Chula Rajapakse MNZM

Spokesperson, USLA.

>
Subject: Re: Great things achieved by Yahapalanaya in Australia

TO:

HE Mr S . Skandakumar,

High Commissioner for SL in Aus & NZ

Dear Mr Skandakumar

Thank you very much for your email below informing us of you successfully achieving the deletion of “ Tamil Elam” from ASB website as a country description for a country of birth.

Your actions are much appreciated and underscores the importance of continued vigilance against misinformation that could jeopardise racial harmony and ethnic reconciliation among Sri Lankans.

I will circulate your email among Sri Lankans in Wellington who may have been concerned by this ill informed and ill advised inclusion.

With many thanks & best regards,

Chula R

Dr.Chula Rajapakse MNZM

FRCP/FRACP

Spokesperson, United Sri Lanka Assn.

Wellington NZ

From: High Commissioner <highcommissioner@slhcaust.org>
Date: Wednesday, 10 August 2016 11:09 am
To: Chula Rajapakse <rajapaks@ihug.co.nz>
Subject: Re: FW: Great things achieved by Yahapalanaya in Australia

Dear Mr. Rajapakse

The High Commission officially made a complaint to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade on 8th August, the first working day after it received information about the ABS website listing “Tamil Eelam” as a country description to indicate country of birth for the 2016 Census.

The DFAT has taken it up with the ABS and impressed upon them the need to remove “Tamil Eelam” from the website. ABS has assured DFAT it will be done today (9th August).

The High Commissioner has also spoken directly to the Head of ABS regarding this and has been assured action will be taken urgently.

While thanking you for your email to the High Commission, you may also wish to take it up with your local MP or Australian government directly as a concerned Australian of Sri Lankan origin.

High Commission of Sri Lanka in Australia

NB – David Kalisch,  Head of Census with whom the High Commissioner spoke yesterday morning called back to confirm that the reference has  been deleted.

On 9 August 2016 at 21:26, Chula Rajapakse <rajapaks@ihug.co.nz> wrote:

Today It was compulsory to do the census survey in Australia. When filling out I found that in 2016 census, “Tamil Eelam” has been recognized/registered as a separate country. Link below!

http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/0/DE2773AFF8706D7CCA25744B00153AD9?opendocument

මේවා ගැන අපි වේලාසනින් කතා කරනකොට සමහර යාළුවො කිව්වා උඹල බේසමේ කිඹුලෝ දකිනවා කියල…!

දැන් ජයවේවා!!!

…….එහෙමනම් ඉතින් බුදුහාමුදුරුවොත් වැරදිය්

August 13th, 2016

ධර්මසිරි සෙනෙවිරත්න

  අසුව දශකයේ අගභාගයේදී පමණ TNL ජනහඬ  වැඩ සටහනක මහාචාර්යනලින්ද සිල්වා සහ වික්ටර් අයිවන්  අතර වූ විවාදයක අවසාන වචන කීපය  මෙහි මාතෘකාවට යොදා ඇත .
                                                      
                                              බුදු හිමි යන්ගේ කාලයේත්  නොයෙකුත් ශිල්ප ශාස්ත්‍ර  හා විවිධ  විද්‍යාවන්හි නිපුන අ ය සිටියහ  ,සිදුහත් ඇතුළු රාජකීයයෝ  මේ සියලු සිප්සතර විද්‍යා හදාළහ . මේ අතර මහාවීර වැනි   ජයින  දාර්ශනිකයෝ ආධ්‍යාත්මික දියුණුව   උසස්කොට සැලකුහමුහුදෙන් අහසෙන් ගොස් යුද්ධ කරන
සතුරන්  සමුලඝාතනයට  විෂ යෙදු ආයුධ ඈ තසිට යවනගිනිබෝල ගිනිවළලු ඈතට  විදින ක්‍රම දන්නා ”විද්‍යාඥයෝද සිටිය  හ..සටන්කර රටරටවල් අල්ලාගෙනධන සම්පත් තර කරගෙන ලෞකික සම්පත් විඳීම මේ ශිල්ප ශාස්ත්‍ර හා විද්‍යාවන් විසින් කල ප්‍රධානම සේවාව විය . නැටුම් ගැයුම් වැනි දේ  හා නක්ෂස්ත්‍රය  ආදිය යුද්ධ විද්‍යා තරම් භයානක නොවුවද  ඒ සියල්ලද එකලද ලෞකිකත්වය සඳහාම විය  මේ සියලු දේ සිදුහත් කුමරුට එපාවිය
                                                         මේ  සියලු ශිල්ප ශාස්ත්‍ර හා විද්‍යාවන් .පාවකි දුවිල්ලක් තරම් වත් නොතකු සිදුහත් කුමරු  මේ අසත්‍යයන්  හැර දමා  සත්‍යය සොයා වන ගත විය .  තමන් රජකම් හැර ගියා පමණක් නොව  තමන්ගේ පුතාද ඒ ලෞකික සැප සම්පත් වලින් මුදවා ගැනීම සඳහා  රජවීම වැළැක්විය .මහන කළේය  නැත්නම් රාහුල බොරුවේ  එරී  බොරුවේ මහාචාර්ය  න්‍යායාචාර්ය කෙනෙක් වෙන්නට ඉඩ තිබුනේය  ඒ සියලු  විද්‍යාවන් .තිරස්චීන විද්‍යාවන් ලෙස  නම් කල බුදු හිමි    අර්ථයක් නැති  ජීවිතය  බොරුවලින් ගලවා ගැනීම  සඳහා ජීවිතයට අරමුණක් ලබා දුන්නේය .ඒ අරමුණ නම්  සසර ගමන නවත්වන නිවන්  ප්‍රත්‍යක්ෂ කරගනීමය් .
                                                        මේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ට අරමුරණ ඉටුකරගැනීමට  බාධා කරන  අන් සියලු විද්‍යාවන්  තිරස්චීන විද්‍යාව විද්‍යාවන් විය  ඒ  අවිද්යාවන්  වේ .කාමභෝගී ජීවිතය  වර්ධනය කරන තන්හාව වර්ධනය කරන  සියල්ලෙන් අප ඉවත්විය යුතු බව එතුමා පැහැදිලි කළේය . බලි බිලි පුද පූජා පමණක් නොව ලෙඩරෝග අපල උපද්‍රව වලින් බෙරෙන නට මාර්ග සෙවීම සඳහා  තැනු ඉතා අහිංසක ලෙස  පෙනෙන නක්ෂස්ත්‍රය  පවා  තිරස්චීන ගණයට අයත් විය .
                                                                               
                                                                                        එසේ නම්  අද පවතින  ශිල්ප ශාස්ත්‍ර හා විද්‍යාවන් ගැන කියනුම කවරේද  .දැන් ඉතින් වත්මන් උගත්තු  පරල විය යුතු නැත . ලෝකයේ ආධිපත්‍යය පතු රවන්නේ යම් දෙයක්ද එයට යට වීමට අහිංසක අපට සිදුවීමට ඉඩ ඇත.  එසේ වූ පලියට අපි කරන කියන හැමදේම  නිවැරදිය  යය් අපවිසින් කිව යුතු නැත .මේවා බොරුයය් දන ගෙන අපි කටයුතු කිරීමෙන්  කවදා හෝ නිවන් අරමුණ  ඉටුකර ගැනීමට වඩා ඉඩකඩ ලැබෙනු ඇත .
                                                                   එදා විවාදයේදී  වික්ටර් අයිවන් නලින් ට චෝදනා කලේ   නලින් ඉස්සර මාක්ස් වාදියෙක් බවත් දැන් ස්ථාවරය වෙනස් කර ජාතිකවාදියෙක් වීම වැරදි බවය්  . ස්ථාවරය වෙනස් කිරීම වැරදිනම්   බුදුහාමුදුරුවොත් වරදිය් නේ කියල නලින් කිව්වා  ඒ වැකියෙන් විවාදය අවසන් වුනා . මට නලින් එක්ක තරහකුත් ආව  මොකද දන්නවද . කලේ බෝම්බ හදල අතක් කඩා ගත්තු අයිවන්ගේ ඇත උස්සල  අද වැඩි බන කිව්වට තමුසේ ඉස්සර  මිනීමරන්න වැඩ කෙරුව නේද කියල පෙන්නුවේ නැති එකට  . 

 

OMP Act brought to divide the country – Bengamuwe Nalaka thero

August 13th, 2016

OMP Act brought to divide the country – Bengamuwe Nalaka thero

බෙදුම්වාදීන්ගේ වුවමනා වලට අනුව ආණ්ඩුවේ ඉහලම අය ක්‍රියාකරනවා

Joint Opposition up in arms against Missing Persons Office

August 13th, 2016

Joint Opposition up in arms against Missing Persons Office

අතුරුදන් වූවන් සෙවීමේ කාර්යාලයට විරුද්ධව රණවිරු සංවිධාන කීපයක් උපවාසයක.

Minister orders probe into 3 metric tons of fish stored for 8 years

August 13th, 2016

 Sarath Obeysekera

 – See more at: http://www.adaderana.lk/news/36482/minister-orders-probe-into-3-metric-tons-of-fish-stored-for-8-years#sthash.vbsCaofh.dpu

After reading above news ,I decided to write this note to explain the truth to the public. Ceylon Fishery Harbour Corporation has been a profit making venture few years back until some ministers started increasing the cadre by filling the corporation with their stooges .Chairmen and other tip officers were never interested doing anything for the organization .Corruption was rampant. Cold rooms installed under an aid program from Finland were consuming electricity as high as 3 million rupees per month . Cadre should have been limited to 500 but it was increased to 1100 .CFC was finding difficult to pay salaries .Many vehicles and cool room vans were gulping cash for maintenance. One minister few years back leased out next door land to a Russian company fro fish canning factory and asked for life time commission by way for charging few rupees per fish can, Russians bolted away !We operate a shipyard next to the cool room and offered to build a new cool room elsewhere with an admin building and offered to buy the land .

JVP union who kept quite for many years came out objecting to everything ,despite that both other unions were supportive .Unions threatened some high officers who were honest and they resigned .Government offered voluntary retirement to reduce the overheads. Union was instigating the workers to ask more money and VRS did not work to the level expected .

Then last week corporation stopped the cool room operation due to inability to pay the high electricity bill.

Many tons of fish which were in cool room started  rotting .Corporation had to find a way to get rid of the rotting fish ,and decided to bury the fish in the next door land .Corporation did not have money to even a hire  excavator to bury the fish ,As the burying operation took few days whole area was polluted with a unbearable odour .

Then some fishermen who are occupying the beach front with unauthorised structures came running to complain about the smell.

We moved in to help the corporation and offered a excavator to bury the rotten fish .Purchased an organic  odour preventing substance and sprayed in the area to provide relief .The person you see in the TV news was threatening me even though I was not an employee of the corporation .

TV news crew arrived at the scene after JVP union called them to come to report the incident .JVP wanted to spread the news to blame the government .

Unfortunately media has miserably failed as they reported completely wrong    ( rotten) news item.

Sarath Obeysekera

Putin: the West has no morals

August 13th, 2016

That which is “freedom” to a liberal, is offensive to a more conservative state of mind. They are two irreconcilable world views. I don’t believe there is a right or wrong, but there are as many opinions on this subject as there are people in the world. However, it is true that many Russians hold Western values in contempt, and resist being subjugated to them. Deserved or not, the West is often perceived as a faithless and individualistic society with an exceptional love of money.

The pop culture that arrives on Russian TV screens is often looked down upon for its over-sexualised content. Cultural phenomena such as ‘twerking’ are not really understood. Further examples can include the often misogynistic rap culture, the overemphasis on all things stupid (are you keeping up with the Kardashians?), the devaluing of the family unit as the foundation of society, the mascularisation of women, the demasculation of men, the ability to have no gender (I mean, what?), and the list goes on.

This is not to feed the opinions of the libertards who scream “Putin banned homosexuality!” He did no such thing and homosexuals live and work in Russia like any other, with no restrictions on any of their civil liberties. What did occur is the ban on “propaganda for homosexuality” to children and teenagers, which is overt and often vulgar. (For example, why is it that a gay parade, for around 1% of the population, can be held on taxpayer money, otherwise known as the majority of the population, but also behave in a way that a group of heterosexual people never could in public?) The point is not that homosexuals should not exist – they can and happily do! The point is that the minority groups should not force their choices on to the majority of the population.

Russia’s Roskomnadzor (The Federal Service for Supervision of Information Technologies and Mass Communications) has banned websites such as PornHub, as it violated laws surrounding porn distribution and child protection. Similarly, 136 other adult websites were also banned from being accessed in Russia – all of which can easily be viewed by children in any Western country.

I understand the liberals’ concerns about paternalism – but this is about ethics, it is about shutting down profits to a handful of individuals , at the cost of the younger members of society. It is not about consolidation of control.

mechanism for justice or revenge?

August 13th, 2016

By Shivanthi Ranasinghe Courtesy Ceylon Today

Whether we agree or not, Hybrid Courts may be a reality that we have to accept. Obviously, abusive or excessive force, or irregularities cannot be tolerated – even in war. However, the true intention of the proposed hybrid courts comes to question when the Human Rights Council is only interested in specific incidents alleged to have been committed by the Sri Lankan security forces. The terrorists’ role in the war crimes committed systematically and on a mass scale has not come into question. Thus, the military and legal opinion of many respective bodies is that the Hybrid Courts’ objective is to seek revenge while dismantling the national security of the country.

One person who advocates Hybrid Courts’ is Dr. Nihal Jayawickrema. “HRC had not said to investigate the conduct of the war,” he explains. “They have identified certain events and have asked these to be investigated. For example, they have identified the recruitment of child soldiers before and after Karuna Amman defected – that means, after he was made a minister.

“Then, they have identified certain deaths such as the killing of the people who had communicated to the government that they wanted to surrender and the killing of the TV announcer. Then certain deaths that were supposed to have occurred after the war. They also talk of disappearances, which have been reported since early 2000 and of summary executions

Evidence
“Who’s going to investigate these charges? And who’s going to present the evidence to whatever tribunal is established?
“Clearly, they have not been investigated all these years. Police were most probably instructed not to pursue these matters. Now, we ask them to go ahead. I don’t know whether they have the capacity to investigate these offenses that have taken place many years ago.

“Attorney-General’s Department officers regularly went before the HRC and refuted very strongly all claims that crimes against humanity or war crimes were taking place. On disappearances, Mohan Peiris said that to his knowledge Ekneligoda is in some foreign country.
“Now we are expecting the same people to take a completely different line and argue that there is credible evidence that these acts were committed.”

The list of crimes allegedly committed by the military is of isolated incidents. Conversely, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) committed crimes against humanity systematically and on a mass scale. For instance, during the final months, they forcibly held over 300,000 civilians as a human buffer against the advancing Army. Their purpose was to detract the military onslaught and to use the collateral damage as evidence of war crimes.
The military stands accused of shooting and killing two notable terrorists – Balasingham Nadesan and Pulidevan, while surrendering to the military with a white flag. Though the veracity is not established, the charge has earned the opprobrium of the West-led international community. However, the same community is not overtly concerned with the 600 plus Police personnel massacred in 1990 by the LTTE after the then government forced them to surrender.
“Of course, these may amount to war crimes,” agrees Dr. Jayawickrema. “But who are you going to investigate? Who are you going to bring to Court, who are you going to take to trial?”
Separatists organizations
As Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera states, only the separatists organizations’ terrorist arm was destroyed. Its brains and claws are intact and alive in the West. For instance, Visuvanathan Rudrakumaran, has functioned as a legal advisor to the LTTE terrorists since 2002. Now as a New York based lawyer, he has represented thousands of LTTE bogus refugees. Since the annihilation of the terrorist arm, he has appointed himself as the PM of the so-called Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam.
“Was Rudrakumaran involved in combat?” asks Dr. Jayawickrema.” In criminal liability, you can’t find a person guilty of a crime unless that person committed an act with the intention of committing that act.”

Can the pro-LTTE sympathizes who raised funds, often forcibly, and provided other vital support to the terrorist and subversive activities back in Sri Lanka be excused on the basis that they were not in the battle grounds? After all, fundraisers knew monies were not raised to build schools or develop agriculture, but to kill civilian men, women and children of all ages, ethnic groups and creed and to wage war against a legitimate government.

Conflicts
“There was a conflict,” states Dr. Jayawickrema. “There are rules governing conflicts. The Geneva Convention applies to domestic conflicts as well. There would have been violations – maybe from both sides. The question is what happens now. Are we going to conduct a general inquiry into the whole conflict?

“The HRC says that certain serious violations of Human Rights and Humanitarian Laws were committed by both sides. So, there must be accountability. Now, as far as what the LTTE did, if you can produce people who were responsible for those acts, I think they must answer for them, but who’s there to do that?
“If those who gave orders to hold 300,000 hostages survived, then they can be held accountable. You have to identify the individuals. You can’t bring a man from Washington or some place and say he must be investigated.
“Normally, in post-conflict criminal proceedings, it is not the foot soldiers who are held accountable. It is the people up the chain of command who gave the orders. That’s the normal practice.
“Now somebody may have given an order that people instructed to carry a white cloth should be killed. Did someone from Colombo give such an order? If not, did some very senior officer on the spot take the decision to kill people who were seeking to surrender? Were the commanders on the ground informed that certain people wanted to surrender? Those are the questions that have arisen.

Accountability
“That’s where accountability comes in. I don’t think it extends to people who raised funds abroad or people who formed so-called governments and so on. Unfortunately, there’s no one surviving in the LTTE. If Prabhakaran was alive, he’ll have to account for thousands of deaths. But, none of those leaders are alive now. You can’t bring a dead person for trial. A person who is brought to trial has a right to defend himself.”

If the victims of terrorists cannot seek justice simply on the basis that the perpetrators did not survive, trying those who ushered in peace and unity to the country, merely because they survived is callous and partial to the terrorists.
After the World War II, it is alleged that over 160,000 German women were sexually assaulted by the Allied forces. Likewise, a catastrophic humanitarian crisis was created when atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, after firebombing hundreds of Japanese towns with absolutely no military significance. Hamburg is Germany’s second largest city. During July 1943, firebombing by the Allied Forces killed 42,600 civilians and wounded 37,000, virtually destroying most of the city.

Chemical warfare
The Vietnam War was a chemical warfare. Its effects, just as in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, remain gruesome to date with high rates of stillborn, deformed children and radiation induced diseases such as cancer.
War crimes committed in Iraq, Afghanistan and the washing-off-hands after the Libyan mess and their current role in Syria shows that the West not only have failed to accept responsibility for their actions, but also refuse to learn from their atrocities.
The ‘New York Times’ makes interesting observations on Barack Obama’s visit as the first American President to the Hiroshima memorial site. Obama notes, “Technological progress without an equivalent progress in human institutions can doom us, such technology requires a moral revolution as well.” Still, despite the victims’ pressure to apologize for the mass scale atrocity, ‘Obama did not apologize, he made clear that Japan, despite a highly advanced culture, was to blame for the war.’

Japan’s deepest wound
“Leaders in both China and South Korea worry that Obama’s visit to Japan’s deepest wound could be taken by the Japanese as an endpoint to their country’s efforts to come to grips with their own wartime atrocities.
“Many historians believe that the bombings on Hiroshima and then Nagasaki, which together took the lives of more than 200,000 people, saved lives since an invasion of the islands would have led to far greater bloodshed.

“A short inscription on the park’s memorial arch reads, in part, “We shall not repeat the evil.” Which evil – the bombing or the conflict itself – and who is to blame are left unsaid. Such failures by the Japanese to acknowledge their own role in the bombings have long bothered the Chinese, Koreans and others who suffered under the empire’s rule. “The Chinese Government suggested that the wartime atrocities committed by Japan on Chinese soil, notably in the city of Nanjing, deserved more attention than the bombing of Hiroshima.”
In Sri Lanka, the scale of atrocities is lower, but the parallelism cannot be denied. The LTTE lost the right to claim any legitimate grievances as reasons for terrorism when they spurned political solutions offered by India in the late 1980s as well as the lucrative ‘package’ offered by President Chandrika Kumaratunga in 2005.
The Japanese WW II record is terrible. So is the conduct of the LTTE during its entire existence. Thus, the war was brought on by the LTTE itself. The United Nations and the West-led international community failed to pressurize the fund raisers and supportive sympathizers in the West to curtail the terrorist activities of the LTTE.
While collateral damage remains a disputed topic, the benefits of ending the war are remarkable.

Specific allegations
Yet, HRC is highlighting only specific allegations, like the so-called white flag case, even after it was retracted by the very person who propagated it. The clear intention is to bring criminal charges against the accused. Hasn’t HRC thereby wittingly or unwittingly taken the LTTE atrocities out of the picture?
These allegations are currently being investigated. It should be, but with due consideration that is sorely lacking presently. Military personnel over the killing of politician and HR lawyer Nadarajah Raviraj, were the first to be detained, followed by the detention of nine military intelligence personnel for the disappearance of Prageeth Ekneligoda. A few months later, one-time hardcore LTTE terrorist Pillayan who ditched terrorism for mainstream politics was arrested over the killing of MP for the Batticaloa District Joseph Pararajasingham. Recently, another intelligence officer was taken in for the killing of Lasantha Wickrematunga.
Interestingly though, the suspect for Wickrematunga’s killing is the sole survivor of the Millennium City fiasco. Separatists have a score to settle with Pillayan for his defection and direct involvement in bringing the terrorist outfit down. Those taken for Ekneligoda’s case were involved in the highly sensitive Operation Double Edge, where terrorists who escaped capture were convinced to work with government forces to prevent a recurrence of terrorism, instead of regrouping. The government has failed to understand the damage caused to the Military Intelligence, which is a country’s first line of defence, by the clumsy investigations. Post-independent Sri Lankan history reveals that successive governments have failed to appreciate the importance of intelligence services, even as the LTTE did. The LTTE provided a vital clue in this regard in the infamous Ceasefire Agreement signed in 2002 when they demanded cessation of such operations. After the war, one-time high-ranking LTTE terrorist, ‘Col’ Thamilini, too mentions in her memoirs the lethal effect military intelligence had on their operations. Yet, even with the benefit of hindsight, the penny has not yet dropped.

තිත්ත ඇත්ත

August 12th, 2016

ධර්මන් වික්‍රමරත්න

මේ වනවිට වර්තමානයේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා ජනමතය හැඩගැසී ඇත්තේ ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයට වාසිසහගත ලෙසය. ඉකුත්දා පැවති ලක්ෂ සංඛ්‍යාවක් සහභාගිවූ පාද යාත්‍රාවෙන් සිදුවූයේ ආණ්ඩු විරෝධී ව්‍යාපාරයකට අවශ්‍ය සංවිධාන ශක්තිය ගෙන ආ බලවේග කුල්මත් කරන ජනතා ව්‍යාපාරයක් මතුවීමය. මේ වූ කලී වසර 2020න් මෙපිට පවතින රජය පරාජයට පත්කිරීමේ තුරුම්පු සකසන ක්‍රියාවලියකි. පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුළ වර්තමානයේ තුනෙන් දෙකෙන් වූවද සම්මත වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත් ඉදිරියේදී බලයට පත්වන රජයකට වෙනස් කරන්නට හැකි බැවින් ඒවා එතරම් දුරදිග යන ඒවා නොවේ.

වර්තමාන ආණ්ඩුව එදා ප්‍රේමදාස ආණ්ඩුවටත් වඩා පිරිහීමට ලක්වෙමින් පවතින ආණ්ඩුවකි. ඉකුත්දා බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයේ පැවති ජනමත විචාරණයකදී යුරෝපා සංගමය සිටිය යුතුයැයි ආණ්ඩුව සහ විපක්ෂය එකම මතයක සිටියද මහජනයා යුරෝපා සංගමයෙන් වෙන්විය යුතු බවට තීරණය කෙරිණි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේද දැන් සිදුවන්නේ එජාප ආණ්ඩුව සහ ශ්‍රිලනිප නෛතික පාර්ශවය කුමන කරුණු කාරනා ක්‍රියාත්මක කලද සම්මත කලද ඒවා ඔවුන්ගේ පක්ෂවල මතයන් මිස පොදුජනතාවගේ සැබෑ ජන මතයන් නොවන බවය. වර්තමාන ආණ්ඩුවට අවශ්‍යනම් මේ සඳහා වසරකට අධික කාලයක් කල්දමා ඇති පළාත් පාලන පුංචි ඡන්දය පවත්වා ජනමතය උරගා බැලිය හැකිය. එසේ නොකර සීමානිර්ණ කමිටුවට මුවාවී පළාත් පාලන ඡන්දය පැවැත්වීම වර්තමානයේ තවදුරටත් කල්දැමීමෙන් මේ සිදුකරන්නේ වර්තමානයේ ඇති ජනතා විරෝධය හොදහැටි ආණ්ඩුවද අවබෝධ කරගෙන ඇති නිසාය.

dharman12081601

ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂය අති සාර්ථක අන්දමින් ඉකුත් මාස කිහිපය තුළ වැඩ සටහන් ගණනාවක් සැලසුම් කළේය. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂගේ මෙහෙයවීමෙන් එම වැඩසටහන් වල අදිසි හස්තය බවට පත්ව සිටියේ බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ ඇතුළු කිහිප දෙනෙකි. ජනතාව දැනුවත් කිරීමේ තෙදින වැඩසටහනක් බදුල්ල දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ආසන 9 ප්‍රථමයෙන් ආරම්භ කල අතර එය සාර්ථක විය. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂය වැඩි බරක් යොදා ඇත්තේ තමනට වාසි සහගත තැන් නොව ඉකුත් ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී සහ මහ මැතිවරණයේදී තමනට අවාසි සහගත තත්ත්වයක් පෙන්නුම් කල දිස්ත්‍රික්කයක් සඳහාය. පාද යාත්‍රාව පැවැත්වූයේ එවැනි දුර්වල දිස්ත්‍රික්කයන් වූ නුවර, කෑගල්ල, ගම්පහ සහ කොළඹ මායිම් කරගෙනය. පාද යාත්‍රාව අවසන් දින පැමිණි කොළඹ දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ මැද කොළඹ සහ උතුරු කොළඹ  වැනි ආසන එජාපයට වාසි සහගත තැන්ය.

ලබන වසර එනම් 2017 සැප්තැම්බර් මස සබරගමු, උතුරු මැද සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාත් සභා නිල කාලය අවසන් වේ. එවිට අනිවාර්යයෙන් ඒ සඳහා පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණ පැවැත්වීමට රජයට සිදුවනු ඇත. එය පළාත් පාලන ඡන්ද මෙන් කල්දැමිය හැකි නොවේ. එම පළාත්හි විශාලතම දිස්ත්‍රික්ක වන අනුරාධපුර සහ රත්නපුර ඇතුළු දිස්ත්‍රික්ක ගණනාවක්ම ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයට දේශපාලනික වශයෙන් අතිශයින් වාසි සහගත ස්ථානයන්ය. ලංකීය දේශපාල ඉතිහාසයේ එජාපයට ප්‍රතිවිරුද්ධව පැවති ශ්‍රිලනිප වර්තමානයේ එහි හුදු වල්ගයක් බවට පත්කරගෙන සිටී. වෙනත් අයුරකින් කියනවානම් ද්විපක්ෂ ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කර ප්‍රධාන පක්ෂයක් සමඟ ශ්‍රිලනිප නෛතික පාර්ශවය එකට ගැටගැසී තිබේ. මෙම විශාල හිඩැස හෙවත් රික්තය පිරවීම ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂය සිදුකරමින් පවතී.

දේශපාලන විරුද්ධවාදීන් දඩයම පාද යාත්‍රාවට පෙර සිට උග්‍රවෙමින් පැවතිනි. පාද යාත්‍රාවට පෙර අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් හිටපු ඇමති බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ සහ ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණේ මාධ්‍ය ප්‍රකාශක මුසම්මිල්ට දැන් ඇප ලැබී තිබේ. ඇමති බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂට මෙවර චෝදනාව වූයේ රජයේ මුදල්වලින් කෝටි තුනහමාරක වියදමින් නියමිත ටෙන්ඩර් පටිපාටියකට අනුව මිලදී ගත් ඇලුමිනියම් පයිප්ප බට ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා 58කට බෙදාදී ඇති බවකි. පාද යාත්‍රාවේ සංවිධායක කටයුතු අතරතුර රිමාන්ඩ් ගතකල බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ පාද යාත්‍රාව අවසන් වීමෙන් පසු පොලිසියේ විරෝධයකින් තොරව ඇපද ලිහිල් කරමින් ඇප පිට මුදවාහැරීම සිත්ගන්නා සුළුය.

සමෘද්ධි ඇමති එස්. බී දිසානායක ඊයේ පෙරේදා පැවති ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවකදී කියා සිටියේ පයිප්ප බට බෙදා දීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඇමති බැසිල්ගෙන් කිසිදු වරදක් සිදු නොවී ඇති බවය. නියමිත ටෙන්ඩර් පටිපාටියෙන් ඒවා මිලදීගෙන අදාළ පළාත් පාලන ආයතන වලට භාරදී ඇති බවද එව් පළාත් පාලන ආයතනය එවා භාරගත් බවට සහතික කර ඇති බවද ඇමති එස්.බී එහිදී කියා සිටියේය. අපවත්වූ ගැටමාන්නේ හේමාලෝක නායක හිමිපාණන්ගේ අවමඟුල් උත්සවය සඳහා පිළියන්දල ප්‍රදේශය සහ ඒ අවට කොඩි සිටුවා තිබුණේ කැස්බෑව සහ හෝමාගම ප්‍රාදේශීය සභාවට අයත් එම කොඩිකනු යොදා ගනිමිනි. වර්තමානයේ සියළුම ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා වාගේ රාජ්‍ය උත්සව සහ ජනතාවගේ වැඩසටහන් සදහා උපයෝගි කර ගන්නේද එම කොඩිකණු බව ප්‍රසිද්ධ රහසකි.

ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ මීලඟ ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයට දැන් සියළු කටයුතු යොදා ඇත. ලබන සැප්තැම්බර් මස ත්‍රිකුණාමලය දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ සහ අම්පාර දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ජනයා ගෙන් ගෙට ගොස් දැනුවත් කිරිමට ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ ක්‍රියාකාරිකයින් දහස් ගණනක් එම දිස්ත්‍රික්ක දෙකේ සිව් දිනක් ස්ථානගත වනු ඇත. එහි මූලික පියවරක් වශයෙන් අගෝස්තු අවසන් සතියේ ප්‍රාදේශීය දේශපාලන නායකයින් සහ ප්‍රජා නායකයින් හමුවීමට ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ නායකයින් යනු ඇත. එය පෙරලියක් නොව අලුත් ආරම්භයකි.

පර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඊයේ කඩිමුඩියේ ගෙන ආවේ අධිරාජ්‍යවාදීන්ට සහ බෙදුම්වාදීන්ට රට පාවාදෙන පනත් කෙටුම්පතකි. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ විරෝධය නිසා දැන් එය පියවරක් පසුපසට ගෙන තිබේ. එහෙත් එහි බරපතල අවදානම කිසිසේත් බැහැර කල නොහැකි කරුණකි.

අතුරුදහන්වූ තැනැත්තන් පිළිබඳ කාර්යාලය සම්බන්ධයෙන්වූ පනත් කෙටුම්පත පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඊයේ ඉදිරිපත් කල අවස්ථාවේදී ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂය නියෝජනය කරන සියළු මන්ත්‍රීන් එයට එරෙහිව කළුපටි පැලඳ පැමිණ විරෝධය පළ කලහ. එමෙන්ම පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ආරම්භයේදීම ඇතිවූ උණුසුම් තත්ත්වය හේතුවෙන් එය කල්දමා පක්ෂ නායක රැස්වීමක් කැඳවීමට කථානායකවරයා කටයුතු කරන ලදී. අවසානයේ පනත පස්වරු 2.30ට පාර්ලමේන්තුවේදී සංශෝධන සහිතව සම්මත වූයේ ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගේ සහභාගිත්වයෙන් තොරවය.

සංශෝධන සහිතව සම්මතවූ මෙම පනත් කෙටුම්පත අතුරුදහන්වූවන් පිළිබඳව සොයා බැලීම සඳහා හෝ අතුරුදහන්වූවන්ගේ පවුල්වලට සහන සැපයීමේ කාර්යයක් නොවේ. අතුරුදහන්වූවන්ට සහන සැපයීමට අවශ්‍යනම් ආණ්ඩුවට පරණගම කොමිසන් සභාවේ වාර්තාවේ තිබූ කරුණු අනුව අතුරුදහන්වූවන්ට සහන සැලසීම, වගකිව යුතු පුද්ගලයින් හදුනාගැනීම සහ නීති මාර්ගයෙන් කටයුතු කල හැකිය. එසේ කරනු වෙනුවට මේ කරන්නට යන්නේ එක්සත් ජාතින්ගේ මානව හිමිකම් කටයුතු ආයතනය නියම කර ඇති ආයතන 3න් එකක් පිහිටුවීමය. එහි සැබෑ පරමාර්ථය නම් පොලිස් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට හෝ නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට හෝ ලබාගත නොහැකි ජාතික ආරක්ෂාවට අදාළ බුද්ධි අංශ‍ තොරතුරු ලබාගෙන රණවිරුවන් රටින් බැහැරවදී අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන ඔවුන්ට විරුද්ධව විදේශීය අධිකරණ මගින් දඬුවම් කිරිමට අවශ්‍ය තොරතුරු ලබාදීමය.

ඉකුත් රජයන් අතුරුදහන්වූවන් සොයා බැලීම සඳහා කොමිසන් සභාවන් ගණනාවක් පත්කරන ලදී. ජනාධිපති චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග ගේ කාලයේ ඒ සඳහා සොයා බැලීමට කොමිසන් සභා 3ක් පිහිටුවනු ලැබූ අතර උතුරු නැගෙනහිර පළාත්වල අතුරුදහන්වූවන් සොයා බැලීමට හිටපු මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරු සුන්දරලිංගම් ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් කොමිසමක් පත්කර තිබිණි.

අතුරුදහන්වූවන්ගේ කාර්යාලය සාමාජිකයන් 7කින් සමන්විතය. සාමාජිකයන් පත්කරනුයේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සභාව මගිනි. දැනට සිටින ව්‍යවස්ථා සභාවේ 10දෙනාගෙන් 7 දෙනෙකු අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ සහ කථානායක විසින් පත්කල විපක්ෂ නායක ආර් සම්බන්ධන් නම්කර ඇති අය වේ. ඉන් තිදෙනෙක් මේ රජය බලයට පත්වීම සඳහා කටයුතු කල රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන සහ රජයට සම්බන්ධ අය වේ. ඒ අනුව සැබෑ විපක්ෂය නියෝජනය කරන කිසිවෙක් ව්‍යවස්ථා සභාවේ නැත.

මෙම කාර්යාලයේ සේවය සඳහා නිලධාරින් පත්කිරීමේ සහ ඉවත්කිරීමේ බලය ඇත්තේ එහි සාමාජිකයින්ටය. රජයට හෝ රාජ්‍ය සේවා කොමිසන් සභාවට එහි නෛතික බලයක් නැත. විදේශිකයන්ගෙන් අවශ්‍ය තාක්ෂණික සහාය ලබාගත හැකිය. ඒ සඳහා අත්දැකීම් ඇති නමගිය බෙදුම්වාදීන් පවා පත්වීම නොවැලැක්විය හැක්කකි. මෙයට පැමිණිලි අතුරුදහන්වූවන්ගේ පවුල්වල සාමාජිකයින්ට පමණක් නොව දේශීය විදේශීය ඕනෑම සංවිධානයකට වුවද ත්‍රිවිධ හමුදාවට, පොලිසියට සහ ඒවායේ නායකයින්ට සහ සාමාජිකයින්ට එරෙහිව පැමිණිලි කල හැක.

යෝජිත අතුරුදහන්වූවන්ගේ කාර්යාලය මගින් බලය පැවරූ නිශ්චිත නිලධාරියෙකුට අධිකරණය මගින් නිකුත්කල වරෙන්තුවක් නොමැතිව දවසේ ඕනෑම මොහොතකදි කිසිවෙකු රඳවා තබාගෙන ඇතැයි විශ්වාස කරන රටේ ඕනෑම පොලිස් ස්ථානයකට, බන්ධනාගාරයකට, හමුදා කඳවුරකට වැනි ඕනෑම තැනකට ඇතුළුවී විමර්ශනය කිරීමට සහ එහි භාණ්ඩ පරික්ෂා කිරීමට ලේඛනවල පිටපත් ලබාගැනීමටද තොරතුරු ඇතුළත් යැයි විශ්වාස කරන පරිගණක ආදිය රඳවා තබා ගැනීමටද බලයක් ඇත. මානව හිමිකම් සභාවට, අල්ලස් කොමිසමට හෝ කිසිම අධිකරණයකට මෙවැනි බලයක් පවා නැත.

විදේශ ආයතන වලින් කෙලින්ම අරමුදල් ලබාගැනීමේ සහ විදේශ ආයතන සමඟ ගිවිසුම් වලට එලැබීමේ බලයද එයට ඇත. මෙය කාර්යාලයක් වශයෙන් හදුන්වාඇති නමුදු එය ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම විනිශ්චය සභාවකි. පුද්ගලයින් කැඳවීමට, සිතාසි නිකුත් කිරීමට, එයට බලය ඇත. මෙම පනත් කෙටුම්පත රටේ බලපැවැත්වෙන සියළු නීති අභිබවා ක්‍රියාත්මක වීමේ අවධානමක් පවතී. රාජ්‍ය රහස් තොරතුරු හෙළිදරව් කිරීම දඬුවම් ලැබීමේ වරදක් වූවද මේ යටතේ ඒවා හෙළිදරව් කිරීමට සිදුවේ.

මෙවැනි බලතල පොලිසියට, ත්‍රිවිධ හමුදාවට, මානව හිමිකම් කොමිසමට හෝ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයට පවා නැත. එසේ සහාය දැක්වීමට අපොහොසත් වීම හෝ ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කිරීම අධිකරණයට අපහස වීමේ චෝදනාවක් සේ සලකා අභියාචනාධිකරණය මගින් දඬුවම් පැවරිය හැකි වරදකි. මෙම කාර්යාලයේ කටයුතු වලට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සාක්ෂි ආඥා පනත බලපවත්වන්නේ නැත. ඒ නිසා ඕනෑම බොරු සාක්ෂියකට හෝ නෛතික වලංගු භාවයක් ලැබෙනු ඇත. ආරක්ෂක අංශවල දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදය පැරදවීම සඳහා සටන් කල හමුදා නිලධාරින්ට විදේශීය අධිකරණ හමුවේ  යුධ අපරාධ පිළිබඳව මුහුණ දීමට සිදුවන්නේ මෙවැනි සාක්ෂි මතය. අතුරුදහන්වූ පුද්ගලයින් හමුවූ විට ඒ බව වසන් කිරීමට වුවද හැකිවන්නේ අතුරුදහන්ව සිටියයැයි කියන පුද්ගලයා හමුවුවහොත් ඒ පිළිබඳව පවුලේ අයට සහ අදාළ පාර්ශවවලට දැනුම්දෙන්නේ ඔහුගේ කැමැත්ත මත පමණක් වීම හේතුකොටගෙනය.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සිදුවන ජනතා විරෝධී ක්‍රියාමාර්ගවලට එරෙහිව විරෝධය පෑම් අවශ්‍යය. නෛතික සටන අවශ්‍ය තැනට එයද පංකාදුය. මහපාරේ සටන අවශ්‍ය තැනට එයද ඕනෑය. අලි මදිවට හරක් කීවා සේ එජාපය සහ ශ්‍රිලනිප නෛතික පාර්ශවය අතර එකගෙයි කෑමද වරදාන සඳහා වසර 5ක් දක්වා දික්කරගෙන ඇත. ආණ්ඩුව හිතන්නේ බලය ඇති නිසා ඕනෑම දෙයක් කල හැකි බවය. ජේ.ආර් ගේ පමණක් නොව ප්‍රේමදාසගේ ආණ්ඩුද සිතුවේ එසේය. රාජආණ්ඩු යුගයේ පවා සම්මත විපක්ෂයක් නොතිබූ බව සැබෑවකි. එහෙත් සැඟවුණු විපක්ෂයක් සැමදා සැමතැනකම විය. මේ සෑම ඓතිහාසික සිද්ධියකින්ම සනාථවූ එක් කරුණක් ඇත. එනම් ජනමතය විපක්ෂය සමඟ වූ කල්හි රජු පරාජය වූ බවය. (The writer is a senior journalist who could be reached at ejournalists@gmail.com OR 011-5234384)

ධර්මන් වික්‍රමරත්න

ejournalists@gmail.com

 

සුනාමි සායන

August 12th, 2016

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග

2004 සුනාමි ව්‍යසනය සිදුවූ සතියේ වෛද්‍ය තිලක් ද සිල්වා මා අමතා දකුණු පළාතේ සුනාමියෙන් අවතැන් වූවන් සඳහා වෛද්‍ය සායනයක් පවත්වන බවත් එයට එක් වන ලෙසටත් මගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටියේය​.

වෛද්‍ය තිලක් ද සිල්වා මීගමුව රෝහලේ සේවය කල අතර පසුව රජයේ සේවයෙන් ඉවත්වී සීදූවේ පුද්ගලික සේවය ආරම්භ කලේය​. සිංහ සමාජයේද සාමාජිකයෙකු වූ වෛද්‍ය තිලක් සමාජ සේවයේද යෙදෙන්නෙකි. මේ නිසා ඔහුගේ ඉල්ලීමට මම එකඟ වූයෙමි.

මෙම සායනය සංවිධානය කර තිබුනේ එයා ලංකා ආයතනය විය​. එසේම සුනාමි අනාතයන්ට බෙදා දීම සඳහා ද්‍රව්‍ය තොගයක්ද විය​. අදාල දිනයේදී අපි එයා ලංකා බස් රථයකින් පිටත් වූයෙමු.

sunami

මෙම සායනය පැවැත්වූයේ බටපොල විහාරස්ථානයේය​. බටපොල නන්ද හිමියන් විසින් මෙම සායනය සඳහා උපරිම සහයෝගය ලබා දී තිබුණි.

මෙම සායනයේදී අප සුනාමිය නිසා මානසිකව පරි පීඩනයට පත්වූ පිරිස් වෙත   , වෛද්‍ය ප්‍රතිකාර  මෙන්ම උපදේශනය ලබා දුන්නෙමු. තදබල කාංසාමය ලක්‍ෂණ විශාදය පෙන්වූ පුද්ගලයන් අදාල ප්‍රදේශයේ මානසික රෝග සායනයන්ට යොමු කිරීමට අප පියවර ගත්තෙමු. මේ සායනයේදී තීව‍්‍ර පශ්චාත් වියසන ක්ලමථ අක්‍රමතාවය​ට ලක්වූ කිහිප දෙනෙකුද මම හඳුනා ගත්තෙමි.

දහවල් වන තෙක් ක්‍රමානුකූලව ගිය සායනය ඉන්පසු ජනයාගෙන් පිරී ගියේය​. මෙම සායනයේ ද්‍රව්‍ය ආධාර ලබා දෙන බව ඇසූ සුනාමියට ලක් නොවූ ප්‍රදේශ වල ගැමියන් පවා තොග පිටින් පැමින පෝලිමට එක් වූහ​. අවසානයේදී සත්‍ය සුනාමි අනාතයන් සහ හොර සුනාමි අනාතයන් තෝරා බේරා ගැනීමට බැරි වූයෙන් පෝලිමේ ආ සියල්ලන්ටම බඩු මළු ලබා දෙන ලදි. නමුත් සවසද එක්වූ විශාල ජනයාට බෙදීමට බඩු මළු ඉවර වූ හෙයින් පැන්සල් දෙකක් , ඉරේසරයක් වැනි සැනසිලි තෑගි දීමට සිදු විය​. සමහරෙක් පැය හතර පහ පෝලිමේ සිට පැන්සලක් ලබා ගෙන පිට වූහ​. යැපුම් මානසිකත්වය නිසා මිනිසුන් වෙනස් වන අන්දම මම එදා සහසුද්දයෙන් දුටුවෙමි.

සවස හය හත වන විට විශාල ජනකායක් වෙත සේවය ලබා දුන් වෛද්‍යවරු සිටියේ පාන් කියා ගන්නටවත් බැරුවය​. ඉන්පසු බටපොල නන්ද හිමියන් අපට තේ බීම සඳහා ආරාධනා කළහ​. තේ මේසයේ ඉස්තරම් කළුදොදොල් , කැවුම් , ආස්මි , අතිරස වැනි කැවිලි වූයෙන් අපගේ වෙහෙසද අමතකව ගියේය​. තේ පානයෙන් පසු ඉතිරිව සිටි පිරිසද බලා අප රාත්‍රී නවයට පමණ කොලඹ බලා පිටත් වූයෙමු.

මෙම සායනයෙන් පසුව සුනාමි ව්‍යසනය නිසා  පශ්චාත් වියසන ක්ලමථ අක්‍රමතාවයට  සහ  විශාදයට ලක්වූ පුද්ගලයන් වෙත EMDR  මනෝ ප්‍රතිකාර ලබා දීමට ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදයේ සිට මනෝ විද්‍යාඥ නැන්සි එරෙබෝ සහ මනෝ විද්‍යාඥ ජොනතන් බෘක්ස් පැමිනියහ​. මම ඔවුන් සමග එක්වී මෙකී වින් දිතයන්ට  EMDR මනෝ ප්‍රතිකාරයෙන් සහාය වූයෙමි. මෙම සායනයට එවකට   සෞඛ්‍යය අමාත්‍යාංශයේ   සිටි මානසික සෞඛ්‍යය අධ්‍යක්‍ෂකවරිය මෙන්ම ප්‍රදේශයේ සෞඛ්‍යය වෛද්‍ය නිලධාරීනියද සහයෝගය ලබා දීම විශාල පහසුවක් විය​.

පසු විපරම් වලදී පෙනී ගියේ EMDR මනෝ ප්‍රතිකාර ලැබූ මෙම රෝගීන් ගේ මානසික රෝගී ලක්‍ෂණ ඌනනය වූ බවය​. පසුව මෙම අත්දැකීම් අලලා මම උතුරු ඇමරිකානු මානසික සෞඛ්‍යය ජර්නලයකට පරියේෂණ පත්‍රිකාවක් ද ලිව්වෙමි.

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග

ROAD ( TO NO WEHERE) DEVLOPMENT AUTHORITY

August 12th, 2016

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Just as much as the road discipline in in a disarray, I had an interesting episode at the Maganaguma Office where Road Development Authority is based along Denzil Kobbakaduwa Mawatha in Kotte .

I have problem of getting RDA to evict some unauthorised encroachers along Galle Matara Road at Magalle  near the harbour ,blocking access to our project land where we ae in the process of establishing a ship building and repair project  . I have been trying for the last two years to get RDA to take legal action to evict the encroachers .Occupants of the dilapidated wooden shacks and one with permanent brick   walls are not the actual claimants but some traders renting the premises .Government Survey department was going to charge exorbitant cots for resurvey and mark the boundaries of the reservation,I opted to pay for the cost and it was carried out and boundary stones were placed .

Then RDA chief engineer requested legal department based in Maganaguma  to initiate legal action and  nothing happened for the last two years .

I have written many letters and took the matter at EODB ( I call it Ease Of (not) Doing Business) and Hon Finance Minister requested RDA to take action .

The matter was taken up three four times at EODB and I noted that it was going nowhere along this “Road  of action “  ,I decided to meet Legal Officer in RDA and inquire ,

I went to the grandiose building at sharp 8.55 am and approached the reception manned ( actually “womened!” by two lasses with heavy makeup sitting and chatting .I approached them and asked for help and inquired which floor a particular director is located .They did not bother to look for his location in the Telephone Directory  and call him on my request ,but told me that “they have instructions from “somewhere not to bother anyone until 9 am “

I was little taken up with  the way they confronted me and I pretended that I am also a boss of a state organization ( though I am running a private sector organization and I was a chairman of  a state corporation one time) and asked them who gave the instructions .

They were little irked and did not respond well ,but by looking at me furious face they came out and said that they cannot do much as the bosses will not like if they call !

Well, I asked someone passing by and went to director concerned and found that fellow has retired just few days back!

So I went to Legal division on my own, fearing that I will be told off for interfering in  their moring errands ( may be brushing their teeth ,taking morning wash and having sumptuous breakfast in a super canteen provding Hoppers and other heavy meals on second floor) ) found that the lady is actually locked up in her  room having her breakfast .

I did not disturb, waited in the lobby and she was walking our to drop her food pack remains and I manged to catch her .

Luckily another Director whom I knew has contacted her and advised her to help me .She contacted the Chief Engineer in Galle RDA who was passing the buck back to RDA head office, claiming that all the papers were sent back  few months back for action by legal division

They had no clue and promised to take action asap .

I have few complaints and suggestions

  • RDA Director General should advise all the Top people in the organization to come at 8 30 am and do their morning errands before 9 am
  • Reception should be advised to be more helpful and polite to guide visitors
  • Progress meetings should be held by heads of divisions to check progress of public complaints
  • Finally ,Hon minister who appointed 60 consultants may be used to improve public relationship and efficiency of RDA
  • Buddhist Monk, purportedly appointed to RDA as a Consultant can be asked to give sermons to officers not to generate bad karma by Not Discharging their duties diligently ,thus avoid any cheating of the Public

I wish that RDA is blessed with Triple Gems or God saves  RDA

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Can we afford five years of ‘Yahapalanaya’?

August 12th, 2016

Courtesy The Island

Both heads of ‘yahapalanaya’ say that nothing can stop them from going on merrily for five years until 2020, although the two heads are pulling in two directions and the two tails try to wag each other and sometimes their heads. In 2014 we had a government with one powerful head and one powerless tail, but it was doing alright as it had managed to eliminate totally the terrorism that had plagued the country for three decades overcoming huge obstacles local and foreign, a feat no other government in the world, including world powers, had been able to do in their own countries or in somebody else’s country. And then that all powerful head had launched a massive development project that took the country into the fast track of growth with all economic parameters showing positive values. Roads, electricity and water visibly reached the four corners of the country. New harbours and redundant airports were built disregarding all opposition within and without. Unemployment, inflation, GDP, foreign exchange reserves, foreign debt/GDP ratio etc., improved. Corruption and nepotism, however, as always, were rampant but things were better than what we have now.

What do we have now? There is rampant corruption and nepotism but no development whatsoever. Corruption + Nepotism + Massive Development have to be better than Corruption + Nepotism + Zero Development. The present government bent backwards trying to please the West expecting them to solve all its problems, going to the extent of betraying the country by co-sponsoring a UNHRC resolution that is inimical to the sovereignty of the country, and worse than the betrayal of the country to the colonialists in 1815. The West has taken our country in its grip without giving us a cent except promises with strings attached, and IMF assistance with impossible conditions. Thus the economy is in the doldrums, development projects started by the previous head had been stopped by either or both present heads or tails. No foreign direct investments are coming in, unemployment is rising, people are being burdened with heavy taxes, cost of living is rising, the share market lethargic and what is worse is that this government of two heads and two tails cannot take a clear cut decision on any vital issue.

Take for example the VAT issue. They could not get it through as they had disregarded procedural requirements. Moreover, the government is uncertain about every aspect of taxation, though they are cash strapped. Minister Dilan Perera says people should be taxed the way bees extract nectar without hurting the flower and that is how the SLFP taxes the people, whereas the UNP bludgeons the people with taxes! Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe seems to have an opposition both inside and outside! Tax policy is vital for any government and more so for a government that is almost bankrupt. If this government is divided along party lines regarding this vital issue, how could the people have any confidence that they have put in place a reliable government which could look after them until the year 2020? What more monumental blunders would this divided government commit before its tenure ends? The waste is equally bad, the Ministry of Agriculture has rented a building unnecessarily for Rs.20 million a month. Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s ministry has asked for a vote beyond imagination. Luxury vehicles for MPs would cost the taxpayer dearly. Is VAT being increased to meet these wasteful expenditures?

All this goes to prove the inherent difference between the UNP and the SLFP. People of this country formed the SLFP in order to safeguard themselves against the policies of the UNP, which were subservient to the colonialists who had placed the UNP in power to serve their interests. These imperialist powers have again succeeded in helping the UNP to come back to power as the SLFP was protecting the people and their sovereignty, and not allowing the West to destabilize the country and take control of it to further their imperialist agenda. And the UNP obligingly follows the dictates of the imperialists to the detriment of the security, economy, constitution and sovereignty of the country. It has antagonised our friends who had stood by us through thick and thin without asking anything in return, except space for heavy investment which has helped the country to achieve rapid development. It has made friends, due to whom we don’t need enemies. This inherent contradiction of the coalition partners would make it virtually impossible to run the government. A set of policies agreeable to one partner would not be so to the other.

This is the main reason why the Government has not been able to attract foreign investment, why the share market is sluggish, and not even ever willing China is interested. Sri Lanka has been given a low rating by the international investment and credit worthiness monitors such as Fitch. All these negative outcomes reflect on the dichotomous nature of the governing body, which does not seem to know where it is going. Can the country afford five years of such confused, deranged, bungling “Yahapalanaya”?

N.A.de S.Amaratunga

Who monitors the monitors? – I

August 12th, 2016

By Neville Ladduwahetty Courtesy The Island

The first article under the above title published in The Island on July 26, 2016 referred to the failures of the United Nations and its systems to prevent, and when started, to stop the genocide in Rwanda in 1994. The report of the Independent Inquiry appointed by the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, into the actions of the United Nations in Rwanda, states:

“The international community did not prevent the genocide, nor did it stop the killing once the genocide had begun. The failure has left wounds within Rwanda society and in the relationship between Rwanda and the international community, in particular the United Nations. The failure by the United Nations to prevent and subsequently, to stop the genocide in Rwanda was a failure by the United Nations system as a whole”.

The first article also quoted from the report of an internal panel appointed by the UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon, to review the conduct of the UN in Sri Lanka. The panel headed by Charles Petrie states:

article_image

Some of the graves of the victims of Rwandan genocide

“…the Panel’s report concludes that events in Sri Lanka mark a great failure of the UN to adequately respond to early warnings and to the evolving situations during the final stages of the conflict and its aftermath, to the detriment of hundreds of thousands of civilians and in contradiction with the principles and responsibilities of the UN. The elements of what was a systemic failure can be distilled into the following: (i) a UN system that lacked an adequate and shared sense of responsibility for human rights violations; (ii) an incoherent internal UN crisis-management structure which failed to conceive and execute a coherent strategy in response to early warnings and subsequent international human rights and humanitarian law violations against civilians…(iv) a model for UN action in the field that was designed for development rather than conflict responses; (v) the most senior position in the field graded at D1seniority that was below the heavy responsibilities required for the position and a corps of senior staff that did not sufficiently include the armed conflict, political, human rights and international humanitarian law and related management experience to deal with the challenge Sri Lanka presented, who were given insufficient support (vi) inadequate political support from Member States as a whole, notwithstanding bilateral efforts from all regions, and inadequate effort by the Secretariat to build such support.”

The UN Systems that operated during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda was the Human Rights Commission. The UN system that operated in 2009 when the LTTE took nearly 350,000 civilians hostage during the final stages of Sri Lanka’s separatist armed conflict was the Human Rights Council that was setup in 2006. The findings cited above by the Independent Inquiry on Rwanda and internal panel on the conduct of the UN in Sri Lanka both conclude that the failure of the UN to fulfill its principles and responsibilities caused the death of over 800,000 in Rwanda and thousands of civilians in Sri Lanka.

FAILURE of the UN in SOUTH SUDAN

The most recent failure of the UN and its systems is in South Sudan. Cited below are extracts from an article by Kevin Sieffin The Washington Post of August 7, 2016, titled “WHERE WILL WE RUN THIS TIME”? The article describes the plight of the civilians as a result of the abject failure of the UN and its systems despite their mandate to “Contribute, through dialogue and cooperation, towards the prevention of human rights violations and respond promptly to human rights emergencies” (Article 5 (f). The Washington Post article states:

“The United Nations operates 16 peacekeeping missions around the world, many of which exist primarily to protect vulnerable civilians. That mandate was reinforced after the genocide in Rwanda and Bosnia in themid – 1990s occurred as outnumbered U.N. peacekeeping forces stood by”.

“But 20 years later, the United Nations is once again facing sharp criticism for failing to protect civilians, this time in South Sudan, where 160,000 people are living in camps….For civilians in the camp, it was like trying to escape from a prison set aflame, the barbed-wire fences penning in wailing mothers and children with swarms of gunmen”.

Mayik eventually managed to flee through a large metal barrier, known as Charlie Gate, into the U.N. staff compound next door, which was protected by additional layers of razor wire… “The camp isn’t safe” said an old woman. Finally Mayik approached Charlie Gate. And then she saw it: a backhoe piling green sand-filled blast barriers, one on top of another, in front of the gate. The United Nations was sealing off the entrance”.

“Where will we run this time?” Mayik asked, her voice cracking as the machine rumbled on”.

“The U.N. mission, known as UNMISS, said it would shelter anyone fleeing from the violence, and it created six makeshift tent cities in late 2013 and early 2014. It was the right thing to do, the U.N. peacekeeping chief, HerveLadsous, would later tell reporters… Over time, the camps became so neglected – its latrines overflowing, its food in near-perpetual shortage – that it failed to meet the minimum humanitarian standards governing the world’s refugee and displacement camps”.

“The women saw how peacekeepers ran from the fighting or refused to use their weapons. “What will the internationals do to protect us this time” asked one woman”.

“It’s the U.N. now who can protect us”, she said firmly. “Last time they said they weren’t ready. This time they have to be”.

“The United Nations, in an internal investigation, would eventually conclude that peacekeeping failed in Malakal through a “combination of inaction, abandonment of post and refusal to engage””.

CONCLUSION

The cry of the desperate and forgotten civilians in South Sudan is “WHERE WILL WE RUN THIS TIME?” The United Nations is deaf to this cry. This not the first time civilians trapped in internal armed conflicts had looked to the UN for protection. But the UN will plod along collecting a trophy of failures. It will never admit its incapabilityto meet these challenges, despite statements from past UN Secretary Generals such as Boutros Ghaliwho stated: “the tragedy that provoked UNPROFOR’s involvement (in Bosnia) remains an affront to the world’s conscience. Abstention is not an acceptable option for the international community at such a time”.

The present UN Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon “abstained” from going to Sri Lanka in January 2009 and using his international influence to prevail on the LTTE to release the nearly 350,000 civilians the group had taken hostage during the separatist armed conflict. Had he done so, many lives would have been saved. For this he has to be held accountable. Instead, he went one week after the fighting was over and wanted the Sri Lankan Government to initiate an accountability process. The UN is sure to follow the same procedure after it fails to prevent human rights violations in South Sudan.

The Washington Post article cited above covers the tragic situation in South Sudan. What must be realized is that South Sudan is only one of 16 peace keeping missions the U.N. operates around the world. No one knows the situation in the other 15 operations. It cannot be any different. The question is when will the UN admit that it does not have the capacity to fulfill the mandate granted by the General Assembly? Holding Member States such as Sri Lanka or South Sudan down the road accountable for human rights tragedies is not the answer. As Mayki in South Sudan said: “We need a way out”.

The “way out” should be for the UN to abandon its practice of passing resolutions to hold Member States accountable for human rights violations during and following conflicts, until the UN is in a position to set in place practices and demonstrate that it has the ability to protect and prevent violations from being committed. The fact that the UN failed in Rwanda and in Sri Lanka and keeps on failing in South Sudan means that there is an urgent need for a new way out.

That new way should be for the General Assembly to appoint an Independent Panel of Inquiry to inquire into the workings of the UN in the other 15 peace keeping operations the UN is engaged in, after which a fresh approach should be developed to protect and preventhuman rights violations to civilians in zones of conflict. Until then, all activities associated with ongoing accountability exercises such as in Sri Lanka should cease becauseof failure on the part of the UN to prevent the civilians from being taken hostage by the LTTE and their use as a human shield makes the UN a party directly associated with the accountability process.

The issue of accountability finally boils down to who is more responsible:

Is it the party that fails to prevent violations from happening, or those responsible for what follows? If the accountability process in Sri Lanka proceeds as intended, an objective evaluation by an inquiring bodywould no doubt acknowledge the culpability of the UN for its many failures both during and after the conflict was concluded.

Senasinghe draws flak for his conduct at COPE

August 12th, 2016

By Saman Indrajith Courtesy The Island

State Minister Sujeewa Senasinghe’s conduct in the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) came under severe criticism from his fellow COPE members yesterday evening for his attempt to intimidate and threaten witnesses of the controversial Central Bank bond issue, a senior COPE member told The Island.

The state minister threatened and tried to extract information in a manner harmful to the ongoing COPE investigation on former Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran’s involvement in bond scam when the senior most staff members of the Central Bank including its incumbent Governor and all Deputy Governors had been summoned before the parliament watchdog committee last evening.

Content of a report by the Auditor General on controversial bond issue was taken for the discussion at yesterday’s meeting.

The senior member said that there was clear evidence to prove that the UNP members in the COPE were trying to delay the process by making suggestions including resummoning some of the witnesses and re-examining the submissions they had already made before the COPE.

To counter the UNP plan, the COPE leadership suggested that they have a roadmap with regard to the investigation of Central Bank bond issue. As the majority of the committee agreed to the suggestion a date (Aug 23) had been fixed for the task, senior COPE member said.

Minister Senasinghe, who was included in the COPE recently (since July 08) had no ethical background to involve in the investigation against former Central Bank governor Mahendran for the minister had gone before courts and published a book to clear Mahendran’s name, the COPE members pointed out.

Minister Senasinghe was warned, reprimanded for his conduct and told not to repeat similar conduct again jeopardising the committee’s progress in investigations, the senior COPE member said.

Among those attended yesterday’s meeting chaired by JVP MP Sunil Handunnetti were COPE members Ajith P Perera, Wasantha Aluvihare, Chandrasiri Gajadheera, Dayasiri Jayasekera, Bimal Ratnayake, Mahindananda Aluthgamage, Sujeewa Senasinghe, Hector Appuhamy, Ashok Abeysinghe, Harshana Rajakaruna, Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa and Weerakumara Dissanayake.

OMP Bill will be nullified under JO Govt: Dinesh

August 12th, 2016

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The joint opposition said yesterday it would consider the Office of Missing Persons Bill invalid because the due procedure was not followed in passing it and as such it would be nullified under a future government headed by it.

JO parliamentary group leader Dinesh Gunawardane said the Bill was put to a vote when a group of MPs were demonstrating in the Well of the House and that the quorum bill was not rung for the members to arrive in the Chamber to participate in the vote and under such circumstances the Bill could not be considered has have been enacted.

MP Vasudeva Nanayakkara said he was a member of the Oversight Committee that considered this Bill.

“I was opposed to the Bill being taken up for debate. Yet, my position was ignored. The committee used the majority approval to present its report in Parliament. There were two amendments proposed by the Committee. All of a sudden, we found 17 amendments by the government. I sought more time to study them. It was not given,” he said.

Mr. Nanayakkara said the Bill would be declared null and void under a government headed by his party in future.

He said the Bill would provide for a hybrid judicial mechanism proposed by the government and though the findings of this Office would would not lead to criminal liability, its findings based on international expertise, would set the stage for action through such a mechanism in the near future Mr. Nanayakkara said the Office of Missing Persons would exercise police and judicial powers in one form or the other. (Kelum Bandara and Yohan Perera)

– See more at: http://www.dailymirror.lk/114000/OMP-Bill-will-be-nullified-under-JO-Govt-Dinesh#sthash.jnq9eYFD.dpuf


Copyright © 2017 LankaWeb.com. All Rights Reserved. Powered by Wordpress