Psychological Reflections of Vincent Van Gogh’s Art

September 4th, 2015

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge

I know for sure that I have an instinct for colour, and that it will come to me more and more, that painting is in the very marrow of my bones.” – Vincent Van Gogh

Vincent William van Gough a famous Dutch artist whose work often associated with Post-Impressionism and later transformed in to Expressionism. Vincent Van Gogh was one of the most important predecessors of modern painting. He created a great number of masterpiece paintings and drawings in just one decade devoted to art.

Vincent van Gogh was born on March 30, 1853 in Netherlands. Since his childhood Van Gogh had an immense passion for art. Van Gogh was an outstanding mostly self taught artist whose famous works include: Starry Night, Cafe Terrace at Night, Terrasse, Houses at Auvers, Restaurant De La Sirene At Asnieres, Sunflowers, Irises, and several self-portraits, amongst others. Most of his best-known work was created in the last two years of his life.

Van Gogh used color for its “symbolic and expressive values” rather than to reproduce light and literal surroundings. Van Gogh’s emotional state highly affected his artistic work and it deeply analyses his unconscious mind.

Several psychodynamic factors may have contributed to his art work. The psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud viewed art as a privileged form of neurosis where the analyst-critic explores the artwork in order to understand and unearth the vicissitudes of the creator’s psychological motivations. In this context van Gough’s art represent a deep psychological sketch. He left a profound, soul-searching description of his jagged life in his art work.

Though Van Gogh had little financial success as an artist during his lifetime and often lived in poverty, his fame grew dramatically after his death. Today van Gough’s name is considered to be one of the world’s most renowned, respected, and influential artists. But he could not live long enough to see his fame. His life was filled with misery and desolation and this suffering was painted in an artistic way.

The tragic life of Vincent van Gogh could be summarized emphasizing his early departure from formal education, failure as a successful salesman in the art world, attempt at religious studies, difficulty with female and family relationships, return to the art world, and tendencies toward extremes of poor nutrition or near self-starvation and excessive drinking and smoking. His oil painting” the Potato Eaters” clandestinely depicts poverty and destitute experienced by the artist.

Van Gogh suffered from complex psychiatric ailments. Apart from the illness excessive use of tobacco and alcohol made a negative impact on his mental health. The mental illness that plagued him affected his art work. Van Gough painted his anguish and despair on canvas. His brushwork became increasingly agitated. The striking colors, crude brush strokes, and distorted shapes and contours, express his disturbed mind. He suffered two distinct episodes of reactive depression, and there are clearly bipolar aspects to his history. Both episodes of depression were followed by sustained periods of increasingly high energy and enthusiasm.

Van Gogh’s inimitable art was defined by its powerful, dramatic and emotional style. The artist’s concern for human suffering is in somber, melancholy study of art. Maybe he tried to explain the struggle between the man and the human nature, the reality and his unconscious mental conflicts. Van Gogh once said: “We spend our whole lives in unconscious exercise of the art of expressing our thoughts with the help of words.”

His life was full of mental conflicts. He fought with his inner mind. This dual nature was observable. He had attacks of melancholy and of atrocious remorse. His colors lost the intensity His lines became restless. He applied the paint more violently with thicker layers. Van Gogh was drawn to objects in nature under stress: whirling suns, twisted cypress trees, and surging mountains. Although van Gogh’s illness emerged more violently he produced brilliant works as The Reaper, Cypresses, The Red Vineyard, and his famed Starry Night.

In Starry Night (1889) the whole world seems engulfed by circular movements. The Starry Night is undoubtedly van Gogh’s most mysterious picture. The Starry Night which resides as his most popular work and one of the most influence pieces in history. The swirling lines of the sky are a possible representation of his mental state. The Starry Night embodies an inner, subjective expression of van Gogh’s response to nature. Vincent van Gogh once said “Looking at the stars always makes me dream. We take death to reach a star.”

From the beginning of Van Gogh’s artistic career he had the ambition to draw and paint figures. For Vincent van Gogh color was the chief symbol of expression. Contemporary artists admired van Gogh’s passionate approach to art. But he viewed his life as horribly wasted, personally failed and impossible. On the contrary he was able to produce deeply moving images while living a life of ultimate desperation in an increasing state of mental imbalance.

He was friendly with the French Post-Impressionist artist Paul Gauguin and two friends inspired each other. However they frequently quarreled. Van Gogh had an eccentric personality and unstable moods. His reactive depression episodes were followed by a prolonged period of hypomanic or even manic behavior.

The life and artistic legacy of Vincent van Gogh has generated great interest among physicians from different areas of specialization in proposing a retrospective differential diagnosis. Vincent Van Gough suffered from medical crises that were devastating, but in the intervening periods he was both lucid and creative. Vincent van Gogh’s illness has been the object of much speculation. Explanations as disparate as acute intermittent porphyria, epilepsy and schizophrenia have been proposed.

Some experts suspect physical and psychiatric symptoms of Vincent van Gogh may have been due to chronic lead poisoning. According to Arnold (2004) an inherited metabolic disease, acute intermittent porphyria, accounts for all of the signs and symptoms of van Gogh’s underlying illness. Porphyria is a rare hereditary disease in which the blood pigment hemoglobin is abnormally metabolized. Porphyrins are excreted in the urine, which becomes dark; other symptoms include mental disturbances and extreme sensitivity of the skin to light.

Van Gogh probably suffered from partial complex seizures (temporal lobe epilepsy) with manic depressive mood swings aggravated by absinthe, brandy, nicotine and turpentine. In addition he was troubled by intense death wish.

Suicidal gestures by Vincent depicted in his last paintings. He painted vast fields of wheat under dark and stormy skies, commenting, “It is not difficult to express here my entire sadness and extreme loneliness”. In one of his last paintings, Wheat Field With Crows, the black birds fly in a starless sky, and three paths lead nowhere. It could be interpreted as the emptiness that existed in his heart.

Mehlum (1996) believes that an early childhood trauma initiated a life-long suicidal process in Van Gogh. His difficulties as regards attachment to and separation from his parents continued throughout his life and his emotional instability, intensity and lowered tolerance to frustration seem to portray a borderline personality.

Van Gogh’s self-portraits play significant clinical importance. Vincent van Gogh was born one year to the day after a stillborn brother of the identical name, including the middle name, Willem. In the parish register van Gogh was given the same number twenty-nine as his predecessor brother. Van Gogh’s fantasies of death and rebirth, of being a double and a twin, contributed to both his psychopathology and his creativity. Van Gogh’s self-portraits are regarded as relevant to his being a replacement child (Blum, 2009).

Meissner (1993) hypothesized that the self-portraits of Vincent van Gogh are seen as repeated and unresolved efforts at self-exploration and self-definition in an attempt to add a sense of continuity and cohesion to a fragile and fragmented self-experience. The portraits are painted in mirror perspective; Vincent’s search for identity is thus seen as mediated by the dynamics of the mirroring phenomenon.

Auto-mutilation became a part of his medical history. In 1888 Vincent’s mental health was very unstable. As a result of psychotic crises, Vincent van Gogh was hospitalized several times. His state of mind was very weak and during a breakdown, he mutilated his ear.  Van Gogh cut off the lower half of his left ear and gave it to a prostitute. After a few weeks he was able to paint self-portrait with bandaged ear and pipe (Portrait of a one-eyed man) which shows him in serene composure.

During the last few years of his life, his paintings were characterized by halos and the color yellow. Critics have ascribed these aberrations to innumerable causes, including chronic solar injury, glaucoma, and cataracts (Lee, 1981).

Vincent van Gogh’s chronic suicidal ideation and behaviour led to a series of crises throughout his life, escalating during the last 18 months before his suicide in 1890. It is possible to identify at least three prominent suicidal motives in van Gogh’s case. The first is unbearable emotional pain related to personal experience of loss which reactivated the childhood trauma. The second is introverted murderous rage arising from conflicts with other persons. The third motive described is the need for a cathartic release of energy and emotion (Mehlum, 1996).

Pezenhoffer and Gerevich (2015) found distal suicide risk factors in Vincent van Gogh. They highlighted:  family anamnesis, childhood traumas (emotional deprivation, identity problems associated with the name Vincent), a vagrant, homeless way of life, and failures in relationships with women, and psychotic episodes appearing in rushes. In addition the proximal factors included the tragic friendship with Gauguin (frustrated love), his brother Theo’s marriage (experienced as a loss), and a tendency to self-destruction and this trait aggression played an important role in Van Gogh’s suicide.

Vincent van Gogh committed suicide in 1890 at the age of 37. Despite the mental illness he suffered Vincent remained marvelously creative until his death. Although he lived a relatively short period he left behind an astonishing body of work which included several hundred paintings.

The lyrics of Don McLean’s hit song Vincent (Starry, Starry Night) describes a comparison to Van Gogh’s Actual Life and references to Van Gogh’s paintings.

 Starry, starry night.

 Paint your palette blue and grey,

 Look out on a summer’s day,

 With eyes that know the darkness in my soul.

 Shadows on the hills,

 Sketch the trees and the daffodils,

 Catch the breeze and the winter chills,

 In colors on the snowy linen land.
Don McLean articulates Vincent van Gogh’s tragic death and points out that even though he loved painting, his paintings could never love him back.


For they could not love you,

 But still your love was true.

 And when no hope was left in sight

On that starry, starry night,

 You took your life, as lovers often do.

 But I could have told you, Vincent,

 This world was never meant for one

As beautiful as you.

  Van Gogh’s painting not only reflected his struggles but also enabled him, for a time, to stave off the hopelessness and despair that eventually overwhelmed him, culminating in his suicide. Despite his turbulent life Van Gogh remains as one of Europe’s greatest artists.



Arnold, W.N.(2004).The illness of Vincent van Gogh. J Hist Neurosci.  ;13(1):22-43.

Blum, H.P.(2009). Van Gogh’s fantasies of replacement: being a double and a twin.  J Am Psychoanal Assoc.  ;57(6):1311-26.

Blumer, D. ( 2002). The Illness of Vincent van Gogh. Am J Psychiatry.159:519–526.

Correa, R. (2014).Vincent van Gogh: a pathographic analysis. Med Hypotheses.;82(2):141-4.

Hughes, J.R.(2005).A reappraisal of the possible seizures of Vincent van Gogh. Epilepsy Behav.  ;6(4):504-10.

Lee,T.C.(1981).Van Gogh’s vision. Digitalis intoxication? 20;245(7):727-9.

Mehlum, L. (1996).Suicidal process and suicidal motives. Suicide illustrated by the art, life and illness of Vincent van Gogh.Tidsskr Nor Laegeforen. 30;116(9):1095-1101.

Meissner, W.W.(1993). Vincent: the self-portraits. Psychoanal Q. 1993 Jan;62(1):74-105.

Meissner, W.W. (1994). The artist in the hospital: the van Gogh case.Bull Menninger Clin.  ;58(3):283-306.

Morrant, J.C.(1993). The wing of madness: the illness of Vincent van Gogh. Can J Psychiatry.  ;38(7):480-4.

Pezenhoffer, I. , Gerevich, J.(2015). Trait-aggression and suicide of Vincent van Gogh. Psychiatr Hung.  ;30(2):201-9.

Strik, W.K. (1997). The psychiatric illness of Vincent van Gogh.Nervenarzt. ;68(5):401-9.

Weissman, E. (2008). Vincent van Gogh (1853-90): the plumbic artist. J Med Biogr. ;16(2):109-17.

New Ministers sworn in

September 4th, 2015

Courtesy Adaderana

The swearing in ceremony of the new Cabinet of the National Government commenced at the Presidential Secretariat in Colombo, a short while ago.

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was the first to take oaths as the Minister of National Policy and Economic Affairs before President Maithripala Sirisena.

In total 42 Cabinet Ministers including Wijedasa Rajapaksa and D.M. Swaminathan, who have already been appointed as ministers, were sworn in today.

Mangala Samaraweera took oath as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rajapaksa as Minister of Justice and Swaminathan as Minister of Rehabilitation on August 24 before the President.

Rajapaksa and Swaminathan received additional ministerial portfolios today.

This brings the current number of Cabinet Minister in the naitional government to 43.

The following MPs were sworn in as ministers:

Cabinet Ministers

1. Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe – Minister of National Policy & Economic Affairs
2. John Amaratunga – Minister of Tourism Development & Christian Affairs
3. Gamini Jayawickrama Perera – Minister of Sustainable Development & Wildlife
4. Nimal Siripala de Silva – Minister of Transport (SLFP)
5. S.B. Dissanayake – Minister of Social Empowerment & Welfare(SLFP)
6. W.D.J. Seneviratne – Minister of Labour and Trade Union Relations(SLFP)
7. Lakshman Kiriella – Minister of University Education & Highways
8. Anura Priyadharshana Yapa – Minister of Disaster Management (SLFP)
9. Susil Premajayantha – Technology, Technical Education & Employment(SLFP)
10. Thilak Janaka Marapana – Minister of Law and Order & Prison Reforms
11. Dr Rajitha Senaratne – Health, Nutrition & Indigenous Medicine
12. Ravi Karunanayake – Minister of Finance
13. Mahinda Samarasinghe – Minister of Skills Development & Vocational Training (SLFP)
14. Vajira Abeywardena – Minister of Home Affairs
15. S.B. Nawinne – Minister of Internal Affairs, Wayamba Development & Cultural Affairs
16. Patali Champika Ranawaka – Minister of Megapolice & Western Development
17. Mahinda Amaraweera – Minister of Fisheries & Water Resources(SLFP)
18. Naveen Dissanayake – Minister of Plantation Industries
19. Ranjith Siyambalapitiya – Minister of Power & Renewable Energy(SLFP)
20. Duminda Dissanayake – Minister of Agriculture(SLFP)
21. Wijedasa Rajapaksa – Minister of Buddha Sasana
22. P. Harrison – Minister of Rural Economic Affairs
23. Ranjith Maddumabandara – Minister of Public Administration & Management
24. Gayantha Karunathilake – Minister of Parliamentary Reforms & Media
25. Sajith Premadasa – Minister of Housing & Construction
26. Arjuna Ranatunga – Minister of Ports & Shipping
27. M. K. A. D. S. Gunawardana – Minister of Lands
28. P. Digambaram – Minister of Upcountry New Villages, Estate Infrastructure& Community Development
29. Chandrani Bandara – Minister of Women and Children’s Affairs
30. Thalatha Athukorala – Minister of Foreign Employment
31. Akila Viraj Kariyawasam – Minister of Education
32. D.M. Swaminathan – Minister of Resettlement & Hindu Affairs
33. Chandima Weerakkody – Petroleum & Petroleum Gas(SLFP)
34. Dayasiri Jayasekara – Minister of Sports (SLFP)
35. Sagala Ratnayake – Minister of Southern Development
36. Harin Fernando – Telecommunication & Digital Infrastructure
37. Mano Ganesan – Minister of National Dialog
38. Daya Gamage – Minister of Primary Industries
39. Rauff Hakeem – Minister of Urban Development & Water Supply
40. Rishad Bathiudeen – Minister of Industries & Commerce
41. Kabeer Hashim – Public Enterprise Development
42. Mohamed Hashim Abdul Haleem – Minister of Postal Service & Muslim Affairs

Sri Lanka rupee falls 3 pct to record low after floats – dealers

September 4th, 2015

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka’s rupee currency fell over 3 percent to trade at a record low of 139.00 per dollar on Friday after the central bank effectively floated the currency by ceasing to quote its own reference rate.

The slide comes amid weakness in emerging markets triggered by a devaluation of the Chinese yuan. It came with a delay, though, after the central bank supported the rupee before and after a general election on Aug. 17 that was won by a pro-reform coalition.

The central bank’s move came a day after it received $1.1 billion from a $1.5 billion swap agreement with the Reserve Bank of India (RBI).

“This correction is probably overdue by 2-3 months. They might have waited till the inflows come in from the RBI swap arrangement and reach political stability,” said Shiran Fernando, an economist at Colombo-based Frontier Research.

The rupee was quoted between 136.50 and 139.00 per dollar from Thursday’s close of 134.75, dealers said.

“I don’t think it will go beyond 139.00 because the central bank will intervene to curb excess volatility and the market will correct by itself,” one dealer said.

Sri Lanka’s central bank had propped up the rupee around the election, at a time when regional peers were falling. The market had expected a correction after the polls won by the ruling United National Party.

In contrast, the Indian rupee has fallen around 3.9 percent, the Malaysian ringgit by 8 percent, while Indonesia’s rupiah has fallen 4.5 percent since China devalued the yuan on Aug. 11.

The central bank usually directs the market through state banks trading the dollar. The rupee has fallen 5.6 percent so far this year against the U.S. currency.

The central bank told forex dealers at a meeting on Thursday that it would allow the rupee to float from Friday, according to sources aware of the meeting’s proceedings. (Editing by Douglas Busvine and Simon Cameron-Moore)


සුමන්තිරන් ඉල්ලන ආපසු ගන්න බැරි එක

September 4th, 2015

චන්ද්‍රසිරි විජයවික්‍රම

ධර්‍මසිරි බණ්ඩාරනායක (පුරවැසි බලය) ලංකාව දැන් එක රටක් කියා සම්බන්ධන්ට විපක්‍ෂ නායකකම දිය යුතුයයි කෑගසද්දි, ඊට කලින් ටී එන් ඒ එකේ ඒබ්‍රහම් සුමන්තිරන් කෙඳිරිගෑවේ ඔවුන්ට ඕනෑ බලය පැවරීමක් මිස බලය බෙදීමක් නොවන බවය. ඔහුට අනුව බලය පැවරීමක් කියන්නේ එය දුන් පුද්ගලයාට ආපසු ගත නොහැකිවන ආකාරයේ ඩිවොලූෂන් වෙට්ටුවකටය. උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් කියතොත් යම් තරුණියක් ඇගේ පෙම්වතාට ඇගේ කන්‍යා භාවය පවරා දුන්නොත් ඇයට එය කවදාවත්ම ආපසු ලබාගත නොහැකිය. මෙහිදී මට මතක් වන්නේ ඒ කාලයේ 1960 ගණන් වල ෆිලික්ස් ඩයස් ඇමතිතුමා කියා සිටි “ලිට්ල් බිට් ඔෆ් ඩික්ටේටර්ෂිප් (ෆ්ලර්ටින් විත් ඩික්ටේටර්ෂිප්) ඊස් ඕ කේ” යයි කියපු කතාවය.

මේ අන්ද‌මට දෙපක්‍ෂයක්, ජෝඩුවක්, ෆ්ල්‍ර්ට් කරනවිට ඇතිවන අවදානම නම් යම් විධියකින් එක් අයෙක් පොයින්ට් ඔෆ් නෝ රිටර්න් එකට ලංවුනොත් වෙන්නේ කුමක්ද යන්නය. උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් ඒ කාලයේ යම් ගුවන් යානයක් අත්ලාන්තික් සාගරය හරහා යනවිට එහි ඇති ඉන්‌ධන ප්‍රමාණය සෑහුණේ ලන්ඩන් සිට නිව් යෝර්ක් වලට යාමට පමණය. එය සාගරයේ එක්තරා දුරකට ගිය පසු ආපසු හැරී ඒමට තරම් ඉන්‌ධන ඉතිරි නොවේ. ඒ නිසා ගිය ගමන දිගටම යෑම හැර, නැත්නම් මරණය හැර, වෙන විකල්පයක් නැත. ඒ ස්ථානයට කිව්වේ පොයින්ට් ඔෆ් නෝ රිටර්න් කියාය.

2002 දී රනිල් හා ප්‍රභාකරන් ගැසුවේද පොයින්ට් ඔෆ් නෝ රිටර්න් සාම ගිවිසුමක් වුවද ප්‍රභාකරන්ගේ මෝඩ කෑදර තදියම නිසා වෙලාව එනතුරු ෆලර්ට් කර කර ඉන්නට තරම් ප්‍රභාකරන්ට ඉවසීමක් නොවූයේය. මැරිලින් මොන්‍රෝ වරක් කියූ අන්දමට ජෝන් එෆ් කෙනඩිටද ඇය සමග ෆලර්ට් කර කර ඉන්න වේලාවක් නොතිබුණි. අන්තිමේදී ඇය සියදිවි නසාගත්තේය. මේ වගේම ප්‍රභාකරන්ටද හෙමින් හෙමින් යනවා වෙනුවට පුදන කොටම කාමි යකාවීමේ, නමෝ නමෝ තන්තායි රේප් කිරීමේ, කලබලයක් තිබුණි. එසේ නොවන්නට අද ටැමිල් නාඩ් ඇතුළු ලංකාවේ උතුරු නැගෙනහිර හා කඳුකරයේ කොටසක රජා ප්‍රභාකරන් ය. ත්‍රිකුණාමළය ඇමෙරිකන් නාවික කඳවුරකි. සිංහල කෑල්ල දකුණු ආසියාවේ පලස්තීනය වී අනුරාධපුරයේත්, පොළොන්නරුවේත්, නුවර එළියේත්, මහියංගනයේත්  මායිම් සටන් (බෝඩර් ඇටෑක්ස්) වලට හිරවීය.

සුමන්තිරන්ගේ මේ කතාව අගමැති වීමේදී රනිල් මහතා විසින් ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ කියවූ 7 වන ෂෙඩූල් දිවුරුම් පෙත්සමේ ඇස්බැන්ඳුම් ස්වභාවය මොනවට එලිකරයි. ලංකාව බලාගන්නා සතරවරම් දෙවිවරු ඉන්නවා කියන්නේ මේ නිසා නොවේද?  අපි ඒකීය රාජ්‍යයකට… අපි ඒකීය රාජ්‍යයකට… කිය කියා මහජනයාගේ (සිංහල බෞද්ධයාගේ හා දුප්පත් කතෝලිකයාගේ) ඇස්වලට වැලි ගසන්නට පුළුවන. 13 සංශොධනයට එහා යන්නේ නැතැයි කියන්නටද පුළුවන. මේවා කියන්නට දක්‍ෂයා, යුද්ධ කරන ශාස්ත්‍රයද හොඳින් දන්නා ලක්‍ෂ්මන් කිරිැල්ලේය. නමුත් 13 සංශොධනය යටතේම සුමන්තිරන් ඉල්ලන අර ආපසු ගන්නට බැරි දේ දෙන්නට පුළුවන් බව මෛත්‍රීපාල ජනාධිපතිතුමාට පෙන්වා දීමට අඩු තරමින් චම්පික රණවකවත් සමත් වේවිද? රතන හාමුදුරුවන්ටත් මාදුළුවාවේ හාමුදුරුවන්ටත් දැන්වත් මෙය පෙනීයාවිද?

මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා දැන්නම් (චන්ද දෙකකට පසුව) පාඩමක් ඉගෙන ගෙන ඇති බව පෙනේ. නීතිය යටතේ, 13 යටතේ, චන්දයක් දිය යුතුය කියා වාසුදේවගේ හෝ නාමල් රාජපක්‍ෂ නම් නීතිඥයාගේ හෝ ලණුවක් කා ඔහු විග්නේශ්වරන්ට උතුර භාර කලේය. මෙය 2002 රනිල් කල භාරදීමට වඩා භයානක විය. විග්නේශ්වරන් දිනූ දා සිටම කියන්නේ ජේ ආර්ගේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව ඔවුන් පිළි නොගන්නා බවය. මේ අනුව මහින්ද නීතියක් ගැනත්, විග්නේශ්වරන් අවනීතියක් ගැනත් කතා කලේය. බොටම් ලයින් එක නම් වෙස්සන්තර කෙනෙක් වෙන්නට ගොස් සිරි සංඝබෝ කෙනෙක් බවට රටේ ජනාධිපති වැටුන බවය. ආර් ප්‍රේමදාස් හා මිසිස් චන්ද්‍රිකාද මෙසේම මීට කලින් සිරි සංඝබෝ වූ අය නොවේද? මොවුන් රට කෑවේය.

වෛරී දේශපාලනය වෙනුවට සම්මුතිවාදී දේශපාලනයක් ගැන මෛත්‍රීපාල ජනාධිපතිතුමා දේශනා කළත්, අළුත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ අගමැති රනිල් හැසිරෙන්නේ මෙදා සැරේ දෙනව බැටේ (හොඳ හොඳ නැටුම් එළිවෙන් ජාමෙට) යන ජානයෙන් උඩ පනිමින් බව පෙනේ. වාසුදේව පෙඩරල් මහතා කලින් කිවු වචනය වෙනුවට දැන් කියන්නේ රනිල් වලංකඩේ ගොනෙක්වගේ කියාය. හොරුන්ගෙන් පිරී පාර්ලිමේන්තුව රනිල්  සිතන්නේ දැන් වඳුරන්ගෙන් පිරී ඇතිය කියාය. මා නම් සිතන්නේ 1948 න් පසුව ලංකාව පාලනය කර ඇත්තේ සිංහල වඳුරන් ය කියාය. බොහෝ විට එළිපිටිනුත්, නිතරම රහසිගතවත්, 1921 පොන්නම්බලම් අරුණාචලම් ආරම්භකල ලංකාව දෙකට කැඩීමේ ව්‍යාපාරය අද බෝම්බයෙන් නොව පෑනෙන් කරගැනීමට ඉඩ සැලසී ඇත.

සිංහල නායකයින් නමැති නිල්, කොළ හා රතු කොළඹ වඳුරන් (කළු සුද්දන්) (1948 න් පසු ආපු අගමැති, ජනාධිපතිවරු) පුද්ගලික වාසිය සඳහා රට පාවා දෙද්දී 1921, 1935, 1949, 1976 යන මයිල් පෝස්ට් ඇතිව දෙමළ ජාතිවාදී පක්‍ෂ එක හෝ දෙක රේල් පාර උඩ සෙමින් ඇදෙන කෝච්චියක් සේ සිය ඉලක්කය කරා ලඟා වෙමින් සිටී. බෝම්බ මගින් එය ගන්නට චෙල්වනායගම් අනුමතකලේ ත්‍රස්තවාදියෙකුගේ පිලිමයකට මල්මාලාවක් දමාය. ඉන් පසු අමිර්තලිංගම්ලා, කුමාර් පොන්නම්බලම්ලා හා නීලන් තිරුචෙල්වම්ලා මරණ තෙක්ම ඔවුන්ට මේ බෝම්බ කාරයින් හිත උඩින් හෝ හිත යටින් අවර් බෝයිස්ලා විය. අවුරුදු 33 කට පසු එය කෙළවරවිය. දැන් 2009 මැයි 27 ජිනීවා කොමිසමට 13 ඒ ක්‍රියාවට නැගීමට පොරොන්දුවීමත් සමඟ හා 13 ඒ අනුව විග්නේශ්වරන්ට බලය පවරාදීමත් සමග කෝච්චිය පල්ලමක බ්‍රේක් ගසමින් යයි.  අර ආපසු ගන්න බැරිදේ (මස් රාත්තලම) ඉල්ලන්නේ ඒ නිසාය. අමිර්තලින්ගම් එලිපිට සටන් කලත් සම්බන්ධන් ශුක්‍ෂම එන්ජින් ඩ්‍රයිවර් කෙනෙක් බව පෙනේ. රටේ ජනාධිපති, රටේ අගමැති ඔහුට සුක්කානමක් දී ඇත.

විරුද්ධ පක්‍ෂයේ නායකකමට පත්කර තිබෙන පක්‍ෂයේ චන්ද ප්‍රකාශනයේ තියෙන කරුණු 4  කුමක්ද?  (1) දෙමළ ජනතාවට ස්වයංපාලන අයිතිය ඇත (2) උතුරු නැඟෙනහිර පලාත් දෙක එක් කල යුතුය (3) ඒකීය වෙනුවට පෙඩරල් ක්‍රමයක් ඇතිකල යුතුය (4) යුද අපරාධ ගැන ජාත්‍යන්තර විමර්‍ශනයක් කල යුතුය. කලින් අවර් බෝයිස්ලා විශ්නේශ්වරන්ට අනුව දෙමළ කැප්පෙට්ටිපොලලාය. ටී එන් ඒ ඉහත චන්ද ප්‍රකාශනය නිකුත්කල රැස්වීමේදී ප්‍රභාකරන්ගේ නම කියවුන හැම විටම විසිල් හා අත්පොලොසන් නාදය. ප්‍රභාකරන්ගේ නම නැවත නැවත කීම හැම කතාකාරයාගේම අරමුණ විය.  ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයේ රඟ එසේය.

වෙල්ගම නමැති පුද්ගලයා විපක්‍ෂ නායක කමට නුසුදුසු චරිතයක් ඇත්තෙකි. එහෙත් ඒ වෙනුවට ගෙනා සම්බන්ධන් මන්ත්‍රීන් 16 ක් සිටින පවතින ආණ්ඩුවටම සම්බන්‌ධ කෙනෙකි. දකුණේ යූ එන් පී එක දිණුවේ ඔවුන්ගේ දෙමළ චන්ද නිසාය. විපක්‍ෂය විය යුතු මහින්ද ප්ලස් හෝ මයිනස් ඉතිරි පරණ නිල් කට්ටියය.

රනිල් අගමැති ඇතුළු බොහෝ දෙනා බෝර්න් අගේන් පෙඩරල් කාරයින් ය. මේ ආණ්ඩුව මේ සැරේ නම් හොඳ බැටයක් දෙනු ඇත. අගමැති, කරු ජයසූරිය හා සම්බන්ධන් එය හොඳින් කළමනාකරණය කරන්නට යන බව පැහැදිලිය. පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ඇතුලේ හා ඉන් පිට සිංහල බෞද්ධ බලවේගයක් ගොඩ නොනැඟුනොත් අවුරුදු 5 ඉවරවී මීලඟට නිල් ආණ්ඩුවක් හදන බවට මෛත්‍රී හා මහින්ද 64 සංවත්සරයේදී කියන කතා 7 ෂෙඩූල් එක යටතේ රනිල් දුන් ඒකීය දිවුරුම් පෙත්සම වගේම ඇස් බැන්ඳුමක් පමණය. මොවුන් තුන් දෙනාගෙන්ම ගෙන් බේරීමට හැකිවන්නේ සිංහල බෞද්ධ බලවේගයක් මඟින් පමණය.  බොදු ජන පෙරමුණ යළිත් අළු ගසා ඒවිද? නැවත සෝම හාමුදුරුනමක් ඒවිද?

වාර්ගික දෙමළ හෝ මුස්ලිම් ජනයාට කිසි හිරිහැරයක් නොකල යුතුය. එහෙත් මේ දිවයින සිංහල බෞද්ධ රට බවත් මෙම සිංහලේ ට 1815 දී අහිමිකලදේ 1948 දී හෝ ඉන්පසු ආපසු නැවත නොලැබුණ බවත් ඓතිහාසික සත්‍යයකි. නූතන අවශ්‍යතාවයන්ට අනුකූලව යම් යම් සංශොධන සහිතව සිංහල බෞද්ධයින්ගෙන් උඳුරාගත් අයිතිවාසිකම් ඔවුන්ට නැවත ලබාදීම , මේ රටේ සෙසු වාර්ගික ජන කොටස්වලට කරන හානියක්, වෙනස්කමක්, මානව අයිතිවාසිකම් කඩකිරීමක් නොවේ. 29 (2) වගන්තිය අනුව සර් අයිවෝර් ජෙනිංන්ස්ගේ කීමට ඩී එස් සේනානායකගෙන් ආරම්භවූ කොළඹ සිංහල ක්‍රිස්තියානි කළු සුදු යුරෝපයට ආවඩන පාලන-සමාජ ක්‍රමය වෙනුවට දැන් 2015 අගෝස්තු සිට සම්මුති දේශපාලනයක් මෛත්‍රී ජනාධිපතිට ආරම්භකල හැකිය. ඔහු මහින්ද දමනයක් කර අවසානය. ඔහුට ඉක්මණින්ම හෝ ප්‍රමාදව, කැමැත්තෙන් හෝ අකමැත්තෙන්  රනිල් දමනයක්ද කිරීමට සිදුවන බව නිසැකය.

දිවයිනේ වාර්ගික ප්‍රශ්නයට විසඳුම සම්මුතිවාදී දේශපාලනයය. ලිච්චවි මාවතය.  සාකච්චාවය. මිනිසුන් කුඩා පරිමාණ ඒකක වශයෙන් (ගම්, පංචයාත්, ජන සභා) සාකච්චාකර එකඟතාවයකට ඒමය. පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලනය හෝ උසාවි වල දැන් නඩු විසඳන ක්‍රමය හෝ නොව, සාම මණ්ඩල ක්‍රමයය. මෙය රීසනබල්නස් හෙවත් බුද්ධාගමේ මධ්‍යම ප්‍රතිපදාවය. ජනාධිපතිතුමා කියන වෛරී දේශපාලනය අත්‌හැරියයුතු පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලනයෙන් පමණක් නොව සිංහල-දෙමළ-මුස්ලිම් කාණ්ඩ විසිනුත් ය. මෙයට බාධා වන්නේ වෙනම දෙමළ රටක් සඳහා වන ටැමිල් නාඩ් හා ගෝලීය දෙමළ සටනට ලංකාව පටලවා තිබීමය. අනිත් කරුණ ඉස්ලාම් ශාරියා වහාබි ව්‍යාප්තවාදයය. අයුතු ක්‍රිස්තියානිකරණයද මීට වක්‍රව සම්බන්ධය.

ස්වයංපාලනයක් ඉල්ලන අය, ඉන්දියාවටත් වෙනස් ආකාරයේ පෙඩරල් ඉල්ලන අය, ආපසු ගන්නට බැරි බලතල තමන්ට පවරන ලෙස ඉල්ලනවිට ඒ සඳහා රනිල්-මංගල-රාජිත-ඩිලාන් ප්‍රමුඛ පිරිසක් ක්‍රියාකරනවානම් එය රටේ බෙල්ල කැපීමකි.  මොවුන් රට කැඩූ පසු මොවුන්ගේ බෙල්ල කපා වැඩක් නැත. ඒ නිසා එය බෞද්ධ නාගරාජයාගේ ක්‍රමයට වළක්වා දසරාජ ධර්‍මයට අනුව විසඳුමක් සැපයිය යුතුය. මෙවැනි විසඳුම් ක්‍රමයක් හිටපු ජනාධිපතිට ඉදිරිපත්කලත්, උගත් පාඩම් හා සංහිඳියා කොමිසමට පෙන්වා දුන්නත් බැසිල් රාජපක්‍ෂ හා ලලිත් වීරතුංග යන දෙන්නා එය කඩා කප්පල් කලේය. මෙම අළුත් විසඳුම් ක්‍රමය අනුව දිවයිනේ ග්‍රාම සේවක වසම් 14,000 (ප්‍රේමදාස් ජනාධිපති එය 4,000 සිට 14,000 දක්වා වැඩි කලේය, ලෝකයේ කොහේවත් මෙවැනි වැඩිකිරීමක් සිදුව නැත) ස්වාභාවික මායිම් (ජලය ආශ්‍රිතව) (ඉකොලොජිකල් බවුන්ඩරීස්) අනුව නැවත බෙදා අළුතින් බිහිවන ඒකක සංඛ්‍යාව ජන සභා වශයෙන් හඳුනාගෙන ඒවාට මිනිසුන්ගේ එදිනෙදා ජීවන කටයුතුවලට අදාල තීරණ ගැනීමේ බලය පවරණු ලැබේ. ජන සභාවක් පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලනයෙන් තොරව තෝරාගත් දස දෙනෙකුගේ කොමිටියක් මඟින් හසුරවනු ලබයි.

මෙම ජන සභා එකතුවකින් මැතිවරණ බල ප්‍රදේශයක් සැදේ. අනිත් අතට මේ ජන සභා වල එකතුවකින් දැන් තිබෙන ආකාරයේ පාලන දිස්ත්‍රික් හා පලාත් සදාගත හැකිය. රට දෙකට කැඩේය යන සිංහල මිනිසුන්ගේ සාධාරණ භීතිය නැති කිරීමටත්, දෙමළ පොදු අභිප්‍රායන් (අභිලාශ, ඇස්පිරේෂන්ස්) ඉටුකරගැනීමට යයි සමහර දෙමළ නායකයින් කරන උත්සාහයට අවහිර නොකිරීමටත් හැකිවන ලෙස මෙන්ම රටේ පරිසරයට හා භූගෝල විද්‍යාවට අනුකූල වන ආකාරයටත් 1832 දී යුද්ධොපායමය කෘතිම බෙදීමක් ලෙස පටන්ගත් පලාත් නමය වෙනුවට මෙම ජන සභාවල එකතුවකින් දිවයින ගංඟා ද්‍රෝණි හතකට බෙදිය හැකිය. මෙසේ එක් එක් ජන සභාවක මායිම තීරණය වන්නේ භාෂාව හෝ ආගම අනුව නොව ස්වභාවික නිර්‍ණායකයක් මතය.  එසේ වුවත් එවැනි ජන සභාවක් තුල බිහිවන ජන වාර්ගික සංයුතිය විවිධාකාර විය හැකිය. සමහරක 90% ක්ම ද්‍රවිඩ හින්දු විය හැකිය. සමහරක 90% මුස්ලිම් විය හැකිය. තවත් සමහරක, කොළඹ නගරයේදී මෙන් 65% දෙමළ හා මුස්ලිම් විය හැකිය. වැදගත් කරුණ නම් ඒවා ජාතිය හෝ ආගම අනුව ඇති කල ඒකක නොවීමය.

සංහිඳියාව ඇති කිරීම සඳහා ගන්නා ක්‍රියා සද්භාවයෙන් ගැනීම පමණක් නොසෑහේ. ඒවා දෙපැත්තටම මිස එක පැත්තට යන තීරණ නොවිය යුතුය. සම්පූර් ඉඩම් ආපසු දීම, මුර පොලවල් ඉවත් කිරීම, යුද ජයග්‍රහණය නොසැමරීම යනාදී වතුර බින්දු වලින් සාම කළය පිරවීමට ඉඩ ඇත. එහෙත් හොර පෙම්වතෙක් ඉන්නා බිරිඳගේ හිත ගැනීමට ඇයට රත්තරන් මාල, කූරු, වළලු අරන් පුදනවා මෙන් රනිල්-මංගල-රාජිතලා නැතත් ජනාධිපතිවරයා, ආපසු ගන්නට බැරි පැවරීම් කිරීමට සිතීමට පෙර දැන් තිබෙන 13 ඒ සෙල්ලම යටතේ පොයින්ට් ඔෆ් නෝ රිටර්න් වලට යන්නට හොඳටම ඉඩ ඇතිබව තේරුම් ගත යුතුය. අනිත් කරුණ නම් සම්මුතිවාදී-ලිච්චවි කතා හා ක්‍රියාව අතර පෑස්සීමක් තිබිය යුතු වීමය. හවුල් ආණ්ඩුවකට ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවක් යයි නොකිය යුතුය. ඇමතිකම් පගා ලෙස නොදිය යුතුය. චතුරාර්‍ය්‍ය සත්‍යය හා ආර්ය අෂ්ටාංගික මාර්‍ගය අනුව යා යුතුය.  1921, 1949, 1976 සිට යන කෝච්චිය නතර කරලා නැත. එය නතර කර රේල්පාරද ගලවා දැමිය යුතුය.

මෙහිදී අමතක නොකල යුතු තවත් කරුණක් නම් මන්ත්‍රීලා, ලැයිස්තු මන්ත්‍රීලා, වික්‍රමබාහුලා හැරෙන විට මිසිස් චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ සිට පරණ පෙඩරල්, මේ යුද්ධය නම් කවදාවත් දිනන්නට බෑ කියූ නිලධාරීන් බැටෑලියන් එකක්ම රාජ්‍යතන්ත්‍රයේ ඉතා වැදගත් හැම තැනකටම දමා තිබීමය. පාස්කරලින්ගම් පවා ආපසු පැමිණ ඇත. හසලක වීරයින් ජීවිතය දුන්නේ මේ ජාතික ආණ්ඩු කඩතුරාව හරහා මේ බැටෑලියන් එකට මෙදා සැරේ දෙනව බැටේ කියා කියන්නට නොවිය යුතුය.

චන්ද්‍රසිරි විජයවික්‍රම

රටක් විකිණීමට ඇත

September 4th, 2015

වංශපුර දේවගේ ජානක– යුතුකම සංවාද කවය

ඉතිහාසයේ දූෂිතම මැතිවරණයෙන් බලයට පැමිනි මෛත්‍රී-චන්ද්‍රිකා-රනිල් හවුල් ආණ්ඩුව නිවට රජයක් වනු ඇත. එමෙන්ම එය ජනමතය නොඉවසන රජයක් වෙනු ඇත. ඊටත් වඩා එය අස්ථාවර රජයක් වනු ඇත. මේ සියලු කාරණා සැපිරුණු රජයක් 1948 න් පසු මෙරට පිහිටුවා නැත. මේ රජයට නියමිත කාර්යභාරය වනුයේ සිංහලුන්ගේ ස්වාධිපත්‍යය අහිමි කිරීමය.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ මංගල සැසිවාරයේ දී ගම්මන්පිල මහතා පෙන්වාදුන් පරිදි නිවටයින් සුළු පිරිසක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුල කරන පාවාදීමට මැදිහත්වීමට මෙරට සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාවට දැන් ඉඩක් නැත. පැවති මැතිවරණය ජනතාවට ලැබුනු අවසාන අවස්ථාව විය. ගම්මන්පිල මහතාගේ ඒ ප්‍රකාශයට රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා විරෝධය පෑවේ එකල අන්කල් ටොම් නමින් හැඳින්වුනු ඇමෙරිකානු නිවෙස්-වහලුන් වත්තේ-වහලුන්ට සත්තම දැමූ ආකාරය සිහිගන්වමිනි. ගම්මන්පිලලාට කරන්නට ඇත්තේ දේශප්‍රේමී මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් කණ්ඩායමක් ලෙස දැන්වත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුල සංවිධානය වීමටය. සිංහලුන්ට කරුනු පැහැදිලි වෙන්නේ කල් ගතවීය. සිංහලුන්ගේ හතුරෝ ඔවුන්ට වඩා ඉක්මන්ය. සම්බන්ධන් මහතා විපක්‍ෂ නායකවරයා පත්කෙරීමට පළමුව දේශප්‍රේමීන් සංවිධානය වී සිටියේ නම් අඩුතරමින් ඔවුන්ට විපක්‍ෂ නායකධූරයට හිමිකම් කියන්නට තිබිනි. දැන් මැතිවරණ සමයේදී අනුර කුමාර මහතා ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ සට කපටකම් ගැන උදම් ඇණුවාසේම යහපාලනවාදීන්ට උදම් ඇණිය හැකිය. කෙසේ වෙතත් සම්බන්ධන් මහතාට විපක්‍ෂ නායක ධූරය පිරිනැමීම මෛත්‍රී-චන්ද්‍රිකා-රනිල් හවුලේ යහපාලන ව්‍යාපෘතියට අනුකූලය. එක් අතකින් ඒ අරමුණු නොසඟවා ක්‍රියාත්මකවීම ගම්මන්පිලලාගේ ඉදිරි ගමනට පාර කැපීමකි.


අපේ රටට මිළක් නියමවූයේ මීට වසර දෙක තුනකට පෙරය ඒ විශ්ව විද්‍යාල ආචාර්යවරුන්ගේ පඩිවැඩි කිරීම සඳහා කෙරුනු උද්ඝෝශණයක් රෙජිම වෙනස් කරන ව්‍යාපෘතියක් බවට පෙරලා ගැනීමත් සමඟය. එතැන් සිට අද දක්වා දැන හෝ නොදැන හෝ තමන්ගේ පුද්ගලිකත්වය වෙනුවෙන් මෙරට විකුනන්නට කැමතිවූවන් එකට ගොනු කෙරිනි. මෛත්‍රී-චන්ද්‍රිකා-රනිල් හවුල් ආණ්ඩුව එහි උච්චස්ථානයයි. ඒ අතරතුරේදී ජාතිකත්වයක් තිබි සිංහලුන්ගේ සිවිල් සහ රාජ්‍ය ආයතන මරා දැමින නැතිනම් අඩපන කෙරින.

ප්‍රබල රාජ්‍යයකට ජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්ති මත ක්‍රියාකරන ප්‍රබල රාජ්‍ය ආයතන තිබිය යුතුය. කොමිසන් සභා පිහිටුවීමේ ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය අරමුණ එයය. නමුත් ආයතන ශක්තිමත් කල හැක්කේ නීතිමය රාමු සැකසීමෙන් නොව දේශපාලනිකවය. ඉංග්‍රීසීන්ට යටත්වූ පසු සිංහලුන්ට ගොඩනැඟීමට හැකිවුනු එකම ප්‍රබල රාජ්‍ය ආයතනය ගොඩනැඟුනේ මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ රජය යටතේය. ඒ රාජ්‍ය ආරක්‍ෂක අමාත්‍යංශයය. මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ රජය නිර්මාණය කල සන්නද්ධ හමුදාව, ඔත්තු සේවාව ඇතුළු රාජ්‍ය ආරක්‍ෂාව පිළිබඳ රාජ්‍ය ආයතන ව්‍යුහය ජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්ති මත ක්‍රියාකරන ශක්තිමත් එමෙන්ම ස්වාධීන ආයතනයක් විය. එසේ නොවිනිනම් සරත් පොන්සේකාට නිසි පරිදි යුධ හමුදාව මෙහෙයවීමට අවකාශයක් නොලැබෙනු ඇත. අද මේ ශක්තිමත් රාජ්‍ය ආයතනය අඩපන කෙරීමට මෛත්‍රී-චන්ද්‍රිකා-රනිල් හවුල ක්‍රියාකරමින් සිටියි. එදා මිලෙනියම් සිටි පිහිටි දුර මෙහෙයුම් හමුදා ඛන්ඩය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ විසින් පාවාදුන් ආකාරයටම අදද මේ රජය විසින් යුධ හමුදාවේ ඔත්තු සේවාව අනාවරණය කෙරෙයි. එහි අරමුණ සිංහල ජාතිකත්වයේ ආයතනයක් විනාශ කර දැමීමය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්‍ෂය සිංහල ජාතිකත්වය සතුවූ සිවිල් ආයතනය විය. එහි මළගම ඊයේ පොළොන්නරුවේ පැවතුනු අතර පාංශුකූලය දෙනු ලැබුවේ ආචාර්ය සරත් විජේසූරිය මහතා විසිනි. ශ්‍රීලනිප පාක්‍ෂිකයින්ගේ ජාතිකත්වය නැති කොට ඔවුන් “ශිෂ්ඨ” කල යුතුයැයි එහි නායකයින් සිතනවා විය හැකිය. සිංහලුන් සංස්කෘතියෙන් වෙනස් වන්නට අකමැත්තක් නැත නමුත් ඔවුන් සරත් විජේසූරියලාට අවශ්‍ය පරිදි වෙනස් වේ යැයි සිතිය නොහැකිය.

සතුරන් විසින් සිංහලුන් සතුවූ රාජ්‍ය සහ සිවිල් ආයතන අඩපන කර නැත්නම් විනාශ කර ඇත. දැන් මෙරට විකුණා දැමීමට නියමිතය. දේශප්‍රේමී සිංහලුන් ශ්‍රීලනිපයට විකල්පයක් ගොඩනඟා ගත යුතුය. එහිදී 1818දී මෙන් සමූහ ඝාතනයට ලක් නොවී තමන් ගලවා ගැනීමට පැමිණෙන ඊනියා ගැලවුම් කරුවන්ගෙන්ද ගැලවී සීරුවෙන් ඉදිරියට යාමට සිංහලුන් වග බලාගත යුතුය.

වංශපුර දේවගේ ජානක
– යුතුකම සංවාද කවය

ඔබේ මනාපය රට වෙනුවෙන් කැපවුනු යුතුකම සංවාද කවයේ ෆේස්බුක් පිටුවේ ලකුණු කරන්න.
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හවුල් ආණ්ඩුවට යන සන්ධාන මන්ත‍්‍රීන් තොගය මෙන්න…

September 4th, 2015


ජාතික ආන්ඩුවක් සඳහා ඇමති මණ්ඩලය වැඩි කිරීමට ඊයේ දිනයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී පැවති ඡන්ද විමසීමේදී එම යෝජනාවට පක්‍ෂව ඡන්දය දුන්  සන්ධාන මන්ත‍්‍රීවරුන් 35 මෙසේය.

මහින්ද යාපා, සරත් අමුණුගම,
ලසන්ත අලගියවන්න,
ටි.බී. ඒකනායක,
මොහාන් ලාල් ගේ‍්‍රරු,
ගීතා කුමාරසිංහ,
මලිත් ජයතිලක,
ප‍්‍රියංකර ජයරත්න,
දයාසිරි ජයසේකර,
පේ‍්‍රමලාල් ජයසේකර,
ජනක බණ්ඩාර තෙන්නකෝන්,
නිමල් සිරිපාල සිල්වා,
දුමින්ද දිසානායක,
එස්.බි. දිසානායක,
ඩග්ලස් දේවානන්දා,
මනූෂ නානායක්කාර,
සුසන්ත පුංචි නිලමේ,
ඩිලාන් පෙරේරා,
අරුන්දිාක ප‍්‍රනාන්දු,
සුදර්ශනී ප‍්‍රනාන්දු පුල්ලේ,
සුසිල් පේ‍්‍රම්ජයන්ත්,
සාරානාත් බස්නායක,
නිශාන්ත මුතුහෙට්ටිගම,
ෆයිසර් මුස්තාපා,
අනුර ප‍්‍රියදර්ශණ යාපා,
සී.බී. රත්නායක,
කෙහෙලිය රඹුක්වැල්ල,
නිමල් ලංසා,
දුලිප් විජේසේකර,
චන්දිම වීරක්කොඩි,
රංජිත් සියඹලාපිටිය,
තිලංග සුමතිපාල,
ජොන් සෙනෙවිරත්න,
විජිතමුණි සොයිසා,
ඒ.එල්.එම්. හිසුබුල්ලා,
ඒ.එච්.එම් ෆවුසි
වන්නි දිස්ත‍්‍රික්කයෙන් පත් වූ සන්ධාන මන්ත‍්‍රී

When you have wept your grief………..

September 3rd, 2015

By Charles.S.Perera

When you have wept your grief, and smothered the last drop of tears you are completely exhausted, lifeless, and nothing seems to matter.

What is left is only the  smitten body of once a proud nation in a bier,  four  terrorists in their  fatigues  stand silently on guard at the four corners with their hands resting on the steel rod of the T56 assault rifles kept standing before them. The red flag with tiger head in a circle of bullets covers half of the bier. Some one had thrown on the ground under the bier a half burnt lion flag. On the bier is a black hand glove of the Queen Elizabeth which she took off to shake the hand of a leader who is also responsible for the smitten body lying in state inside the bier.

The people sad and grief stricken were walking away.  They knew that on the third day the fallen nation will not rise again with the glory that it was before the 8th January, 2015. They were returning to their homes  to meditate and pray . Sadly they pursued their evening walk talking over the events that led to the unredeemable loss. Never had they been  so utterly disheartened hopeless and faithless, they were walking in the shadow of the once victorious , peaceful and a fast developing nation, today lying in a bier.

Their grief could not be restrained and they wept as they walked on .  They went together into their homes and closed and fastened doors knowing that the fate of the nation might any time be theirs . ( with apology to  Luke 24-The Walk to Emmaus)

At the bier readied for state funeral.

There are Catholic Bishops with their immaculate white gowns with the purple belt, Mullahs with their long beards, and half naked Hindu pujaris in attendance.  The once fluttering lion flags are no where to be seen. What does it matter now .

It is the TNA leader Sampathan the leader of the Opposition in charge of the  burial ceremony.  It is C.V.Wineswaran the Chief Minister of NPC who is to deliver the funeral oration. Rauf Hakeem is waiting to take away whatever would be left when every thing is over

An important delegation with the USA State Secretary John Kerry representing the President of USA along with Biswal and Robert O’Blake  and many others occupy the front seats.  The Sri Lanka leaders are  in the second row, Maitripala Sirisena  behind Biswal, Ranil behind  Robert O’Blake and Mangala Samaraweera behind John Kerry.

Also occupying the front most seats are Modi Indian Prime Minister , Jayalalitha seated next to him along side Hillary Clinton. There is also David Cameron with the flag with which he  flagged off the LTTE torch relay to Geneva demanding awareness of genocide in Sri Lanka which started from 10 Downing Street. The Prime Minister of Canada Stephen Harper has still not turned up.  David Miliband  and  Bernard Kouchner  are expected.

However, the people are not expected at the burial ceremony. Chandrika , Champika, Sobhita Thero and Ratana Thero will come back when every thing is over hoping to resuscitate a phantom Nation.

At the funeral oration Wigneswaran, will not speak of democracy or separatism  because they have got what they wanted.

Those who  voted for a change perhaps did not expect this sudden turn  of events.  They still do  not know that it would be worse than it was when  terrorism was assailing the nation. But it is that Nation that survived the terrorist attacks that is now being prepared for a state funeral. Bugles are already playing the Last Post.

Adieu Sri Lanka I have no more tears to shed ………..May you be reborn again  with the glory that was yours before.

Refer Sri Lanka to the UN General Assembly: Enough of UNHRC witch-hunt

September 3rd, 2015

Shenali D Waduge

 “Not only must Justice be done; it must also be seen to be done.” For 3 decades Sri Lanka endured terrorism. The present calls for accountability and other nomenclatures were not to be seen throughout the past. After playing no part to end terror, after Sri Lanka’s military solution, the UN is coming down hard on Sri Lanka creating precedents after a conflict has ended. The illegalities and beyond the mandate decisions warrants Sri Lanka’s case to be taken before the UN General Assembly where Sri Lanka as a member state can “make recommendations for the peaceful settlement of any situation that might impair friendly relations among nations”. With the immunity UN officials have there is a question on the ethnics and impartiality of their decision making especially when evidence shows an unusual web of deceit and illegalities taking place against a founder UN member nation. The UN General Assembly members are appealed to come to the assistance of Sri Lanka before these precedents become used on their nations too.

Sri Lanka has faced innumerable international pressures, humiliations from the very nations that have banned the LTTE declaring it the world’s most brutal terrorist organization. Our envoys had been humiliated in the UN, events to which Sri Lanka participated as a Commonwealth nation faced a diatribe of diplomatic insults and media campaigns calling for boycotts. Visits of the country’s head faced insults and a very crude and unfair diplomatic/UN/media partnered with all other entities controlled by the West went out to declare Sri Lanka as guilty using propaganda.


Joint statement   

  • Nowhere in the joint statement does the GOSL commit to holding an investigation

Arguments against Panel of Experts Report

  • This was an advisory opinion personally commissioned by the UNSG only
  • PoE not sanctioned by either the UN General Assembly, the UN Security Council or the UN Human Rights Council
  • PoE is not an official UN report. It was never tabled in the UNHRC to give Sri Lanka official right of response and therefore it is illegal to be used as the basis for the successive resolutions and to be quoted by the UNHRC head in official reports/statements. How did a Panel appointed for personal advisory opinion end up as source for successive UNHRC Resolutions and the basis on which UNHRC head based her reports?
  • The UNSG’s PoE was appointed on 22nd June 2010 just days after Sri Lanka appointed the LLRC on 15 May 2010 showing no respect for Sri Lanka’s appointment of a domestic mechanism.
  • UNSG’s spokesman Martin Nesirky said the panel is “not a fact-finding mission…not an investigation…not an inquiry…not a probe….only a panel to advise the UNSG”.
  • The Panel said ‘upto 40,000 may have died’ but there are no sources cited for the panel to use this number. This figure has become a battering ram against the GOSL and may have been elevated to actually ‘had been killed’.
  • PoE does not mention the other figures quoted as dead in report. UN Country Team figure of 7,721 (up until 13 May 2009) the PoE says is too low to be accepted. PoE does not provide concrete evidence as to how 40,000 figure could be acceptable.
  • The Panel on LTTE
  • Very strange for the PoE panel to classify LTTE as ‘the most disciplined and most nationalist of the Tamil militant groups’.
  • Credible allegations that approx. 300,000 – 330,000 civilians were kept hostage and prevented from leaving
  • Civilians used as human shields and as strategic human buffer to the advancing SL Army
  • Civilians forced to join ranks of LTTE to dig trenches and contributed to blurring distinction between combatants and civilians
  • LTTE fired artillery to large groups of civilians and fired from civilian installations including hospitals
  • Civilians sacrificed for the LTTE cause
  • The PoE does not give civilians killed or injured by LTTE
  • “From February 2009 onwards, the LTTE started point-blank shooting of civilians who attempted to escape the conflict zone, significantly adding to the death toll in the final stages of the war.”
  • LTTE “fired artillery in proximity to large groups of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and fired from, or stored military equipment near, IDPs or civilian installations such as hospitals.”
  • PoE’s findings on alleged criminal violations fall short of legal standards associated with an impartial inquiry
  • PoE Report’s finds are un-sourced (in the main body, in the footnotes and annexes) This makes it impossible to carry out further investigation which the PoE recommends.
  • PoE does not offer evidence of circumstances of alleged attacks, presence of legitimate military targets, how PoE determined on evidence of where the attacks came and whether those attacks were on civilians and the proportion.
  • If the PoE admits that LTTE kept hostages, used civilians as human shields and combatants to fight the SL Army and fired from among the civilians and targeted even hospitals how can the PoE authoratively say the SL army is responsible for killing civilians unlawfully?
  • Why did the Panel state that the conflict ended ‘tragically’ when the entire country was relieved that they could walk out of their homes without fear.
  • Why does the Panel refer to and make comments on the family of HE the President when their mandate was only the last stages of the conflict
  • PoE did not submit witness statements (even anonymous ones) alongside the report. No report can be accepted without primary sources.
  • PoE in reality is a non-legal analysis based on ‘suspicions’ and lack proof & evidence needed for an international court.
  • In short the PoE in a court offers no substance or value having no evidence, sources to prove allegations in trials for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Discrepancies in the successive Resolutions of 2012, 2013, 2014 & investigation on Sri Lanka

  • OHCHR is investigating for the 1st time a country where a conflict ended without sanction of the UN General Assembly or the UN Security Council and based on a report that was a personally commissioned one and not even tabled at the UNHRC
  • Illegality of using the PoE as a basis for the Resolutions and UNHRC reports/statements is questioned
  • Exceeding mandate – The resolution was initially to cover crimes of both parties during the period under LLRC (2002 to 2009) but it has now self-appointed itself to investigate upto 2011 (2 years after the conflict which applies only to GOSL)
  • OHCHR by manipulating operative paragraphs is creating dangerous precedents likely to affect other member states.
  • Why is 1/3 of the conflict being investigated ignoring justice for the rest of the victims?
  • Discovery of a LTTE cadre tasked by TNA to collect signatures on blank forms to be submitted to the UNHRC investigators reveal a plan to manipulate the investigation with bogus witness accounts being filled by third parties.
  • That the UNHRC was in receipt of these falsely filled forms were not made public. After the arrest was made the UNHRC response was to chide the GOSL accusing it of hampering the investigation but avoided not denying they were in receipt of such filled forms. The UNHRC head did say they had a mechanism to detect bogus forms but why was it that this was not made public and it was only after the arrest that we came to know that an effort was being made to manipulate the investigation through false witness accounts.
  • The LTTE cadre was obtaining blank signatures on the assurance that the people would be compensated by the UNHRC. The same had been done when the PoE were investigating.

Neutrality of Navi Pillay the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights

  • Conflict of interest – she is an ethnic Tamil sharing genetics and emotional attachments to the Tamil cause through family and roots as well as various other bindings
  • You cannot be a judge in your own case (case of Lord Hoffman). The judge or presiding officer must be free from disabling conflicts of interest thus making the fairness of the proceedings or investigation less likely to be questioned. The provision of recusal should have prevailed wherein Navi Pillay should have opted to recuse herself from investigating Sri Lanka as neutrality of judges is a sine quo non in the judicial process
  • Consistently issuing statements against Sri Lanka from her office without any evidence
  • Using LTTE sources to cite her allegations
  • Her calls for international investigations ignores 30 years of LTTE terror insisting on last 3 months only
  • She committed procedural bias by circulating her own incriminating report while refusing to attach Sri Lanka’s response
  • making statements without substantiate evidence in accusing the GOSL as being ‘authoritarian’
  • Including non-conflict related items into her reports and statements which should have been taken separately through the universal periodic review and not incorporated into Resolutions against Sri Lanka
  • she listens with empathy to spouses of dead LTTE leaders she never visited a single non-Tamil victim

The Charles Petrie Cover-up PoE

  • Case of another leaked report
  • Assignment of Charles Petrie, UN official in Rwanda (where UN abandoned 1m Tutsis to be killed)
  • Petrie headed a Norwegian funded project “Myanmar Peace Support Initiative’ though UN rules forbid staff to be employed by other governments (Article 100 UN Charter)
  • Petrie report uses ‘unnamed sources’ quoted in the PoE and unsubstantiated allegations by NGOs to discredit Sri Lanka
  • Petrie report excludes mention of LTTE suicide in makeshift reception centre where civilians and military personnel died
  • Petrie report was tasked to declare the UN was to blame for not stopping bloodshed what about the bloodshed over 3 decades that UN did nothing about?
  • The GOSL ended 3 decades of terror and within 3 years rehabilitated and reintegrated 11989 surrendered LTTE combatants, gave a presidential pardon to 594 child soldiers who were put through schooling & vocational training, the SL military restored irrigation infrastructure, canals, tanks, revived agriculture and farming, restored over 1000 schools, healthcare facilities, renovated kovils and even helped build houses for the IDPs.

Manipulations by Media – Human Rights Groups & funded agencies/organizations

The guilty are Amnesty International, International Crisis Group, Australian Red Cross, Human Rights Law Centre, ABC Four Corners, ABC Radio Australia, AFP, BBC, Channel 4, Groundviews, Reuters, Sydney Morning Herald, the Australian, Voice of America, Gordon Weiss. PoE’s conclusion that “there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths.” PoE’s conclusion that “there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths.” PoE’s conclusion that “there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths.”

PoE’s conclusion that “there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths.” PoE’s conclusion that “there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths.” PoE’s conclusion that “there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths.”

  • PoE’s conclusion that “there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths.” was manipulated by media to report that 40,000 or more were actually killed (above link will give detailed examples of the media’s distortions)
  • Media also replaced ‘credible allegations’ with ‘credible evidence’ thus relaying internationally that the GOSL were the guilty party through their media coverage.
  • C4 documentary is a private documentary – those funding it have not been disclosed. The star witnesses were proven LTTE cadres. Isolated cases were shown but inflated to project a command structure and thus create media guilt against the SL troops.
  • If individuals soldiers are guilty of ignoring military commanders orders / GOSL Sri Lanka policy and the laws of the SL military these individual cases need to be taken separately by the SL military courts and soldiers punished separately. Individual acts do not constitute any war crimes/crimes against humanity.

The FACTS : The Civilians – the Disappeared – the Dead – the voluntary human shields

  • Civilians were herded and taken by LTTE. If that had not been done there would be no reason to argue the plight of civilians. That LTTE held civilians by force for over 5 months without releasing them becomes an automatic war crime.
  • LTTE deliberately misused civilians to protect its military targets
  • Blur of distinction – LTTE used civilians of all ages including children (child soldiers in civilian) making it difficult for the Army to differentiate between civilians and fighters and fighters and human shields.
  • LTTE used civilians as human shields, prevented them from fleeing and even fired at those fleeing
  • LTTE refused to agree to a safe zone which is evidence of its intent to use civilians as objects. A one-sided no-fire-zone is not official.
  • LTTE did keep military objectives inside the GOSL marked no fire zone.
  • Sufficient evidence of military requesting civilians to move to safe zones via leaflets, mikes, etc
  • There is no evidence to suggest SL Army commanders ignored Article 57(1) of Protocol 1 (Geneva Convention) that in the conduct of military operations care has to be taken to spare civilian population, civilians and civilian objects.
  • US Embassy is quoted to say that the SL army took ‘utmost care’ to avoid civilian casualties.
  • If laws of combat requires LTTE not to fire shielded by civilians – the SL military cannot be held responsible for firing causing death of civilians. The law is that LTTE cannot fire from among civilians.
  • The military cannot suffer lethal force of enemy because it is under legal obligation not to respond using lawful force in self-defense.
  • LTTE did have a people’s militia – civilians were given armed training by the LTTE. They did not wear uniforms but carried guns and followed a chain of command. Article 51 (3)  of Protocol 1 says that civilians enjoy protections ‘unless and for such time as they take a direct part in hostilities”. How many civilians were ‘voluntary combatants’ and died as a result? If they placed their lives at risk by participating in hostilities they do not enjoy combatant immunity.
    • How many were LTTE cadres in uniform
    • How many were LTTE cadres in civil clothing
    • How many were volunteer combatants in civil clothing carrying arms
    • How many were involuntary combatants carrying arms
    • How many were civilians who took no part in hostilities?
    • How many what we presume to be ‘hostages’ or ‘human shields’ were in fact LTTE combatants in civilian?
    • Note: all the close to 12,000 LTTE cadres who surrendered to the army were in civilian clothing.
  • If LTTE used civilians to enjoy military advantage by virtue of this illegality LTTE cannot seek undue advantage for intentionally endangering civilians.
  • LTTE also stationed military objects inside schools and hospitals and fired from inside
  • SL Military commanders have every right to consider the safety of their forces in determining proportionality
  • Good to remember that laws and right actions can be discussed on paper and outside a theatre of war but in a tense situation of firing / cross firing etc… can anyone imagine a soldier take out the Geneva protocols and having time to determine which laws apply before he can defend himself and would he be alive to tell the world how he assessed the situation?

The Credibility of the Dead – no names after 6 years!

  • When the death estimates are just over 100,000 in 30 years isn’t it curious that Tamil deaths during the final few days should rise to over 40,000!
  • Whether the number quoted as being dead is 1 or 100, or 1000, or 40,000 or more if anyone gives a number they must accompany that number with a name.
  • Even after 6 years we are told that 40,000 or more died but no one has produced the names of the supposed to be dead people.
  • Ban Ki Moon travelled to the North when he arrived on 23 May 2009 just 5 days after the military end of LTTE, if 40,000 or more had been buried the burial sites would have been visible from the helicopter and would have been photographed by those accompanying him.
  • US Satellite imagery found only 3 grave sites and one belonged to LTTE.
  • If the C4 is having mobile footage of soldiers killing surely they must produce footage of soldiers burying such a large number of dead people and stuffing them inside graves. No one has produced a single picture of soldiers digging graves, stuffing the dead or closing the graves! Digging graves for 40,000 is no easy task and time consuming too especially when firing was taking place from both sides. Moreover, with so many quoted as being dead the small area which had a lagoon too should have been covered with dead bodies!

Important Points

  • PoE – “LTTE cadre were not always in uniform” led to “retaliatory fire by the Government, often resulting in civilian casualties.”
  • Amnesty International 2011 report – “LTTE used civilians as human shields and conscripted child soldiers”.
  • ICRC Head of Operations for South Asia Jacques de Maio cable to US – LTTE “saw the civilian population as a protective asset’ and kept its fighters embedded amongst them”. LTTE commanders’ objective was to keep the distinction between civilian and military assets blurred. They would often respond positively when the ICRC complained to the LTTE about stationing weapons at a hospital, for example. The LTTE would move the assets away, but as they were constantly shifting these assets, they might just show up in another unacceptable place shortly thereafter.”
  • UN Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs & Emergency Relief Coordinator John Holmes 26 Mach 2009 – “LTTE continue to reject the Government’s call to lay down their arms and let the civilian population leave, and have significantly stepped-up forced recruitment and forced labor of least two UN staff, 3 dependents and 11 NGO staff have been subject to forced recruitment by the LTTE in recent weeks”…..” there are continuing reports of shelling from both sides, including inside the ‘no-fire zone, where the LTTE seems to have set up firing positions.”
  • US Ambassador Robert Blake – 27 January 2009 “LTTE must immediately desist from firing heavy weapons from areas within or near civilian concentrations”
  • US Ambassador Robert Blake – “…As the Sri Lankan army was pushing north into the Tamil areas, the predominantly Tamil areas that were controlled by the LTTE for more than two decades, … … The LTTE systematically refused international efforts to allow those internally displaced persons to move south. To move away from conflict areas where they could have been given food and shelter and so forth. So they systematically basically refused all efforts and in fact violated international law by not allowing freedom of movement to those civilians. So had the LTTE actually allowed people to move south, none of this would have happened in the first place, so it’s important to make that point. I think that often gets lost in the debate on this…” (THERE WOULD HAVE BEEN NO CIVILIAN CASUALTIES IF THE LTTE HAD NOT FORCIBLY OR VOLUNTARILY TAKEN CIVILIANS WITH THEM)
    LTTE had also been using resources given by UN and NGOs for its military purposes – boats given by Save the Children, tents by UNHCR, hospitals and even heavy equipment of NGOs used by LTTE.
  • John Holmes – “As the LTTE retreated, the Tamil civilian population from the area they had controlled were going with them, which obviously exposed them to huge risks. How voluntaiy was this? It was hard to say for certain.”
  • Testimony of Dr. Shanmugarajah before CoI on LLRC in November 2010 – confirmed that he treated civilians who had been shot by LTTE when trying to move to safer areas.
  • food and medicine sent to the North were monitored regularly by the Consultative Committee on Humanitarian Assistance (CCHA), which comprised officials from the Government, the UN and other humanitarian agencies, and representatives of the diplomatic community based in Colombo, including Japan, USA, Norway and the European Union.
  • Question of how 20,000 LTTE cadres could take 300,000 Tamils by force which means some civilians would have gone voluntarily.
  • The ICTY has made it clear that lHL strictly prohibits the feigning of civilian status in an internal armed conflict under the rule against perfidy.” – we need to know how many LTTE were in civilian attire and pretending to be civilians and attacking the military and their deaths becomes a perfidious conduct not even collateral damage.
  • The accounts of the real eyewitnesses like the journalists Murali Reddy are not taken to account by the UN investigators, UNHRC heads or UN
  • No one answers why the army would prolong the final assault, declare 3 no fire zones, 2 Presidential appeals to LTTE to lay down arms and surrender, save 295,873 Tamils, compromise the lives of over 2500 soldiers when the army could have easily ordered soldiers to fire and finish off the enemy without taking months to complete the military operation.
  • If the Sri Lankan military had been indiscriminately firing at the no fire zones since 21st January 2009 how did 11,000 LTTE combatants live to surrender

You cannot have international laws, regulations and rules applicable to one set of nations and the same are ignored by another set. You cannot have justice systems favouring one set and disfavouring another. There is clearly an imbalance and the fact of the matter is that the very nations that violate all the law books are the very nations self-empowered to point fingers at other nations.

Illegal invasions, occupations have taken place. Mercenaries are being trained & transported as rebels and bombings for peace is the norm while a piece for peace is the next alternative as nations are now getting carved and cut on a new ideology called R2P a new method of taxing where a handful of corporates now decide who rules where and how. If 10 companies control everything we buy and a handful of elite families hold the entire wealth they invariably hold the buttons to wars too. Lets not forget that the banks funded both sides of World War 1 that involved 27 nations, 66m people, 37m casualties, 7m deaths and cost $210trillion. The same banking cartel supported both sides of World War 2 as well.

Sri Lanka has suffered 3 decades of enduring pain for other people to profit. The next phase of that has become the tarnishing campaign and the lengths to which international entities are going for lack of provable evidence is disheartening and totally uncalled for.

It is therefore now the best time for Sri Lanka’s case to be taken up by the members of the General Assembly to stop certain sections/parties within the UN from carrying out a witch hunt. In 6 years none of that was alleged has been proved. How fair is it to use media to tarnish Sri Lanka and hold inquiries while declaring people guilty until some sort of evidence is sought or framed because these entities are now too embarrassed to admit that they have gone beyond the mandate and more importantly they do not have a shred of evidence to prove war crimes were committed from a top down order.

The time has come to have Sri Lanka friendly-nations to refer Sri Lanka to the General Assembly and the General Assembly to take up Sri Lanka’s defence on the floor of the UN.

Shenali D Waduge


  • Sir Desmond de Silva, QC
  • Sir Geoffrey Nice – led the prosecution of Slobodan Milošević at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY)
  • Rodney Dixon – prosecuted and defended cases before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the Rwanda Tribunal (ICTR), the Special Court for Cambodia, the War Crimes Chamber for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Special Court for Sierra Leone.
  • Michael Newton, Professor of the Practice of Law, Vanderbilt University School of Law
  • Professor DM Crane
  • Legal arguments by attorney Dharshan Weerasekera

දිනන්න උදව්කළ අයට දොළ පිදේනි දෙනවා-විමල් වීරවංශ

September 3rd, 2015

දිනන්න උදව්කළ අයට දොළ පිදේනි දෙනවා-විමල් වීරවංශ


‘‘27000ක් ජීවිත පුදලා බේරාගත්තු රට මේ විදිහට පාවලා දෙන්න අපි ඉඩ තියන්නේ නැහැ…
සන්ධාන ප‍්‍රතිපත්ති ප‍්‍රකාශනයේ ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවක් ගැන එක වචනයක්වත් නැහැ. සන්ධානයට ජනතාව ඡන්දය දුන්නේ සන්ධාන ආණ්ඩුවක් හදන්න. එහෙම නැතිනම් විපක්‍ෂයේ ඉදිමින් ඡන්දය දුන් ඒ ජනතාවගේ අභිලාෂයන් ඉටු කරන්න. දැන් ඒ ජනවරම ඔළුවෙන් හිටවන්න හදනවා…
රටේ ප‍්‍රශ්න විසඳන එක කාටත් එකතු වෙලා කළ හැකියි. ඒකට ජාතික ආණ්ඩු, ඇමති ධුර අවශ්‍ය නැහැ.
ජනවාරි 08 වැනිදා තමන්ට දිනන්න උදව් කළ අයට අද දොළ පිදේනි දෙනවා. රනිල්ට අගමැතිකම, සම්බන්ධන්ට විපක්‍ෂනායකකම අනුරට විපක්‍ෂයේ ප‍්‍රධාන සංවිධායකකම‘‘ යැයි විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා අද පාර්ළිමේන්තුවේදී පැවසීය.





September 3rd, 2015

Gomin Dayasri

Devin Jinadasa is the first Sri Lankan writer to have a trilogy of fantasy stories published by a British publisher. He is 16 years of age and attends Asian International School. It’s a book by a child for children. The Title of the book is SILVER MOON: THE WAR BEGINS. The publisher is the famed British publishing House of Austin Macauley.

His mother is lawyer Manoli Jinadasa who appeared in some of the most prominent cases of national interest in recent times such as the North East De -Merger, Dismantling of PTOMS structures, Land being made a subject of the Central Government over ruling previous judgments where Land was assigned to the provincial governments, Devaluing the Powers wrongfully acquired by the Chief Minister of the Northern Province, Mutur & Sencholai cases against the Military on Human rights allegations. Mrs Jinadasa appeared pro deo along with the other lawyers and was successful in every such case earning great public acclaim. His father is a Director of a high ranking shipping company.

A remarkable fact is that Devin is a closely associated in his temple activities and is a active young Buddhists and falls and worships most elders in the best Sinhala traditions he meets and is possibly the only Sinhala Buddhist of such tender age who has earned such esteem internationally in the field of literature at such tender age.

Here is a review of the book by another remarkable young girl of 14 years attending a school in Thailand. She is also a daughter of a famous lawyer Shalindri Jayasinghe (Mrs Ranawana) considered a brilliant legal mind now working in Thailand where her husband is attached to the Asian Development Bank.

Silver Moon:The War Begins
by Devin Jinadasa

Review by Sashini Ranawana

 This summer in Sri Lanka, I was asked to review Devin Jinadasa’s book Silver Moon: The War Begins, from the perspective of a young reader. As the daughter of Devin‘s mum’s friend, I have met Devin twice before; once as a very young boy, an encounter I cannot even remember and once a couple of years ago when we visited to see his new puppies. I knew Devin was cool when he remained calm and pretended nothing had happened when my little sister dropped one of the puppies she was carrying and nearly killed him!

So I expected a cool book by Devin and that is exactly what we have got. Once I had gotten over the initial shock of hearing that Devin had written a book at 14 years and had it published by 16, I started to get critical like any 14 year old girl would. However, the book captivated me from the start and I had very little to be critical about. The story is full of adventure and humor, both of which make the book an ideal read for young teenagers like me.

Obviously, the main reason the story appeals to young readers is because it is written by a teenager for teenagers, most of whom are obsessive about adventures surrounding werewolves and vampires and are always looking forward to more books of this genre. Most fiction and fantasy books tend to be written by adults for teenagers so it’s hard for the author to understand what actually appeals to those younger readers. This book written by Devin is enjoyable for this reason. He seems to know what language and what twists and turns would get his audience excited enough to not want to put the book down. Thankfully for me, for the first time, being late for dinner because I was buried in the pages of the book, did not anger my mum.

The informal language Devin uses is really what makes reading the book very easy. In fact, it’s a book that can be read and enjoyed even by those younger than me. The down-to-earth, easy-to-read style does not take away from the sophisticated plot. It is how he uses words that is most interesting. It’s funny how he uses everyday words boys and girls use amongst themselves so effectively to make the reader feel like they are a part of the plot. It’s so easy to identify yourself with the werewolves who seem to be saying and doing exactly what we kids say and do everyday. For instance,  Danny’s statement that nothing is going to stand between them and TV is so true of many kids of our age today and this is why they will feel like they belong somewhere in the book.

The beginning of the book, particularly the fist line which cuts straight into the subject, immediately grips the reader. By starting with a question, Devin has drawn the readers into the story right away almost making them a part of it. This is a very effective writing technique which he continues to use throughout the story to thoroughly engage the reader.

I was surprised at how Devin had incorporated his knowledge of myths and legends into the plot. This is a wonderful way to educate kids who are generally bored by such information. For example his interpretation of Greek myths and Japanese folktales is truly fascinating. Maybe the readers of his book will be inspired to learn more about ancient fables and stories. The way he has incorporated the legend of Rome’s creation, the story of the Japanese More, the myth of the Turkish Ashiai Tuwu and the Indian Raksha are incredibly interesting.

One of the reasons this book is very readable is because it’s unique, in comparison with other fantasy books about vampires and werewolves, where both are normally portrayed as the enemies of humans. For the first time I’ve read of werewolves on a mission to save the humans. In fact the book seems to be trying to break down many stereotypes; Werewolves who are saving the world, girls who fight better than boys and many more. Devin is exploring subject that do not have easy answers but he has been very brave in exposing us to them.

I loved the way Devin uses some uniquely hilarious figurative language such as similes and metaphors to give the story added excitement. For instance, it’s hard not to visualize a pulverized Sonny Rango when you hear the main character say he could ‘take on a thousand Sonny Rangos and turn them all into barbecued shish kebabs! Extra crispy!” It’s also not hard to imagine how difficult the job of Danny is when his task is described as being as difficult as “trying to join two opposite end of magnets together”.

Devin is great at giving great details without being boring. For example his description of the werewolf hierarchy or the Wolf House are fascinating. He gives tiny details, such as about the role of the Sentinels and the Hunters or in describing Danny’s room, which look irrelevant but make sense when you finish reading the book. What an imagination!

The book is one big exciting story. Devin ends on a cliffhanger that really gets the reader wondering what is in store for Danny McMoon. He has been very clever in not giving it an end, for there are still many questions to be answered and so much to  look forward to. All I can say is that I cannot wait for book 2 to arrive.

The book is released in Sri Lanka on 4 September 2015 and has been launched previously in London and is available at leading booksellers.

Save energy in cooking and frying for health reasons.

September 3rd, 2015

Dr Hector Perera       London

When we cook, sometimes we cook water based foods directly on the fire and sometimes we fry. We fry fish or stakes or even papadams, sprats and red chilies. I know fried red dry chilies are too hot to eat but a taste of it is very appetising. One cannot help to avoid any cooking fumes from the frying pan when we fry those things but try and avoid the cooking fumes from your frying pan, especially if the ventilation is poor. People in hot weather countries like in Sri Lanka always cook and fry with open windows in the kitchen but in cold weather countries such as in Canada and England, most of the times they depend on the extractor fans for ventilation.

Your Saturday night steak might not taste quite so good after you read this article or you might think more carefully about how you prepare it and perhaps consider replacing your ventilation fan.

Research evidence

NTNU researchers have now documented what has long been suspected: The fumes from normal cooking contain both tars and high amounts of chemical compounds called aldehydes. Both can cause cancer.

According to Andres Fullana , Angel A. Carbonell-Barrachina ,§ and Sukh Sidhu at Environmental Engineering, University of Dayton, 300 College Park, Dayton, Emissions of low molecular weight aldehydes (LMWAs) from deep-frying of extra virgin olive oil, olive oil, and canola oil (control) were investigated at two temperatures, 180 and 240 °C, for 15 and 7 h, respectively. The oil fumes were collected in Tedlar bags and then analyzed by gas chromatography−mass spectrometry. Seven alkanals (C2−C7 and C9), eight 2-alkenals (C3−C10), and 2,4-heptadienal were found in the fumes of all three cooking oils. The alkanals are nothing but aldehydes with a R-CHO structure. The R group is attached to the carbon of C=O group then the carbon of C=O has a H atom attached then it becomes an aldehyde. The R group can be with one or more carbon atoms. The generation rates of these aldehydes were found to be dependent on heating temperature, showing significant increases with increases in temperature. The LMWA emissions from both kinds of olive oils were very similar and were lower than those observed from canola oil under similar conditions. These results suggest that frying in any type of olive oil, independent of its commercial category, will effectively decrease the generation of volatile aldehydes in the exhaust. This fact is important because less expensive refined olive oil is usually used for deep-frying operations, whereas extra virgin olive oil is usually used as salad dressing.

Ventilation is very important in cooking

The results were unambiguous. “We don’t recommend the fans fitted with carbon filters, because they absorb only large particles and spew the small ones back. The results were better when the fans vented directly to the outside, and the best results came when the fans were placed between two walls, between two cupboards or up to a corner.

This helped to increase suction. It is also very important to let the fan run for fifteen minutes after you’re done cooking,” say project manager Kristin Svendsen and PhD candidate Ann Kristin Sjaastad.

Unhealthy chemicals in cooking fumes

The chemicals that they were particularly interested in were polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAH), which have been found in the fumes from different types of cooking oil.

The researchers explain that the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) has recently classified the fumes from high-temperature frying as ‘probably’ cancer-causing to humans. They also highlight the results of a 1986 study that reported an increased risk of respiratory tract cancer in cooks and bakers. The researchers say that although there is “limited evidence” from studies in humans that emissions from high-temperature frying are carcinogenic, animal experiments have provided “sufficient evidence” to suggest that there is a link.

How do you like British TV chefs cooking?

Sometimes I watch some of the cooking programmes in British TV and noticed that quite often the chefs fry carelessly. Fumes all over the studio and even the guests start coughing and sneezing because of those smelly gases. It is possible they are in a hurry to show the audience the method of cooking and frying so they fry rush rush giving out fumes all over. Frequently they just toss the food in the air for a couple of times then say, “Cooked”. When the so called cooked beef is cut, you would notice nice red colour. That means beef is not evenly cooked.

British TV chefs must set an example

I think those British TV chefs must cook and fry carefully so that the children who watch the show might follow their type of cooking. They might think that must be the correct way to cook and fry otherwise why did those type of cooking are allowed to be shown to the public in TV? I have my doubt if they have any scientific ideas in cooking and frying. I regard the kitchen is the chemistry laboratory of the home. We always deal with nothing but chemicals in the kitchen.

High temperature cooking and frying

Deep frying cause hydrogenation of the unsaturated vegetable oil, turns it into trans-fats. Trans-fat increases the risk of having heart diseases, cancers, and many other chronic diseases. This term cis and trans refers to the position of other groups attached to the C=C double bond of the fats. If the groups are on the same side of the C=C bond then they are considered as cis then if the groups are on the opposite side of the C=C double then they are called in trans position.

Most people are careless in handling the fire in cooking and frying, they just turn the gas knob to the maximum so the temperature it gives out is very high. Scientists have found that high temperature cooking and frying are unhealthy because the high temperature decomposes the oil and other chemicals. In the case of oils, you may start with cis type of oils but due to high temperature, it becomes trans type which is totally unhealthy. As mentioned above the trans fat causes so many diseases such as heart diseases, cancer and many more chronic diseases.

 Have you noticed in take away joints the slices of fish (fillets), coated with batter are fried in large containers filled with boiling oil. I have already mentioned that high temperature decomposes the oil. Frying in such oil destroys all nutritious values of the fish except the unique taste.

Then frying potato chips in the same oil will certainly destroy the nutritious values including the vitamins in the chips. It is also a known that the brownish colour produced in frying starchy foods emanates a cancer producing chemical called ‘Acrylamide”. People in Canada and England frequently eat fried food and also BBQ or barbecued food. I know it for fact they taste nice but the doctors say they are unhealthy. I am sure an occasional treat in moderation would not do any harm but some people eat frequently on daily basis or even as their weekend treats. When the sun is out in the summer in Canada and England, some people cannot wait until they eat BBQ. They invite some friends and relative for the BBQ treat that means they share the illness with them as well. Is it reasonable? I think you should think twice before you eat too much yes too much fried and BBQ food because frying and barbecuing meat and fish containing proteins creates polycyclic hydrocarbons, such as benzopyrenes, which are also one of the main constituents in cigarette smoke that cause lung cancer. It does not stop there, some people have a fag or two after the meal. That does not mean one should not eat fried food at all but one must take care of themselves by eating in moderation and not so frequently. Your comments are welcomed


මගේ අසනීප හා අයින්ස්ටයින්ගේ අසනීපය

September 3rd, 2015

නලින් ද සිල්වා  

 ඩී එස් සී උපාධිධාරී සේවාර්ජිත (සම්මානිත) මහාචාර්ය අශෝක අමරතුංග මහතා මා අසනීප ව සිටි කාලයෙහි වැදගත් ලිපියක් දෙකක් ලියා ඇත. ඒ ඊනියා යථාර්ථය සම්බන්ධයෙනි. මේ සාකච්ඡාවේ තේමාව වනුයේ ම ඊනියා යථාර්ථයක් නැතැයි යන්න ය. එබැවින් අමරතුංග මහතා යථාර්ථයක් ඇතැයි පෙන්වීම සඳහා ඉදිරිපත්වීම වැඩදායක ය. එහෙත් ඒ මහතා තවමත් සිටින්නේ ථෙරවාදයෙන් සකස්කරන ලද ඊනියා විද්‍යාත්මක මතවාදයක බැවින් මේ සාකච්ඡාවෙන් එතරම් වැඩක් අත්වේ දැයි කිව නො හැකි ය. 

කෙසේ වෙතත් ඒ මහතාගේ පසුගිය ලිපි සම්බන්ධයෙන් කිවයුතු දේ බොහෝමයකි. අවාසනාවකට එසේ කීමේ දී ඒ මහතාගේ ලිපිවලින් දීර්ඝ ලෙස උපුටා දැක්වීමට සිදු වෙයි. ඒ ගැන කණගාටුවන නමුත් වෙනත් කළ හැකි කිසිවක් නැත. විශේෂයෙන් ම සති කිහිපයකට පසුව ලියන මේ ලිපි කිහිපයෙහි දීර්ඝ උපුටා දැක්වීම් කිරීමට සිදුවෙයි. එහෙත් එයට පළමු කිව යුත්තක් වෙයි.  

මා අසනීප ව සිටි සමයෙහි දී (තවමත් සම්පූර්ණ සුවය ලබා නැත) අත්දුටු දෙයක් නම් මට අසනීප ගණනක් ඇති බව ය. එයින් මා අදහස් කරන්නේ එක් දැනුම් පද්ධතියක මට විවිධ අසනීප තීබූ බව නො වේ. ඒ ඒ දැනුම් පද්ධතියෙහි මට තිබුණේ (ඇත්තේ) විවිධ අසනීප ය. එයින් කියැවෙන්නේ එක් අසනීපයක් විවිධ දැනුම් පද්ධතීන්ට විවිධ ආකාරයෙන් දැනෙන බව නො වේ. ඒ හුදු සාපේක්‍ෂතාවාදී දර්ශනයකි. 

අයින්ස්ටයින්ගේ සාපේක්‍ෂතාවාදය එවැනි හුදු සාපේක්‍ෂතාවාදී දුර්වල දැනුමකි. එහි ඇති සාපේක්‍ෂතාවාදයක් නැත. එය ඊනියා අවිචලක (invariants) පිළිබඳ දැනුමකි (අසනීපයකි). එහි කියැවෙන්නේ සමුද්දේශ (අවස්ථිති හෝ නොවන හෝ) රාමුවෙන් රාමුවට මාරුවන නිරී්ක්‍ෂකයකුට වෙනස් නොවී විෂය වන රාශි ගැන ය. අයින්ස්ටයින්ගේ සාපේක්‍ෂතාවාදයට සාපේක්‍ෂතාවාදය යැයි කීම ම වැරදි ව්‍යවහාරයකි. එහි ප්‍රධාන වන්නේ සාපේක්‍ෂ නොවන අවිචලක ය. 

අනෙක් අතට අයින්ස්ටයින්ගේ ප්‍රවාදය මුල සිට ම සංකල්පීය වශයෙන් නිවැරදි නො වේ. බටහිර විද්‍යාවේ තවත් පට්ටපල් බොරු නිර්මාණය කළ අයින්ස්ටයින් වැන්නකුට එය එතරම් ප්‍රශ්නයක් වී යැයි මම නො සිතමි. ඔහු තම සාධාරණ සාපේක්‍ෂතා ප්‍රවාදය නිරීක්‍ෂණ සමග සංගත කළ නො හැකි වූව විට ප්‍රවාදයට ඊනියා විශ්වවේදී නියතයක් (චඔසමඔලඔගඉචඅල චඔනසටඅනට) එකතු කෙළේ ය. පසුව විශ්වය ප්‍රසාරණය වන බව නිරීක්‍ෂකයන් කී විට නියතය අස්කර ගත්තේ ය. ඔහු එක්තරා ආකාරකයකින් කටයුතු කර ඇත්තේ අවස්ථාවාදී දේශපාලනඥයකු ලෙස මිස සම්භාවනීය ප්‍රවාදකරුවකු ලෙස නො වේ. බටහිර විද්‍යාවේ ප්‍රවාද ගොතන්නෝ අවස්ථාවාදීහු ය. 

අයින්ස්ටයින්ගේ ප්‍රවාදය මුල සිට ම වැරදි වන්නේ විශ්වවවේදී නියතය පිළිබඳ පටලැවිල්ල නිසා නො වේ. ඒ අවස්ථාවාදය නොමැති වුවත් විවිධ සමුද්දේශ රාමුවල රාශී එකතු කිරීම පිළිබඳ ක්‍රම වේදය ම වැරදි ය. එය නිව්ටෝනීය (ගැලීලීය) සාපේක්‍ෂතාවාදයෙහි ද දැකිය හැකි ය. යම් රාශි එකතු කළ හැක්කේ එක ම සමුද්දේශ රාමුවක නැතහොත් එකිනෙකට සාපේක්‍ෂව නිශ්චල ව ඇති රාමුවල ය. (එකිනෙකට සාපේක්‍ෂව නිශ්චල ව ඇති රාමු ගැන අර්ථදැක්වීම් කරන ආකාරය පැහැදිලි නැත.) ඒ කුමක් වුවත් එකිනෙකට සාපේක්‍ෂව චලනය වන රාමුවල මැනෙන රාශි එකතුකිරීම, අඩුකිරීම, සංසන්දනය කිරීම ආදිය කරන්නේ කෙසේ ද? 

උසස් පෙළ ඉගැන්වෙන සාපෙක්‍ෂ චලනය සම්පුර්ණයෙන් රඳා පවතින්නේ එකිනෙකට සාපේක්‍ෂව චලනය වන රාමු මත ය. එකිනෙකට සාපේක්‍ෂව ඊනියා භ දිශාවට ව ප්‍රවේගයෙන් චලනය වන රාමු දෙකක් සඳහා උසස් පෙළ දැනුමෙහි x1 = x-vt, t1 = t යන පරිණාමන වෙයි. මෙහි  x හා x1  යනු එකිනෙකට සාපේක්‍ෂව ව ප්‍රවේගයෙන් චලනය වන රාමු දෙකකි. මේ රාමු දෙකෙහි මැනෙන විවිධ රාශි එකතු කරන්නේ අඩු කරන්නේ සංසන්දනය කරන්නේ කෙසේ ද? ඒ සංකල්පීය ව නිවැරදි නො වේ. එහෙත් උසස් පෙළ සිසුහු එසේ කරමින් විවිධ නිගමනවලට එළඹෙති. කවුදෝ කියා තිබුණේ මට උසස් පෙළ ගණිතයවත් නොතේරොන බව ය. ඒ එසේ විය හැකි ය. එහෙත් මේ ඊනියා සංසන්දන මට නො තේරෙයි. එය මගේ දුර්වලකමක් විය හැකි ය. එසේ වුවත් නොතේරෙන දෙය නොතේරෙන බව කීම මට මදිකමක් නො වේ. 

අයින්ස්ටයින් තම විශේෂ සාපේක්‍ෂතාවාදී පරිණාමනවලින් (ලොරෙන්ට්ස් පරිණාමනවලින්) මේ ප්‍රශ්නය සාකච්ඡා කෙළේ යැයි නො සිතමි. ඔහුගේ පරිණාමන (ලොරනේට්ස් පර්ණාමන අයින්ස්ටයින්ට කලින් නිර්මාණය වී තිබිණි) ඒ ප්‍රශ්නයට සැපයූ පිළිතුරක් විය හැකි ය. එහෙත් සාපේක්‍ෂතාවාදී සාහිත්‍යයෙහි මා දන්නා තරමට ඒ එලෙස සාකච්ඡා නො වේ. ඔහුගේ හෙවත් ලොරෙන්ට්ස් පරිණාමන එකිනෙකට සාපේක්‍ෂව විවිධ ප්‍රවේගවලින් චලනයවන සමුද්දේශ රාමුවල රාශි සංසන්දනය කිරීමේ දී යොදාගත යුතු නිවැරදිකිරීමක් විය හැකි ය. මා ඒ ගැන අධ්‍යයනයක් කර නැත. උසස් පෙළ ගණිතය නොතේරෙන මා එවැන්නක් කරාවි යැයි කිසිවකු බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නේ නම් ඒ අසාධාරණයකි. එහෙත් උසස් පෙළ ගණිතය තේරෙන පඬිවරයකුට එහි කල්පනා කිරීමට දෙයක් තිබෙන්නට බැරි නැත. 

කෙසේ වෙතත් මේ සියල්ලෙන් කීමට බලාපොරොත්තු වූයේ මට තේරෙන ආකාරයට අයින්ස්ටයින් වෑරදි බවත්, ඔහුගේ ඊනියා සාපේක්‍ෂතාවාදය,(අසනීපය) වචනයේ පරිසමාප්තාර්ථයෙන් සාපේක්‍ෂතාවාදයක් නොවන බවත් ය. කලකට පෙර මා මහනුවර දී කීවේ ඒ සරල කරුණය ය. ඊනියා බහුබූතවාදයක් ගැන ඇනුම් පද පමණක් කියමින් නොසිට එහි ඇති වැරදි පෙන්වාදීම සම්මානිත මහාචාර්ය අමරතුංග මහතාගේ කාර්යභාරය වෙයි. 

අපි නැවතත් මගේ අසනීප කරා යොමු වෙමු. මා අත්දුටුවේ විවිධ රාමුවල (දැනුම් පද්ධතිවල) මට ඇත්තේ එක් එක් අසනීප බව ය. ඒ එක් අසනීපයක් (අවිචලක අසනීපයක්) විවිධ දැනුම් පද්ධතීන් විසින් උකහා ගන්නා ආකාර නො වේ. විවිධ දැනුම් පද්ධතිවල විවිධ දැනුම් (අසනීප) නිර්මාණය වෙයි. එමෙන් ම ඒ ඒ දැනුම් පද්ධතියෙහි විවිධ ප්‍රතිකාර ද නිර්මාණය වෙයි! එපමණක් නො වේ. විවිධ ප්‍රතිකාර මගින් යම් යම් සහන ද ලැබෙයි.  

මට අසනීපයක් නො තිබිණි. එනම් මට ඊනියා යථාර්ථවාදී අසනීපයක් නො තිබිණි. මට විවිධ දැනුම් පද්ධතිවල විවිධ අසනීප තිබිණි. විවිධ ප්‍රතිකාර මගින් ඒ සමනය වී ඇත. එහෙත් සියයට සියයක් සමනය වීමේ ඉඩක් කිසිම පද්ධතියක නැති බව පෙනී යයි. විවිධ පද්ධතීන්හි අසනීප හා ප්‍රතිකාර පිළිබඳ නිගමනවලට පැමිණෙන්නේ ද එකම ආකාරයකට නො වේ. මා නොදන්නවාට ඇතැම් පද්ධතිවල මට කිසිදු අසනීපයක් නො තිබෙන්නට ද හැකි ය!

අපි දැන් විද්වත් අමරතුංග මහතා ඊනියා යථාර්ථය ගැන උපුටා දක්වන අදහස් කිහිපයක් විග්‍රහ කර බලමු. එහෙත් එයට පළමු ඒ මහතා පතුරුවන දුර්මතයක් හෙළිදරවු කළ යුතු ය. මගේ අසනීපවලින් පසුව අමරතුංග මහතා ගැන ද සානුකම්පිකව බැලීමට මට හැකි ය. ඒ මහතා ඊනියා යථාර්ථයක් ගැන කතාකරන්නේ මෙරට ථෙරවාදී බටහිර විද්‍යාඥයන් ඒ පිළිබඳ කතාකරන අයුරෙනි. එය ඒ මහතා ලබා ඇති අධ්‍යාපනයේ ප්‍රතිඵලයකි. එය නුදුරු අනාගතයේ දී වෙනස් වේ යැයි මම නො සිතමි. මම ද කලක් ඒ මහතා ලැබූ අධ්‍යාපනයේ ප්‍රතිඵලයක් වීමි. එහෙත් මම එයින් මිදුණෙමි. මට අමරතුංග මහතා අවබෝධ කර ගැනීමට හැකි වුව ද ඒ මහතාට මා පෙනෙන්නේ බහුභූතවාදියකු ලෙස ය. ඒ මහතා තම අධ්‍යාපනයෙන් නොකැඩෙන තෙක් එසේ වීම පුදුමයක් නො වේ.    

අගෝස්තු 26 වැනි දින ලිපියෙහි අමරතුංග මහතා සඳහන් කර ඇති කරුණකට පමණක් මේ ලිපියෙහි අපේ අවධානය යොමු කරමු. ඒ මහතා මෙසේ කියයි. “විද්යාාවේ අත්තිවාරම බවට ගණිතය පත් වූයේ කෙසේ ද? ගණිතයේ ආරම්භය කුමක්‌ ද? වර්තමානයේ භාවිත වන ගණිතය ආරම්භ වූයේ ඉන්දියාවේ විය හැකි බව මීට පෙර ලිපිවලින් අප පෙන්වා දී ඇත. එම ගණිතය අරාබියට සංක්රතමණය වී එහි දී එය පොත්පත්වල ලියවුණු බව අප පෙන්වා දී ඇත. පැරැණි ඉන්දියාවේ වර්ධනය වූ ගණිතය විස්‌තර සහිතව සාකච්ජා විය යුතු ය. ගණිතඥයකු නො වන මා විසින් මෙය සිදු කෙරෙන විට ගණිතඥයකු වන බහුභුතවාදීන් කෝපාවිෂ්ඨ වීම වැළැක්‌විය නොහැකි ය. එවිට ඔවුන් කරන්නේ මා ගේ ලිපිවල නැති වැරැදි නැති පරස්‌පර ගැන ලියමින් මාගේ ලිපිවලින් භාගයක්‌ උපුටා දක්‌වමින් ඔවුන් ගේ ලිපි පුරවා ගැනීම ය. මේ අයට කියන්නට දෙයක්‌ නැත්නම් වෙන කුමක්‌ කරන්න ද? මින් පෙනී යන්නේ ඔවුනට කීමට හෝ කිරීමට දෙයක්‌ නැති බව ය. කියන්නට අලුත් දෙයක්‌ ඇත්නම් කළ යුත්තේ එය ගැන ලිවීම ය. මා ගේ ලිපි විකෘති කොට විවේචනය කිරීම ජීවිතයේ අරමුණ කරගන්නට අවශ්ය්තාවක්‌ නැත. මට මේ අය සමග වාද කිරීමට අවශ්යනතාවක්‌ හෝ කාලයක්‌ හෝ නැත. ඊට වඩා ප්ර යෝජනවත් දෙයක්‌ කිරීමට මට අවශ්යච වී ඇත. සැම දේ දන්නා මහා පඩිවරයකු නම් අප වැන්නන් ගේ කියුම් බිනුම් ගැන තැකීමක්‌ නො කළ යුතු ය.” 

මම අමරතුංග මහතා සමග වාදයකට නො එළඹෙුනෙමි. මම අපේ ප්‍රවාද ලිපි පෙළ ලියන අතර අමරතුංග මහතා වාදයට පැමිණියේ ය. මා සමග වාද කිරීමට කාලය ඇත් ද නැත් ද යන්න තීරණය කළ යුත්තේ අමරතුංග මහතා ය. ඒ මහතාට නිවැරදිව තේරුමක් ගෙන එන වාක්‍ය ලිවීමට නොහැකි වීම ද ප්‍රශ්නයක් වී ඇත. උදාහරණයක් ලෙස පහත සඳහන් වැකියෙන් කියන්නේ කුමක් ද?  “මා ගේ ලිපි විකෘති කොට විවේචනය කිරීම ජීවිතයේ අරමුණ කරගන්නට අවශ්යෙතාවක්‌ නැත.” මේ කියන්නේ කා ගැන ද? අමරතුංග මහතා තමා ම විවාදයට එළඹී ඒ මහතාගේ කියුම් බිනුම් ගැන මා තැකීමක් නොකළ යුතු යැයි කියයි. එය දේශපාලනික ව නම් කපටි ස්ථාවරයකි. 

ගණිතය ගැන ඒ මහතා කියන දේ සතපහකටවත වටින්නේ නැත. මගේ ප්‍රශ්නය කෙතරම් කීවත් ඔහුට නො තේරෙයි. ඒ ඒ දැනුම් පද්ධතියෙන් (රාමුවෙන්) වෙනත් දැනුම් පද්ධතීන්ට දැනුම පරිවර්තනය කෙරෙනනේ අවශෝෂණය, අනුකරණය, ආරෝපණය ආදියට යටත් ව ය. බටහිර ගණිතය යනු වෙනත් ගණිතයක වර්ධනයක් නො වේ. එහි ඇති වියුක්තිය වෙනත් කිසිම ගණිතයක ඒ ආකාරයෙන් දැකිය නො හැකි ය. බටහිර ගණිතය අනෙක් සියළු ගණිතවලින් වෙනස්වන්නේ එබැවින් බව ගණිතඥයකු නොවූ අමරතුංග මහතාට පමණක් නොව බටහිර ගණිතය විභාගවලට, ඊනියා පර්යේෂණවලට හැදෑරූ බොහෝ දෙනකුට ද අවබෝධ කරගත නො හැකි ය.

නලින් ද සිල්වා   

2015 සැප්තමේබර් 02

Govt. proposal for a domestic inquiry

September 3rd, 2015

By Neville Ladduwahetty  Courtesy Island

It is reported that the US Assistant Secretary of State, Nisha Biswal, is so ‘upbeat’ about the mechanism adopted by the Government for a Domestic Inquiry Mechanism into accountability and reconciliation issues relating to the final phases of the conflict, that the US would sponsor a resolution supporting the Domestic Inquiry Mechanism at the next session of the UN Human Rights Council. (The Daily News. August 28. 2015). The report also states that Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labour, Tom Malinowski, speaking to reporters had stated: “The United States will sponsor another resolution at the UN Human Rights Council in September and we are not going to walk away from this process of encouraging reform and change after September. We very much hope that with the changes after January 8, the new government will work with us and work with the United Nations on a real process of accountability and reconciliation. The international community will remain involved in that process. It will continue to monitor that process. And as much as we are hopeful about the promises that the new government had made,we will judge it not by its promises but by its actions and achievements”.

Assistant Secretary Malinowski further stated: “The important thing is that there be a judicial process that is credible to the people of Sri Lanka and to the international community. For that process to be credible, I don’t think it has to be a completely international process, but it does have to be independent of political leadership. It has to be led by people who are trusted by the minority community and it should have some degree of international involvement, even if it is a domestic process organized under the laws of Sri Lanka”.


A report in The Daily News of August 29, 2015 states: Justice Minister Wijayadasa Rajapakshe yesterday assured that the domestic inquiry mechanism which the government will set up to investigate alleged war crimes in the country would not be a hybrid mechanism.

“The investigations into alleged war crime abuses will be conducted solely by the government of Sri Lanka. It will not have any participation from the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC),” the minister said.

A former diplomat recently said over television that if the domestic inquiry was going to be carried out jointly with the support of the UNHRC, it will be a hybrid investigation.

Minister Rajapakshe said: “I must say that it will not be a hybrid investigation. It will be a credible investigation which will be acceptable to all- the local and the international community.”

2014 UNHRC RESOLUTION on SRI LANKA- Adopted March 27, 2014

A/HRC/25/L.1/Rev.1- Clause 10 states:

  1. Takes note of the recommendations and conclusions of the High Commissioner regarding ongoing human rights violations and the need for an international inquiry mechanism in the absence of a credible national process with tangible results, and requests the Office of the High Commissioner:

(a) To monitor the human rights situation in Sri Lanka and to continue to assess progress on relevant national processes;

(b) To undertake a comprehensive investigation into alleged serious violations and abuses of human rights and related crimes by both parties in Sri Lanka during the period covered by the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission, and to establish the facts and circumstances of such alleged violations and of the crimes perpetrated with a view to avoiding impunity and ensuring accountability, with assistance from relevant experts and special procedures mandate holders;


  1. According to the US, the Domestic Inquiry mechanism “should have some degree of international involvement”. This is contradicted by the Government of Sri Lanka. According to the Government of Sri Lanka the Domestic Inquiry “will be conducted solely by the government of Sri Lanka”.

In the light of such contradictions it isbest that documents relating to the Domestic Inquiry mechanism developed by the Government are published.

  1. Clause 10 of the 2014 UNHRC Resolution sponsored by the US states: “the need for an international inquiry mechanism in the absence of a credible national process with tangible results”. In keeping with the remit of the resolution,a national inquiry was initiated on August 15, 2013, with JusticeParanagama as Chairman and its scope extended on July 15, 2014,to cover violation of International Humanitarian Law relating to Armed Conflict by retaining an expert international panel headed by Sir Desmond de Silva QC, to advice the Paranagama Commission. Despite the initiative taken by the Government,the UNHRC arbitrarily initiated an international inquiry nearly a year later presumably having determined that the national inquiry was not “sufficiently credible”.

Such unilateral actions brings into question the very credibility of the UNHRC institution and its purpose.

Therefore, it is vital that the Paranagama Commission report is published.

  1. The current US position for a Domestic Inquiry is a complete reversal from that taken earlier. The US appears to be confident that it would be able to convince the 23 members of the Human Rights Council who supported the resolution for an international inquiry, the need for such complete reversals. Such confidence reflects not only the influence of the US in the Council but also the absolute servility of sovereign states that make up the Human Rights Council, because theUS has to find 23 members of the Human Rights Council to support the new initiative for a Domestic Inquiry. These circumstances demonstrate that the Human Rights Council is nothing but a tool in the great game of geopolitics of the powerful nations.


Whether the US succeeds or not in gaining support for a Domestic Inquiry it has to be admitted that issues of accountability have already been addressed by the following:

(a) The Panel of Experts appointed by the UN Secretary General.

(b) The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC)

(c) The international inquiry by the UNHRC

(d) The Domestic Inquiry by the Paranagama Commission

The US is confident that “the new Government would work with the UN on a ‘real process’ of accountability and reconciliation”. Since assessment of what is a “real process” is highly subjective it could be concluded with certainty that even after a fresh Domestic Inquiry, issues of accountability would NOT meet the expectations of most. This was the experience with the LLRC. One of the main sources for dissatisfaction would be how the evidence gathered is interpreted, because interpretations of evidence are dependent on the context in which they are evaluated. Therefore, a fresh Domestic Inquiry would only add to existing evidence. But what is needed is a determination of the context in which the evidence is evaluated. For instance, the same evidence could be interpreted in the context of a conflict between a State and a non-state actor, or as an Armed Conflict as determined by the Tribunal for former Yugoslavia. By way of example, shortfalls in the supply of humanitarian aid during the conflict would be a human rights violation if the context of the conflict is between a State and a non-state actor, while there would be no obligation to supply humanitarian aid if the context is that of an Armed Conflict.

Under the circumstances, sufficient evidence exists between the 4 inquiries already conducted to determine issues of accountability. What needs to be done is to determine the CONTEXT in which to evaluate that evidence. For such an exercise, no further inquiries either domestic or international are needed. Such an approach would bring closure to issues of accountability leaving room and space to focus fully on reconciliation,complexities of which the US lives with on a daily basis even after 150 years after its Civil War.

Throwing a war hero to the wolves to appease Tamil separatists; the real story behind the ‘Mirisuvil massacre’ needs to come out

September 3rd, 2015

Ramanie de Zoysa

War hero Ratnayaka Mudiyanselage Sunil Ratnayaka is on death row at the age of just 38 for the crime of protecting his country from bloodshed and ruin. Very little is known of Sunil by the public at large even though the so-called “mirusuvil massacre” he is accused of participating in, is an event that has been blown out of all proportion by the human rights industry and the Tamil Diaspora for collective advancement.


Sunil is a young man from a faraway village in the Mahiyangana area. He joined the Sri Lanka Army (SLA) in 1995 at the age of about 18. This was a time when Sri Lanka was overwhelmed by the flames of a cruel war perpetrated on the country by Tamil Tiger terrorists. LTTE financiers and theologians were operating quite openly from Western capitals fuelling a war in Sri Lanka killing thousands of mainly Sinhala civilians with impunity from the Human Rights industrialists and the so-called International Community. The Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora who received a free education from Sri Lanka and now domiciled in foreign countries were sending back ship loads of arms addressed to the LTTE to “repay” their debt to the motherland! President Chandrika Kumaranatunga was at the helm of the country and Armed Forces very much on the back foot while the LTTE flourished militarily acquiring large amounts of arms. Desertion from the Armed Forces was the order of the day and many of the well-known operations against the Tigers ended in resounding losses to the Army.

In this dismal background the youngster Sunil joined the 6th Gajaba regiment of the SLA.  As a young fighter he showed the ability, skill and the bravery to be included in a special task force called Air Mobile Brigade of the SLA. The Air Mobile Brigade, also known a the “Maha Sohon Balakaya”  is a formation of the Sri Lanka Army that is a rapid deployment (LRRP) force highly trained and equipped to respond by air, land or by sea as required at short notice in a volatile situation. Some refer to these as the “suicide units” aptly acknowledging the certainty of death the Brigade faced every second of the day. Whether conducting prisoner snatches, engaging targets, search and destroy missions, or hunting for the enemy’s secret base camps, these LRRP soldiers depended on each other 110 percent. One small mistake by one man could mean sudden death for all. From saturation patrols along the rebel held territory to near-suicide missions these soldiers walked the razor’s edge every day and became one of the most respected and most feared battalions in the history of the separatist war.

How much fear this Brigade instilled in the minds of the terrorists is articulated in the fact that in 2002 when Ranil Wickremesinghe was signing a so-called “peace accord” with the Tiger terrorists one of the conditions the Tigers laid down was the dismantling and destroying of the Maha Sohon Balakaya!

For a fuller account of the dismal state the country was in at the time it is worthwhile reading Shamindra Ferdinando’s article dated October 9, 2012 in the Island newspaper titled “The army in serious trouble; War on terror revisited” at:

Ferdinando highlights the debacle the Armed Forces were facing during this time with the Army experiencing debilitating attacks from the LTTE while certain members of the Army leadership pretended to be on a winning streak which prompted the PA Government in Colombo to insist that the Army march forward regardless- putting young soldiers’ lives at risk. I quote the above article which is actually quoting the Island newspaper as follows:

“On Aug 19, 1997, the LTTE anti-tank squads destroyed three Main Battle Tanks (MBTs) during a confrontation close to Puliyankulam. The MBTs were spearheading the SLA’s largest ever ground offensive codenamed Jayasikuru launched on May 13, 1997 to link-up with the SLA deployed at Kilinochchi to restore the Kandy-Jaffna A9  overland Main Supply Route (MSR) to Jaffna. Deputy Defence Minister Anuruddha Ratwatte remained confident of completing the operation swiftly.  But, by the third week of August, 1997, the SLA felt it could no longer sustain the offensive. A section of the officers believed that three devastating counter-attacks launched by the LTTE in June and July made their task impossible. Still the political leadership insisted that the SLA complete its mission (Tigers target tanks in fierce north battle––The Island Aug 21, 1997).”


“By late October, 1997, the SLA was exhausted, though the PA painted a different picture. The media couldn’t report what was happening in the Vanni due to censorship. The government continued to propagate the lie that the Jayasikuru offensive was on track and the LTTE in dire straits. Having lost about 1,000 men, including some experienced young frontline officers, the Jayasikuru offensive was about to collapse. However, the SLA placed the number killed at 722 and wounded at 4,400 during phase I and II of the offensive.”

Between 1998-2001 soldiers’ individual heroic efforts continued in the face of a now strong and ferocious enemy. Some of the significant events during this period, which most of us now seem to have forgotten, can be summarised here courtesy of Shamindra Ferdinando “War on terror revisited: Jayasikuru called off, new military adventure launched”- October 17, 2012 as follows:

  • Sept. 1998- the LTTE dislodged the SLA from Kilinochchi which had been liberated in Sept. 1996.
  • Troops engaged in Operation Sath Jaya and sustained heavy losses to bring Kilinochchi under government control.The then Director of Information revealed that bodies of over 400 SLA personnel killed in the Kilinochchi-Paranthan theatre were received by the ICRC on behalf of the GoSL (400 bodies of soldiers handed over to ICRC––The Island Oct 1, 1998).
  • SLA troops re-positioned themselves at Paranthan having vacated Mankulam and Kilinochchi in mid 1990 on President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s watch.
  • With the shocking battlefield defeat at Elephant Pass, the PA was forced to admit that restoring the Main Supply Route (MSR) to Jaffna was no longer feasible (Troops capture Mankulam with strap line Kilinochchi troops vacate positions––The Island Oct 1, 1998).
  • The censorship prevented the media from reporting what was going on in the Vanni. But, sometimes the Competent Authority approved news items, which highlighted the actual ground situation. Eg. the Island published the following front-page report captioned (Another 74 bodies of soldiers handed over––The Island Oct. 3, 1998), approved by the Competent Authority: “The LTTE yesterday handed over another 74 bodies of SLA personnel killed in fighting at Kilinochchi through the ICRC to the SLA at Poovarasankulam, Vavuniya. Altogether 684 bodies have been transferred by the ICRC from Mallavi in the LTTE-held area to the SLA-held area, whereas the SLA returned the bodies of 12 LTTE cadres.”
  • On the morning of Oct 12, 1998, President Kumaratunga met the SLA top leaders in a desperate attempt to round up deserters for re-deployment on the front. The latest hunt for deserters was launched soon after at least 1,000 soldiers were killed in battles in the Kilinochchi-Paranthan sector and Mankulam.
  • On Dec 2, 1998, the PA called off Operation Jayasikuru to pave the way for a new offensive Rivi Bala.
  • In March 1999, the SLA brought more territory under its control west of the A9.
  • March 17, 1999- The LTTE fired several rounds of artillery at the Thallady army camp on inflicting heavy damage on it. The SLA lost 19 personnel and five civilian employees.
  • On March 19, 1999, the SLA launched an operation to liberate the Madhu Church area. Madhu was regained by Operation Ranagosa III.
  • Within a week after the liberation of the Madhu area, the LTTE triggered a claymore mine blast at Moondumurippu in the newly liberated area killing four SLAF personnel.
  • Operation Ranagosa further weakened the SLA’s presence in the Vanni; in a sense, it spread three Divisions of troops thin on the ground.
  • In June 1999, the LTTE stepped up activity targeting Weli Oya. At Mirusuvil, Jaffna, the LTTE blasted an eighty KVA diesel operated generator at the rural hospital.
  • In the second week of Sept 1999, Ranagosa troops ran into stiff resistance when they pushed ahead of their positions. The SLA withdrew in the face of heavy attacks. The SLA top brass downplayed the debacle, though senior officers privately admitted that the LTTE was poised for a massive onslaught on the SLA (LTTE hands over bodies of 15 soldiers to ICRC––The Island Sept 15, 1999).
  • On July 6, 1999, exactly at 2.05 p.m, an artillery round landed inside the Weli Oya Brigade headquarters. It was the beginning of a sustained artillery attack on that military facility. For about two hours, Minister Ratwatte, Vice Admiral Cecil Tissera, Air vice Marshal Weerakkody, Lt. Gen. Weerassoriya, IGP Lucky Kodituwakku, Maj. Gen. Sarath Fonseka and DIG Lionel Karunasena were trapped in the Weli Oya bunkers (Pause in artillery strike on Weli Oya Brigade HQ allows defence topbrass to escape––The Island July 10, 1996).

By 2000, the OSP team to which Sunil belonged was in Jaffna. Each and every one of the six soldiers that were accused of the so-called ‘Mirusuvil massacre’ were themselves injured many times over during the operations and had come back to serve the country even before their injuries healed properly. Sunil Ratnayaka was injured during the Jaya sikurui movement at Mankulam operation. He sustained horrific injuries from an enemy mortar on his face which broke some of his teeth and damaged the facial structure. He also sustained injuries to the back and legs. This team was tasked with the death defying task of entering kilometres into the enemy territory, find exact locations of terrorist bunkers and come back alive in order to deliver precision attacks on the enemy.

In the year 2000, the SLA sustained an unprecedented loss at Elephant Pass. The forward march of the LTTE was only stalled due to the extremely valiant sacrifices of the SLA who continued to hold Jaffna within the Muhamalai defence ring but the SLA was in an extremely difficult position. Tigers were using the ruse of civilians looking for firewood etc and infiltrating SLA territory to spy and later launch attacks on the military. The soldier going to the bush to answer a call of nature in the morning had no guarantee of ever returning. On most days the soldiers could only have food in the morning for the entire day due to the sheer number of attacks launched by the LTTE into the defence ring. Apart from four, the entire 24 member strong OSP team received injuries through such attacks while five members died. Those injured resumed duties even before their wounds had the time to heal properly. They fought under the direst circumstances most often without proper food or sleep for weeks on end. It was a team of four including Sunil who went into the enemy territory to spy in order to liberate Chavakatcheri. Appreciating the valiant efforts of Sunil in this regard he was awarded the Rana Shoora Padakkama in 2001.


Civilians had left Muhammalai area due to the incessant mortar falling on their houses as well as being sandwiched between the fire exchanges of the two warring parties.  SLA soldiers stationed in the Mirusuwil farm watta area were in fact located only about 1.5 km from the terrorists’ defence ring. In that area there were only abandoned houses due to the incessant firing from both parties. Civilians were absolutely barred from entering the Mirusuwil farm area due to the fact that terrorists dressed in civilian clothes had a habit of infiltrating the SLA defence area under the pretext of collecting firewood or collecting fruit, vegetables etc; some of these so-called ‘civilians’ attacked the SLA soldiers while others spied on their locations which came under LTTE attack shortly after.  Sunil and his team mates received numerous injuries through mortar fire from these fake civilians.

There was no age limit to the LTTE recruitment of soldiers; some cadres were as young as five or six years old while  seventy to eighty year old cadres dressed in sarong carrying a Kalashnikov were also employed by the LTTE. There was no gender preference to the LTTE; men, women, girls and boys were deployed in the war in a ruthless manner. Then again, the International Community and the UN and Human Rights wallahs know this already.




It was in this environment that the said ‘mirusuvil massacre’ occurred. 8 ‘civilians’ out of a group of 9 who ventured into the SLA camp area allegedly looking for firewood were killed, allegedly by Corporate Sunil. The ‘crime’ was reported by Maheswaran, allegedly one of the group of 9 ‘civilians’. In a Hollywood movie-worthy ‘escape’ from SLA detention, Maheswaran not only lived to tell the tale but also to give the final piece of evidence to send Corporal Sunil to the gallows! Why Maheswaran and his co-civilians disregarded the ban on entering the security zone is not clear.

Maheswaran alleged that some people ‘dressed in clothes similar to that worn by the SLA’ beat the group of 9 Tamils and tied their eyes with a strip of clothing. Apparently, then he was thrown over a fence by someone (supposedly a SLA soldier) whence the clothing that was tied across his eyes got entangled on one or more of the fence poles and got removed. How a band of clothing tied across someone’s eyes gets caught up in a fence pole and gets removed with no injury to the eye is also not clear. That is how he saw what was happening and who was involved thus leading to the identification of the ‘perpetrator’, Sunil. After that he was being escorted towards (now without the blindfold) a sewage pit where he allegedly heard someone struggling in the pit. Scared, Maheswaran, allegedly, ran away. How easy it was for him to get away from a group of men “dressed in clothes that are similar to SLA clothing” while the other 8 succumbed is not clear. Maheswaran who allegedly succeeded in out-running the SLA soldiers, who were chasing him in the dark, reached his home. He was back at the site with the local EDPD members and Human Rights representatives in the area within four days and found evidence that suggested that a goat had been skinned near the pit while there were no dead bodies. Later, upon pressure put on the then Army Commissioner by local EDPD, the military Police was assigned the job of investigating Maheswaran’s claim. The investigating team of the military Police led by Major Sydney Soysa arrested five soldiers including Sunil. Major Soysa’s team later exhumed the 8 bodies of the victims which included a five year old child’s body. Major Soysa also presented to the court a few bicycles said to be belonging to the victims found in the sewage pit.

The soldiers accused in return that the Military Police recorded certain ‘facts’ given upon duress which saw the 5 top soldiers undergo a prison term of 2 years and 11 months. Soldiers claim that Maheswaran came to their camp with Major Soysa and that they never took Soysa and his men to show any graves or bicycles. The soldiers claim that the sheer pressure exerted by EDPD which was a power to recon with in the area at the time plus the rigorous campaigning of the Uthayan newspaper, meant that the Military Police had to arrest SOMEONE to ease the pressure put on them.

The case lingered on for the next 13 years; according to the MR Government due to lack of evidence- which in itself is a violation of the accused soldiers’ rights. What is not clear is why the case was not thrown out if there was a lack of evidence of a sufficient quality to condemn the accused. Should not the five soldiers’ seek redress for the breach of their rights? Justice must be done not only to the victim but also to the accused.

Then, in 2015 ‘evidence’ of the necessary quality obviously materialised as Sunil was sentenced to death while the other 4 were released due to a lack of evidence. At this point in time, Maheswaran’s evidence was that he ONLY saw Sunil at the time he was arrested by SLA at Mirusuvil. I believe that as a criminal matter the court required evidence ‘beyond a reasonable doubt’. Was this standard met? The Government needs to release these details to the Sri Lankan public before they hang this soldier to allay the justifiable fears of the public!

The case against these soldiers, was dragged through the courts for 13 years and the lawyer’s fee of Rs25,000 per hearing was paid by the accused SLA soldiers by putting in Rs 5,000 each from their meagre wages. In some months when the case was heard several times in court these soldiers have had to pawn their family jewellery and property etc.

With so many unanswered questions regarding this conviction President Sirisena cannot give a command to execute this heroic soldier.

Sunil is the father of a toddler who will never really know the father who went forth valiantly to protect the country from a vile terrorist and was put to death as the ultimate reward! Sunil’s now destitute wife has written a letter to the President asking for mercy for her husband.


Sunil’s young brother is collecting 100,000 signatures for a petition asking for a pardon for his ranawiru brother.

There is no better time than this if the President wants to seek endearment of the kind that he wants from his people; showing mercy to this heroic soldier who contributed much to stop the blood flowing in the country will earn President Sirisena a place of merit in the annals of country’s history! On the contrary, if he allows this soldier be made a scape goat in the Tamil separatist appeasement game which resumed in Sri Lanka on the 8 January thus year, History will not forgive him!

If the reward for fighting for your country at the time of its dire need is a death sentence and poverty and pain to your family NO sane man or woman would join the Armed Forces to fight; nor should they. These young sons of the soil went to fight a brutal war while the honourable judges and the not so honourable politicians slept soundly in their comfortable beds.

Even if the ‘victims’ were in fact ‘civilians’ and this soldier is guilty of killing all 8 of them single-handed,  he was only doing his job under the most difficult circumstances imaginable. Under such circumstances and at a young age of about 23 this soldier is entitled to make a mistake; it is only human. The soldier went out of his bunker in the morning to protect his country. On the other hand NO LTTE criminal who went out with the sole purpose of killing as many civilians as possible has so far been convicted! What sort of justice is this? President Sirisena pardoned Sea Tigress Murugesu Bahirathi on 13 March 2015 even though she was instrumental in large scale killing of civilians. The LTTE cadre who carried out the Dehiwala train bombing and killed 64 civilians was sentenced to 10 years in prison. Kumaran Pathmanathan was the logistics chief of the LTTE killing spree for years but the Courts just confirmed that there is no evidence to convict him. Karuna Amman who killed scores of civilians and over 700 surrendered police personnel was never produced in a court of law. Why the difference in treatment? Is a Tamil human life more precious than that of a Sinhala human life?

Tamils as a community allowed their leaders to wage a war against a sovereign country either by direct participation/ encouragement or through tacit apathy! In my view they do not have the moral right to complain about their ‘civilians’ if any were killed. Those who take up arms die by arms- those who instigate war are doomed to die by war! You can’t wage a war and protect your civilians at the same time! Non-Tamils, especially the Sinhalese who did not instigate this war, suffered innumerable civilian deaths- they have no recourse to justice for those deaths. There are no Human Rights champions to shed tears for them and no court in Sri Lanka is prepared to hear their cases. No war should grant immunity from harm to civilians from one ethnic group which is not available to the civilians from other ethnic groups.

War hero Sunil Ratnayaka went forth and fought a battle for Sri Lanka at a time when for all intents and purposes Sri Lanka was losing the battle to LTTE. He came forward when thousands of soldiers were abandoning the Forces due to the futility they could see in their effort. If we sit back and allow Sunil to die at the hands of a Government hell-bent on appeasing the LTTE we would have the blood of a great war hero on our hands!

I urge all patriotic Sri Lankan organisations all over the world to speak for Sunil at this juncture of his need! We owe that much to HIM!

I thank ‘Rivira’ journalist Tissa Ravindra Perera, defence columnist Shamindra Ferdinando and various Sunil Ratnayaka support groups for the facts contained in this article!

Ramanie de Zoysa

The Cerberus Dictatorship Deflowers Democracy – Are Shedding Tears the Only Answer for Sri Lanka?

September 2nd, 2015

By Gandara John

On 18 Aug 15 democracy in Sri Lanka was snuffed out when with the stroke of a pen five million voters were robbed of their Basic Human Rights to influence governmental decision making.

As observed by UMHRC, ‘One of the most critical ways that individuals can influence governmental decision making is through voting.’ Voting as was observed is a formal expression of preference for a candidate for office.

The stomping by the triumvirate dictatorship has begun; we, the disenfranchised five million, are in a state of despair. Are shedding tears the only option available to us? Are we to resign ourselves to being robbed of our unalienable Human Right? If not what can we do to regain our lawful Right and rectify the consequences of this gross violation of our Right?

These are the questions on the lips of the millions disenfranchised who keep asking, “Who will take up our fight in the Local and International arenas or do we have to fend for ourselves?”

My name is John. I am a citizen of Sri Lanka. I do not possess the power that flows from property and wealth because I do not possess any property or wealth.

I am grateful to the revolutionary events in France in 1792 because it gave me the power to influence governmental decision making by voting; the requirement to have property, wealth and social status to qualify to register and vote at an election was done away with.

In isolation my vote does not carry much weight to influence governmental decision making; my strength however lies in the collective power of millions of people like me who do not have property or wealth but have the divine instrument of the ‘vote’.

Being members of the human family this sacred gift of the ‘vote’ has by International Covenant been bestowed on us, the millions, who voted for the UPFA.

This sacred gift, the ‘vote’, cannot be transferred in any way and neither can this ‘vote’, our unalienable Right, be wrenched away or robbed from us by anyone whatever his status may be; to do so would be to violate our basic Human Rights; it is a Right that must be jealously guarded if we are to live in dignity and honour.

And if the argument put forward to justify such a course of action is that there is provision in the National law for someone or some organisation to reverse or alter our vote that election then ceases to be a genuine election.

The election is, in those circumstances, reduced to a fraudulent election and the government flowing out of this fraudulent election becomes an illegitimate government.

In such a situation what is the course and breadth of action the millions of victims, whose fundamental Human Rights were violated on 18 Aug 15 can legitimately take, to remove the illegitimate government, to nullify the fraudulent election, to take action against all those who violated their Human Rights and regain their unalienable Right?

And when we, those millions of people who were robbed of their Fundamental Human Rights, have exhausted all legitimate courses of action open to us and are unable to rectify the violation, what is our plight? Are we helpless?

On 17 Aug 15, Sri Lankans went to the polls to elect candidates to Parliament. It was only the following afternoon at approximately 2 PM when the results of the Colombo district were finally announced that anxious UNP supporters breathed a sigh of relief.

The Election had gone down to the wire with the UNP embarrassingly reduced to not winning even a simple majority in Parliament in a contest dubbed as ‘The Election to bury Rajapakse’.

The UNP had scraped through with a distressing 106 seats, a frugal 11 seats more than the United Alliance of the people and were reduced to a state where they were unable to form a government on its own.

The voting map of Sri Lanka that appeared in the Daily News of 19 Aug 15, depicting in party/alliance colours the areas of the country won by the respective parties, was predominantly Blue underscoring the fact that the majority of the Sinhalese perceive the threat the country faces from the US and their fifth columnists, notably Ranil, Chandrika, Maithripala and the TNA.

Five million of us voters reposed our faith in the UPFA in the hope that the Alliance would form a government that would safeguard the sovereignty of the country or, if not the government, would form a strong opposition that would thwart the conspiracy which we strongly believe has been hatched by our Benedict Arnolds to barter away our sovereignty.

We voted judiciously. We made all effort to keep out scoundrels from the UPFA, representing us in Parliament; to this end we were somewhat successful.

Some of those UPFA candidates whom we considered downright reprobates, we deliberately kept out Parliament by not voting for them and included S B Dissanayake, Mahinda Samarasinghe, Piyasena Gamage, Lakshman Yapa Abeywardena, Vijith Vijayamuni Soysa, Nadimithra Ekanayake and Sumathipala.

And when we, the five million voters, voted for the UPFA, we were attracted by the showcase team on the UPFA National list that boasted a team of mostly solid citizens, in whom we had the utmost confidence and who, we strongly believe, would never be traitors to our country.

Came the 18th of August and the five million of us who voted for the UPFA were disenfranchised. The result of our vote was altered and reversed.

Furthermore the showcase National list that encouraged and reinforced our decision to vote for the UPFA on 17 August was replaced by a new National list that was submitted on 18 August.

Seven of the scoundrels that we, the five million voters, thought were unfit for Parliament and had intentionally kept out of the august assembly, had squirmed and slithered in through the new National list that was submitted after the elections. And no longer was the UPFA National list attractive to us; it was an ignoble list.

Some asserted that Maithripala did it to help Ranil get the numbers to form a government. Some others asserted that Ranil, Maithripala and Chandrika wanted it done to ensure a government that would synchronize its work to fit the agenda of the US. While yet some others asserted that Maithripala and Chandrika wanted it done to consolidate their grip on the SLFP and to dismantle the UPFA for whom we voted.

Whatever the reason may be I ask in heaven’s name who on earth is Ranil, Maithripala or Chandrika? I care not a whit what they wish for or want; our vote is supreme.

No mortal on earth or any organisation or party can alter or undo the votes of 5 Million people by bringing in to Parliament, for any reason whatsoever, seven persons who were rejected outright by us as blackguards.

In a dictatorship of the triumvirate this is possible. With apologies to George Orwell who said ‘one makes the (Rainbow) Revolution in order to establish the dictatorship’.

 To show us a National list, that is material to the result of the Election, simply to attract 5 Million votes and having thus obtained our votes thumb their noses at us by substituting another list, is an act of deception and is by any standard fraudulent.

If the argument is adduced that the Election law provides for such conduct, then the election by that argument alone is reduced to a farcical exercise and is not genuine, resulting in the country being in breach of Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to which Sri Lanka is a signatory. Consequently the government in the saddle becomes an illegitimate government and is exercising power illegally.

The election on 17 Aug 15 has been the most controversial in independent Sri Lanka. Ranil is accused of doing a Jed Bush with over half a million people disenfranchised by their votes being rejected and mounting anger that a million votes for the UPFA have disappeared into a computer black hole while numbers voting for the UNP do not add up.

In the week before the General Election Maithripala unilaterally sacked the secretaries of the SLFP and the UPFA, suspended 25 members of the SLFP Central committee, sent a ‘public’ letter to Mahinda all contrived to reduce the UPFA votes, conduct that would have earned an ordinary citizen imprisonment and fine for the violation of election laws.

It was James Boward who said, “Democracy must be something more than two wolves and a sheep voting on what to have for dinner”. What must we legally do to nullify a fraudulent election and what must we legally do to dislodge an illegal government. Let us exhaust all options available to us.

And then?

මත්තල නිසා ඉන්දියාව පාඩු ලබන හැටි ගුවන් නිලධාරියෙක් විස්තර කරයි.

September 2nd, 2015


BackUp ගුවන්තොටුපොළක් වශයෙන් මත්තල යොදා ගනිද්දී , පාඩුව සිදුවන්නේ එම කර්තව්‍යය සිදු කරන ඉන්දියාවේ චෙන්නායි ගුවන් තොටුපොළට බව ගුවන්තොටුපොළ නිලධාරියෙක් විස්තර කරයි.

රුපියල් කෝටි 20ක් පමණ වටිනා එක්ස්රේ ස්කෑනින් යන්ත්‍ර, අධි තාක්ෂණික ගිනි සංවේදිත උපකරණ, කෝටි 5 කට වඩා වටිනා වායු සමීකරණ යන්ත්‍ර, අධි ශීතකරණ කාමර සහිත රුපියල් කෝටි 200 කට අධික ගොඩනැගිල්ල වී ගබඩා කිරීම දේශපාලන පළිගැනීමක් මෙන්ම රටේ ආර්ථිකයෙන් හා සම්පත් වලින් පලිගැනීමක් බව ගුවන් තොටුපල සේවකයෝ පෙන්වා දෙයි.

පහත දැක්වෙන්නේ මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළ ගැන මගින් මීට පෙර පළ කළ සම්පූර්ණ විස්තරය.

මත්තල කියන්නේ ගුවන් යානා එන්නේ නැති ගුවන්තොටුපොළක් ය, ඒකට එන්නේ මොණරු සහ අලි විතරයි ආදී වශයෙන් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට එරෙහි උදවිය තවමත් අපහාස කරන හැටි ඔබ අනන්තවත් දැකලා ඇති.

පසුගිය කාලයේ මත්තල අන්තර්ජාතික ගුවන්තොටුපොළට එරෙහිව මඩ ගැසූ අය මොනවා කිව්වත් පසුව කියන්න ගත්තා මත්තල ගුවන් තොටුපොළ නිසා ගුවන් සමාගම් රැසකට වාසි අත් වෙනවා කියලා. එසේම ඔවුන් කිව්වා මත්තල දිගටම කරන් යනවා කියලා. පහත වීඩියෝව බලන්න.

මත්තල අන්තර්ජාතික ගුවන්තොටුපොළ යනු ගුවන් යානා ආවේ නැතත් මුදල් ඉපයිය හැකි තැනක් බවත්, ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සංවර්ධනය කිරීමටනම් අත්‍යවශ්‍යම වන සේවා ස්ථානයක් බවත් ඔබ දැන සිටියාද?

මේ දේවල් මා මුලදී කියද්දී මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට ඡන්දය දෙන සහෘදයන් පවා මේ කතා අවිශ්වාස කරාවි. ඒත් පහතින් දක්වලා තියෙන ක්ෂේත්‍රයේ විශේෂඥයින්ගෙන් ලබා ගන්නා ලද තොරතුරු කියවා බැලීමෙන් අප කියන්නේ ඇත්තද බොරුද කියලා ඔබටම තීරණය කරන්න පුළුවන්. අපි කියන නිසාම පිළිගන්න ඕන නෑ, මේ සමග ඇති මූලාශ්‍ර එකින් එක බලන්න.



[1]. ශ්‍රී ලංකාව වගේ පුංචි රටකට තවත් ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළක් අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ මේ නිසා.

(i). ඔබ දන්නවාද A380 යනු ලෝකයේ තියෙන විශාලතම “අන්තර් මහාද්වීපික” මගී ප්‍රවාහණ ගුවන් යානයක්. එය ගොඩ බැස්සවීමට වඩාත් ගැලපෙන ධාවන පථයක් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ නෑ.

(ii). කටුනායක ගුවන් තොටුපොළට A380 ගොඩබස්සවන්නට අපහසුයි. පහත පින්තූරයේ දැක්වෙන A320 ගුවන් යානය අපේ රටේ ශ්‍රී ලංකන් සහ මිහින් ලංකා ගුවන් සේවයේ භාවිතා වෙන වර්ගයක්. ඒ සමග ඇති විශාල ගුවන් යානය A380. වෙනස පේනවානෙ.


(iii). කටුනායක ගුවන්තොටුපොළේ ධාවන පථය A380 සඳහා වඩාත් සුදුසු ලෙස විශාල කරන්න බැරි කමක් නෑ. නමුත් එහෙම කරන්න ගියොත් කටුනායක ගුවන්තොටුපොළ මාස කීපෙකට වසා දාන්න සිදුවෙනවා. ඒ කියන්නේ ඒ මාස කීපය තුළ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ගුවන් ගමන් සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම පාහේ ඇණ හිටීවි. ඒක ජාතිකව පමණක් නොවෙන් ජාත්‍යන්තරවත් බලපාන ප්‍රශ්නයක් වේවි.

(iv). ඊට අමතරව ඒ සඳහා අධික පිරිවැයක් යනවා. හේතුව තමයි කටුනායක ගුවන්තොටුපොළේ ධාවන පථය තවත් දික් කළොත් ඒ සඳහා බොහෝ වටිනා ඉදිකිරීම් ඉවත් කිරීමට සිදුවීම. එම මුදලත් වැය කරමින් රටේ ගුවන් ගමන් නවතාගන්නවාට වඩා අලුතෙන්ම ගුවන්තොටුපොළක් ඉදිකරන එක වඩාත් වාසිදායකයි.

(v). කටුනායක ගුවන් තොටුපල පමණක් ක‍්‍රියාත්මක වීම හේතුවෙන් මීට පෙර හදිසි අවස්ථාවකදී ගුවන් යානා යොමු කෙරුණේ ඉන්දියාවේ 115.100MHz යටතේ ක්‍රියාත්මක වන ත්‍රිවන්තපුරම් ගුවන් තොටුපල සහ චෙන්නායි ගුවන්තොටුපොළ වෙතටයි.

– එබැවින් ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවට එලෙස පැමිණෙන සියලූ ගුවන් යානාවලට අමතර ඉන්ධන ප‍්‍රමාණයක් ද රැගෙන ඒමට සිදුවුණා. සාමාන්‍ය ගුවන් යාන ගොඩබෑ හැකි කටුනායක සිට ආසන්නතම ගුවන්තොටුපොළ ඉන්දියාවේ Thiruvanathpuram ගුවන්තොටුපොළ නිසා සෑම ගුවන් යානයකටම අමතර ඉන්ධන ටොන් 2ක් පමණ ගබඩාකරගෙන පියාසර කිරීමට සිදුවෙනවා.

– එමගින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පැමිණෙන ගුවන් ගමන් වල පිරිවැය ඉහල යනවා.

– වැඩි ඉන්ධන ප්‍රමාණයක් ගෙන එනවා යනු අදාල ගුවන් යානයෙන් ගෙන ආ හැකි භාණ්ඩ ප්‍රමාණය අඩු වෙනවා.

– බැකප් ගුවන්තොටුපොළ වඩාත් දුරින් පිහිටීම නිසා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පැමිණෙන ගුවන් යානා වල රක්ෂණ වාරික මුදලත් ඉහළ යනවා.

– ස්වභාවික ව්‍යසනයකදී හෝ වෙනයම් බරපතල සිදුවීමකදී විදේශ වල සිට විශාල ලෙස ගුවන් යානා පැමිණියහොත් කටුනායක ගුවන් තොටුපොළට පමණක් එම එයාර් ට්‍රැෆික් එක පාලනය කරගත නොහැකි වෙනවා. (උදා: සුනාමි ව්‍යසනය වෙලාවේ විදේශයන්ගෙන් ආධාර සහිතව ගුවන්යානා විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් ආ මොහොතේ කටුනායක ඉඩ මදි වුණා.) සැහැල්ලු ගුවන් යානා රත්මලානට යැව්වත් අනෙකුත් ගුවන් යානා ගොඩ බාන්න වුණේ ඉන්දියාවේයි.

– මෙරට තවත් ගුවන් තොටුලක් ක‍්‍රියාත්මක වීමේදී ඉහත දේවල් වැළකෙනවා.



[2]. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දෙවන ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළ ඉදි කිරීමේදී ඒ සඳහා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සුදුසුම තැන මත්තල ප්‍රදේශයම බව කිව්වොත් ඔබ මවිත වේවි.

(i). ප්‍රධානතම හේතුව තමයි ඕස්ට්‍රේලියා – යුරෝපා ජාත්‍යන්තර වඩාත්ම Economic ගුවන් මාර්ගය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දකුණු මුහුද හරහා පිහිටා ඇති නිසා ගුවන්තොටුපොළ දකුණේ පිහිටුවීමට සිදුවීම. පහත පින්තූරයේ දැක්වෙන්නේ A380 ගුවන් යානා දෙකක් එක පෙලට අපේ රටට පහළින් ගමන් ගන්නා හැටි.


(ii). හම්බන්තොට ජාත්‍යන්තර වරායේ වැදගත්කම පක්ෂ බේධයකින් තොරව බොහෝ දෙනා පිළිගන්නවා. ඒ ගැන තවත් තොරතුරු සහිත ලිපිය මෙතනින්. මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළ ඉදිකිරීමට අවශ්‍ය වූයේ හම්බන්තොට වරායට ආසන්නයෙන්මයි. ඊට හේතුව නම් වරායක කටයුතු සහ ගුවන්තොටුපොළ කටයුතු අතර අන්‍යෝන්‍ය සම්බන්ධතාවයක් තිබීම. උදාහරණ ලෙස වරායකින් ගෙන එන බඩු ගුවන් මගින් යැවීමට සිදුවීම දැක්විය හැකියි. මේ ගැන සම්පූර්ණ පැහැදිළි කිරීම මෙම ලිපියෙන්.

(iii). ඊට අමතරව හම්බන්තොට වරායේ කටයුතු මහාපරිමාණව ආරම්භ වීමත් සමගම ප්‍රදේශයේ දැවැන්ත සංවර්ධනයක් ඇති වෙන අතර, ඒත් සමගම දකුණු පළාතට ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන් තොටුපොළක් අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වෙනවා. කොළඹ මාතර අධිවේගී මාර්ගය ඉදි කළේත්, මාතර සිට හම්බන්තොට දීර්ඝ කරන්නේත්, දුම්රිය සේවයකුත් ආරම්භ කිරීමට සැලසුම් වූයේත් ඒ සඳහායි. එවිට මත්තල සහ කටුනායක එකම අධිවේගී මාර්ගයකින් සම්බන්ධ වෙනවා. මෙය අපේ රටේ දිගුකාලීන සංවර්ධන මාස්ටර් ප්ලෑන් එකේ පුංචි කොටසක් පමණයි.

(iv). මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළ ඉදි කළේ කැළයක් මැද්දේ කියලා සමහරු කිව්වාට එය ඉදි කර තිබෙන්නේ වනාන්තර වලින් හැකි තරම්ම ඈතට වෙන්නටයි. පහත සිතියම බලන්න, දකුණු පළාතේ ඇති වනාන්තර වලින් ඈතින්ම තිබෙන ප්‍රදේශයේ එය පිහිටවූ බව ඔබට පේනවා. මූලාශ්‍රය.


(v). එතකොට දැන් බලන්න රත්මලන ගුවන්තොටුපොළ පිහිටා තියෙන්නේත් අත්තිඩිය කුරුළු අභය භූමියට කිලෝමීටර් 0.73 ක් වගේ ආසන්නයෙන්. මූලාශ්‍රය. ඔබටම දුර මැනීමට අවශ්‍යනම් මේ වෙබ් සයිට් එක භාවිතා කරන්න. ඊනියා පරිසර සංවිධාන පහුගිය ටිකේ ජනතාව අන්දපු ඇන්දිල්ල පේනවානෙ.


(vi). මත්තලට කිලෝමීටර් හය හතක් දුරින් කැළෑ තියෙනවා කියලා එයට එරෙහි වෙන අය, අත්තිඩිය කුරුළු අභය භූමිය කිලෝමීටරේකටත් අඩුවෙන් ආසන්නයෙන්ම තියෙන නිසා රත්මලාන ගුවන්තොටුපොළත් ඉවත් කරන්න කියනවාද කියලා අපි අහනවා.

(vii). ඇත්තම කතාව තමයි මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළට කුරුල්ලන්ගෙන් කරදරයක් තිබේනම් ඒ හා සමානම කරදරයක් කටුනායක ගුවන්තොටුපොළටත් තියෙනවා. මුහුදු ළිහිනින්, කොකුන්, පරෙවියන් එහි එමටයි. ජනතාවගේ ගුවන් ගමන් වල වේගය වැඩි කර දීම සඳහා එහි තුවක්කුවක් මානාගෙන සිටින නිලධාරී මහත්තයෙක් “තමන්ගේ ගමන” ප්‍රමාද කරගන්නවා. සෑම ගුවන් තොටුපොළකම සිදුවෙන ඒ දේ කියමින් තමයි පහුගිය කාලේ ජනමාධ්‍ය මගින් කෘතිම ලෙස කැළෑ සතුන් ගැන උලුප්පමින් ජනතාව කුපිත කෙරෙව්වේ. සංවේදී අය සහ ගැබිනි මව් වරුන් පහත වීඩියෝව නැරඹීමෙන් වළකින්න.

(viii). ඊගාවට මත්තල වටේට තෙත් බිම් තියෙන තියෙන නිසා සමහරු විරුද්ධ ඇති. ඒත් ඉහත මත්තල සිතියමේ බලන්න අදාල කිලෝමීටර් හය හතක වපසරිය තුළ කොළ පාටින් ගස් කොළන් පේන්නේ නෑනෙ. එතකොට බලන්න කටුනායක අවට, තෙත් බිම් විතරක් නෙමෙයි වටේටම වන රොදවල්. ඒ මදිවට දකුණු පැත්තේ ආසන්නයෙන්ම මීගමුව කලපුව. ගස් කොළන් සහ කලපුව දූෂණය වෙනවා කියලා කටුනායක ගුවන් තොටුපොළටත් අර කට්ටිය එරෙහි වෙනවාද? මූලාශ්‍රය.


(ix). පහුගිය කාලේ එජාප ජවිපෙ ආදීන්ගේ ගොබෙල්ස් න්‍යාය අනුව මත්තල කැලෑවක්, පරිසර විනාශයක් සිදුවෙනවා කියමින් ගිය බොරුවේ තරම දැන් පේනවානෙ.

(x). ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන් තොටුපොළක් ඉදිකිරීමේදී අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වන භූ විෂමතාවයක් තමයි, යම් විදිහකින් ගුවන් යානයක් හදිසි ගොඩබෑමක් කරන්න වුණොත්, ඒ කිව්වේ උදාහරණ ලෙස ගුවන් යානයේ රෝද එලියට එන්නේ නැතිනම් ගිණිගැනීමක් සිදු නොවන පරිදි එය ගොඩ බෑම සඳහා සුදුසු පරිසරයක් අවටින් තිබීම.
ඒ සඳහා
– ජලාශයක් (මුහුද හෝ ගංගාවක්)
– විශාල මඩ වගුරු බිමක්
තිබීම අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වනවා.

(xi). අන්න ඒ නිසයි රත්මලාන සහ කටුනායක යන ගුවන්තොටුපොළවල් දෙකම මුහුද ආසන්නයේ තියෙන්නේ. ඒත් මුහුදට බාන්න වුණොත් ඇතිවන ප්‍රශ්නය තමයි යම් විදිහකින් ඇතුළට වතුර කාන්දු වී යානයේ සිටින මගීන් දියේ ගිලීමට හැකි වීම.

(xii). මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළ පිහිටා තියෙන්නේ නොගැඹුරු වතුර සහිත වගුරු බිමක් අසලයි. හදිසි ගොඩබෑමක් කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය වුවහොත් සුදුසුම පරිසරය තමයි ඒ. නමුත් එහෙම හදිසි ගොඩබෑම් කිරීමට සිදුවන්නේ බොහොම කළාතුරකින්. උදාහරණ ලෙස පසුගිය යුද සමයේ ගුවන්හමුදාවට අයත් යානා අනතුරට පත් වුණා.

(xiii). යම් විදිහකින් එලෙස ගොඩබෑමට සිදුවුවහොත් සහ එමගින් යම් පරිසර හානියක් සිදුවුවහොත් අදාල ගුවන් සමාගම මගින් පරිසර හානිය වලකාගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය සම්පූර්ණ මුදල අපේ රටට ගෙවනවා. ඒ කියන්නේ කාන්දු වුණ තෙල් බිංදුවක්වත් ඉතිරි කරන්නේ නෑ. ඒ විතරක් නෙමෙයි එලෙස හානි වීමට අමතර වන්දි මුදලකුත් ගෙවනවා. ඒ සල්ලි වලින් ගුවන්තොටුපොළ වටේ පරිසරය කළින් තිබ්බාටත් වඩා සුන්දර කර සැකසීමට පුළුවන්.

(xiv). ඊගාවට මනුෂ්‍ය වාසස්ථාන වලින් ඈතට වෙන්න ගුවන්තොටුපොළ පිහිටා තිබීමත් අත්‍යවශ්‍යයි. හදිසි ගොඩබෑමක් වුවහොත් නිවාස ගොඩනැගිලි ජීවිත වලට සිදුවිය හැකි විනාශය අවම කිරීමට මෙන්ම ගුවන් යානා අහසට යද්දි ඇතිවන විශාල ශබ්දයෙන් මනුෂ්‍යයින්ට වන පීඩාව නිසයි එලෙස ගුවන්තොටුපොළවල් ජනාවාස වලින් ඈතින් ඈතින් පිහිටුවන්නේ.

(xv). දේශගුණික කලාප 2 ක ගුවන්තොටුපොළවල් 2 ක් පිහිටා තිබීම වැදගත් වෙනවා. කාලගුණය අයහපත් වීම නිසා කටුනායක ගුවන්තොටුපොළ වැසීමට සිදුවුවහොත්, කොළඹට හාත්පසින්ම වෙනස් දේශගුණික තත්ත්වයක් සහිත හම්බන්තොට දිස්ත්‍රික්කය දෙවන ගුවන්තොටුපොළට වඩාත්ම සුදුසු ස්ථානයයි.

(Xvi). යම් දිනෙක නිපදවන ගුවන් යානයකට වඩාත් දීර්ඝ ධාවනපථයක් අවශ්‍ය වුවහොත් ඒ සඳහා අවශ්‍ය පරිදි ධාවන පථය දීර්ඝ කිරීමට මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළේ ඇති තරම් ඉඩ තිබෙනවා.

ඉහත කරුණු 16 මූලික කරගත් විට හම්බන්තොට වරාය ආසන්නේ ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළක් ඉදිකිරීමට ඇති හොඳම තැන මත්තල බව ඔබට සිතියම බැලීමෙන් පැහැදිළි වේවි.


ප්ලේන් බාන්නේ නැතිව ලාභ ලබන හැටි.

[3]. මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළෙන් මුදල් ඉපයීමට නම් එයට ගුවන් යානා පැමිණීම අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ නෑ. ඒක වෙන්නේ මෙහෙමයි.

(i). ඉහත විස්තර කළ A380 වර්ගයේ දැවැන්ත ගුවන් යානා එක් මහාද්වීපය සිට තවත් මහාද්වීපයකට් ගමන් ගන්නේ පූර්ව සැලසුමකට අනුවයි. ඒ සඳහා සාමන්‍යයෙන් මාස 2 කට පමණ පෙරදී සූදානම් වෙනවා. Flying Routes සැකසෙන්නේ හැකි තරම් A380 ගොඩබෑමට හැකි ගුවන්තොටුපොළවල් ආසන්නයෙනුයි. ඊට හේතු කිහිපයක් පහතින්.
– හදිසියේ ගොඩබෑමට අවශ්‍ය වුවහොත් ඊට පහසුකම් සකසා ගැනීමට. (උදා: යානය අභ්‍යන්තරයේ නිවීමට නොහැකි ගින්නක් ඇතිවීම, යානයේ කාර්මික දෝශයක් ඇතිවීම, ත්‍රස්තවාදී ප්‍රශ්නයක් ඇතිවීම, කොල්ලකෑමක්/හයිජැක් වීමට යාම, මගීන් හදිසියේ දැඩි ලෙස රෝගී වීම ආදිය)
– තිබෙන ගුවන්තොටුපොළවල ආසන්නයෙන් පියාසර කිරීම නිසා ගුවන් යානය සහ මගීන් වෙනුවෙන් අදාල ගුවන් සමාගමෙන් ගෙවියයුතු රක්ෂණ මුදල අඩු වීම.

(ii). උදාහරණ ලෙස ඕස්ට්‍රේලියාවේ සිට එංගලන්තයට පියාසර කරන A380 ගුවන් යානයකට ඉන්ධන පිරිවැය වඩාත් අඩු මාර්ගය පිහිටන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පහතින්. ඒත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඒ සඳහා ගුවන් තොටුපොළක් නොමැති වීම නිසා අමතර ඉන්ධන තොගයක් වැය කරමින් වඩාත් දීර්ඝ මාර්ගයක් සැලසුම් කර ඉන්දියාවෙ චෙන්නායි හරහා ගමන් කිරීමට සිදුවුණා. ඔය විදිහට අවුරුද්දකට දාස් ගාණක් දැවැන්ත ගුවන් යානා ඕස්ට්‍රේලියා මහාද්වීපයේ සිට යුරෝපයට ගියේ ඉන්දියාව හරහායි.

(iii). නමුත් මත්තල අන්තර්ජාතික ගුවන්තොටුපොළ ඉදිකිරීමත් සමග ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දකුණු මුහුදට ආසන්නයෙන් එම දැවැන්ත අන්තර් මහාද්වීපික ගුවන් යානා වලටත් දැන් ගමන් කිරීමට හැකි වී තිබෙනවා. එවිට ඔවුන් යන්නේ කෙටි දුරක්. ඒ හරහා,
– අඩු ඉන්ධන ප්‍රමාණයකුයි වැය වෙන්නේ.
– කාලය ඉතිරි වෙනවා.

(iv). අපි පොඩි ක්‍රියාකාරකමක් කරමු. යනු වාණිජ ගුවන් යානා යාන මාර්ග ඔන්ලයින් නැරඹීමට හැකියාව ලබා දී ඇති වෙබ් අඩවියක්. එයට ගොස් එහි සිතියමෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාව දෙසට ගොස් බලන්න, එයාර්බස් 380 සහ බෝයින් 747 වැනි දැවැන්ත ගුවන් යානා හරියටම මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළට ඉහලින් යන හැටි ඔබ දකීවි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාව පහු කරමින් යන ගුවන් යානා මත Click කිරීමෙන් ඒවායේ මාර්ගය බලාගන්න පුළුවන්. අප මෙම ලිපිය ලියද්දීත් මත්තල ගුවන් තොටුපොළ හරහා A380 යානයක් පියාසර කරනවා.


(v). මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළ ඉදිකිරීමට පෙර ඒවා පියාසර කළේ වැඩි ඉන්ධන ප්‍රමාණයක් සහ කාලයක් වැය කරමින් ඉන්දියවේ චෙන්නායි ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන්තොටුපොළ අසළිනුයි. දැන් භාවිතා කරන්නේ වඩාත්ම Economic Flying Route එකයි.

(vi). එවැනි ගුවන් ගමනක් යාමට පෙර මත්තල ගුවන් පාලක අංශය සමග සම්බන්ධ වී ගුවන්තොටුපොළේ පහසුකම් (හදිසියේ ගොඩබාන්න වුණොත් කියලා) වෙන් කරගත යුතුයි.

(vii). ගුවන් යානය ගමන් කරද්දී මත්තල ටවර් එකේ සිටින Air Traffic Controller නිලධාරීන් දෙදෙනෙක්ගේ සහාය, Ground Handling – IFR (instrument flying) clearance එම ගුවන් යානයට ලැබෙනවා.


(viii). ඒ ආකාරයෙන් ගුවන් යානයක් ගමනාන්තයට ගිය පසුව අදාල ගුවන් සමාගම විසින් ඒ සඳහා මුදලක් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිවිල් ගුවන් සේවා අධිකාරියේ ගිණුමට බැර කරනවා.

(ix). ඒ විතරක් නෙමෙයි, ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අවට මුහුද මෙන්ම ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අවට අහසත් අයත් වෙන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජයට යි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට අයත් ගුවන් තොරතුරු කලාපය වර්ග කිලෝමීටර් ලක්ෂ 10 කට ආසන්න බව සැලකෙනවා. අපේ රට වටේට දවැන්ත සාගරයක් පිහිටීම නිසයි එම වාසිය අපට අත් වන්නේ.

(x). ඒ අනුව අති දැවන්ත ගුවන් යානා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අසළින් යනවා කියන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට නිකම්ම තවත් වැඩිපුර මුදලක් ලැබෙනවා.

(xi). ඔය ආකාරයෙන් ලැබෙන මුදල ඉතාමත් විශාල අගයක්. අපට වාර්තා වී ඇති ආකාරයට ඉදිරි කාලය තුළ මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළේ පහසුකම් සැපයීම තවත් වර්ධනය කරගතහොත්, මත්තලට ගුවන් යානා ආවේ නැතත් ඉහත කී ආකාරයෙන් රටට ලැබෙන මුදල ප්‍රමාණවත්.

(xii). නමුත් පසුගිය කාලයේ මත්තල මාසික ආදායම රු 16000 ආදී වශයෙන් අහන්නට ලැබුණේ ගුවන් ටිකට්පත් වලින් ලැබෙන ආදායම විය යුතුයි. නමුත් ඉහත කී ආකාරයෙන් රටට ලැබෙන අති විශාල ධනස්කන්ධය සහ දෙවන ගුවන්තොටුපොළ නිසා රටට ඉතිරි වෙන මුදල ගැන වැඩිය ප්‍රසිද්ධ වෙන්නේ නෑ.

(xiii). ගුවන් යානා බාන්නේ නැතිව ආදායම් ලබන හැටි ගැන පසුගිය කාලයේ බොහෝ ජනමාධ්‍ය වලින් ප්‍රචාරය නොවුණත් දෙරන වෙබ් අඩවියෙන් මෙවන් පුවතක් වාර්තා කර තිබෙනවා.



මත්තලට වැය වුණ මුදල.

[4]. මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළ හදන්න අති විශාල ජාතික ධනයක් නිරපරාදේ වැය කළා කියලා ඒ දවස් වල සමහරු පැවසුවා.

(i). ඒත් ඉහත දැක්වූ කාරණා අනුව ඔබ දන්නවා මත්තල යනු අත්‍යවශ්‍ය යටිතල පහසුකමක් කියලා.

(ii). මත්තල ඉදිකිරීමට වැය වී ඇත්තේ ඩොලර් මිලියන ඩොලර් මිලියන 210 ක් හෙවත් රුපියල් 26,250,000,000 (එකල $/SLR විනියම අනුපාතය රු. 125 ක් ලෙස සලකා).

(iii). හැබැයි යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුවේ භාණ්ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කර නිකුතුවෙන් 2015 අගෝස්තු 8 වන විට රටට සිදුවූ පාඩුව රුපියල් කෝටි 7211 ක් හෙවත් රුපියල් 72,110,000,000 ක් වෙනවා. මූලාශ්‍රය

(iv). ඒ අනුව “යහපාලනය” වෙනුවෙන් නාස්ති කල සල්ලි වලින් තවත් ගුවන්තොටුපොළ 2 ක්ම ඉදි කර ඉතිරි සල්ලි වලින් අර තාමත් හොයාගන්න බැරිවුණ හෙළිකොප්ටර් 6 සහ බංකින්හැම් අශ්වයාවත් ගන්න තිබුණා.


මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළ නිසා ඇත්තටම පාඩු ලැබුවේ කවුද?

[5]. ඉන්දියාවේ චෙන්නායි ගුවන්තොටුපොළ රාත්‍රී 10 සිට උදේ 6 දක්වා වැඩ කරන්නේ කටුනායක ගුවන්තොටුපොළ තිබෙන නිසයි. එම කාලය තුළ පැමිණෙන ගුවන් යානා වලට බැකප් ගුවන්තොටුපොළක් ලංකාවේ නෑ. තිබෙන්නේ චෙන්නායි විතරයි. ඒ අනුව මත්තල නිසා පාඩුව සිදුවූයේ චෙන්නායි ගුවන්තොටුපොළට බව ගුවන් නිලධාරියෙක් පෙන්වා දෙයි.


කුමන්ත්‍රණය සහ ආර්ථික ඝාතකයින්

[6]. මත්තල ගුවන් තොටුපොළ ඉදිකිරීම නිසා ඉන්දියාව අසලින් ගිය අන්තර්මහාද්වීපික ගුවන් යානා ප්‍රමාණය දැන් අඩු වෙමින් පවතිනවා. ඒ අතරේ හම්බන්තොට මාගම්පුර වරාය දැනටමත් ලාභ ලබමින් පැවතීම නිසා ඉදිරියේ සිංගප්පූරුවට හිසරදයක් වෙන තරගකරුවා වන්නේ මාගම්පුර වරායයි….. දැන් මේවා ගැන සිතන්න…,

(i). පහුගිය කාලයේ මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපොළට සහ හම්බන්තොට වරායට එරෙහිව කෘතිම ලෙස දැඩි අපවාදයක් එල්ල වුණා,

(ii). මත්තලට වඩා දිගින් අඩු කටුනායක ගුවන් පථයේ පළල වැඩි කිරීමට විදේශ ආධාර යෝජනා වුණා. A380 සඳහා අවශ්‍ය උපරිම පළල මීටර් 60 වෙද්දී (මත්තල ඇත්තේ එම පළලයි), දිගින් අඩු කටුනායක ගුවන් පථය මීටර් 75 ක් දක්වා පුළුල් කිරීමට සැලසුම් සැකසුණා.

(iii). ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී එවකට එජාපය ප්‍රමුඛ විපක්ෂයේ බොහෝ සාකච්ඡා පැවතුණේ සිංගප්පූරුවේ,

(iv). ඉන්දියානු මැදිහත්වීම් උග්‍ර වුණා,

(v). මත්තල සහ හම්බන්තොට සංවර්ධන ව්‍යාපෘති නිර්මාතෘ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට එරෙහිව අති දැවැන්ත මඩ ව්‍යාපාරයක් ගොස් එතුමාව පරාජය වුණා,


(vi). මත්තල ගැන ඇත්ත කතාව ජනතාවට හෙළි කිරීමට හැකියාව තියෙන බොහෝ විශේෂඥයින් පවා අද්භූත ලෙස නිහඬව සිටියා, ප්‍රධානීන්ව වචනයක්වත් මාධ්‍ය වෙත කීමට නොහැකි වන සේ සිරගත වෙනවා,

(vii). මත්තල ගැන ගුවන්තොටුපොළ නිලධාරීන්ගේ පැහැදිළි කිරීම ජනමාධ්‍ය වල විකාශය වීමට එරෙහිව අදිසි හස්තයන් ක්‍රියාත්මක වුණා.

(viii). මෑතකදී මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා තමන්ට එරෙහිව ක්‍රියාත්මක වූ එක්තරා විදේශ බුද්ධි අංශයක් ගැන හෙළි කළා…

ඔය සිදුවීම් ජාලය එකිනෙක ගලපලා බලන්න, ලැබෙන චිත්‍රය මොන වගේද කියලා…..


පහුගිය කාලේ නොදැනුවත් කමින් මත්තලට අපහාස කළ යාලුවන්ටත් ඇත්ත දැනගැනීමට Share කරන්න.


Cricket and Crabs – Can they go together?

September 2nd, 2015

Senaka Weeraratna

Sport builds strength and character in a person and instills values. A sports personality has a responsibility towards society to do good by setting an example. Sports is about two rivals battling it out to see who is better. It is not about a person of strength attacking a defenseless being. That’s not sportsmanship. That’s Bullying and Cowardice. Yet people don’t seem to think there is anything wrong in throwing an innocent being such as a live crab into a cauldron of boiling water. We cringe when even a drop of hot water spills on us yet we don’t seem to have any qualms about doing that to a defenseless crab.

All living beings feel pain and we all know it even if we don’t want to accept it. Where is our compassion? Why has someone not protested or taken action against the perpetrators of cruelty to animals? Or are famous sports icons exempt from the law? The Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Ordinance, No. 13 of 1907, though outdated, does still exist to enforce the law against cruelty to animals.

Does not the abusive treatment of these crabs infringe on their most fundamental right – the right to life ? Why is the law silent? Why has the police not taken any action and why is society not standing up in protest at this injustice? Are elephants the only animals entitled to our compassion and concern, while leaving out the rest of the non – human living beings constantly subject to man’s inhumanity, from any moral attention on our part? What sort of double standard is that?

Do we stand by and let this happen? The Buddha has pointed out that Samma Ajiva or right livelihood is a foundation of an ideal society. Right livelihood means the choosing of the right vocation which would cause no harm to other sentient beings or the ethical principle of non-exploitation. Today by remaining silent we tacitly condone the killing of innocent beings in a cruel manner, largely because it doesn’t affect us. How many lives must be lost before someone confronts our sports “heroes” and challenge them for an explanation of their ‘ethical’ principles and ignoble ways of earning money? Is this the example to be set for the future generations? Can sportspeople lacking genuine compassion for others including animals be treated as role models for the young? Is an ethical virtuous life no longer relevant for our society and particularly for sportsmen and sportswomen?

‘ Virtue starts with non – killing’ said Buddhaghosa.

It is time that we reflect on this important statement.

Dharma Voices for Animals Sri Lanka Chapter

see also

Let’s go back to the 1st UNHRC Resolution on Sri Lanka in May 2009

September 2nd, 2015

Shenali D Waduge

3 decades of terrorism in Sri Lanka ended in May 2009 following a military defeat of the LTTE. The Human Rights Council announced on 22 May 2009 that it would hold a special session to address the human rights situation in Sri Lanka on 26 May 2009. It was being convened at the request of Germany on behalf of 17 members of the HRC: Canada, France, Italy, Mexico, the Netherlands, Korea, Slovakia, Slovenia, Switzerland, Ukraine, Argentina, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Mauritius, Chile, Uruguay and the UK. General Assembly Resolution 60/251 which created the Human Rights Council states in its operative paragraph 10 that the Council “shall be able to hold Special Sessions when needed at the request of a member of the Council with the support of one-third of the membership of the Council”. To convene a special session 1/3 of the HRC members were required. The magical 16 number was achieved. Arguably if the members of the UN/HRC had shown this much of passion during the terrorist conflict about human rights et al we may have not had to endure 3 decades of terror.

Thus on 27th May 2009, less than 10 days following the military defeat of the LTTE, the Human Rights Council adopted a resolution. It was called a ‘resolution of assistance to Sri Lanka in the promotion and protection of human rights’. The resolution went to vote. 29 voted in favour, 12 against and 6 abstained.

Voted in favour (29): Voted against (12): Abstained (6) :
Angola, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Brazil, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, China, Cuba, Djibouti, Egypt, Ghana, India, Indonesia, Jordan, Madagascar, Malaysia, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, Philippines, Qatar, Russian Federation, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, South Africa, Uruguay, and Zambia.


Bosnia and Herzegovina, Canada, Chile, France, Germany, Italy, Mexico, Netherlands, Slovakia, Slovenia, Switzerland, and United Kingdom


(the highlighted 4 originally supported Germany’s call for a special session)

Argentina, Gabon, Japan, Mauritius, Republic of Korea, and Ukraine


Little is said about the counter resolution (no-action motion) L.1/Rev.2 brought by Cuba submitted before taking action on the draft resolution. Germany in fact wished to make 9 amendments to the L.1/Rev.2 forcing Cuba to invoke rule 117 of the Rules of Procedure and block discussions.

Voted in favour (22): Voted against (17): Abstained (7) :
Angola, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, China, Cuba, Djibouti, Egypt, Ghana, India, Indonesia, Madagascar, Malaysia, Nicaragua, Pakistan, Philippines, Qatar, Russian Federation, Saudi Arabia, and South Africa Argentina, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Canada, Chile, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Mauritius, Mexico, Netherlands, Republic of Korea, Slovakia, Slovenia, Switzerland, United Kingdom, and Uruguay Azerbaijan, Brazil, Gabon, Nigeria, Senegal, Ukraine, and Zambia.

It was interesting that after 3 decades throughout which so many civilians were targets of LTTE terror was ignored the very same nations are suddenly piqued about violations of rights that they jumped to sponsor a Special Session which however led to no consensus for a follow-up against Sri Lanka despite the chirping by them of violations devoid of evidence! What were these nations doing all these years when LTTE were sending suicide missions and placing bombs in public places or cutting up villagers to pieces?

The very countries that had been shouting weapons of mass destruction in Iraq (a mere publicity stunt to invade & occupy Iraq) were now screaming ‘war crimes’ against Sri Lanka without an iota of evidence. The statements issued by the envoys of the members clearly established that even after 3 decades member nations were clueless about the terrorist situation in Sri Lanka, the type of terror LTTE unleashed, how and who created and funded LTTE and the other entities linked to LTTE over the years some of them being the very countries who were pretending to be paragons of virtue.

Be that as it may the Human Rights Council resolution of 26 May 2009 S-11/1 Assistance to Sri Lanka in the promotion and protection of human rights

If in 2009 the Human Rights Council reaffirmed its respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka’s sovereign rights to protect its citizens and to combat terrorism, the HRC must be fully aware that the decision to militarily defeat the LTTE came after 3 decades of suffering terror at the hands of the LTTE and after ceasefires, peace talks, negotiations, foreign-monitoring missions, foreign-mediated talks all failed to stop LTTE from murdering people and causing mayhem across the country. 

While the 2009 HRC Resolution condemned LTTE for ‘launching attacks on civilian populations’ and ‘using civilians as human shields’ and kept ‘against their will as hostages’ what riot act is the HRC reading out to the LTTE and against whom will the HRC take action?

When the 2009 HRC Resolution welcomed the conclusion of hostilities and efforts by the GOSL to ensure the safety and security of all Sri Lankans on what grounds were the parallel accusations being brought?

If the HRC is upholding Sri Lanka’s rights to its sovereignty why did the HRC include the need to implement the 13th amendment and refer to a political solution when Sri Lanka has been all the time saying that we suffered a terrorist problem which even the Tamils were victims of.

It is also interesting to note that following the liberation of the East in 2008 none of the present pressures about IDPs, relief, rehabilitation, human rights was shown by any of the countries delivering heart rendering speeches about Sri Lanka’s duties towards its citizens!

 The highlights of the 2009 resolution

  • HRC’s acknowledgement of the continued engagement by GOSL in regularly and transparently briefing and updating the council on the human rights situation on the ground in Sri Lanka and the measures taken (if Sri Lanka has been regular, transparent and updating the Council why is the Council and its High Commissioner going on a tangent against Sri Lanka via OHCHR reports)
  1. Commended the measures taken by the GOSL to address needs of the IDPs
  2. Welcomed the continued commitment of Sri Lanka to the promotion & protection of all human rights and encouraged Sri Lanka to continue to uphold its human rights obligations and norms of international human rights law.
  3. Encouraged the GOSL to continue to pursue its existing cooperation with UN organizations.
  4. Welcomed the proposal to safely resettle IDPs in 6 months (did the HRC give such timelines to the US/UK & NATO in all the nations they invaded and occupied leaving millions of IDPs?)
  5. Acknowledged the commitment of the GOSL to provide access to international humanitarian agencies to ensure humanitarian assistance
  6. Encouraged the GOSL to persevere in efforts to disarm, demobilize and rehabilitate former child soldiers recruited by non-state actors and reintegrate them into society (in fact a very successful rehabilitation and reintegration program was created by Sri Lanka).
  7. Urged the GOSL to continue strengthening its activities to ensure there was no discrimination against ethnic minorities
  8. Welcomed the cooperation between the GOSL and UN agencies and humanitarian organizations to provide humanitarian assistance
  9. Welcomed the recent visits to Sri Lanka by the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and the Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of the internally displaced persons and encouraged them to continue to cooperate in mobilization and provision of humanitarian assistance
  10. Welcomed the visit of the Secretary General at the invitation of the President of Sri Lanka and endorsed the joint statement (though this statement did not have any line to say Sri Lanka was going to investigate the conflict)
  11. Welcomed the resolve of the Sri Lankan authorities to begin broader dialogue with all parties to enhance the political settlement (again this has nothing to do with the terrorist problem and is very much within the internal affairs of a sovereign country)
  12. Urged the international community to cooperate with the GOSL in reconstruction efforts including financial assistance.

Adopted by a recorded vote of 29 to 12, with 6 abstentions

Let us remind again that apart from the commonly expected to be used statements issued by member nations and use of words/phrases simply because envoys are expected to use them there was nothing substantial in any of the comments made by either the HRC or the member envoys.

The numbers game

 As you can see from 2009 other than less than 10,000 figure there was no mention whatsoever of a 40,000 figure. Gordon Weiss was the first culprit to start the ball rolling hoping to kickstart his career as an author and similar others took their cue. Soon the 40,000 reached bizarre heights of imagination going up to 200,000 at times forgetting that 300,000 had actually been saved.

What was hilarious about these inflated figures was that it only enabled to showcase the lies being played. While the sick and injured could be counted the media coverage about ‘hundreds of thousands dead’ had a big piece missing – there was no physical body and no signs of bodies being buried either. The dead must have bodies!!!

As this photo of 2500 dead Iraqi’s show, someone should have been able to take a picture of 40,000 dead bodies in a small stretch of land that they were confined to…. And while Channel 4 became famous for funded documentaries about isolated acts of soldiers which cannot be argued as war crimes by a State on orders of command, where are their footage on the 40,000 dead??? We have been waiting 6 years now and only one or two isolated cases are being repeatedly shown which hardly account for a nation to be accused of war crimes. Individual soldiers responsible for not keeping to military discipline should certainly be punished via a Sri Lankan military tribunal per SL military laws.


  • 13 March 2009 – Navi Pillay quoted 2800 deaths
  • 24 April 2009 – UN gave 6432 deaths
  • UK Guardian on 24 April 2009 quoted UN officials unofficially confirming 6500 dead from January to April 2009
  • UK Times placed the figure of dead at 20,000 on 29 May 2009.
  • Tamilnet – pro-LTTE website gave death total as 7,398
  • A UN document estimated that 7,721 civilians were killed between August 2008 and 13 May 2009 (Ban Ki Moon’s panel thought the number too low a ridiculous reason to not accept the UN figure)
  • In February 2010 he appeared on an ABC television programme where he cited “anything between 10,000 and 40,000” civilian deaths in the ‘seige zone.’
  • Gordon Weiss initially quoted 7000 figure which was quoted by the UN New York office. After leaving the UN and starting his book the civilian figures conveniently got elevated to 15,000 and then that figure became 40,000 and media as expected quoted Weiss’s inflated figures as being quoted by the UN instead of saying these were personal views of a former UN spokesman!
  • When Weiss quoted 7000 Sir John Holmes, the UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and UN Emergency Relief Coordinator on 24 March 2009 said the figure could not be verified.

Ban Ki Moon the UN Secretary General arrived in Sri Lanka on 23 May 2009 for a 3 day visit. A joint statement was issued but nothing that committed Sri Lanka to assuring to hold any investigation. Following much diplomatic pressure the Lessons Learnt and Reconcilation Commission was appointed on 15 May 2010 with a mandate covering 2002 to May 2009. Hardly a month passed for UNSG to appoint a 3 member panel on 22nd June 2010 with a mandate to appraise the UNSG on the last 3 months of the conflict. UNSG’s spokesman Martin Nesirky declares that the panel is “not a fact-finding mission…not an investigation…not an inquiry…not a probe….only a panel to advise the UNSG”.

In the words of Ban Ki Moon’s panel if “there is no authoritative figure for civilian deaths or injuries in the Vanni in the final phases of the war.” Why is there a tendency to be selectively choosing which numbers are more appropriate to be held against Sri Lanka?

Recalling the words of Abdel Wahab Hani of Arab Commission for Human Rights “human suffering had no color, race, language or gender’ why is it that the UN/HRC and foreign envoys insist on investigating only the last 3 months when they are well aware that terrorism lasted 3 decades?

As you can see the first resolution had none of the frills that has accompanied the rest of the resolutions against Sri Lanka which have become confused by putting anything and everything the drafters could cook up in their vengeance to somehow press charges hoping at least one of these charges would work.

In such a scenario of ungentlemanly action, lies and hype over 6 years it is time the witch-hunt stops and the Sri Lankan military, the former President and all those that eliminated terror are absolved from the lies that have been promoted.

Shenali D Waduge



September 2nd, 2015

Diannah Paramour

Sent from my iPadThat’s a lot to digest isn’t it?

Firstly, this is what the international community and the filthy UN want:

For Sri Lanka to act like savages in the jungle.

Publicly hang MR and just to make the show look good, hang a bunch of low crimes criminals from your prison, doesn’t matter who they are.

Hang them all in Colombo park.

Then produce a long scroll of ‘per ported’ crimes.

But don’t forget to run your photocopying machine hot, printing up fake rupee.

Show the bag of fake notes to the crowd and declare:

” Look we found the missing $53 million”


Peasants will cheer.

But wait the lust for blood and revenge is not over yet, Judas has been working hard.

Then produce a small bag of rags soaked in petrol and declare:

“look, this is evidence that MR set the rugby players car on fire”

The masses cheer, then you hang the dead MR all over again.

Or maybe because most of the world thinks you are banana boat fools anyway, drag his dead body through the streets and let children kick him.
Then the UN can say:

“Tut tut……it’s Imelda Marcos syndrome all over again, let’s go and count Mahinda’s wives shoes, then murder her as well, (oh sorry this is an internationally convened fools court) it’s not murder, it’s a dutiful, justifiable human rights execution.
Then the mighty USA has a good belly laugh.

The British verify that Sri Lanka is still Ceylon and needs to bow down to the superior white skin, after all….without white rule brown skins can never rise above slavery.


Your people cried out for 30 years:

“Please help us defeat the brutal terrorists”

Nothing happened, because your not sitting on huge oil deposits.

Eventually your magnificent President, a visionary leader, could take no more.

Sri Lanka lapped precariously on the shores of destruction, the end was neigh.
President Mahinda Rajapaksa, knowing he placed himself in dire peril. Ordered the final closure of the war, thousands of innocent civilians and his country depended on one mans brave orders.

Yes innocent people died in the crossfire, the soil was already red with spilt blood.

Can’t you see what happened?

Wake up Sri Lankans, you are this earth’s highest intellectual race, your academic and ethical intelligence is far superior to any other race of people.

Your ancestry is pure in spiritual ethics and rich in traditional culture.


Accept the facts:

Who designed the maps designating the two no fire zones?

MR and GR.

Who disseminated the maps designating the two no fire zones?

The United Nations of course, traitors to humanity.

It’s obvious they changed the locations and deliberately led the innocents right into the unsafe zones, if you can’t see such a simple game plan as that then your all blind.
The UN are war mongers, raising funds to keep themselves in comfortable jobs.

The UN used the Sri Lankan war to fatten their own coffers.

Don’t think that the Red Cross are innocent either, they were just as compliant.

Stop saying ‘civil war’ it was outright war, a civil war is between two groups of the same citizens, hence the name ‘civil’ from civilians.

The LTTE and their worshiping terrorist followers are Indians.

Shipped in by the colonists when the Sinhalese couldn’t be corrupted to destroy their environment to grow Tea.

Where else to go except India if one were looking for corrupt people, they grow on trees in India.
While I’m on a roll I may as well continue, because I’m all fired up over this email I’ve just received.

Is there anyone in Sri Lanka who actually believes that the Buddhists burnt down the Jaffna Library?

Of course not, when murdering police officers didn’t get the desired reaction, the LTTE burnt down their own precious Library as a catalyst to ignite the war, to inflame the Tamils and that they achieved with perfection.
Who killed the darling innocent son of VP? (Sorry I refuse to glorify his name by penning it down)

That child was executed at the direct orders of his brutal father, so too his bodyguards.

The Channel 4 forensic evidence, given in countries away from photos was the biggest load of rubbish I’ve ever seen.

The world believes any white man in a suit, the fools.

I have much more to say but best bite my tongue for now, three death threats are enough for the moment otherwise it’s boring and troublesome.


Never tell me again that I am brave to stride before 500 LTTE worshipers brandishing the true Lion flag, they should bow down on the dirt they created and give thanks to their President because he saved them as well.

Saved them for what?

To illegally boat to Australia to falsely claim asylum and be free to hold their pathetic genocide service on safe soil.

They gave me three broken bones to steal my flag, that’s nothing.

How many dead babies have you buried?

How many brave SLA officers were sacrificed for your freedom?

How many children struggle without parents?

How many parents now elderly and alone?

How many droplets of blood soak the LTTE flag of death?

NO……I’m not the brave one, you are.
This election was not about true democracy, it was a big “FOR SALE” sign outside your vital shipping lanes.

Shame on you.

Praise to those who put so much love and appreciation into MR and GR.

RETURN  SINHALA BUDDHIST RULE or your young people are lost.

“You are not alone it’s my duty to serve you and I will continue”

Miss Diannah Paramour

‘sea spray Cottage’



දේශපාලන ත්‍රිකෝණය

September 2nd, 2015

මනෝඡ් අබයදීර දිවයින

සර්, සජිත්ටයි එවන්ස්‌ටයි පොඩ්ඩකට කාමරයෙන් එළියට යන්න කියමුද? එම සාකච්ඡාව අපි දෙදෙනා අතර පමණයි පැවතිය යුත්තේ.”

“හොඳයි” ජනාධිපතිතුමා කීයේය. මේ වේලාවේ එතුමාගේ මුහුණේ පෙර පැවති සුහදතාවය නොතිබුණි. ඇස්‌ දෙක රතුය. බැල්මත් භයානකය. ඇතුලත්මුදලි ඇමැතිතුමාත් පැමිණ ඇත්තේ බැගෑවීමට නොවේ. දෙකෙන් එකක්‌ බේරුම් කර ගන්නටය. ආරංචිකරු කී හැටියට ඔහු පැමිණ ඇත්තේ ඉල්ලා අස්‌වීම තීන්දු කරගෙනය. අපි කාමරයෙන් පිටවූයෙමු. කාමරය වැසී ගියේය.

කාමරය කොච්චර හොඳට වැසී තිබුණත්, ඇතුළතින් එන ශබ්දවල හැටියට දෙදෙනා ඇරගන්නවා වගේ ය. ජනසෙත සැදූ ජනපති සෙවණේ යන ග්‍රන්ථයේදී එවන්ස්‌ කුරේ විසින් එසේ සිය මතකය දිග හරිනු ලබන්නේ දෝෂාභියෝගය මොහොතේ ලලිත් ඇතුලත්මුදලි සහ ජනාධිපති ප්‍රේමදාස අතර ඇතිවුණු උණුසුම් සාකච්ඡාව ගැනය.

තෙදවත් ප්‍රේමදාස චරිතයට විපක්‌ෂය පවා අභියෝග කරන්නට බිය වී සිටිනා මොහොතක, අට දෙනකු ඇතුළතින් කැරැල්ලක්‌ ගැසූ අවස්‌ථාවක්‌ ලෙස ජනාධිපති ප්‍රේමදාසට එරෙහිව පැමිණි දෝෂාභියෝගය ගත හැකිය.
ප්‍රේමදාස විසින් දොර වැසීම නිසා ඇතිවූ ප්‍රශ්නයෙන් ආණ්‌ඩුවක්‌ එසේ නාය යද්දී මහින්ද දොර ඇරගෙන සිටියදී ඒ ආණ්‌ඩුව නාය ගියේය.
මහින්ද, ජනාධිපති පුටුවේ සිටින විට ඔහුගේ ආණ්‌ඩුවට ඇතුළුවීමට තිබුණේ සැලූන් දොරක්‌ බව හොඳින්ම දැන ගෙන හිටියේ එදා විපක්‌ෂයේ සිටි එජාපයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුය. 2010 අප්‍රියෙල් මාසයේ පවත්වන ලද මහ මැතිවරණයේදී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විපක්‌ෂය නියෝජනය කිරීම සඳහා මන්ත්‍රීවරු 81 ක්‌ පත්වූහ. එයින් 60 ක්‌ එජාපයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරු වූහ. මහින්දගේ සැලූන් දොරෙන් එජාපයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරු 19ක්‌ ඇතුල්වීමත් සමග, එජාපයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරු ගණන 41 දක්‌වා අඩු වීය. මේ විදිහට එජාපය බලාගෙන සිටියදී නාය යන විට, එජාපයේ අවසානය අත ළගට පැමිණ ඇතැයි බොහෝ දෙනා සිතන්නට වූහ. සතුරු බලවේගයක්‌ පේනා තෙක්‌ මානයේ නොසිටි, තුනෙන් දෙකේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු බලයක්‌ සහිත මහින්ද, 2015 ජනාධිපතිවරණය පරාජයට පත්වූයේ, මෛත්‍රී ඇතුළු පස්‌ දෙනකු මහින්දට එරෙහිව එළියට බැසීමත් සමගය.

ආණ්‌ඩු දෙදරන්නේ මෙහෙමය. විධායක බලය කොයිතරම් ප්‍රබල වුවත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව මොන තරම් ස්‌ථාවර වුවත්, ඒ පැත්තේ කිහිප දෙනෙකුගේ කැරැල්ලක්‌ මගින් සියල්ල උඩු යටිකුරු කළ හැකිය.

මේ කතා වෙනදාට මතක්‌ කරන්නේ, ආණ්‌ඩුවක්‌ යන අතර මැදය. එහෙම ගිහින් පරණ කතා මතක්‌ කර ගන්න විට අර්බුදය අත උඩටම ඇවිල්ලා නිසා, කරගන්න දෙයක්‌ නැති ගාණය. නමුත් වේලාසනින්ම මේ කතා මතක්‌ කර ගෙන සිටියොත් යන ගමන පරිස්‌සමට යා හැකිය.

ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රී අරගලයකට නොබියව අත ගසා බලයට පැමිණි, චරිතයකි. එසේ වුවත් ඔහු බලයට එන්නේ තමන්ගේ දේශපාලන ව්‍යාපාරයකින් නොව අනුන්ගේ පක්‌ෂ කිහිපයක උදව්වෙනි. මේ නිසා තම බලය හොබවන්නට ඔහුට කිහිලිකරු වුවමනා විය. තමන් බලයට ගෙනා එජාපය එක අතක වාරුවට ගන්නා අතරේ අනික්‌ වාරුව සදහා ඔහු උපයෝගී කර ගත්තේ තමන් කලින් සිටි ශ්‍රීලනිපය ය. මේ වාරු දෙක තබා ගෙන ඔහු දැන් කරළියට පිවිස තිබේ. එජාපය ගතහොත්, එය බලය හොඳට හොබවා ඇති පක්‌ෂයකි. 1994 න් පසු තවමත් ඊට පරිපූර්ණ බලයක්‌ අතට ගන්නට ඉඩ ලැබුණේ නැත. 2001 දෙසැම්බර් මහ මැතිවරණයෙන් ආසන 109 ක්‌ ලබාගෙන ජයග්‍රහණය කරන්නට එජාපයට හැකි වුවත්, විධායක බලය අතේ තබා ගෙන සිටි ජනාධිපතිනි චන්ද්‍රිකා විසින් ඒ ආණ්‌ඩුවේ ආයුෂ තීරණය කළාය. චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ කාලයේ තරම් අවුලක්‌ වර්තමාන ජනාධිපති යටතේ එජාපයට නැතත්, මේ තියෙන්නේ එජාප ආණ්‌ඩුවක්‌ නොවේය යන මතය යූඇන්පී කාරයන්ගේ ඔළුවේ තිබෙනවා විය හැකිය. මේ ගැන ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීට ද ඉවක්‌ නොමැති වන්නට බැරිය. තවමත් මෛත්‍රී විසින් එජාපය සමග හොඳ සම්බන්ධතාවක්‌ පවත්වා ගනිමින් තිබේ. ඔහු අවුල් කරගෙන තිබෙන්නේ තමන් නායකත්වය දරන සන්ධානය සහ ශ්‍රීලනිපය මිස එජාපය නොවේ. ආසන 106 ක්‌ අතේ තිබෙන එජාපය ද මෛත්‍රී අතහැර තනියම යන්නේ නැත්තේ තවම ඒ සඳහා වෙලාව පැමිණ නැති නිසාය.Ê

2001 චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ ආණ්‌ඩුව පෙරළුවේ රනිල්ය. එදා ආණ්‌ඩුව ලෙස ක්‍රියා කරන ලද පොඑපෙට තිබුණේ ආසන 109 ක බලයකි. මේ තත්ත්වයෙන් ප්‍රයෝජන ගත් එජාපය අමුතුම දැලක්‌ චන්ද්‍රිකාට එලන්නට විය. ජාතික ආණ්‌ඩුවක්‌ සදහා එජාපය සහ පොඑපෙ සාකච්ඡා කරන්නට පටන් ගත්තේය. එජාපය විසින් ඇමැති මණ්‌ඩලයට ඇතුළුවීම ඇතුළු යෝජනා ගණනාවක්‌ ඒහිදී ඉදිරිපත් කරමින් සිටියේය. මේ ගැටයෙන් ගැලවෙන්නට ඒ වන විටත් චන්ද්‍රිකා අලූත් උපායක්‌ යොදා ගත්තාය. එජාපය සමග ජාතික ආණ්‌ඩුව ගැන කතා කරන අතරේ අනික්‌ පැත්තෙන් හොර රහසේම ජවිපෙ සමග චන්ද්‍රිකා කතා බහක්‌ පටන් ගෙන තිබුණි. එක්‌ පැත්තක විපක්‌ෂ නායක රනිල් සහ අනික්‌ පැත්තෙන් ජනාධිපතිනි චන්ද්‍රිකා විසින් දේශපාලන චෙස්‌ ක්‍රීඩාව කරන්නට පටන් ගෙන තිබුණි. එජාපය සමග සාකච්ඡා අතරමග නවතා දමා ජවිපෙ සමග චන්ද්‍රිකා සන්ධානයක්‌ හදාගන්නේ මේ අතරය. පරිවාස ආණ්‌ඩුව ලෙස ප්‍රසිද්ධ ඒ දාම් ඇදීම ඉදිරියේ රනිල් සැලූනේ නැත. 2001 ඔක්‌තෝබරයේදී පොඑපෙ මන්ත්‍රීවරු නව දෙනකු තම පැත්තට ගෙන චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ ආණ්‌ඩුව වට්‌ටන්නට රනිල් සමත් විය. මේ අත්දැකීම් නිසා බහුතරය නොමැති තත්ත්වයක්‌ තුළ දේශපාලන දාම් අත සෙල්ලම් කළ යුතු ආකාරය රනිල් දනී. තමන්ට ආසන 106 ක්‌ ලැබී තිබුණත් ජාතික ආණ්‌ඩුවේම රනිල් යන්නේ මේ නිසා විය හැකිය. අනික්‌ අතට ප්‍රධාන විපක්‌ෂය වූ එජනිසය තමන්ට බලය ලැබුණු 95 පරිමාවෙන්ම සිටියහොත් එය පහසු නැති බවද රනිල් තේරුම් ගෙන ඇතුවා වන්නට ඇත. ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීගේ කල්පනාව ද එයටම සරිලන්නේය. තමන් නායකයා ලෙස කටයුතු කරන සන්ධානය සහ ශ්‍රීලනිපය තමන්ට කීකරු කර ගන්නට තිබෙන හොඳම විදිහ එජාපය සමග අත් අල්ලා ගැනීම සහ ශ්‍රීලනිපයේ තමන්ගේ පිරිසක්‌ ඇති කර ගැනීම බව මෛත්‍රී සිතනවා ඇත. මේ ගැළපීම් දෙකම සමපාත වීමෙන් එකඟතා ආණ්‌ඩුව ඇතිවී තිබෙන බව පෙනේ. ඊයේ රැස්‌වුණු 15 වෙනි පාර්ලිමේන්තුවත් 4 වෙනිදා දිවුරුම් දෙන කැබිනට්‌ මණ්‌ඩලයත් යන දුර තීරණය කරන්නේ මේ සම්පත වීම පවතින කාල සීමාවය.Ê

අමතක නොකළ යුතු තවත් කරුණක්‌ තිබේ. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කාටත් ඇසුරු කළ හැකි පරිදි නිස්‌කලංකේ මහින්ද රාජපක්‌ෂ ද හිඳියි. වරක්‌ රන්ජන් රාමනායක ප්‍රකාශ කළේ, කල් මැරීම පිළිබඳ උපාධියක්‌ රනිල්ට ඇති බවය. ඒ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයෙන්ම ඒ උපාධියම මහින්ද ද ලබාගෙන සිටියි. 1994 සිට 2004 දක්‌වා චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ ආණ්‌ඩුවට වී අනේකවිධ හයිරම් බලමින්, ගැහැට විඳිමින් මහින්ද කල් ඇල්ලූවේ තමන්ට අවස්‌ථාව එනතුරුය. මහින්ද ඉන්නේ පැරදිලා වුවත් ඉතිහාසයේ හොඳම පරාජිතයා ඔහුය. ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රී අද එජාපය සමග හෙට්‌ටු කරමින් ඇමතිකම් අරගන්නේ මහින්ද විසින් බිහි කරන ලද ඉතිහාසයේ හොඳම විපක්‌ෂය අතට ගෙනය. ආසන 96ක්‌ මහින්ද අරගත්තේ, පක්‌ෂ නායකයා පුළුවන් තරම් කකුලෙන් අදිද්දීය. මහින්ද නොවන්නට මෙහෙම විපක්‌ෂයක්‌ එජනිසයට ලැබෙන්නේ නැත. ඒ අතරම මහින්ද සමග යළි නැගිටිය යුතු යෑයි සිතනා පිරිසක්‌ තවම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සිටියි. මේ ගැන ඊයේ ලංකාදීප පුවත්පත සමග විමල් වීරවංශ ප්‍රකාශයක්‌ කර තිබුණි.

ප්‍රශ්නය – මහින්ද රාජපක්‌ෂ කියන්නේ තිබුණ හොඳම හා අවසන් තුරුම්පුව. ඒ තුරුම්පුව ගහලා ඉවරයි. මෙතැනින් එහාට තියෙන තුරුම්පු මොනවාද?

පිළිතුර – තිබිච්ච හොඳම තුරුම්පුව වගේම අනාගතයටත් තියෙන හොදම තුරුම්පුව මහින්ද රාජපක්‌ෂයි. කවුරුහරි හිතනවා නම් ඒක එහෙම නොවෙයි කියලා මේ රටේ ඉදිරි වසරක පමණ කාලයක්‌ ඇවෑමෙන් තේරුම් ගනීවි මොකක්‌ද ඇත්ත තත්ත්වය කියලා.

විමල් මෙහෙම කියන්නේ, සෙමින් සෙමින් තට්‌ටු අල්ලා ඉනිම ක්‍රීඩා කරන්නට පිටියට පිවිසෙන ගමන්ය. ඒ කියන්නේ මහින්ද මේ සිටින්නේ ද තමන්ට සිග්නල් එක වැටෙන තුරු බවය.

මේ අනුව බලන විට මෛත්‍රී, රනිල්, මහින්ද කියන ත්‍රිකෝණයටම දැන් කියන ගීතය වනු ඇත්තේ ‘සම කෝණී ත්‍රිකෝණයකි ඔබත් මාත් ඔහුත් සිටින’ යන්නය.

-මනෝඡ් අබයදීර

නරින්ට කුකුල් කොටුව දීම හෙවත් සිරිසෙනලාගේ – විජේසූරියලාගේ ශ්‍රීලනිප සැමරුම..

September 2nd, 2015

යටියන ප්‍රදීප් කුමාර  යුතුකම සංවාද කවය

මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතාගේ ආරාධනයෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ 64 වන සම්මේලනයේ ප්‍රධාන දේශනය පැවැත්වූයේ මහාචාර්‍ය සරත් විජේසූරිය මහතාය.

සාමාන්‍යයෙන් නම් පක්ෂ සම්මේලනයක පක්ෂය පිළිබඳ දේශනයක් පවත්වන්නේ ඒ පක්ෂයට අව්‍යාජව හිතැති විද්වතෙකු විසිනි. එසේත් නැත්නම් ආධානාග්‍රාහී නොවන සාපේක්ෂව හෝ ස්වාධීන බුද්ධිමතෙකු විසිනි.
ශ්‍රීලනිපය ඉතාමත් අසීරු අවධියක පසු වූ 80 දශකයේ අග භාගයේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ  මහතා විසින් නිදහස් පක්ෂ සමරු දේශයනට ආචාර්‍ය නලින්ද සිල්වා මහතාට ආරාධනා කරන්නේ ඒ පළමු පදනමිනි. එදා එතුමා විසින් පළකළ 56 දරුවන් පිලිබඳ කතාව අදද ශ්‍රීලනිපයේ මුල හඳුනාගැනීමට අත්පොත් සපයන්නකි.

සරත් විජේසූරිය වැන්නන් පසුගිය කාලය පුරාම නියෝජනය කලේ කුමන පාර්ශවයද පිළිබඳ තව දුරටත් කිසිවෙකුටත් රහසක් නොවේ. ශ්‍රීලනිප ය පරාජය කර යූඇන්පී ආණ්ඩුවක් ඇටවීමේ ව්‍යාපෘතියේ ‘මහාචාර්‍ය භීමිකාව’ සැපයූ විකල්ප ගෝත්‍රයේ කැපී පෙනෙන භූමිකාවක් විජේසූරිය මහතලා විසින් ඉටු කෙරිණ. මෙගා බොරු වලින් දෑස් අඳ කළ මධ්‍යම පාන්තික අලුත් පරපුරට අවැසි ඊනියා උගත් වියත් භූමිකාවට සරත් විජේසූරියලා විසින් පණ දුන්නේ ශ්‍රීලනිපය සී සී කඩ කඩා විනාශ කර දමමිනි. විජේසූරියලා එතෙක් ව්‍යාජව පෙනී සිටි ස්වාධීනත්වයේ විළි වසාගත් අවසාන රෙදි කඩද උනා දමා නග්නව එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ ජයග්‍රහණය වෙනුවෙන් ක්‍රියාත්මක විය. එහෙව් විජේසූරියලා අද ශ්‍රීලනිපය සුරැකීමට උපදෙස් දීම නරියාට කුකුල් කොටුව බාර දීමට වඩා භයානක සෙල්ලමකි.

මෙය ඕනෑම අයෙකුට ඕනෑම පක්ෂයක් වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටීමේ අයිතිය පිලිබඳ ගැටුමක් නොවේ. ගැටලුව ඇත්තේ එලෙස ශ්‍රීලනිප ය වලපල්ලට යැවීමට සිය ධනය , සමාජ බලය ,වෙහෙස යෙදවූවකු තමන් විරුද්ධව ක්‍රියාත්මක වූ පක්ෂයේ අභිවෘද්ධිය වෙනුවෙන් වැදි බණ දෙසන්නට පැමිණීම සහ වැදි බණ දෙසන්නට තෝරාගැනීමයි.

එක අතකින් පුදුම විය යුතුද නැත.
තම පක්ෂය පරාජය කර විපක්ෂය සමග එක්ව ජනාධිපති පුටුවේ වාඩිවූ ජනාධිපතිවරයෙක් ඉන්නා කලෙක,
ඒ තමන්ට එරෙහිව චන්දය දුන් ජනතාවගේ පක්ෂයේ නායකත්වය බලහත්කාරයෙන් අත්පත් කරගත් සභාපතිවරුන් ඉන්නා කලෙක,
තම පක්ෂයේ අගමැතිධූර අපේක්ෂකයා පරාජය කරන්නට නින්දාසහගත භූමිකාවකට පණ දුන් පක්ෂ නායකයකු ඉන්නා කලෙක,
තමන් පරාජය කළ පක්ෂයට ලැබුණු ජාතික ලැයිස්තුව කොල්ලකා තමන්ගේ බල ව්‍යාපෘතියට අනුගතවන පරාජිත අපේක්ෂකයන් අභිෂේකගැන්වූ පක්ෂ නායකයකු ඉන්නා කලෙක,
විපක්ෂය සමග එක්ව ශ්‍රීලනිප පරාජය කරන්නට යටිකූට්ටු ගේම් ගැසූවන් ‘ශ්‍රීලනිප ය සුරැකීමේ’ පතාක යෝධයින් වී ඇති කලෙක,
ශ්‍රීලනිපයේ අවසානය අපේක්ෂාකරන්නන් ශ්‍රීලනිපයේ සමරු දේශනය ලැබීම පුදුම වන්නට දෙයකුත් නොවේ.

මුළුමහත් සමාජයම මේ විකෘතියට , මේ ව්‍යාජයට හසුවී හමාරය.
මේ ලබුත් තිත්ත අපූරු අබුද්ධස්ස යුගයක්මැයි…

මහමැතිවරණයට පෙර සරත් විජේසූරියලාගේ භූමිකාව සම්බන්ධව යුතුකම වෙබ් අවකාශයේ පළ වූ ලිපියක්…
“වෙනස සැපද? සරත් විජේසූරියට සැපයිලු” -සරත් විජේසූරිය මහතාට පිළිතුරක් 

-යටියන ප්‍රදීප් කුමාර
යුතුකම සංවාද කවය
ඔබේ මනාපය රට වෙනුවෙන් කැපවුනු යුතුකම සංවාද කවයේ ෆේස්බුක් පිටුවේ ලකුණු කරන්න. (Like us on facebook)

Eknaligoda drama gets ‘mistress-twist’

September 2nd, 2015

Courtesy The Nation

In a startling turn of events in the investigation into Prageeth Eknaligoda’s alleged disappearance, it has surfaced that the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) is to question his alleged mistress and the Media Secretary to MP Douglas Devananda, Nelson Edirisinghe.

The CID has allegedly found evidence that Eknaligoda lived with this mistress in Matale, and that whenever he was in Colombo he would reside with Edirisinghe and not his wife, Sandya. Sandya was used by those opposed to Mahinda Rajapaksa in their election campaign.

Four army personnel have so far been arrested, and questioned over the disappearance of Eknaligoda, described as a journalist and cartoonist. Among these are two lieutenant colonels, a staff sergeant, and a corporal.As response to Sandya Eknaligoda’s accusation that crucial details of her husband’s alleged disappearance have been concealed, the Police Spokesmen stated that the CID cannot release all information relating to the investigation.

Exporting to India: More trouble than its worth?

September 2nd, 2015

Courtesy Adaderana

A large number of Sri Lankan products exported to India receive duty-free access under the IndiaSri Lanka Free Trade Agreement(ISFTA). However, these benefits are undermined by the existence of Non-Tariff Barriers (NTBs). One significant NTB facedby Sri Lankan exporters (especially food exporters)is the additional costs and delaysat the Indian port of entry resulting from products being checked for compliance with standards and technical regulations of India. Sri Lankan products have to undergo these checks at the port of entry because Indian Authorities do not accept test reports and compliance certificates issued by laboratories located in Sri Lanka. However, Indian exporters to Sri Lanka do not suffer the same problems since Sri Lanka Standards Institute (SLSI) has agreed to accept compliance certificates issued by Indian Authorities through an agreement entered in 2002 with Export Inspection Council (EIC) of India. It is important to make the current one sided agreement a mutual agreement. That will help eliminate the additional costs and delays faced by Sri Lankan exporters in India.

Research conducted by Verité finds that as a result of compliance checks conducted at the point of entry, products are held at the port for a significant time period. The time taken to issue test reports can sometimes even take from 5 days to 3 months. As a result, exporters incur additional costs in the form of demurrage and storage. The cost of test reports in comparison to shipment size tends to be high, and excessive sampling makes the process even more expensive. Further, the inconsistencies in time taken to check compliance makes it difficult for exporters to predict when the cargo will be released from the port. This in turn adversely affects planning of distribution and marketing of the product in the Indian market. Uncertainty in costing and timing of products makes it challenging for Sri Lankan exporters to find and retain Indian buyers.

MRA in CAPs : Do unto us what we did unto you

These costs and delays faced at the point of entry into India can be avoided if the Indian Authorities agree to accept test reports and compliance certificates issued by competent and accredited labs located outside India. Currently Indian exporters to Sri Lanka have an advantage over Sri Lankan exporters to India as their products entering Sri Lanka on the other hand do not incur delays and costs to the same extent because Sri Lanka in general accepts test reports and compliance certificates issued by competent and accredited labs located outside Sri Lanka. In addition to this general practice, in the case of India, an agreement between SLSI and EIC of India permits the EIC to test and certify Indian exports to Sri Lanka for SLSI standards, effectively eliminating the need for rechecking at Sri Lankan ports. It is important to extend the same facility to Sri Lankan exports destined to India to ensure that exporters from both countries can equally benefit from the duty concessions extended by the ISFTA. MRA on CAPs being a mutual agreement will extend the facilities currently enjoyed by Indian exports entering the Sri Lankan market under the 2002 agreement to Sri Lankan exports entering the Indian market.

An MRA in CAPs is neither a novel nor unfamiliar solution to India. The country has provided for MRAs in trade agreements with several other countries, including Singapore, Malaysia and China – the latter despite the lack of a FTA between the two. Further, the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) between Sri Lanka and Indiaproposed in 2003 included a MRA to overcome compliance related NTBs. However, delays in implementing CEPA has delayed implementation of the MRA. In order to ensure that ISFTA benefits exporters from both countries, the MRA should be taken out of CEPA and implemented first. Further, lack of provisions in the current ISFTA to address NTBs of this nature along with weaknesses in existing solutions have made Sri Lankan businesses lose confidence in the potential benefits of further liberalisation of trade and investment between India and Sri Lanka through CEPA. Therefore unbundling MRA from CEPA and implementing it first will help build confidence among Sri Lankan businesses on the benefits of bilateral trade agreements.

Recommendations : An Export Inspection Scheme

Verité’s research finds that in addition to the standards, exporters experience further delay and cost in complying with technical regulations imposed by other government agencies (e.g. Food Authority, Department of Animal Production & Health, National Plant Quarantine Services etc.). Hence an MRA on standards alone will not be sufficient to completely overcome compliance related NTBs. It is therefore vital that the MRA is comprehensive in scope and not limited to standards alone. In this light,Veritérecommends that Sri Lanka explores the possibility ofsetting up a dedicated Export Inspection Scheme or Body, similar to the Export Inspection Council (EIC) of India. This scheme/body can facilitatenot only the India –SriLanka MRA in CAPsbut alsosimilar future agreements with other trading partners.

Verité’s research

Another One Seems To Be Ready To Bite ICC’s Seemingly Myopic Dust!

September 2nd, 2015

Top Spin By Suni

Sept.3rd 2015

Seems like they are at it again!
They virtually destroyed the careers of Saeed Ajmal, Sunil Naraine and others, almost destroyed those of Sachitra Senanayake and Mutiah Muralitharan, the latter mercifully cleared by medical science while there are blatant signs of wrist jerking  by the likes of Mitchells, Johnson and Stark on delivery of their faster ball and a host of others who seemed to get away with bowling murder and walk scott free..

Is this some kind of conspiracy one wonders where the sheer brilliance of certain bowlers are being targetted and negated through planned skulduggery on the part of umpires under orders from certain peers.?
Will it be Rangana Herath next?

In the latest case highlighting the third Test between Sri Lanka and India at Colombo as posted in the media the Sri Lanka offspinner Tharindu Kaushal has been reported for a suspect illegal bowling action following the third Test against India that ended at the SSC in Colombo on Tuesday. Kaushal, 22, will have to undergo a test on his action at an ICC-accredited facility within 14 days but he can continue bowling in international cricket until the results are out.
Kaushal who has played six Tests and one ODI for Sri Lanka, having made his international debut in December 2014 is considered the frontrunner to be Sri Lanka’s leading spinner once Rangana Herath retires. Kaushal took 13 wickets in the three Tests against India, averaging 38.15 at a strike rate of 62.50. ring a bell somewhere on the conspiratory theory?

Kaushal it needs to be mentioned has a fairy tale introduction to Sri Lanka cricket, has undergone many personal traumas involving his family and existence and has come up a winner through grit, toughness and a fighting spirit and a shame the ICC have chosen to target him. To the discerning observer there seems nothing wrong with his action although how it appears to some with distorted and impaired vision whether permanent or not is another matter!!

It is also reported that Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) had recently announced a drive to weed out suspected actions in the country right from the school level, with the immediate aim of ensuring their players were not pulled up during the Under-19 World Cup in Bangladesh next year. The last Sri Lanka bowler to be reported for a suspected action in international cricket was Sachithra Senanayake, during the 2014 tour of England who after near devastation has fought back with a replenished action with only a degree of effectivity.

erhaps it is the decision making of the umpires  and related officials who draw these conclusion that needs questioning and investigation. The world knows now the true circmstances of Muralitharan;s incarceration on orders from the top as disclosed by the umpire who called him as he revealed in a media report years later.
Could it be that there are extenuating circumstances in the case of Kushal that might redeem his action or might it simply come down to the impaired vision and mindset of both umpires LLong and Tucker who seemed to have their fair share of howlers as the game progressed?

On another note -why is it also that India are exempt from the DRS  facility one might ask and why is it not mandatorily imposed on all cricket playing nations in the best interests of the game fair to all alike.

It seems high time the ICC clamped down on their own draconian view about players , bowling actions and the guidelines set to impose restrictions in a fair and proper manner incorporating all players and not just an isolated few where the umpires are no Gods with powers that often tend to ruin the outcome of a game through deplorable  decision making! They also tend to destroy the mindset, morale and enthusiasm of young players and  seems apathetic on the part of those who impose them indiscriminately often without justification and mostly on a whim!.
Incidentally it might be mentioned that they seem to have a dread apprehension of the doosra!

Technology contributing to all this eh?

with Messers. Duckworth / Lewis another thorn in the flesh of the game that needs to be jettisonned and altogether trashed as it serves no purpose  other than cutting costs of a replay.

The collective choices of the ICC relative to the game of cricket  with some exceptions seem to be systematically destroying rather than improving it.

අවසන් නොකළ චිත්රය

September 2nd, 2015

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග

තිරිඟු කුඹුරට ඉහලින් පියඹා ගිය කවුඩනි
නොදුටුවේද රන් පැහැති තිරිඟු
සුළඟට වැනෙනා අයුරු

තෙලි තුඩින් නිම වූ
ගෙඩි පිරුණු ප්ලම් ගස
දුඹුරු පැහැති අතු විහිදා
බලා සිටියි ඔබ එනතුරා


කහ පැහැයෙන් පිරිපුන්
සුරියකාන්ත මල් කිනිති
මවයි දසුනක්
සිත් වසඟකරවනා

රාත්‍රිය එළඹී ඇත
විහිදේ චන්ද්‍ර කාන්තිය
අහසේ දිලෙයි තරුකැට
මවමින් විසිතුරු රටා

මළානිකවූ ලන්තරුමේ පිහිටෙන්
රුදුරු කුසගිනි නිවාගන්නට
අර්තාපල් බුදින දුගී පැල්පතේ නිවැසියන්
දැන සිටියේද ඔහු ගැන යන්තමින්වත්

තම තෙලිතුඩින් නිමකළ
අසමසම චිත්‍රයනට
ඔහු කොතෙක් ඇලුම්කලද
එම මනස්කාන්ත චිත්‍රයන්
ඇළුම්කලේද ඔහු හට

සිත්තරෙකුගේ ඉරණම
මෙතරම් කටුක වුයේ මන්ද
අහෝ වැන්ගෝ මිතුර
ඇයි නුඹ අත් හැරියේ ජීවිතය
අවසන් නොකළ චිත්‍රයක් සේ



Economic Situation Analysis and need for Urgent Policy Actions  

September 2nd, 2015

Pathfinder Economic Flash MEMO to HE and Prime Minister Pathfinder Economic Flash

To:    H.E. the President                            From: Pathfinder Foundation
Hon. Prime Minister

 The Pathfinder Foundation (PF) at the outset wishes to emphasise the need for the government (the President, the Prime Minister, his Cabinet as well as heads of institutions dealing with key economic sectors) to operate in a well-coordinated and consistent manner. The new government, which, has committed to operate in a consensual spirit (sammuthi vaadi), needs to speak with one voice on necessary and urgent economic reforms. There have been some discordant and inconsistent voices which are a cause for concern. From the beginning, the new leadership needs to send consistent messages to business, especially local and foreign investors.

The new government is expected to begin functioning with the swearing-in of the Cabinet on 4th September. It will have to hit the ground running as there are a number of major issues which require urgent attention. These include important issues, such as responding to the UNHRC Report and Constitutional Reform. However, it is arguable that the most difficult and pressing challenges relate to the economy. These include containing short-term dangers and measures to promote long-term inclusive growth and development.

Short-term dangers

At present, the economy is confronted with the unusual combination of below potential growth and pressure on the external account (the current account of the balance of payments, the currency and reserves). The present strategy of borrowing (including the Indian swap arrangements) and defending the exchange rate by depleting resources is unsustainable.

Balance of Payments pressure is usually associated with an overheating economy (high and unsustainable growth) not one with an output gap. The muted inflationary pressure also reinforces the fact that the economy is growing below potential (though imported deflation is also an important explanatory factor).  The low growth may be attributed to a lack of structural reform after the stabilization package in 2012; an uncertain business environment with inconsistent and unpredictable policies; and the political uncertainty over the last 9 months.

The combination of low growth and external account pressure can occur when there is a major exogenous shock, such as a sharp rise in oil prices and /or a collapse of key export production/markets. While tea and rubber exports have been experiencing difficulties, this has been easily offset by the substantial foreign exchange savings generated by low oil prices. This means that the current combination of low growth and external account pressure cannot be attributed to an exogenous shock.

So, why is there pressure on the external account when growth is low? The answer lies in the massive boost to consumption given by the non-productivity linked giveaways in the Budget (Nov 2014) and the Interim Budget (Jan 2015). Consumers have used their higher disposable incomes to increase their purchases of imported items (particularly motor vehicles). At the same time, nothing has happened to earn or save more foreign exchange. In fact, exports have declined in 1H 2015. The result is inevitable pressure on the external account.

The policy challenge posed by this combination of low growth and pressure on the external account is being greatly compounded by elevated risks in global markets due to the anticipated US Federal Reserve interest rate increase and the economic slowdown and market uncertainty in China.

In the current context, fiscal austerity in the short-term will depress already low growth (though the structural budget deficit needs to be addressed in the medium-term). Tightening monetary policy and/or exchange rate depreciation is likely to accelerate the outflow of foreign funds from Rupee securities and the stock market. There is a global trend of money flowing out of emerging markets, especially Asia. Countries, like Sri Lanka, with fiscal and current account of the balance of payments deficits are particularly vulnerable. Consequently, aggressive monetary or exchange rate adjustment, at this point, can be counterproductive by triggering outflows thereby exerting even more pressure on the balance of payments, the currency and external reserves.

Measures for urgent attention

The macroeconomic policy-making landscape is complex and difficult. This may be attributed to adverse trends in global markets as well as electorally motivated and irrationally over-exuberant fiscal measures. In this context, the policy-makers may wish to consider, inter alia, the following measures.

  • Demonstrate a firm commitment to tackling the structural fiscal deficit by announcing a credible back-loaded medium-term fiscal consolidation framework (back-loading the adjustment would avoid further dampening growth in the short-term while the investment climate is improved.)
  • Some combination of monetary tightening and exchange rate depreciation. It would be a political call as to how the burden of adjustment is distributed between these two macroeconomic policy instruments. Greater reliance on the exchange rate is more growth – friendly (despite the J-curve effects). The current low-inflation environment and higher disposable incomes offer room to manoeuvre.
  • The combination of a deteriorating balance of payments and defence of the Rupee with external borrowing, including swap arrangements, is unsustainable. This needs to be addressed with some stabilization measures, especially in the current uncertain global environment.
  • An early IMF arrangement would provide financing to reduce the burden of short-term stabilization and also boost sentiment in global markets at a time when Sri Lanka is vulnerable. The IMF today is different. It is no longer overly preoccupied with austerity measures. It has a greater focus on growth and distributional issues.
  • Boost growth through a laser-like focus on improving the investment climate. This is the low hanging fruit with little financial, legislative and political costs.
  • Urgent action to take forward foreign and local investment projects which have been temporarily suspended or delayed due to reviews during the 100-day programme in order to transmit the right signals to domestic and foreign investors.

The medium-term challenges

Sri Lanka needs structural reforms to achieve sustained high and inclusive growth. The economy needs to be transformed from one which is characterised by low productivity agriculture/low-technology manufacturing and traditional services (retail/wholesale trade, transport and public administration) into a modern economy based on higher productivity agriculture/ higher technology manufacturing and modern services, (such as shipping, aviation, ICT/BPO/KPO, financial services and health and education).

The new political cycle, and the formation of a national government, presents an opportunity to forge consensus on the tough reforms necessary to transform the economy. It provides an opportunity to break out of the repeating cycle of stop-go policies which have characterised the last four decades. A key lesson to be learnt from the 2012-2014 period is that stabilization measures alone are not enough to achieve sustained growth that touches the lives of the people. Stabilization measures are a necessary but not sufficient condition to strengthen the growth framework in the medium and long – term. They need to be complemented by structural reforms which boost productivity/competitiveness. This is the recipe for achieving sustained increases in people’s incomes. Not hand-outs and subsidies, which are not linked to productivity, and are unsustainable.

The Prime Minister and his economic team have recognised the importance of a private sector – led export – driven growth model with a major role for FDI. They have also stressed the importance of linking with global and regional supply chains. The PM has also spoken of the need for a new generation of reforms, including the factor markets (land, labour and capital). The challenge is to transform these good intentions into action. In this connection, the PF suggests the following.

  • Maintaining sound macroeconomic fundamentals. Especially fiscal consolidation. In this connection, boosting revenue should receive the highest priority.
  • Improving the investment climate, including a concerted focus on improving performance on the World Bank’s Doing Business Index.
  • Reforming factor markets. The state owns 80% of the land and current policies are a major obstacle to expanding commercial activities. The current labour laws do not serve the interests of workers or businesses. The capacity of financial and capital markets to serve a modernizing economy also needs to be strengthened.
  • The lacklustre export and FDI performance needs to be addressed urgently. The decline in the openness of the economy should be reserved. (A recent World Bank study found that the Sri Lankan economy in 2014 was as closed as it was in 1970).
  • Commercial advantage should be taken of the government’s 360 degree foreign policy.
  • A coherent and well-coordinated SME development program is necessary to boost the growth framework of the economy and to achieve balanced development. High priority should be attached to create the enabling conditions for SMEs to be linked to domestic and/or external supply chains.
  • Agricultural productivity should be increased through reform of policies which currently trap a large share of the population in low productivity/low income activities. This is a major causal factor explaining why 25% of the population lives below $2.50 (Rs. 338) per day. The new leases for the plantation companies, which are due to be renewed, should be more flexible in relation to issues like ownership, duration and land use.
  • Empowering people to participate in the benefits of a modernizing economy by strengthening education, training and skills development. This is an important means of achieving inclusive growth.
  • Reforming public enterprises (options include privatisation, strategic investment, listing of minority stakes on the stock market and privatising management). Singapore’s Temasek model has been mentioned. This requires highly professional management.
  • Improving public service delivery is essential to meet the requirements of a modernizing and more complex economy and increase the rate of return on the financial and human resources deployed.
  • Develop a well-designed and targeted social protection scheme based on income transfers rather than on distortionary and wasteful subsidies. Analysis has shown that a disproportionate share of subsidies benefit the better – off. Consideration should also be given to extending social protection to workers who are adversely affected by the structural changes associated with a modernizing economy.

Greater elaboration of these reforms can be seen in the Pathfinder Foundations Charting the Way Forward: Prosperity for All at


The government would need to calibrate the speed and sequencing of the reforms. The overall thrust should be shift to from a culture of entitlements to one which unleashes the capabilities of Sri Lankan’s, especially the young, through their empowerment based on increased opportunities for human resource development on the one hand and productive employment on the other. Countries like Greece have faced crises as they were not able to transition from an entitlement culture to a greater focus on productivity/competitiveness.

Sri Lankans are now aspirational and impatient. Governments will be judged by their capacity to deliver improving living standards. The old stop-go policies of deceiving people with hand-outs and then imposing burdens on them are unlikely to be politically and socially tenable in the future. The country needs a new paradigm of economic policy-making which breaks away from the short-term political expedience of the past.

This is the sixty-eight Economic flash of Pathfinder Foundation.   Readers’ comments are welcome at

An open letter to the President, Prime Minister and all Leaders. On behalf of the Country’s Largest Minority

September 2nd, 2015

By: Dr. Ajith C. S. Perera

It was most encouraging to read the message to the nation by the re-elected Prime Minister Wickremasinghe, after a lengthy dialogue with President Sirisena.

We commend your vision to build a new Sri Lanka in the coming sixty months, founded on the values of good governance and democracy, social justice, equality and accountability in what you hope would be a promise-keeping and NOT just promise-making era.

In writing this we represent the largest minority of citizens of Sri Lanka (the physical and sensory ability restricted persons) nearly 20% of the population.

We appeal to you to help us help you build the new Sri Lanka    A better Sri Lanka that will deliver on the promise of ‘Equality’ and ‘Social Justice’.

Pix By Ranjith Jayaweera

Pix By Ranjith Jayaweera

Towards an inclusive (equal) society

Irrespective of our positions and possessions, ABILITY is an asset available only temporarily to all of us. None can continue with same abilities at all times.

As such, world views and perceptions on what it means to be dis-Abled have changed rapidly to focus on enhancing equally the quality of life for all people.

Globally it is now recognized as a moral and economic duty to help make communities inclusive and liveable for everyone where everyday activities should NOT become a daunting task to accomplish.

The growing emphasis world over is that citizens should never be marginalised by attitudinal, physical or architectural barriers.

We also believe the time now is most appropriate to highlight some vital issues of national importance that we would like you to act on.  

The country’s biggest minority

Due to injuries after 30 years of armed conflict, accidents, ageing, numerous debilitating medical conditions or convalescing after surgery or illness, many people, for short periods or throughout their life, find their mobility, dexterity, sight, hearing or brain functioning restricted.

But, Sirs, it is NOT their impairments that find themselves fighting a silent uphill battle in daily life, but the social environment that renders people dis-Abled.

Hence, this trend is reversible in your able hands.

The benches of the Supreme Court, in 2009 and in 2011, have unanimously agreed that near 20% of our population in this plight form the countrys biggest minority.

Legal Provisions but Failed Promises

Laws and regulations made in 2006 October and the Supreme Court Orders in April 2011 enshrined the principle of ‘accessibility for all’.

Except for bits and pieces here and there, they are not implemented, promoting marginalisation.

The right to enjoy access is also the single right on which enjoying several other rights depend heavily on.

The dis-Ability Rights Bill (2010) that resolves key issues and the National policy of Sri Lanka on dis-Ability (2005) that affords equal opportunities within the socio-economic mainstream, have yet to be enacted.

152 countries, including Bangladesh, Mongolia and Vietnam have ratified the 2007 signed UN Convention to promote, defend and reinforce the basic rights of this minority; Sri Lanka has not.

We hoped that the elected politicians from several parties, with whom we have worked closely with, would make decisions for improving the quality of our lives.

Even after 20 years, progress has been negligible.

None of them has even spoken here in Parliament nor shown the desire to identify the root causes of our key issues.

We firmly believe that our former parliamentarians and leaders lack the empathy, experience or subject knowledge to act on what was truly needed.


Negative Consequences to our Nation

(a)  In daily life, people with restricted ability are still marginalised and deprived of equal opportunities in gainful employment, education, health, recreation, shopping, travel, information and communication. 

Few examples are:

(b)  Children with limited mobility are often unable to access schools or universities or even ATM machines due to inaccessible and unsafe design facilities.

Even such Mahapola funded recipients are marginalised from benefiting.

(c)  The gainfully employed such, are often denied the opportunity to continue to work due to inaccessible work environments and prejudiced employers. They then become a burden on their families and the nation.

(d)  None of the reputed hospitals has an accessible toilet in any ward for wheelchair users.

(e)  In spite of the law, many government and private institutions, banks, hotels, restaurants, sports stadia, schools and places of recreation toilets and washrooms in particular remain inaccessible and / or a safety hazard often for the ambulant.

(f)  Sri Lanka remains an unfriendly destination to a growing tourist sector, the global senior population of about 15%. The ‘Accessible Tourism’ sector is an untapped lucrative market mainly because of our poor infrastructure.

(g)  ‘Sign’ language – the only mode of communication for our hearing impaired people – is not legally recognised nor promoted in Sri Lanka.

(h)  The hand-held devices freely available overseas that bring improvement to the Quality of Life of those whose ability to see is poor, are yet not available here. Certain laws due to the absence of any ‘exceptions’ clause – such as The Intellectual Property Law – further hinders their lives.

(i)  For many of our heroic soldiers on retirement and also other victims of the 30 year conflict, now faced with various stages of restricted ability, life in civil society brings new sets of problems. We need to recognise and resolve these issues.

  1. Constitutional protection still evades this largest minority.

We proposed minor amendments to Article (12.3) of the Constitution, but found no politician to present this at the Parliament.

  1. 3. The right to live as Equal Citizens with Dignity.

Two pre-requisites to achieve a sustainable national economy are: (a). Arresting the waste of human potential and instead mobilising this asset and (b). Minimising unwanted dependency through increased opportunities.

Political parties have belittle our cries for release of our innate potential.

Instead of promoting equal opportunities for employment and education, we are made unwanted dependants on charity and social welfare beyond minimum.

Although measures required to Make Sri Lanka a truly dis-Abled friendly country – which will also boost our human rights image – are low cost and feasible, they yet to become a meaningful reality.

Seeking Representation in Parliament

With previous parliamentarians indifferent to rights for this largest minority in Sri Lanka, we realised the need to obtain a voice in parliament for the voiceless largest minority.

We made many efforts to be included in the nominations of the mainstream political parties for the recent parliamentary elections until 48 hours before nominations closed.

But….., none found any of us from this Largest Minority several academically and professionally qualified intellectuals with vast experience – eligible to fill a place in their national lists.

We as a group of professionals then decided at very short notice to contest the August Parliamentary elections as independent candidates for the Colombo and Gampaha Districts.

Challenges faced as independent candidates

  • None of us had previous experiences in contesting any elections.
  • All of us have restricted ability in our mobility or sensory abilities.
  • We just had only 30 days to attend to all matters.
  • Almost all radio and television stations indicated that airtime to take out our messages could be afforded ONLY for those who had placed ‘paid advertisements with them’. Millions of Rupees thus needed was beyond our individual means.

We also were not able to get the justified intervention of the Election Commissioner to direct these stations.

Performance at August Elections

Despite these limitations, in the Colombo District we came second amongst 15 Independent Groups and were placed 14th from 36 contestants. In the Gampaha District we faired most encouragingly emerging as the 1st Independent Group and were placed 7th from 28 contestants.

This clearly demonstrated that emerging numbers of our citizens supported the rights of equality we are espousing.

Our Fervent Appeal to you

  1. We offer you unreservedly our expertise backed by long years of wide experience to work with you in bringing about ‘Equality and Social Justice for the 4 Million Citizens with restricted ability.

Help us help you in the drive for equality.

  1. Activate the dormant legislation and set up the framework to ensure it is effectively implemented and followed as promised by you to strengthen the rule of law.

Amongst the many other priorities the new government is having, we believe, in the larger interest of AN INCLUSIVE BETTER SRI LANKA, these are practical and possible.

As Dr. Lee Jonk-wook – the then Director General of W.H.O. said:

“The way a country treats its ‘ability restricted’ population and the true extent to which they are respected as fully-fledged citizens is a realistic internationally recognized measure of a countrys good governance, reflects its Human Rights image and a far more telling indicator and a sure test of society’s development than GDP.”

With our new leaders emphasising ‘Yaha Paalanaya’ (Good Governance), a Just Society and a ‘Pivithuru Hetak’ we are confident in this ‘promise-keeping era, you will soon heed our call.

It is not an act of Charity but an Act of Justice and, Justice Enriches us All. 

Dr. Ajith C. S. Perera – a former senior manager in industry and a test-match-panel cricket umpire – this August with three others, became the first wheelchair user to contest a Parliamentary Election in Sri Lanka. He was left instantly a paraplegic for life by a fallen way side tree in 1992. By reason of this personal adversity, he has bounced back to serve humanity as ‘a crusader on wheels’ – most importantly as a reputed pioneer activist and a widely experienced accessibility advisor, recognised even by reputed bodies overseas. For further information please see


September 2nd, 2015

By Shelton A. Gunaratne

(Week 1 of September 2015)

Professor of communication emeritus, MSUM, and lead author of Mindful Journalism and News Ethics in the Digital Era: A Buddhist Approach (New York: Routledge, 2015)

MOORHEAD, MN–As a mindful journalism practitioner and educator, I show my “thumbs up” approval by awarding Prairie Roses and my “thumbs down” disapproval by awarding the Leafy Spurge to people, events and institutions that make the news. I make my selections based on the three dimensions of the Buddhist middle path, the moral and ethical aspect of which is remarkably similar to the path of the Hindu dharma, Christian-Islamic Ten Commandments and the basic Confucian moral principles.

 LEAFY SPURGE: To Tamil National Alliance (TNA), as well as the Tamil political leadership in the North and the East, for pussyfooting the obligation they have to help the    formation of a unity government under Ranil Wickremasinghe to enable the implementation of a strong program with national reconciliation and reconstruction as its highest priority. To make that happen, the TNA must discard its Tamil exclusivity and transform itself to a national party and approach all roadblocks for social and economic problems in terms of how they might impinge on every Lankan irrespective of ethnicity, religion, class or caste. They must follow the advice that Lord Krishna, in the guise of a charioteer, gave warrior Arjuna as described in the Hindu sacred text Bhagavad Gita, which shows the path to liberation: freeing oneself from desires, from attachment, and from egoism.This is very similar to Buddha’s magga that requires one to control one’s craving and clinging–the root causes of suffering in the samsara (cyclic existence).

Krishna’s advice calls on the Hindu Tamils, who complain about discrimination by the Sinhalese, to discard their egoism and not put forth unrealistic demands based on their clinging on to past historical glory and rights. Nothing is static because of the law of karma, cardinal to both Buddhists and Hindus.  National reconciliation and integration is possible only by grasping the ground reality now–the present political, social, demographic and economic conditions.

Demanding the amalgamation of North and Eastern provinces (approximating one-third of theisland’s land mass, including most of its coastal belt) for the self-rule of the Sri Lanka Tamils (who constitute 12.3 percent of the island’s population), excluding the 850,000 Hill Country/Indian Tamils, will not bring about national integration, but rather provoke the Sinhalese, who understand federalism ascoterminous with separatism, to react negatively. Moreover, Tamil-speakers in Sri Lanka are themselves a hodgepodge of three distinct groups comprising the Northern, Eastern, and Negombo communities. Thus, the demand for an Eelam is a far-fetched ideal that the Tamils should not pursue at present.

The best course of action for the TNA is to get its principal constituent Illankai Tamil ArasuKachchi (Federal Party) to change its name to emphasize its commitment to national integration and create a consensus among the new coalition/national government about engendering unity in diversity.

The new government should educate all the ethnic groups in Sri Lanka on the positive aspects of diversity in unity. “Thumbs down” for the TNA for not being prepared for implementing changes with the dawn of a propitious karmic cycle. It is not in the interest of the Tamil community at large to allow the Northern Provincial Council headed by a lackluster retired supreme court judge to pass resolutions inviting foreign powers to intervene in domestic matters by blatantly ignoring the country’s own democratically elected central government.

The current electoral system has already favored the TNA to become the largest minority party with 16 seats in the current parliament with the backing of a mere 514,963 voters in the North and the East whereas 543,944 voters outside this area enabled the Jatika Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) to get only six seats.

LEAFY SPURGE: To United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), and its titular leader Maithripala Sirisena who showed no moral compunction for violating the principle of Right Action by intentionally misusing the National List to appoint seven defeated political candidates to parliament thereby disregarding the will of the people.  Although this action was not unconstitutional, it dented a big hole in his pledge for yahapalanaya (good governance).  The defeated candidates should be ashamed for pressuring the UPFA to get them back to parliament through the National List for personal benefit of ministerial positions and perks. I think their verypresence in the parliament is detrimental to the pledge of good governance.  No one is indispensible.

I ask the UPFA to share this Leafy Spurge with the leadership of the Jatika Vimukthi Peramuna  (JVP), the TNA, and the United National Front for Good Governance (UNFGG) all of whom forgot the principal of Right Action in favor of political expedience and favoritism.

PRAIRIE ROSES: To Bernadine Rosy Senanayake, 58, the defeated UNP parliamentary candidate who refused to re-enter the House through the backdoor of the National List thereby sparing much flack on UNFGG’s yahapalanaya pledge. (Yet the UNFGG failed to come clean because it fell into the trap of making one exception in the National List to accommodate a defeated parliamentarian from the Muslim community.)

Rosy Senanayake also refused to be tempted by the perks of the position of Sri Lanka High Commissioner in the United Kingdom, the plum diplomatic post the country can offer to one who has ably served the nationwithout much fanfare. She preferred not to play the role of diplomatic “dingbat” because she was committed to do her “best to improve the lot of women and children and concentrate on resolving their concerns and the problems faced by them” within her native land.

“Thumbs up” to Rosy Senanayake. She has taught the seven parliamentary “dingbats” who misused the National List of the UPFA, in particular, an elementary lesson on how defeated parliamentarians could serve the country without the perks of parliamentary office.

PRARIE ROSES: To Kumar Sangakkara, 37, the renowned Matale-born Sri Lanka cricketer who has brought fame to his motherland during his 15-year test career scoring 12,440 runs with a batting average of 57. When President Sirisena publicly offered him the post of Sri Lanka High Commissioner in the UK, Sangakkara said, “I do not know whether I have the necessary experience and the qualifications for the job.” People noticed his modesty and humility–attributes that Buddha, Krishna, Jesus and Confucius asked people to cultivate. Over to you, National List “dingbats.”

All’s well that ends well

September 2nd, 2015

By Rohana R. Wasala Courtesy The Island

Time will say nothing but I told you so

Time only knows the price we have to pay;

If I could tell you I would let you know.

  • W.H. Auden “If I could tell you”

At long last, Sri Lankans may be arriving at the moment of truth in the history of artificially imposed ethnic politics that has dominated the affairs of the nation state for well over one hundred years. The influence of deus ex machina manipulation of events from outside seems inescapable. Somehow the emerging trend makes it look as if the islanders will soon be able to say with a degree of resignation perhaps: “All’s well that ends well”. It was today’s Island editorial (August 27, 2015) under the title “Of that shotgun marriage” about the “proposed  national government project” of the two major national parties, with its (i.e., the title’s) suggestive overtones, that stirred my ancient literary memory of more than forty-five years and called to my mind the name of the classic Shakespeare play. In Shakespeare’s tragi-comedy “All’s well that ends well”, there are more old characters than young. Those moribund old characters including a king, a countess, and a clown populate the background to the dauntingly laborious struggle of the beautiful young commoner Helena to win over her caddish, hence unworthy, husband  Bertram of princely descent. She finally triumphs in her love’s labour only by dint of strategic contrivance. The play could be cited as a perfect metaphor for the developing scenario in the new Lankan political domain, which might prove initially controversial, but eventually constructive, though probably not in the manner envisaged by the major players.

From my layman’s point of view, it was the case that the election was simply a test of strength between the newly set up yahapalana camp – the UNP-led United Front for Good Governance (UNFGG) and the SLFP-led United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) that was defeated in January this year. The inclusive national character that both the leading parties share ensures the containment of the few communalistic sections among the minorities. In this election, at another level, the contest was actually between those two parties (the UNP and the SLFP).  The contending forces were personified respectively by the Ranil Wickremasinghe-Maithripala Sirisena duo and by Mahinda Rajapaksa. On the part of the former, the whole campaign was geared to thwart the return of the latter to power in the form of prime minister, which post has now been invested with enhanced executive authority following the 19th Amendment. Since his own position as president was not at stake, Mr Sirisena pledged to remain neutral during the run-up to the election. However, neutrality apart, had he been genuinely and seriously committed to the victory of the party (the SLFP) which he had left in high dudgeon to challenge his erstwhile chief as the common opposition candidate, but over which he demanded and got ex-officio control after he won the presidency, he would have been caught up in a Catch-22 situation, being drawn between two opposing loyalties. Yet, as the D-day approached, it emerged, as no surprise, that he was not wracked by such a torturous dilemma. His commitment to the yahapalanaya agenda revealed itself as uncompromising and his determination to frustrate a Mahinda come back as equally firm. In pursuance of his objectives, he seemed to be forced to resort to certain extreme measures in his capacity as leader of the SLFP and the UPFA (which are so well known as not to need reiteration here). As the Latin saying goes “extremis malis extrema remedia” “Desperate times call for desperate measures”. His efforts have been rewarded with success. Whether that personal achievement is really good for the country or not, only time will tell.

The electoral race was very nearly a dead heat. The two alliances share 201 out of the 225 seats in the national parliament: UNFGG (elephant symbol) 106, and the UPFA (betel leaf) 95.  Neither side has got an absolute majority (a party/group must have more than 113 seats in our parliament to have an absolute majority), and therefore the opportunity to form a government is theoretically open to both. The indecisive verdict given by the voters is a warning to the incoming government that they cannot entertain nationally unacceptable policies in order to accommodate extremist ideologies inimical to the country’s interests. Legal experts say that a national government of the UNP and the SLFP together will be in contravention of the constitution, because they contested the election, each only as a partner of an alliance, but not registered for the election as independent single parties. Anyway, such a coalition might be deemed a national government in the existing ‘emergency’ circumstances; its backers may be expected to tacitly subsume it under the “desperate measures” category that I arbitrarily postulated above. Considering the ideologically as well as ethnically mixed composition of the two parties and of the alliances of which they form the major constituents, there is no difficulty in a UNP-SLFP cohabitation arrangement being regarded as a national government. If the government thus formed chooses not to be dominated by the few habitually opportunistic SLFP turncoats whose only contribution to the alliance is the blue fringe that borders the green expanse of the UNP, and if it successfully negotiates and secures the cooperation of the opposition that is going to be controlled (if everything goes well) by the majority of the UPFA parliamentary group, such an arrangement will be in the interests of the country. The ideal situation would have been for the UNFGG to form the government and for the UPFA to go to the opposition.

It is an indisputable fact that all the 95 UPFA MPs owe their election, to a great degree, to the public’s tacit acknowledgement of Mr Mahinda Rajapaksa’s unofficial leadership of the party and the alliance it leads. Hardly any of the  non-Mahinda loyalists were returned. The rare survivors eked out thin majorities. If suitable individuals from among the eminent persons nominated in the original lists submitted to the elections commissioner by the respective political parties/groups before the election are appointed instead of the rejects to be in parliament, it will serve the interests of democracy. To ensure that this is done as early as possible is a duty that devolves on all responsible politicians. The blatant abuse of the UPFA national list has left out of parliament such honourable, incorruptible veteran leftist politicians as Mr Dew Gunasekera and Prof. Tissa Vitharana, while taking in certain obnoxious characters who have been kicked out by the voters; this does not augur well for the country.

I have a hunch that the future will depend very much on the interaction between the two statesmen who vied for the prime ministerial position.

Why this is the best time to repeal PTA? PTA more dangerous than emergency laws

September 2nd, 2015

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon, Executive Director – CaFFE

Campaign for Free and fair Election (CaFFE) believes that Sri Lanka can’t become a nation with a rule of law until the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) is abolished as it has the same suppressive powers of Emergency Laws which were lifted in 2011.

The PTA effectively makes all the provisions of the ICCPR invalid. What is more concerting is the fact that PTA has now become a part of Sri Lankan laws. While emergency laws had to be extended monthly, thus being easy to lift, abolishing the PTA needs more concerted efforts. In addition emergency laws can be convoked under the PTA, for example the PTA allows the ban of certain organizations and allows extended detention of persons.

CaFFE witnessed with dismay of the detention of Jeyakumari Balendran and Ruki Fernando last year, the extended detention of journalist J. S. Tissainayagam in 2008 and arrest of politician Azath Salley in 2013 under the PTA. It is because of the profound understanding of the fear and suppression it can unleash according to the whims of the government, that we have been consistent with our demands for abolishing the PTA. If it is not possible to repeal the PTA immediately, at least steps should be taken to remove the most harmful aspects of the PTA, including Part II, III and V.

After the January 8 Presidential election was over, a number of Civil Society Organizations (CSO) from the North, especially those who deal with missing persons, called for the repeal of PTA. However CSOs from the South stated that it will be harmful for the electoral prospects of the government if they repeal the PTA right before a General Election. Indeed, such a step would have been exploited by extremist elements in Parliament. However after a significant electoral victory the time has now come for the government to repeal the PTA and it is the responsibility of the CSOs to lobby the government.

When the former Deputy Mayor of CMC Azath Salley was arrested on May 2, 2013 by a team of officers from the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and the Terrorism Investigation Department (TID), and placed under detention for further interrogation by the CID for 3 months under Section 2(1)(h) of the PTA, then Opposition Leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe accused the Government of using the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) to suppress rival politicians and Opposition political parties. Section 2(1)(h) states that a person who has committed an offence under the PTA “….by words either spoken or intended to be read or by signs or by visible representations or otherwise causes or intends to cause commission of acts of violence or religious, racial or communal disharmony or feelings of ill-will or hostility between different communities or racial or religious groups…”

Speaking in parliament, Wickremesinghe demanded to know the “name of the terrorist organisation or the movement Azath Salley held membership or got involved to get arrested under PTA. Why was action taken on Azath Salley under the Prevention of Terrorism Act rather than under average law? Will this Act be used further for suppressing politicians of the Opposition and public forces? Since terrorism has been terminated by now, will the Prevention of Terrorism Act be abrogated?  If not why?”

In response former Prime Minister D.M. Jayaratne stated that the PTA was helpful in defeating the LTTE and the Government was not using it for political purposes.

Ironically, when CaFFE raised the issue of repealing the PTA a few weeks ago, the Minister of Justice, Wijedasa Rajapakshe gave a similar retort stating that repealing the PTA is not a priority for the government. CaFFE would like to know if Wickremesinghe too has changed his opinion of the PTA, as he has not commented on the issue.

The PTA was first enacted in 1979 as a temporary provision and it was amended by acts no 10 of 1982 and act no 22 of 1988. However this act was not able to prevent the July riots, put a quick end to the LTTE or prevent the JVP from taking up arms in 1987. Indeed it is not the PTA which led to the end of the LTTE but was a systematic political and military strategy, thus CaFFE calls for an immediate repeal of the PTA or at least amend the most harmful aspects of the PTA.

Yestaday, (1st September) the 8th Parliament sits for the first time and the UNFGG expects the support of the Tamil and Muslim parties, thus they have a lot of incentives to a repeal of the PTA. In addition the UNFGG comprises of a number of parties that were the victims, either party leaders or members, of the PTA, for example members of the Up Country Peoples Front, Mano Ganesan, northern and eastern Muslim parties. Moreover those who accept good governance as a principal must agree to a repeal of the PTA. 16 MPs of the TNA will vote against the PTA and JVP will also assist a move to repeal the act. So given such favourable circumstances, CaFFE believes that removal of the PTA should be in the agenda of the Parliament in the coming two months.

One of the key elements of transitional justice, in the Geneva response, is an investigation of alleged incidents of rights violations carried by those using PTA. In addition a considerable space of a Truth Commission must be given to the use of PTA for torture, illegal detention, disappearances/missing persons. Meanwhile without the removal of the PTA we can’t prevent a repeat of the tragedy because PTA leads to attacks on personal freedoms, including freedom of expression and association, which in turn leads to rebellion.

What is transpiring now is an attempt to ignore PTA while talking of establishing a domestic mechanism. In addition some so called human rights champions are planning to drop the abolition of PTA from the agenda. As a human rights defender which has not shifted its agenda on personal freedoms, we believe that those who strive for human rights in Sri Lanka should not drop the repeal of PTA from their agendas. In addition we believe they should unite against the government if it intends to continue the PTA.

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon,

Executive Director – CaFFE,

September 2nd, 2015

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