සෝමපාල ගරුසිංහ – 71 කැරැල්ලේ ගරිල්ලා භටයා

September 5th, 2017

වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග

සෝමපාල ගරුසිංහ මහතා 71 අප්‍රේල් කැරැල්ලෙන් පසු පුරා වසර 6 කට ආසන්න කාලයක් නීති ඇසින් බේරී වනගතව සිටියේය. ඔහුගෙ නිවහන කැලෑව විය. ජීවිතය රැක ගැනීම සඳහා ඔහු ප්‍රාථමික මිනිසුන් ගත කල කැලෑ ජීවිතයට හුරු විය. වනගතව සිටි කාලය අවිනිශ්චිතතාව, ධෛර්ය හා පරිසරය පිළිබඳ කුතුහලය දනවන කතා පුවතකි. අපි ඔහුට සවන් දෙමු.

මගේ ගම් පලාත මාතර අකුරැස්ස. මගේ පියා ධනවතෙකු නොවුවත් ඔහු අදීන පුදගලයෙක්. අයුක්තිය ඉදිරියේ සැලූනේ නැහැ. ඔහු අපගේ අධ්‍යාපනයට වෙහෙසුනා. මට ඉගෙන ගැනීමට ආශාව හා දක්ෂතාව තිබ්බා. මා ප්‍රාථමික අධ්‍යපනය ලැබුවේ තෙලිජ්ජවිල මධ්‍ය මහා විද්‍යාලයේ. මම ශිෂ්‍යත්ව විභාගය ඉහලින්ම සමත් උනා. ඉන්පසු උසස්පෙළ අධ්‍යාපනය සඳහා මාතර රාහුල විද්‍යාලයට ගියා. පාසල් සමයේ සිටම මට විවිධ අසාධාරණයන්ට මුහුණ දෙන්නට සිදු උනා. ඒ අසාධාරණයන්ට නොබියව මුහුණ දීම තුලින් මම ආත්ම ශක්තිය ගොඩ නගා ගත්තා.

මම කරේ ගුරු වෘත්තිය. 1968 මම පුහුණුව සඳහා මහරගම ගුරු අභ්‍යාස විද්‍යාලයට පැමිණියා. නවකයෙකු ලෙසට මට ෙජ්්‍යෂ්ඨයන්ගේ නවක වදයට ලක් වීමට සිදුවීම මතකයි. මෙම නවක වදය කලේ උඩරට පහතරට වශයෙන් පටු බේදීම් ඔස්සේ බව වැටහුනා .මම නවක වදයට විරුද්ධව පෙනී හිටියා. මේ කාලයේ මම ජූඩෝ රෙස්ලිං වැනි ක්‍රීඩා කලා. එබැවින් මා වටා නවක වද විරෝධී ශිෂ්‍ය ගුරුවරු පිරිසක් එකතු වී හිටියා.

මේ කාලයේ සරත් ප්‍රනාන්දු, හා විමල් ප්‍රනාන්දු යන දෙසොහොයුරෝ මා සමග මිත්‍රව සිටියා. ඔවුන් දේශපාලන වශයෙන් දැරුවේ සමසමාජ අදහස්. සරත් ප්‍රනාන්දු කෑගල්ලේ සරත් විජේසිංහව අඳුරනවා. ඒ නිසා සරත් විජේසිංහ හරහා කල්යානන්ද තීරණාගම අපි හමුවීමට ආවා. අපට මාක්ස්වාදය පිළිබඳ මූලික අවබෝධයක් ලබා දීමට. මෙ කාලයේ පේරාදේණිය විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ සමාජවාදී සංගමය සරත් විජේසිංහ වැනි අයගේ මූලිකත්වයක් තිබුණා. ඒ වගේම සුමිත් දෙව්නුවර, ගාමිනි යාපා

වෙන වෙන කණ්ඩායම් වශයෙන් කි්‍රයා කලා.

කල්යානන්ද තීරණාගම නීතිඥයෙක්. ඔහු ජීවත් උනේ ඉතා සරල විදිහට. කල්යානන්දට අවශ්‍ය කලා මහජන විප්ලවය පිලිබඳව මිනිසුන් දැනුවත් කිරිමට. ඔහු ඒක හැදින්නුවේ මහජන යුද්ධය කියලා. කල්යානන්ද තීරණාගම අනුගාමිකයන් එවකට 100-200 විතර ඉන්න ඇති. මට යම් ආශාවක් තිබ්බා ගරිල්ලා භටයෙකු වීමට මම චේ ගේ පොත් පත් කියෙව්වා. කැලෑ ජීවිතය ගැන හැදෑරුවා.

1969 මැද භාගයේදි විතර මම විමල් ප්‍රනාන්දු හා ඥානතිලක සමඟ කෑගල්ලේ සරත් විජේසිංහගේ ගෙදර ගියා. මේ කාලයේ සරත් විජේසිංහ කල්යානන්ද තීරණාගමගෙන් කැඩිලා. මම ඒ පිළිබඳව හරිහැටි දැනගෙන හිටියේ නැහැ. සරත් විජේසිංහ ලංකා ලයින් එකක් ගැන කථා කලා. තිරණාගම කථා කලේ වෙන ක්‍රමයක් ගැන මේ නිසා යම් යම් මතවාදී ගැටලූ දෙදෙනා අතර තියෙන්න ඇති. 

අපි සරත්ගේ ගෙදර යන කොට සරත් නැහැ. ඒත් විජේවීර හිටියා. ඥානතිලක විජේවීර ගේ මොස්කව්හි ලූමුම්බා සරසවියේ සමකාලීනයෙක්. ඥානතිලක ඉංජිනේරු උපාධිය අවසන් කරලා හිටියේ. ඥානතිලක විජේවීර  ගැන දැගෙන හිටියා. දෙන්නා ආගිය තැන් කථා කලා.

මේ සිද්ධියෙන් ටික කාලෙකට ඉස්සර සරත් විජේසිංහ  පේරාදෙණිය විශ්ව විද්‍යාලය හා මහරගම ගුරු අභ්‍යාස විද්‍යාලය අතර රෙස්ලිං තරඟයක් සංවිධානය කලා පේරාදෙණියේ. ඒකට මම පේරාදෙණිය ගියා. එහිදි සරත් සමඟ මම රෙස්ලිං තරඟයක් කොට ජය ලැබුවා. තරඟයෙන් පස්සේ සරත් විජේසිංහ  මට විෙජ්වර්ධන ශාලාවේ නවතින්න ආරාධනා කලත් මම එදාම කොළඹ ආවා. මේ හේතුවෙන් සරත් විජේසිංහ  සහ මා අතර යම් හැඳුනුම් කමක් තිබුනා.

අපි සරත්ගේ ගෙදර ටිකක් වෙලා ඉඳලා යන්නට පිටත් උනා. ඥානතිලක ඒ වෙලාවේ අපි පාරට ආවම කිව්වා සරත් ලොක්කා නිසා අමාරුවේ වැටෙනවා යනුවෙන්. අපි කෑගල්ල ඉස්පිරිතාලය ලඟට එන කොට අපට සරත් විජේසිංහ  හමු උනා. සරත් මට පෙරැත්ත කලා  අපේ ගෙදර යං  කියලා. විමලූයි, ඥානසේනයි. විමල්ලාගේ කෑගල්ලේ ගෙදර ගියා. මම සරත් විජේසිංහ  එක්ක සරත්ගේ ගෙදරට ගියා.

එදා රැ විජේවීර  කෑගල්ලේ වීරරත්න කියන ගුරුවරයාගේ ගෙදර පන්තියක් කලා. වීරරත්න මහරගම ගුරු අභ්‍යස විදයාලයේ පලමු වසරේ කෙනෙක්. සරත් මෙ පන්තියට මාවත් ගෙනිච්චා. රෑ අටේ සිට අළුයම පහ දක්වා විජේවීර  කථා කලා. මේ පන්තියට කට්ටිය 10-15 විතර ඉන්න ඇති. ඔහු කථා කලේ ආර්ථීක අර්බුධය ගැන ලඟ එන හමුදා ආණ්ඩුවක් ගැන කිව්වා. මම විජේවීර ගේ කථාවට බොහොම පැහැදුනා. පසුවදාම කොළඹ ගියාම මම කල්යානන්ද තිරණාගම හමු වෙලා විජේවීර  හා ඔවුන්ගේ දේශපාලන අන්තර්ගතය ගැන පැවසූවා.

කල්යානන්ද 1930 ගනං වල චින කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂයේ මාංචින් කියන අතිධාවනකාරී පුද්ගලයා පක්ෂයට කල විනාශය ගැන මාඕ ලියූ ලිපිය කියෙව්වා. විජේවීර ගේ දේශනයේ අන්තර්ගතය විවේචනය කලා. මේක මාක්ස්වාදය නෙවෙයි කෙටි ප්‍රයෝජනවාදය, තැනේ හැටියට ජාතිවාදය කුලවාදය අදින ස්ථීර ප්‍රතිපත්ති රහිත සර්ව සංග්‍රහ වාදයක් කිව්වා. මම විජේවීර ගේ පන්තියට ගිය නිසා තිරණාගම මාව ටිකෙන් ටික අයින් කරන්න ගත්තා. අපේ බෝඩ්මේ හිටපු රත්නපාල කියන සගයා මා සමග දැඩිව ගැටුනා. විමල් ප්‍රනාන්දු මට මැදහත් විදිහට සැලකුවා. මගේ පැරැණි මිතුරන් බෝඩිමෙන් අස්වෙලා ගියා. මගේ මේ හේතුවෙන් මම වඩාත් සරත් විජේසිංහ දෙසට තල්ලූ උනා.

කල්යානන්ද මා සමඟ දිගටම සංවාදය මගින් මට කරුණු අවබෝධ කිරීම වෙනුවට කලේ මාව කපා දාන එක. ඒ නිසා මම සරත්ලාගේ පිලට ඇදී ගියා. ඉන්පස්සේ මාව හමුවෙන්න ලොකු අතුල, බෝපගේ, මිල්ටන් සුනිල් වික්‍රම එහෙම එනවා. විජේවීර ත් එනවා. සමහර දවස්වලට රෑ මගෙ බෝඩිමේ නවතිනවා. විජේවීර  මම හරහා මහරගම ටේ‍රනිං කොලේජ් එකට සම්බන්ධකම් ඇති කර ගත්තා. මම මහරගම ටේ‍රනිං කොලේජ් එකේ පිරිසක් අධ්‍යාපන කඳවුරකට සහභාගි කෙරෙව්වා. ඒ පන්තිය කලේ ප්‍රේමපාල. ඩී.ඒ. ගුණසේරත් සහභාගී උනා. මෙහෙම යන කොට මහරගම ගුරු අභ්‍යාස විද්‍යාලයේ 30 විතර පිරිසක් අපිට හිටියා. බෝපගේත් පන්ති කලා මේ පිරිසට. 1969 අග වෙන කොට මමත් පන්ති පැවැත්වූවා.

1970 ජනවාරි මාසයේ මට ත්‍රිකුණාමල මහා විද්‍යාලයේ පත්වීමක් ලැබුනා. විමල් ප්‍රනාන්දු ගෝමරන්කඩවල විද්‍යාලයට ගියා. විමල් දිගටම හිටියේ කල්යානන්ද එක්ක. මම ත්‍රිකුණාමල මහා විද්‍යාලයට යන කොට එච්.එන්. ප්‍රනාන්දු එහි කුඩා කණ්ඩායමක් හදලා තිබුනේ. 1970 හයිඩ් පාක් එකේ ජ.වි.පෙ. රැස්වීමට මම එච්. එන්. ප්‍රනාන්දු එක්ක ගියා. එච්.එන්.ට පියතිලකව හඳුන්වලා දුන්නා.

 

එච්.එන්. ප්‍රනාන්දුගේ කණ්ඩායමේ කුමාර ජයසේකර. මරතඩියේ ප්‍රේමදාස, ති්‍රකුණාමල දුම්රිය දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ ලිපිකාරයෙකු වන කටු අතුල හෙවත් ගුණරත්න හිටියා. හුංගම රංජිත් පූර්ණකාලීනයෙකු හැටියට වැඩකලා. මම ත්‍රිකුණාමල මහා විද්‍යාලයට යනකොට එච්.එන්. ප්‍රනාන්දුට මාරුවක් ලැබිලා. ඒත් එච්.එන්. ප්‍රනාන්දු එයා හදපු කණ්ඩායම මට අඳුන්වලා දුන්නා.

අපි ටිකින් ටික සන්නද්ධ වෙන්න පටන් ගත්තා. ත්‍රිකුණාමලයේ පතුරං මිලට ගන්න අමාරුවක් නැහැ. මම පතුරං සල්ලි වලට ගන්නවා ඒවා ලයනල් බෝපගේට යැව්වා. මම කෝච්චියේ කොළඹ එනකොටත් පතුරං ගේනවා. වරක් මම පතුරං අරගෙන එන කොට මාත් එක්ක දුම්රිය නිදන මැදිරියේ ත්‍රිකුණාමල පොලිසියේ ඒ.එස්.පි. ත් ආවා.

මම පාසලේ ඉගැන්නුවේ භෞතික විද්‍යාව මේ වනවිට අප 100-150 විතර ව්‍යාපාරෙට සම්බ්න්ධ කරගෙන. ඒත් මගේ ශිෂ්‍යයන්ට කොකු ගහන්න ගියේ නැහැ. පාසැලේ විදුහල්පති වැඩවසම් අදහස් තිබු කෙනෙක්. එයා කැමති නැහැ අපි ළමයින්ට උගන්නනවට. මුන් මාළුකාරයන්ගේ පුත්තු උන්ට ඉගෙනීමෙන් වැඩක් නැහැ කියලා නිතරම ගුරුවරුන්ට කියනවා.

අපි ත්‍රිකුණාමලයේ පන්ති කරනවා පෝස්ටර් ගහනවා. සමහර විට මමයි කටු අතුලයි පෝස්ටර් පොලිසියෙ තාප්පේ පවා ඇලෙව්වා. මේ වන විට සී.අයි.ඩී. එකට අපි ගැන ඉව වැටිලා. අපේ බෝඩිමේ ඉදිරියේ අමුතු හිඟන්නෙක් ඉන්නවා කකුලක් කුණු කානුවක දාගෙන. මට හිඟන්නා ගැන සැකයක් ආවා.

දවසක් අපි මාළුකාරයෝ වගේ පලල් වාටි තියන තොප්පි දාගෙන රෑ පෝස්ටර් අලවන්න ගියා. සිවිල් දෙන්නෙක් අපිව අල්ල ගත්තා. මට හොඳට ජූඩෝ පුලූවන් නිසා මම මාව අල්ල ගත්ත කෙනාව බිම දැම්මා. පහර දෙන්න යන කොට ඒ අය පොලිස් හැඳුනුම්පත් පෙන්නුවා. මම පැනලා යන්න දුවන්න අවශ්‍ය උනත් කටු අතුල කිව්වා අපි වරදක් කරලා නැහැ නීත්්‍යානුකූල පක්ෂයක පෝස්ටර් ඇලෙව්වා විතරයි අපි පොලිසි යං කියලා. ඒ නිසා අප පොලිසියට ගියා අපි දෙන්නම පොලිසියේ කූඩුවට දැම්මා. කට උත්තර ගත්තා ඇඟිලි සලකුණු ගත්තා. අපේ විස්තර ගන්ත කොස්තාපල් හිටියේ බීලා. මගේ විස්තර ලියා ගත්තේ කටු අතුලගේ නම තිබ්බ පෝර්මේ. මම ඒක දැක්කා. දැකලා කටවහගෙන හිටියා. ශරීර විස්තර ලියන කොට මගේ ශරීර විස්තර යටතේ ලියන්නේ කටු ඇතුලගේ ශරීර සලකුණු. කටු අතුලගේ ඛෙල්ලේ ඔපරේෂන් මාක් එකක් තිබ්බා ඒක මගේ සලකුණක් හැටයට මගේ නම තිබ්බ කොලේ ලියැවුනා. මම සැඟවිලා ඉන්න කොට පසුකාලෙක පොලිසිය මගේ ශරීර විස්තර ලෙස ඉදිරිපත් කලේ ඛෙල්ලේ තුවාල කැලලක් තියන කෙනෙක් හැටියට. මාව අහු වෙලා සී.අයි.ඩී. ගෙනාවම ඒ අය හිතුවේ මම ප්ලාස්ටික් ශල්‍යකර්මයකින් කැලල මකාගෙන කියලා. ඒ අයත් දැනගෙන හිටියේ නැහැ මගේ ඛෙල්ලට කැලල දැම්මේ බීමත් පී.සී වග. 

අපි කූඩුවේ ඉන්න කොට මම දැක්කා අපේ බෝඩිම ඉදිරියේ හිටපු හිඟන්නා ඇවිල්ලා පොතක අත්සන් කරනවා. මට තේරුණා මෑන් පොලිස් ඔත්තුකාරයෙක් බව. අපිව උසාවි දැම්මා. මම ඇල්ලූවා නීතිඥ ආර්. සම්බන්දන් අපිට ඇප ලැබුනා. රෑ 10 විතර අපිව නිදහස් කළා අපි දෙන්නා යලි බෝඩිමට එනකොට හිඟන්නත් ඈතින් අපේ පිටිපස්සෙං ඇවිත් බෝඩිම ඉදිරියේම වාඩි උනා. මම හිමීට ගිහිල්ලා එතන හිටපු ධීවර පිරිසට කිව්වා පොලිස් ඔත්තුකාරයා ගැන. මේ ධීවරයන් අතර හොරබඩු බිස්නස් කරන අයත් ඉන්නවා. ඒ නිසා ඒ අයට පොලිස් ඔත්තුකාරයෝ පේන්න බෑ. කට්ටිය ඇවිල්ලා පොලිස් ඔත්තුකාරයාාට ගහලා පැන්නුවා. ඊට පස්සේ මෑන් අපේ බෝඩිම ලඟට ආවේ නැහැ.

දවසක් බෝපගේ ආවා මාව හමුවෙන්න. මාව ගෙනිච්චා කතරගමට. කතරගම දෙටගමුවේ විජේවීර  ඉන්නවා. මෙ වෙන කොට සරත් විජේසිංහ විජේවීරගෙන් ටිකක් ඈත් වෙලා. විෙජ්වීරට අවශ්‍ය වෙන්න ඇති මම සරත් විජේසිංහගේ කල්ලියේ කෙනෙක්ද කියලා බලන්න. මගෙ ස්ථාවරය ගැන විජේවීර  සතුටු වෙන්න ඇති.

අප්‍රේල් 5 දින ප්‍රහාරය ගැන මට කිව්වේ නන්දන මාරසිංහ. එයා 1971 අප්‍රේල් 3 දා මට ප්‍රහාරය ගැන කිව්වා. අපට නියම වෙලා තිබුනේ අනුරාධපුර සුනාත  ශාලාවේ තිබූ හමුදා කඳවුරට පහර දෙන්න. පිරිස 50 විතර ආවා. ඒත් ප්‍රහාරය කර ගන්න බැරි උනා. අසංවිධානාත්මකයි. අපි ඉන් දවස් දහයකට පස්සේ නච්චිදූවේදි ප්‍රතිසංවිධානය වෙලා ගලෙන් බිඳුනු වැවට ගියා. එහිදි අපිට නන්දන මාරසිංහ හමු උනා. 

1971 අප්‍රේල් අග වෙන කොට පිරිස 100-150 එක්ක අපි රිටිගලට ගියා. අපි රිටිගල කළු දැවේ කඳවුරු ගැහුවා. අපි කෑම රැස් කලා. හාල් මිටි කඳවුරට ගෙනාවා. අපි පිරිස 200 විතර හිටියා. නන්දන මාරසිංහ නායකයා, ලොකු බන්ඩා, ඒකනායක, සී.බී. සෙනෙවිරත්න,   කැකිරාවේ විජේසිංහ එහෙමත් අපි අතරේ හිටියා. 1971 මැයි වෙන කොට අපි කඩවලින් කෑම එකතු කලා. ගලෙන් බිදුනු වැව සමූපකාරය කඩලා හාල්. සිනි, පාන් පිටි එහෙම ලබා ගත්තා. ඒ එක්කම හමුදා ප්‍රහාර දැඩි වුනා. අපිත් ප්‍රති ප්‍රහාර දෙනවා.

මාරසිංහ කිව්වා අනෙක් අපේ සාමාජිකයන් විජේවීර  මුදාගෙන විල්පත්තුවට ගෙනල්ලා අපි විල්පත්තුවට යන්න ඕනේ කියලා පිරිස කණ්ඩායම් කිහිපයකට ඛෙදුවා. ශක්තිමත් පිරිස මාරසිංහ තමන්ගේ යටතට අරගෙන මගෙ කන්ඩායමට ආවේ අබල දුබල අය. ලෙඩවෙලා හිටපු අය ඇතුළු ගැහැනු ලමයි 6 දෙනෙක් දැම්මා.

මාරසිංහ විජේවීර  හමුවෙන්න යනවා කියලා කණ්ඩායමක් එක්ක විල්පත්තු ගියා. මම 1971 අග වෙනකං විශ්වාස කලේ විජේවීර හිරෙන් පැනලා විල්පත්තුවේ ඉන්නවා කියලා. මාරසිංහගේ කණ්ඩායම විල්පත්තු ගියාම අපේ කණ්ඩායම ලෑස්ති උනා යළි විල්පත්තු යන්න. අපි ටිකෙන් ටික ඉදිරියට ගියා. මට තේරුණා. ඉදිරියෙන් හමුදාව එන බව සමහරු යෝජනා කලා මාරසිංහ විල්පත්තු ගියා වගේ බස් එකක් පැහැරගෙන විල්පත්තු යන්න. මාරසිංහත් අපට කිව්වේ එහෙම කරන්න කියලා. ඒත් ඒක මේ අවස්ථාවේ භයානකයි. සමහරු කිව්වා අපි ගිරාතලාන – රැස් වෙහෙර හරහා විල්පත්තුවට යං කියලා. මට හිතුනා කලා ඔය දිගේ විල්පත්තුවට යන්න එත් අපට ඒ වගේ දුර ගමනකට කෑම හිඟයි. මඟදී ප්‍රහාර වලට මුහුණ දෙන්නත් සිදුවන නිසා මම පිරිස අරගෙන යළි රිටිගලට ආවා.

1971 ජුනි වෙන කොට 35 කන්ඩායමක් සමඟ කළුදැව කඳවුර ඉසව්වට ආවා. අපේ කඳවුරේ හංගපු හාල් මිටි පුච්චලා. කෑම ඔක්කොම හමුදාවෙන් විනාශ කරලා. අපි හාමතේ අඩපන වෙලා හිටියේ. හොඳ වෙලාවට කඳවුරට අදින්න බැරි වෙච්ච හාල් මිටි 5 කළුදෑවේ වැව්  බැම්ම අසල හැංගු බව මතක් උනා. ඉක්මනට ගිහිල්ලා ඒ හාල් අරගෙන පිරිසට උයලා කන්න දුන්නා.

අපි රිටිගල මකුළුඔයට එනම් මල්වතු ඔයේ ආරම්භය වෙන තැනට ගියා. එතනින් කියුලේකඩ කැලේට ගියා. අපි ගමන් කලේ අමාරුවෙන්. ලෙඩ්ඩු මැලේරියා උණකාරයෝ උස්සගෙන වත්තං කරගෙන හිමිට හිමිට ගියා. සුනිල් පියදාස, පී.බී. සෙනවිරත්නට වෙඩි වැදිලා තුවාල වෙලා හිටියේ. අපි කියුලේකඩට එන කොට බමුණුත්තුවේ දි හමුදාවෙන් වෙඩි තිබ්බා. ඒ පිරිස මෙහෙයවලා තියෙන්නේ කර්නල් නාරම්පනාව බව මට පසුව අත්අඩංගුවේදි දැනගන්න ලැබුනා. අපිත් එක්ක ගිය බන්ඩාගේ අතට වෙඩි වැදුනා.

හමුදාව දිගටම වෙඩි තියනවා ඒ අතරේ කියුලේකඩ කන්දට හෙලිකොප්ටරයකින් බෝම්බ දානවා. අපි කෝටු කටේ ගහගෙන බිම වැතිරුණා. අපිත් එකක හිටියා කහපත්විලගම දිසානායක කියලා දඩයක්කාරයෙක්. මිනිහා ඉලක්කයට වෙඩි තියන්න දක්ෂයා. මිනිහගේ අතේ තිබ්බා 1971 අප්‍රේල් අගදි හුරුල්ලෙගේ වලව්වෙන් ගත්ත රයිෆල් එකක්. දිසානායක ඉලක්කය අල්ලලා හෙලිකොප්ටරයට වෙඩිතිබ්බා. ඒ වෙඩිල්ල හෙලිකොප්ටරයට වැදුනා. හෙලිකොප්ටරය හරවා ගෙන ගියා. පසුව නඩු විභාගයේදි මට දැන ගන්නට ලැබුනා ඒ වෙඩි පහර නියමුවාගේ අතට වැදිලා හෙලිකොප්ටරය අනුරාධපුරයට අරගෙන ගිහිල්ලා බාපු වග.

1971 අගවෙන කොට මට තේරුනා විජේවීර  විල්පත්තු කැලයේ නැති විත්තිය. ප්‍රධාන පෙළ නායකයෝ සෑම දෙනාම වගේ අත්අඩංගුවේ.  රේඩියෝ එකේ මගේ නම කියනවා මට ඇහුනා. අපි ලඟ තිබ්බා අලගොල්ලෑව පල්ලියෙන් ලබා ගත් ටෙලිෆන්කන් රේඩියෝ එකක්. ඒකේ ප්‍රවෘත්ති වගේම සමහර විට හමුදා පණිවිඩ හුවමාරු පවා අපට ඇහෙනවා. අපි හිමීට රේඩියෝ එක දාලා බලනවා හමුදාව වෙනස් ක්‍රමයට සංඥා යවනවා නැත්තං කෙලින්ම කථා කරනවා. සංඥා ඇහෙනකොට අපි දන්නවා ලඟ හමුදාව කියලා.

1972 වෙන කොට අපි හිටියේ කන්තලේ කැලේ. 72 අප්‍රේල් වෙනකොට මාරසිංහ ආවා. මාරසිංහ මම ගැන ටිකක් අප්‍රසාදයෙන් ඉන්න බව තේරුණා. කැකිරාව පොලිසියට පහර දීම අසාර්ථක වීම ගැන අප දෙන්නා අතර පොඩි විරසකයක් ඇති කලා. මම ගල්ගුහාවේ බිත්තියෙ අඟරු කැටයකින් ලියලා තිබ්බා සටනින් තොර ජයග්‍රහනයක් නැත කියලා මේක මාරසිංහ දැක්කේ එයාට ලියපු අපහාස වැකියක් හැටියට.

පසු කාලයක මම හලාවත පැන්ටිස්ගෙන් දැන ගත්තා මාරසිංහ මට වෙඩි තියන්න පැන්ටිස්ට කියා තිබුනු බව. පැන්ටිස් ඒකට අකමැති වෙලා තියනවා. මම මේ කරුණ දැනගත්තෙ මාරසිංහගේ මරණෙන් පස්සේ. 

1972 අගදි මාරසිංහ අපේ කට්ටියක් අරගෙන අනුරාධපුරේ හිරගේ කඩන්න ගියා. අපි ත්‍රිකුණාමල කැලේට ගියාම බෝල සමරේගේ 35 ක පිරිසක් හා ගාමිණී  බාස්ගේ කන්ඩායමෙන් ඉතුරු වෙච්ච 18 දෙනෙක් එකතු උනා. අපි 1973 යළි කන්තලේ කැලේට ගියාම බෝල සමරේ අපේ කන්ඩායමෙන් ගියා.

1972-73 අතර කාලයේදි අපේ කන්ඩායමේ කොටසක් පැනලා ගිහිල්ලා හබරණ ප්‍රදේශයේ මංකකොල්ලකෑම් කලා. මේකට නායකත්වය දුන්නේ ඩී.එස්. රණසිංහ.

1973 අගදි මමයි ඒකනායකයි රූ 15 000ක ත්‍යාගයකට ගැස්ට් කරලා. ගමේ ඛෙදලා තිබ්බා පත්‍රිකාවක්. චන්දරේ විහිළුවට ගහක ඇලෙව්වා මට පේන්න. එතකොට අපි කන්තලේ කැලේ. රේඩියෝ එකේ අප දෙන්නාගෙ නං කියවෙනවා. මට හිතුනා අපි දෙන්නා මෙච්චර ලොකු මිනිස්සු දෙන්නෙක්ද? අපිට වැඩිය හිටපු නායකයෝ කෝ? අපිවගේ සොච්චං දෙන්නෙක්ව මෙච්චර ඩිමාන්ඩ් ඇයි.

අපි තීරණය කලා කැලේ විසිරෙන්න. මාත් එක්ක 5 දෙනෙක් ආවා. අපි සමූපකාර කැඩිම හමුදාව එක්ක ගැටීම නැවැත්තුවා මේ වෙන කොට අපේ පැවැත්මට සමූපකාර 12 විතර කඩලා තිබුනා. අපි සමූපකාර කැඩුවට ගත්තේ හාල් මිටි 2-3, සීනි, ධාන්‍ය වර්ගයක් වගේ දේවල් විතරයි. මංකොල්ලකෑම් මම තහනම් කලා. වරක් අපි තුවක්කු හොයන්න ගිහිල්ලා ගල්මැටියංකුලම බංගලාවට කඩා වැදුනා. අපිට හමු උනා වටින ඔරලෝසු තොගයක් මම තුවක්කු විතරක් අරගෙන ඔරලෝසු යලිත් භාර දුන්නා.

සමූපකාර කැඩුවේ අපිට කෑමට යමක් නොතිබුනු වෙලාවලට. සමූපකාරය කඩන්නට පෙර අපි රියසල් දානවා. විනාඩි 20 බඩු සියල්ලම ඇදලා ඉවර කරන්න ඕනෑ. කෙනෙක් ඔත්තු බලනවා. මම ශිෂ්‍ය කාලේ   The Great Train Robbery චිත්‍රපටය බලලා තිබ්බා. ඒ චිත්‍රපටයේ අනුව සමූපකාර කඩන්නට පෙර ඒ අවට කෙනෙක් ගැවසී තත්වය බලා ගැනීම හමුදාව ගැන විමසිලිමත් වීම කරනවා. රෑට තමයි සමූපකාරය කඩන්නෙ. ගන්න ආහාර ගෝනි කරේ තියාගෙන හැතැප්ම 10-12 ඇවිදගෙන යනවා. කැලේ ලොකු ගහක මැස්සක් බැදලා වැල් ආධාරයෙන් ආහාර කොටසක් මැස්සට අදිනවා. ඒ කරලා කොල අතු වලින් වහනවා. බිම ඉඳගෙන බලන කෙනෙකුට මැස්ස පේන්නේ නැහැ.

අපිට හාල් වගේ ආහාර ද්‍රව්‍ය සමූපකාර වලින් ලබා ගැනීමට සිදු උනේ දුර්වල අසනීප සාමාජිකයින් නඩත්තු කරන්න. අප උයන්නේ අළුයම් යාමේ. උදේ 6 වෙන කොට උයලා කාලා හැලි වලං හොදලත් ඉවරයි. දවල්ට කථා කරන්න තහනම්. ගස් වල අතු කඩන්න තහනං. වැසිකිලි ගිහි්ලලා අසුචි පස් වලින් වහන්න ඕනේ අඩි සලකුණු තියන්න තහනම්. අපි ගත කලේ නියම ගරිල්ලා ජීවිතයක්.

ආහාර හිඟ උනාම දඩයමක් කර ගන්නවා. කුළු හරක්, මුවෝ, වල් ඌරෝ මම දඩයංකරා. පතුරං පරිස්සං කර ගන්න අවශ්‍ය නිසා ගිනිකුරු වලින් පතුරං හැදුවා ගිනිපෙට්ටි 5ක වෙඩි බේත් වලින් වඳුරෙක් මරා ගන්න පුළුවන්. හරක් තෙල් වලින් ඉටිපන්දම් හැදුවා.

අපේ සාමාජිකයන්ගේ මොරාල් එක හීන වීම වලක්කන්න අපි රැස්වීම් තිබ්බා. ක්ෂණික කතා, විවාද පැවැත්තුවා. මම සමහරුන්ට අකුරු ලියන්න කියවන්න ඉගැන්නුවා. අපගෙ කන්ඩායමේ හිටියා අකුරු නොදත් කිහිප දෙනෙක්. ඒ අය අකුරු ඉගෙන ගත්තා. අපි ලඟ පොත් සඟරා තිබ්බා. ඒවා කියවනවා. මම සැබෑ මිනිසෙකුගේ කථාවක් පොත කියවා අවසන් කලා. මේ කටයුතු කෙරුනත් සැම විටම පරිස්සම තිබුනා. හමුදාව ප්‍රදේශයේ දඩයක්කාරයන් අල්ලගෙන අපිව වටලන්න එනවා. උල්පත් වැව් අසල සැඟවිලා ඉන්නවා අපිව අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්න. ඒ නිසා අපි ජල මූලයන් හා අප අතර සබඳතාව නිරන්තරයෙන්ම වෙනස් කලා. ස්ථීර සබඳතා තියා ගත්තේ නැහැ. ජලය හිඟ කාලෙට වැල්ලේ වලක් හාරලා වතුර කළ දෙක තුනක් උපරිමයට ලබා ගන්නවා. ඒ වලවල් යලි හොයන්න බැරි විදිහට වහනවා. නිතරම ජලය පරිස්සම් කර ගත්තා.

අපි කැලෑ පරිසරයේ කොටසක් බවට පත් උනා. එතකොට මට තේරුණා අපිට සතුන් ගෙන් පවා ඔත්තු ලබා ගත හැකි බව. වඳුරා, වැලි මුවා, ද~ුලේනා, හොඳ ඔත්තුකාරයෝ. කිසිම මිනිහෙකුට කැලෑ වදින්න බැහැ මේ සත්තුන්ට හොරා. මිනිහෙක් දැක්ක හැටියම අමුතු සද්ද වලින් කෑ ගහනවා. සතුන්ගේ ඉරියව් නිරීක්ෂණය කලහම මට තේරුණා උන් අපිට තොරතුරු කියන බව.

කැලේ ජීවිතය භයානකයි. ආරක්ෂක අංශ විතරක් නෙවෙයි කොටියා, වලහා අලියා. පවා පහර දෙන්න පුළුවන්. දවසක් කොටියෙක් පැන්නා. හොඳ වෙලාවට ඒකනායක ඌට වෙඩි තිබ්බා. පස්සේ කොටියා හම ගහලා හම වේලලා ගම්මුන්ට දුන්නා ගිනිපෙට්ටි, ලූණු වගේ දේවල් ගන්න. දවසක් අලි අපට පහර දෙන්න ඇවිල්ලා අපි මුළු රැයක්ම ගස උඩ නිදා ගත්තා. සමහරවිට තනි අලියා පහර දෙන්න එනවා. ඒ වෙලාවට වෙඩි තියන්න පවා සිදු වුනා.

අපි ගම් වලට යන කොට අලි පස්සේ යන්න පුරුදු උනා. අලි යනකොට ගම්මු මඟ හැරලා යනවා. අපි අලි පස්සේ යම් දුර ප්‍රමාණයක් තියලා යනවා. අලි ගම් වලට ගියහම අපිත් ඒ ගම් වලට යනවා ඒ මිනිසුන්ගේ දෑස් වල නොගැටී.

සමහර විටක විස සර්පයන්ගෙන් කරදර ආවා. අපෙ අය කීප දෙනෙක් පොලොංගු කෑවා. නයි පොලොං විසට ප්‍රතිකාර කරන වෙද මහත්තයෙක් යකල්ලේ හිටියා. උණAඩියා කියලා. උණAඩියා වෙද මහත්තයා ප්‍රතිකාර කරලා ඒ අය සනීප උනා. උණAඩියා වෙදා මට දුන්නා සර්ප විෂ තෙලක්. මේ තෙල මම ගස් ඛෙනේක ගහලා තිබ්බා. දවසක් මාව දිවි මකුළුවෙක් කෑවා. විස මගේ අත දිගේ යන අයුරු මට දැනුනා අත සීතල වේගෙන ගියා. මම උණAඩියා වෙද මහත්තයා දුන්න තෙල් ටිකක් එතන ගෑවා. මගෙ අමාරුව ඉක්මනට ඇරිලා ගියා.

1975 විතර වෙන කොට මමයි ඒකනායකයි තමයි වඩාත්ම අවශ්‍ය කැරලිකාරයෝ දෙන්නා. අනික් හැමෝම වගේ අත් අඩංගුවේ නැත්තං බාර වෙලා. අපේ මිලත් වැඩි කරලා රුපියල් 15000 නියම කරලා තිබූ ගණන දැන් රුපියල් 45000යි. අපිව 45000ට ගැසට්කර වග ආරංචි උනාම අපි තවත් ආරක්ෂිත පියවර ගත්තා. මමයි ඒකනායකයි වෙන වෙනම තැන් වල හිටියා. මාස 3 සැරයක් සාමාජිකයන් නම් මාරු කරනවා. පරණ නම් වලින් කථා කරන්න තහනම්. මට නම් හය හතක් තිබ්බා. එක එක කාලෙට වෙන වෙන නම්. මාව සී.අයි.ඩී. ගෙනියැව්වම මහින්දලා 6ක් ඉන්නවා. සිරිසෙනලා 7-8 ඉන්නවා. සී.අයි.ඩී මහත්තුරු පඹ ගාලක පැටලිලා. මාව අල්ලලා දෙන කෙනෙකුට රු. 45000ක තෑගි මුදලක් දෙනබවට විස්තර පත්‍රිකා ගම්වල ඇලෙව්වා. හෙලිකොප්ටර් වලින් පත්‍රිකා දැම්මා. මගෙ නම උනාට පත්‍රිකා වල නියම ශරීර ලක්ෂණ කටු අතුළගේ. 

අපි වෙඩි පාවිච්චිය අඩු කරා. කැලේ මීයක් කඩාගෙන කනවා. හේන් ගොවියන් දඩයක්කාරයොA අපිට හිතවත්. ඒ අය ආහාර පවා අපිට දෙනවා. මාව රුපියල් 45000 ගැසට් කරලා තියන බව දැන දැනත් ගම්මු අපිව පාවලා දුන්නේ නැහැ. දවසක් කැලේ දී  බන්ඩා විදානේ කියන දඩයක්කාරයා මට කිව්වා මහත්තයා පාරට යන්ට එපා. මේක ගන්ට කියලා උන්දෑ මට තමන් දඩයම් කරපු සතා අතට දුන්නා.

අපි ගම්මුන්ට හේන් කොටන්න උදව් කරා. ඇලවල් කපා දුන්නා. ඒත් පරිස්සම නිතරම ඔළුවෙ වැඩ කරා. 1975 කාලයේ දවසක් මමයි ගැමියෙකුයි ගමක් අසලට ගියා. මම ගහක් ලඟ ඉඳලා ගැමියා ගමේ ගෙදරකට යැව්වා. පණිවිඩයකට. ගැමියා මට බනිස් ගෙඩියකුත් ගේන්නං කියලා කිව්වා. කැලේ කෑම කාලා ඉඳහිට බනිස් ගෙඩියක් එහෙම කන්න මම ආසයි.

මම නිතර ආරක්ෂක පියවර ගත්තා. කෙනෙක් ගමකට යැව්වොත් මම හිටපු තැන ඉන්නේ නැහැ. වෙන තැනක ඉඳං නිරීක්ෂණ කරනවා. පිටතට ගිහිල්ලා එන සාමාජිකයා මුණ ගැහෙන්නෙ  තැන් තුන හතරකට යවලා. මුලින්ම ගහක් යට ලියුමක් තියනවා. ඒ ලියුමේ තියනවා අහවල් පඳුර ලඟට යන්න. එතන තව ලියුමක් මේ විදිහට තුන් හතර තැනකට ගෙන්වලා තමයි අන්තිමට මම මුණ ගැහෙන්නේ.

මම ගඟ ලඟ ඉන්න කොට තුවක්කුවක් ගත්ත කෙනෙක් එනවා සරමක් ඇඳලා ගැමියෙක් වගේ. මිනිහගේ කොන්ඩේ ක්‍රීම් ගාලා පීරලා රැවුල බාලා. මට සැකයක් ආවා. මගෙ අතේ තිබ්බේ ෂොට් ගන් එකක්. ඒකේ පතුරම මගේ අතේ. තුවක්කුව හිස්. මට පතුරම දාගන්න වෙලාවක් තිබුනේ නැහැ. මිනිහා  මම ලඟට ඇවිල්ලා කථා කරා මම උත්තර දෙන කොටම මිනිහාගේ අතේ තිබ්බ තුවක්කුව මගේ පපුවට එල්ල කරලා කිව්වා දඟලන්න එපා තුවක්කුව බිම දාපං කියලා. මම ඇසිපිය හෙලන මොහොතක දී පැත්තකට පැන්නා මිනිහා වෙඩි තිබ්බා ඒත් වෙඩිල්ල පත්තු උනේ නැහැ. මම හිතන්නේ උන්ඩේ හිර වෙන්න ඇති. මම එතකොට තුවක්කුව මිනිහාගේ පපුවට එල්ල කරලා උඹේ තුවක්කුව බිම දාපං කියලා නියෝග කලා. මගේ තුවක්කුව හිස් මම කලේ ප්‍රයෝගයක්. මිනිහා දාඩිය වලින් නෑවුනා. ඒත් වෙව්ලන අතින් තුවක්කුව කඩලා පතුරම් පරීක්සා කරනවා. මට තිබ්බේ සුලූ කාලයයි. මම පැන්නා පහර දෙකෙකින් මිනිහව බිම දාලා තුවක්කුව මගේ අතට ගත්තා.

මම මිනිහට කිව්වා මම උඹව මරන්නේ නෑ. මෙහෙම පැය භාගයක් බිම වැතිරිලා හිටපං නැත්තං උඹේ ජීවිතය නැති වෙයි කියලා. බියට පත්වූ මිනිහා එහෙම්ම බිම ඔළුව ගහගෙන හිටියා මම පැත්තකට මුවා උනා. ගමට ගිය මගේ හිතවතා ඒ එක්කම වෙන පාරකින් එනවා. එයා වෙච්ච කලබලය ගැන දන්නේ නැහැ. එයා මට බනිස් එකකුත් ගෙනල්ලා.

මම වෙච්ච සිද්ධිය කිව්වා. බලන කොට හමුදාව ඒ ගම වට කරලා. මට තුවක්කුව එල්ල කරපු මිනිහා වෙස් වලා ගත්ත හමුදාකාරයෙක්. එයාගේ තුවක්කුව මම පරීක්ෂා කලා. ඒක හොඳ වර්ගයේ එකක්. අපි අපේ තිප්පොලට එන කොට උඩ රූස්ස ගහක වඳුරෙක් හිටියා. අපේ තුවක්කු වලින් එච්චර උසක දඩයමක් එලා ගන්න අමාරුයි. මම අලූත් තුවක්කුවේ පතුරම යලි සකස් කරලා වඳුරට එල්ල කරලා කොකා ගැස්සුවා. වඳුරා බිම එදා අපි අළුත් තුවක්කුවයි දඩයම් කරගත් වඳුරයි අරගෙන තිප්පොලට ගියා.

අපි කණ්ඩායමක් වශයෙන් හැංගිලා හිටපු කාලේ මහ ඉලූම්පල්ලමේ දී  ග්‍රාමාරක්ෂකයන්  5 දෙනෙක් කැලේ යනවා අපි ඒ අය වට කරලා අත්අඩංගුවට ගත්තා. තුවක්කු ගත්තා පිරිසට හානියක් කලේ නැහැ. මේ අය යන්නේ ග්‍රාම නිලධාරයාගේ ගෙදරට. එතන තමයි මෙහෙයුම් මධ්‍යස්ථානය. අපි ග්‍රාම නිලධාරියාගේ ගෙදරට ගියා. ග්‍රාමසේවක අපිව දැකලා බයවෙලා. අපි ග්‍රාම සේවකගේ තුවක්කුව අරගෙන යන්න හදන කොට ග්‍රාමසේවක අපිට අලූත් කමිස වගයක් දුන්නා. ග්‍රාම නිලධාරියාගේ සතුට ඉහවහ ගිහිල්ලා අපි එයාගේ ජීවිතයට හානියක් නොකරපු එකට.

අපි හැම සාමාජිකයාටම ගෝනි වලින් සැක් මහලා හදිසියකදි ආහාර, බේත්, වගේ දේවල්, පැක් කරා ඒක අපේ survival kit  එක. ඒ වගේ යම් ප්‍රහාරයක් උනොත් ඉදිරියට යන්න තහනම් කලින් දවසේ රෑ හිටපු තැනට එන්න ඕනේ.

අපේ සමහරක් සාමාජිකයන්ට වෙඩි වැදිලා මැරුණා. ඒ ගැන හරි දුකක් දැනෙනවා. සීප්පුකුලමේදී නාවික හමුදා වාහනයකින් අපිට වෙඩි තිබ්බා. අපි ප්‍රති ප්‍රහාර එල්ල කරලා පසු බැස්සා. මාවනවැවදී එල්. බී. සෙනවිරත්නට වෙඩි වැදුනා. ග්‍රාම ආරක්ෂකයන් අතින්. එල්. බී. ගේ බඩට වෙඩි වැදිලා තිබුනේ. තුවාල වෙලා දවසකට විතර පස්සේ එල්.බී. සෙනවිරත්න මැරුණා. කෝංවැව සමූපකාරය කඩන්න ගිය අවස්ථාවේදි අපි 25-30 විතර ගියා. පොලිසිය අපිට වට කරලා වෙඩි තිබ්බා. අපේ සාමාජිකයන් දෙන්නෙක් මැරුණා.

ඒ වාගේම වරක් විල්පත්තු යන්න හදපු වෙලාවෙත් ප්‍රහාරයකට මුහුණ දුන්නා කටියාවේ දී. අපි ගමන් කරන කොට ඉදිරියෙන්ම පස් දෙනෙක් යනවා වඩා ශක්තිමත් හා අත්දැකීම් තියන අය. මැද දුර්වල හා ලෙඩ්ඩු. පසුපස අත්දැකීම් සහිත අය. මේ විදියට තමයි ගමන් කරන්නේ. කටියාවේදී ඒ ක්‍රමය කැඩුනා. අපිට වෙඩි ප්‍රහාර එල්ල වෙන්න ගත්තා. වලගම්බාහුවල මෛත්‍රි හා දයාපාල මැරුණා. සුනිල් පියදාසගේ දණහිසටත් වෙඩි වැදුනා. මම මෛත්‍රි උස්සං ගියා. මෛත්‍රිගේ පපුවට උන්ඩය කා වැදිලා. මම මෛත්‍රිව සනසන්න කිව්වා බය වෙන්න එපා. අත පොඩ්ඩක් තුවාල වෙලා තියනවා. අපි අරං යන්නං කියලා. එතකොට මෛත්‍රි කිව්වා මගේ පපුව රිදෙන්නේ මොකෝ? ටික දුරක් යනකොට මෛත්‍රි කිව්වා මගේ සාක්කුවේ ලියුමකුයි සල්ලි වගයකුයි තියනවා. ඒක ගන්න කියලා. පපුවට වැදුණු වෙඩි පහරින් මෛත්‍රි මැරුණා.

සමහර වෙලාවට තනිවට පැලකට වැදිලා මේවා ගැන හිතන කොට ඇෙ~නවා. මට අකුරැස්ස පොලිසියට පහර දෙන්න ගිහිල්ලා මිය ගිය මගේ මල්ලි සරත් ගරුසිංහව එහෙමත් මතක් වෙනවා. ඒ වෙලාවට දරා ගන්න බැරි පාළුවක් සිතේ මෝදු වෙනවා.

අත්නිමට කාලවල මම තනිවම වගේ හිටියේ. ඒකනායක වරින් වර හමුවෙනවා. 1976 අගෝස්තු අග වෙනකොට මම ඒකනායක, කළු සිරා හුරුළු වැව පඩිකාරමඩුව නුවරඑළි කොළනියේ වැව් ඉස්මත්තේ හේන් පැල් වල හිටියා. මෙතෙන්ට එනවා හම්මිල්ලෑව පාසලේ ජයසිරි කියලා ගුරුවරයෙක් ඒකනායකගේ ඇඳුනුම්කමකට. ඒකනායක පඩිකාරමඩුවේ ගුරුවරයෙකු ලෙස සේවය කරන කොට පාසැලෙත් කට්ටි පැන්න කොල්ලෙක් තමයි ජයසිරි. ඒ කාලේ ජයසිරිට කිව්වේ ජානිස් නැත්තං ජානිසා.

ජානිස් හබරණ කඩවල ඉස්කෝලේ යන්නේ නැතුව ඉන්න කොට ඒකනායක මූව කනෙං ඇදගෙන ඇවිල්ලා ලඟ නතර කරවාගෙන ඉගැන්නුවා. ජානිස් එහෙම ඉගෙන ගන්න ගමන් එස්. එස්. සී. ත් පාස් කළා. ඒකනායක මැදිහත්වෙලා ජානිසාට ගුරු පත්වීමකුත් අරගෙන දුන්නා. පත්වීම ලැබුනේ හම්මිල්ලෑව පාසලට. ගුරුවරයෙකු වුනාම ජානිස් නම වෙනස් කළා ජයසිරි කියලා. ඒත් ගමේ අය මිනිහා නැති තැන කිව්වේ ජානිස් කියලා. මට මුලදි ඉඳම්ම ජානිස් ගැන සැකයි. ජානිස්ගේ ඉරියව් මට ඇල්ලූවේ නැහැ. 

ගමේ මිනිස්සුත් අපිට හරි හිතවත්. වරක පොලිසියෙන් අපිට දෙන්න කියලා පාන් පිටි එක්ක වස වගයක් දීලා තියනවා. ගමේ මිනිස්සු පාන් පිටි වෙනමයි වස වෙනමයි අපේ අතටම ගෙනත් දුන්නා. මට ජානිස් සැක උනත් ඒකනායක ජානිස්ව විශ්වාස කලා මගේ ගෝලයෙක් මූ මාව පාවලා දෙන්නේ නෑ කියලා.

මට මුලින්ම ජානිසා ගැන සැකය ආවේ ගොවියෙක් වගේ වෙස්වෙලාගෙන හමුදාකාරයා ආපු වෙලාවේ. ජානිස් වරක් ඒකනායකට අළුත් කමිසයක් තෑගි කරා. මේක නයිලෝන් වගේ රෙද්දකින් මහලා තිබ්බේ චොකලට් පාට එකක්. ඒ වාගේ කමිස ගම් පලාත්වල නැහැ. මේ කමිසය මගේ මතකේ තිබ්බා එදා ආපු හමුදාකාරයත් ඇඳගෙන හිටියේ මේ වගේ චොකලට් පාට කමිසයක්. මට සැකයක් ආවා හමුදාව හා පොලිසිය ජානිස්ව අල්ලගෙනවත් ද කියලා. මම ඒකනායකට මගේ සැකය කිව්වා ඒත් ඒකනායකට තමන්ගේ ගෝලයා විශ්වාසයි.

1976 ඔක්තෝම්බර් පළවනදා මම හුරුළුවැවට පඩිකාරමඩුව නුවරඑළි කොලනියේ අර්නෝලිස් කියන හේන් ගොවියාගේ පැල් කොටේ හාන්සි වෙලා හිටියා. ඒකනායක හිටියේ තව හේන් තුන හතරකට විතර දුර තියන පැලක. අපේ පැල තිබ්බේ වැව අද්දර. එදා කිරි බැබලෙන හඳපාන. මුළු කැලෑවම එළියයි. බල්ලෝ බුරන සද්දයක් ඇහුනා. අපේ ආරක්ෂාවට අපි වරින් වර බල්ලොත් ඇති කළා. බල්ලෝ බුරන නිසා මම පැල්කොටෙන් කර පොවලා එළිය බැලූවා. ගැමියෝ වගයක් අපේ පැල් දිහාට එනවා. මම හිතුවා වැවේ මාළු කොටන්න යන මිනිස්සු කියලා. ඒ පිරිස අපේ පැල්කොටේ පැත්තට හයියෙන් හයියෙන් එන්න ගත්තා. අපේ පැල බැඳලා තිබ්බේ රූස්ස ගහක. ඒ නිසා පහලින් එන ඕන කෙනෙක්ව පේනවා. මට තේරුණා මේ මාළු කොටන්න ආපු පිරිසක් නොවන වත්තිය. 

මම අවුරුදු ගානක් පුරා ලඟ තියාගෙන හිටපු ෂොට් ගන් එක අතට ගත්තා. අර්නොලිස් නිදි.  ගරුසිංහ යටත් වෙයං වටකලරා තියෙන්නේ  කියලා රළු කට හඞකින් කෙනෙක් කෑ ගැහුවා. ඒ එක්කම අහසට වෙඩි වැලක් තිබ්බා. මට තේරුණා මේ පිරිස එක්ක ෂොට් ගන් එකෙන් මුහුණ දෙන්න බැරි බව. මට ඒතතු ගියා මේක මගේ අවසානය බව. පොලිසිය මාව වටකරලා. අවුරුදු පහක් මාස අටක මගේ කැලේ ජීවිතයට විරාමයක් ගෙනල්ලා. දඩ බල්ලෝ වගේ පොලිසිය හමුදාව ආවත් මම ගත කලේ නිදහස් ජීවිතයක්. අද රැයෙන් ඒක හමාර උනා. මට මතක් උනා ඉලූක් හෙවත් ඉලූක්තැන්නේ පී.කේ. සේනාරත්න වරාය පොලිසියේ රඳවාගෙන ඉන්න කොට අඟ=රු කැටයකින් බිත්තියේ ලියූ වගන්තිය.  මෙය කෙලවර නොවේ මඟ සලකුනක් පමණි. 

මට තේරුණා තව දුරටත් සටන් කිරීමෙන් ඵලක් නොවන බව.  මෙය කෙලවර නොවේ මඟ සලකුනක් පමණී කියන පේලිය තොල් මතුරමින් මම අත් දෙක උස්සාගෙන නැගිට්ටා. එක කොස්තාපල් කෙනෙක් හිටියා හැඩි දැඩි. ඒ කොස්තාපල්ට කිව්වේ යකඩයා කියලා. මේ යකඩයා නොහොත් කරුණාපාල කොස්තාපල් ලණු ඉනිමඟ දිගේ අපේ පැලට නැග්ගා. අනික් අය වටේට මම දිහාට තුවක්කු මාන ගෙන. යකඩයා පී.සී. මගේ එක අතකට මාංචු දාලා එයාගේ අතට අනෙක් මාංචුව දැම්මා. ඒ කරලා කිනිස්සක් මගේ පපුවට තියලා කිව්වා  කළබල නොකර බැහැපං කියලා.

මම පැලෙන් බිමට බහින කොට අනුරාධපුර එච්. කිව්. අයි. නලින් දෙල්ගොඩ මහත්තයා ලඟට ආවා. ඇවිත් කිව්වා  උඹ තමයි මේ ගරුසිංහ කියන්නේ නේද?  කියලා. මම කතා කලේ නැහැ. මම බිමට අඩිය තිබ්බ ගමන් උල්කාවක් පළාතම එළිය කරගෙන කඩාන වැටුනා. පොලිසියේ මහත්තයා හිතුවේ ඒක අපේ සාමාජිකයෙක් දීපු සංඥාවක් කියලා. මගෙන් ඇහුවා ඒක මොක්කද? මම කිව්වා සර්ලා ගහපු පැරා එකක් නැත්තං දේවතා එළියක්.

නලින් දෙල්ගොඩ මට ලං උනා.  ගරුසිංහ අපි තමුසෙට කිසිම හිංසාවක්? වදයක් දෙන්නේ නෑ අපිට ඒකනායක අල්ල ගන්න උදව් කලොත්. ඒකනායක හිටියේ 29 පැලේ මට අවශ්‍ය උනා ඒ දෙල්ගොඩ මහත්තයා ප්‍රකෝප නොකර ඒකනායකව බේරගන්න. ඒ හිතලා මම කිව්වා මම ඒකනායක අල්ලා දෙන්නං හැබැයි අපිට කිසිම හිංසාවක් කරන්න ඉඩ දෙන්න එපා කියලා. දෙල්ගොඩ මහත්තයා ඒකට එකඟ උනා.

මම කිව්වා ඒකනායක ඉන්නේ 53 න පැලේ කියලා. මට ඕන උනේ කට්ටිය ඈතට ගෙනියන්න අපි ඒකනායක හිටපු පැල ලඟින් යන කොට බල්ලෝ බුරන්න පටන් ගන්නවා. එතකොට ඒකනායකට කාලය තියනවා කැලෑවට වහංගු වෙන්න. මේ වෙලාවේ පොලිසිය අර්නෝලිස්වත් මම හිටපු පැලෙං බස්ස ගත්තා. මගේ තුවක්කුව පොත්පත් පැලේ. ඒවාට පොලිසිය සැලකිල්ලක් දැක්කුවේ නැහැ. අර්නෝලිස් මෝඩ පහේ මිනිහෙක්. මම බය උනා අර්නෝලිස්ගේ කටින් ඒකනායක ගැන යමක් කියවෙයිද කියලා.

මම කිව්වා ඒකනායක ඉන්න 53 න පැලට යන්නේ මෙතනින් කියලා. පරංගියා කොට්ටේ ගියා වගේ දුරින් යන පාරක් තියන අඩිපාරක් පෙන්නුවා. එතකොට අර්නෝලිසා කට දාපි.  53 ට මෙතනින් ලඟයි කියලා නියම පාර අර්නෝලිස් අතින් පෙන්නුවා.  දෙල්ගොඩ මහත්තයාට සැකයක් ආවා. ඒ පාර යකඩයාගේ අතේ තිබ්බ මාංචුව ගලවලා මාවයි අර්නෝලිසුයි එකට තියලා මාංචු ගැහුවා. යකඩයාට බලය දුන්නා අපි සැක හිතන යමක් කරොත් ඒකනායකට වෙඩි තියන්න. මම කකුලින් සද්ද කරන ගමං ඒකනායක හිටපු 29 පැල මඟහැරවලා 53 පැල ලඟට පිරිස ගෙන ගියා.

පස්සේ මට දැනගන්න ලැබුනා ඒකනායක අපිව දැකලා පැලෙන් පහලට බැහැලා හැංගුන බව. පොලිස් පිරිස 53 පැල ලඟට ඇවිල්ලා පැල් කොටේ උඩට වෙඩි තිබ්බා. පැලේ හිටියේ ගුනපාල කියන හේන් ගොවියා. ඒකනායක නැහැ. දෙල්ගොඩට තරහා ගිහිල්ලා මගේ යටි බඩට පයින් ගැහුවා. මම ඇදගෙන වැටුනා.

මම කිව්වා සර් ඒකනායක හිටියේ මෙතන සර්ලා සද්ද බද්ද කරගෙන එන කොට බල්ලෝ බිරුවා. ඔහොම ගිහිල්ලා ඒකනායකගේ වල්ගෙවත් අල්ල ගන්න බැරි වෙයි. ඒ පාර දෙල්ගොඩ නිහඞ උනා.

මේ අතර මම හුරතලයට හදපු මී මින්නා පැටියෙක් මගේ කකුලේ දැවටෙනවා. ඌ දන්නේ නැහැ මේ අපි එකට ඉන්න අන්තිම මොහොත බව. මීමින්නා මගේ පයේ දැවටෙන කොට දෙල්ගොඩ මහත්තයාට අනුකම්පාවක් ඉපදෙන්න ඇති. මට ඌව අතට ගන්න කිව්වා.

එතන හිටපු පී.සී. ජයසිංහ කියන කොස්තාපල් කිව්වා සර් ඉස්ෆොා්මන්ට් කියපු හැටියට ඒකනායක මේ පැල් වල එකක ඉන්නවා. අපි පැල් ඔක්කෝම සර්ච් කරමුද කියලා. දෙල්ගොඩ මහත්තයා ඒකට වැඩි උනන්දුවක් පෙන්නුවේ නැහැ. ඒත් එවෙලාවේ බැලූවනං 29 පැලේ ඒකනායක ඉන්නත් තිබුනා. ඈතින් කෙනෙක් හිටියා අපි දිහා බලාගෙන. ඒ තමයි පී.සී. ජයසිංහගේ ඉන්ෆෝමන්ට්. මට තේරුනා එතන ඉන්නේ ජානිසා බව. ජානිස් ගැන මා තුල තිබ්බ සැකය හරි.

මාව අත්අඩංගුවට අරගෙන ඉක්මනට පොලිසියට ගෙනියන්න දෙල්ගොඩ මහත්තයාට අවශ්‍ය උනා. මාව අල්ලලා දවස් 5 ක් ඇතුලත. නලින් දෙල්ගොඩ ඒ.එස්.පී. ප්‍රමෝෂන් ලැබුනා. පීසිලා සාජන්ලා උනා. හැමෝටම රු 2500 ගානේ මුදල් තෑගි ඉන්ක්‍රීමන්ට් දෙක බැගින් දුන්නා.

මාවයි, අර්නෝලිස්වයි ගුණපාලගෙයි අත්වලට මාංචු දමලා ඇස් බැන්දා අපිව ජීප් එකේ දාගන හම්මිල්ලෑව ඉස්කෝලේ ලඟට ගෙනාවා. ඉස්කෝලේ ලඟදි වාහනය නතර කලා. කෙනෙක් වාහනෙන් බැස්සා. මට තේරුණා ඒ ජානිස බව. ජානිස් බැහැලා ගියහම අපේ ඇස් වැහිලා තියනවාද කියලවත් බලන්න පොලිසියට ඕන කලේ නැහැ. ජානිස් අපිව පාවලා දීලා රු. 45,000 තෑග්ග අරගෙන තියනවා. ඒත් 88/89 භීෂණ කාලේ ජානිසාව කනුවක බැඳලා වෙඩි තියලා තියනවා කටට සත 10 කාසියක් ඔබලා. ඒත් එකේ අනෙක් පැත්ත ජානිස් මරන්න නියෝග දුන්න අයම 88/89 මාවත් මරන්න නියෝග දීම. 

ඒ කොහොම වෙතත් අපිව හබරණ හන්දියට ගෙනාවා පොලිසියේ අය. තේ බිව්වා. මටත් තේ දුන්නා. මාංචු නිසා මට රාලහාමි කෙනෙක් බනිස් හා ආනමාලූ කවලා තේ එක පෙව්වා.

මට ඕන කලා අර්නෝලිස්ව ගුණපාලවයි බේරන්න. මම කිව්වා සර් මේ අය අහිංසකයි අපිට උදවු කලේ අපි කවුද කියලා දන්නේ නැතිව මේ අයට යන්න දෙන්න කියලා. ඒත් ඒ අයවත් රඳවාගෙන හිටියා. හබරණ ඉඳං අපිව කෙලින්ම අනුරාධපුර එස්.පී. නිල නිවසට ගෙනිච්චා.

නිල නිවාසේ ලඟ වාහනෙන් බැහැපු නලින් දෙල්ගොඩ මහත්තයා යුනිෆෝම් එක හදාගෙන එස්.පී. බංගලාවට ගියා. ටික වෙලාවකින් අනුරාධපුර එස්.පී. වෝල්ටර් ලියනගේ මහත්තයා එලියට පැමිණියා. ගරුසිංහව පණපිටින් අරං එයි කියලා මම හිතුවේ නැහැ ගුඩ් ජොබ් කියලා දෙල්ගොඩට ප්‍රශංසා කලා.

එතකොට දෙල්ගොඩ කිව්වා මාව අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්න කොට උල්කාවක් කඩා වැටීම පිළිබඳව. එස්.පී. වෝල්ටර් ලියනගේ මහත්තයා මගේ අල්ල බැලූවා. ඒ බලලා කිව්වා කාටවත් තමාව මරන්න බැහැ. ඊට පස්සේ අපිව අනුරාධපුර පොලිසියට ගෙනිච්චා. මාව එක කූඩුවකටයි ගුණපාලයි අර්නෝලිස්වයි වෙන කූඩුවකටයි දැම්මා. අපි කූඩුවල පැයක් හමාරක් ඉන්න කොට මාව එලියට අරගෙන විශාල ශාලාවකට ගෙන ගියා. ඒ ශාලාවේ පොලිසියේ හමුදාවේ උසස් නිලධාරින් 30 විතර වාඩිවෙලා. හැමෝම කුතුහලයෙන් මා දිහා බලනවා. ගරුසිංහ අත්අඩංගුවට ගත්ත කියලා ඒ අයට විශ්වාස කරන්නත් අමාරුයි. එතන කොබ්බෑකඩුව මහත්තයත් හිටියා වගේ මතකයි.

ඒ කාමරේ ප්‍රධාන මේසේ වාඩිවෙලා හිටියේ වෝල්ටර් ලියනගේ අනුරාධපුර එස්.පී.  මේසේ පුවරුවක ලියලා තියනවා නලින් දෙල්ගොඩ කියලා. මගෙන් ඇහුවා තමා දන්නවද මම කවුද කියලා? මම කිව්වා නලින් දෙල්ගොඩ මහත්තයා. මම එහෙම කිව්වම හොහ් හොහ් ගාලා හිනා උනා. ඒ තමයි තමා අත් අඩංගුවට ගත්ත කෙනා. මම ඊගාවට කිව්වා වෝල්ටර් ලියනගේ මහත්තයා? එයා අහපි කොහොමද දන්නේ. මම අහලා තියනවා රේඩියෝ එකෙන් පත්තරෙන් පසුගිය කාලේ හම්බන්තොට ගංජා සංහාරය කරපු වීරයෙක් කියලා මම කිව්වා.

වෝල්ටර් ලියනගේ මහත්තයාට දැන ගන්න ඕන කලා මාව අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්න කොට මම හිටපු ස්ථානය. එතන බිත්තියේ ගහලා තිබ්බා අඟලේ සිතියමක් මම හිටපු තැන පෙන්වන්න කිව්වා මම විනාඩියකටත් අඩු කාලයකදි මාව අත්අඩංගුවට පත් වුනු ප්‍රදේශය සිතියමේ නියමාකාරයෙන් පෙන්නුවා.

වෝල්ටර් ලියනගේ මහත්තයාගේ ඇස් උඩ ගියා හැමෝටම ඇහෙන්න කිව්වා ගුඩ් මැප් රීඩර් කියලා. ඊගාවට මම දිහා බලලා ඇහුවා ඇයි බාර නූනේ? මම උත්තර දුන්නා. බාර වීම නිවට කමක්, අපට අවශ්‍ය උනේ පසු බැස ප්‍රති සංවිධානය වෙන්න.

එතකොට එස්.පී. වෝල්ටර් මහත්තයා කියනවා ඔබ තමයි අපි අල්ලගත්ත වැදගත්ම කෙනා. හිටපු කැරලිකරුවන්ගෙන් අපට උදවු කරපු අය ගැන කියනවාද? 

මම ප්‍රති උත්තර දුන්නා මට උදවු කරපු අය පාවලා දෙන්නෑ. ඒක මනුස්සකම. එතකොට එතන හිටියා අයි.පී. ඒකනායක කියලා නිලධාරියෙක් එයා කිව්වා කයිවාරු කාරයෝ කථා කරවන හැටි අපි දන්නවා?

අනුරාධපුර පොලිස් අධිකාාරි වෝල්ටර් ලියනගේ මගෙන් අන්තිමට ඇහුවා තමා පැනලා යනවාද? මම මොහොතක් ඇස් දෙක දිහ බලලා කිව්වා අවස්ථාව ලැබුනොත්. ඒක කරනවා හිරගෙදර මෙන්න මේ මහත්තයා ලඟට ගියාම. (මට ඇඟිල්ලෙන් අනුරාධපුර බන්ධනාගාරයේ එස්.පී. ව පෙන්නුවා) මම තමාව මට නීත්‍යුනුකූලව ලඟ තබා ගන්න පුළුවන් උපරිම කාලය මෙහේ තියා ගන්නවා නඩු කට උත්තර ඒවා උසාවි එක්ක. කවුරුහරි සැකකාරයාට පහර දුන්නොත් ඉන්ටඩික් කරනවා හැබැයි පැනලා යන්න උත්සාහ කරන තෙක් එස්.පී. වෝල්ටර් ලියනගේ මහත්තයා හැබැයි පැනලා යන්න උතසාහ කරන තෙක් කියන පදය දෙපාරක්ම කිව්වා. ඉන් පසුව නලින් දෙල්ගොඩ දිහා බලලා කිව්වා කවුරු හරි මිනිහට අත තිබ්බොත් ඉන්ටඩික්.

නලින් දෙල්ගොඩ මහත්තයා සැලූට් එකක් ගහලා නියෝගය පිලිගත්තා. වෝල්ටර් ලියනගේ මහත්තයා මගෙන් ඇහුවා බඩගිනිද කියලා. එතකොට දෙල්ගොඩ කිව්වා මට ආනමාළු. බනිස් දුන්න බව. මට තේ එකක් ගේන්න කිව්වා. ටේ්‍ර එකක තියාගෙන තේ එකක් පියන් කෙනෙක් ගෙනාවා.

මාව පොලිසියේ දවස් 20 තියාගත්තා. හැමදාම රෑට වෝල්ටර් ලියනගේ මහත්තයා මාව බලන්න එනවා.. කිසි කෙනෙක් මට පහර දුන්නේ නැහැ. අපිට කෑමට දුන්නේ ආහාර පොඩි ප්‍රමානයක් අපිට ඒවා මදි. මම දවස් 3 කෑවේ නෑ. මගේ කෑම අර්නෝලිස්ටයි ගුණපාලටයි දුන්නා. මේක දැක්ක පී.සී. කෙනෙක් පොලිස් මෙස් එකේ උයපු බත් එකක් රෑ ගෙනල්ලා මට දුන්නා. මේ පී.සී. මාව අල්ලන්න එදා මගේ පැලට ආපු කෙනෙක්.

මට බත් එක දෙනවා සාජන් කෙනෙක් දැකලා පැමිණිළි කළා. ඒ. එස්. පී. චන්ද්‍රා මෙන්ඩිස් උදේ මේ ගැන විභාග කළා. මගෙන් ඇහුවා කවුද තමාට බත් ගෙනාවේ? මම බත් ගෙනාව පී. සී ව පාවලා දුන්නේ නැහැ. මේ සිද්ධියෙන් පස්සේ පොලිස් පොඩ්ඩෝ මාත් එකක් යාළු උනා.

මගෙන් කට උත්තර ගන්න කොළඹින් සී.අයි.ඩී. නිලධාරින් ආවා. එතන හිටියා අයි.පී. අළුවිහාරේ. මගෙන් ප්‍රශ්න කරන කොට අයි.පී. ඒකනායක මූ එස්.පී. මහත්තයත් රැවැට්ටුවා කියලා මට පයින් ගැහුවා. මම ඒ පහර කට් කරලා යලි පහර දුන්නොත් පහරට පාර දෙන්න සුදානමෙන් හිටියා. තොට කොළඹ ගෙනිහිල්ලා දෙන්නං අයි.පී. ඒකනායක ගෙරෙව්වා. සී.අයි.ඩී. නිලධාරින් මගෙන් කට උත්තර ගන්නවා. රළු විදිහට ප්‍රශ්න කරන්නේ මම තෝරලා බේරලා උත්තර දෙනවා. මූව කොළඹ ගෙනිහිල්ලා මහන කරමු ඒ නිලධාරි කථා වෙනවා. 

මට කට උත්තරේ අත්සන් කරන්න කිව්වා. මම අත්සන් කරන එක ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළා. මම කිව්වා මේක තියෙන්නේ ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන්. මට තේරෙන්නේ නෑ නොතේරෙන ලියවිල්ලකට අත්සන් කරන්නේ කොහොමද? අයි.පී. අළුවිහාරෙට තරහා ගියා. තමා කිහිප තැනකදිම ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් කථා කල බව අපි දන්නවා. වහාම අත්සන් කරනවා කියලා නියෝග කලා. මම යලිත් කිව්වා මම නොදන්නා භාෂාවකින් තියන ලියවිල්ලකට මම අත්සන් කරන්නේ නැහැ.

තරහා ගිය අයි.පී. අළුවිහාරේ කියනවා මුං එක්ක Psychological warfare

මේ කාලයේ පේරාදෙනිය විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ වීරසුරිය ශිෂ්‍යාගේ මරණය පොලිස් වෙඩි පහරකින් වෙලා අනුරාධපුර පොලිසිය ලඟ පෙලපාලි මේ කලබල නිසා මාව කොලඹ ගෙනල්ලා මැගසින් බන්ධනාගාරේ රිමාන්ඩ් කලා.

මාව සී.අයි.ඩී. එකේ 4 තට්ටුවට ගෙනගිහිල්ලා විජේවීර ගේ පාපොච්චාරනය අඩංගු ටේප් එක වාදනය කලා. ඒකේ තැනක අහනවා පොලිස් නිලධාරියෙක්, ති්‍රකුණාමලයේ දිසා ලේකම් කවුද? විජේවීර  පිලිතුරු දෙනවා ගරුසිංහ වෙන්න ඕනේ. ඊට පස්සේ මම ගැන තොරතුරු කියනවා.

මැගසින් බන්ධනාගාරයේදි මාව දැකපු උයන්ගොඩ, බෝපගේ මාව වැළඳගත්තා. විජේවීර  නොදැක්කා වගේ ගියා.

දැන් 1977 වසරත් ලබලා නඩු ගොඩක් අයගේ ඉවරයි. මගේ නඩුව නීතිඥ රංබන්ඩා සෙනෙවිරත්න භාර ගත්තා. 

මහ මැතිවරණයේ දී  යූ.එන්.පී. ආණ්ඩුව බලයට පත් උනා. මගේ නඩුව කල් යනවා. මගේ නීතිඥයා නඩුව අහන්නෙ නැත්තං ඇප දෙන්න කියලා මෝසමක් දැම්මා. අවසානයේදි නීතිපති මට විරුධව තිබූ නඩු ඉල්ලා අස් කර ගත්තා. 1977 දෙසැම්බර් වල මාව නිදහස් කල බව දැනුම් දුන්නා. 

මම නිදහස් කරන දවසේ මම ඉල්ලීමක් කරා සෙසු සිරකාරයන්ගෙන් සමුගන්න ඉඩ දෙන්න කියලා. මාව ඇඩ්ඩිං කියන ෙජ්ලර් මහත්තයා එක්ක හිර ගෙදර වටේ යැව්වා පිරිසගෙන් සමු ගන්න. මට විජේවීර ගෙන් සමු ගන්න ගියාම විජේවීර  මාත් එක්ක කථා නැතුව අනෙක් පැත්ත හැරිලා නිදා ගත්තා.

 ඔයා ඉස්සරහ එයාට අවදි වෙන්න බැහැ.  ඇඩ්ඩිං ෙජ්ලර් විහිළුවෙං මගේ කනට කරලා කිව්වා.

මම පිරිසගෙන් සමු අරගෙන සිරගෙයින් නිදහස් ලෝකෙට ආවා. කැරැල්ල කැළෑව, සිරගෙදර. මේ ලෝක තුනේ ගත කරපු කාලය අවසන්. මම එතකං නීතිඥ රන්බන්ඩා සෙනවිරත්න ගුණදාස කපුගේ එක්ක බොරැල්ල වයි.එම්.බී.ඒ එකේ හිටියා. අපි ගියා තේ බොන්න.

මම රන්බන්ඩා සෙනවිරත්න ගුණදාස කපුගේ අපි බොරැල්ල උපවංශ හෝටලෙන් තේ බිව්වා. නිතිඥ රන්බන්ඩා සෙනවිරත්න මට කිව්වා සුමානයක් නිවාඩු අරගෙන ඉන් පසු වහාම වැඩට වාර්තා කරන්න ත්‍රිකුණාමල මහා විද්‍යාලයට යන්නෙයි කියලා. මම එකඟ උනා.

1978 ජනවාරි මාසේ මම මගේ පරණ ඉස්කෝලේ ත්‍රිකුණාමල මහා විද්‍යාලයට ගියා. 1971 අප්‍රේල් මම පාසලෙන් ගිහිල්ලා 1978 ජනවාරි යලි එනවා. අවුරුදු ගානකට පස්සේ ශිෂ්ඨාචාරය එක්ක ගනුදෙනු කරන්න කාලය ඇවිත්. පාසල වෙනස් වෙලා අළුතින් ගොඩනැගිලි ඇවිදින්.

1971 කාලේ මාත් එක්ක ඒ පාසලේ ගුරුමන්ඩලේ හිටපු හේවාවිතාරණ තමයි දැන් විදුහල්පති. මගේ ගෝලයෙක් වෙලා හිටපු නවින් චන්ද්‍ර දැන් ගුරුවරයෙක්. මම ඉස්කෝලෙට ගිය දවසේ කට්ටිය මාව සාදරයෙන් පිලිගත්තා. ඒ කාලේ විද්‍යාගාරේ විද්‍යාගාර සහායක මෙරිල්. මෙරිල් මට ලැබ් එකට කථා කරලා ෆයිල් එකක් දුන්නා.

ඒ පයිල් එකේ මට ආපු රාජකාරි ලිපි සියල්ලම මෙරිල් අරන් තියලා. සර් කවදා හරි මුණගැහෙනකං මම මේ ලිපි ආරක්ෂා කරගෙන හිටියා. මෙරිල් කිව්වා. මට මෙරිල් ගැන ලොකු සෙනෙහසක් දැනුනා. ඒ ලියුම් මට විශ්‍රාම යන තෙක් උපකාර උනා මගේ රාජකාරි වැඩ වලට.

1982 දි මම බැන්දා. අපිට ළමයි 3 ලැබුනා. මම නොයෙකුත් පාසල් වල සේවය කළා. සමහර පාසල් වල අය මම චේගුවේරා කාරයා ත්‍රස්තවාදියා කියන ලේබලය අලවලා මගේ පිටිපස්සට කසු කුසු ගෑවා. ඒත් ඒවාට මම සැලූනේ නැහැ. කැලේ ජීවිතය පොලිස් සී.අයි.ඩී. ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම් හමුවේ අභියෝග වලට මුහුණ දුන්න මට හැංගිලා ගල් කැට විසිකරපු නිවටයන් වචනයකින්වත් අභියෝගයක් උනේ නැහැ. වැඩි පිරිසක් මගේ අත්දැකීම් වලට සැලකිල්ලක් ගරුත්වයක් දැක්වූවා.

1988/89 භිෂණ කාලේදි මට යලිත් ප්‍රශ්න ආවා. 88/89 භිෂණයේදි දේශප්‍රේමී කියාගන්න තුවක්කුකරුවන් මගේ පස්සෙන් ආවා. අනෙක් පසින් පොලිසිය මාව  දෙවන කැරැල්ලට සැක කරලා සිර කරන්න උත්සාහ කරනවා. පොලිසියෙන් මාව අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන මාතර පොලිසියේ රඳවලා තිබ්බා. මම මාතර පොලිස් කූඩුවේ ඉන්නකොට සාජන් බැද්දගේ ආවා. මෙයා මගේ 1971 මිස් වෙච්ච ටාගට් එකක් කිව්වා. 

මට මතකයි 1971 දි සාජන් බැද්දගේ පී.සී කෙනෙක්. 88 වෙන කොට යන්න ප්‍රළුවන් උනේ සාජන් දක්වා පමණයි. ඒත් මිනිහා කථා කලේ අති දක්ෂ පොලිස් නිලධාරියකුගේ විලාශයෙන්.

මාව උසාවියට ඉදිරිපත් කරලා චෝදනා නැති නිසා මහේත්‍රාස්ගේ අත්සනින් නිදහස් කරන්න නියෝගයක් දී තිබුනත් මාව රඳවගෙන හිටියා. සමහර විට අතුරුදහන් කරන්න වෙන්න ඇති. ඒ අවස්ථාවේදි විජය කුමාරතුංග ඒ වගේම මහින්ද විජේසේකර , හඞ නගලා තමයි මාව නිදහස් කර ගත්තේ. මම විජය කුමාරතුංග, දේවබන්ඩාර සේනාරත්න එක්ක දේශපාලනය කරා යලිත් ආයුධ අතට ගන්න දේශපාලනයක් අවශ්‍ය උනේ නැහැ.

දේවාට වෙඩි තියන කොට මම ඒ අසලත් හිටියා. ඝාතන දේශපාලන සංස්කෘතිය නිසා අපට ඉතා යහපත් මිනිසුන් රැසක් අහිමි උනා. මාව 1988 දි අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීම පිලිබඳ මම මානව හිමිකම් නඩුවක් පැවරුවා. මට හිතෙන්නේ ඒ කාලේ දාපු ප්‍රථම 88 සිද්ධින් සම්බන්ධ මානව හිමිකම් නඩුව වෙන්න ඇති. නඩුව කරේ මගේ පැරණි දේශපාලන ගුරුවරයා නීතිඥ කල්යානන්ද තිරනාගමයි. 

විශ්‍රාම ගැනීමෙන් පස්සේ මම දැන් පොත පත කියවනවා. අතීත සිද්ධීන් ස්මරනය කරනවා. මෑතකදී මම විදුහල්පතිවරු කණ්ඩායමක් එක්ක රිටිගල ප්‍රදේශයේ චාරිකාවක නිරත උනා. මම කැලේ ඉන්න කොට හිටපු තැන් මට යළි දැක ගන්න ලැබුනා. 

මාව අත්අඩංගුවට පත් වෙලා මාසයකින් විතර ඒකනායකත් අත්අඩංගුවට පත් උනා. දැන් ඒකනායක විශ්‍රාමික ගුරුවරයෙක්. අපි ඉදහිට හමු වෙනවා දුරකථනයෙන්. කථා කරනවා. පැරණි මිත්‍රත්වය තාම තියනවා.

අපේ සමහරු 1971 වැරදි වලින් ඉගෙන ගත්තේ නැහැ. 71 අත්දැකීම සැඟවීමේ ශාපය තමයි 88දි මතු උනේ. 71 වැරදි වලින් පාඩම් ඉගෙන නොගත් නිසා දේශපාලනමය, සදාචාරමය මෙන්ම හැම අතින්ම විනාශකාරි වූ කැරැල්ලක් තමයි 88 දී  මතු උනේ. යළිත් මෙවැනි විනාශ අයේ සමාාජයේ විය යුතු නැහැ.

(වෛද් රුවන් එම් ජයතුංගගේ 71 කැරැල්ල ආරම්භයේ සිට අවසානය දක්වා පුර්ණ සමාලෝචනයක් කෘතිය ඇසුරෙනි)

ජිනීවා  සමුළුවට විවෘත ලිපියක්

September 5th, 2017

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිලෙයේ විසිහත් වන සැසිවාර යේදී මානව හිමිකම් කොමසාරිස්වරයා විසින් සිදු කළ වාචික කරුණු දැක්වීමේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකාව යුධ අපරාධ කර ඇති බව උලුප්පා දක්වා ඇත.එම කරුණු දැක්වීම අනුව ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජය සහ ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදය එක්ව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට එරෙහිව යෝජනාවක් ඉදිරිපත් කර සම්මත කළහ. එහිදී සංහිඳියාව සහ වගවීම ප්‍රවර්ධනයට කිරීමට එකඟ විය යුතු බවද දෙමුහුන් අධිකරණයක් ස්ථාපිත කළ යුතු බවද ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආණ්ඩු ක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 13 වන සංශෝධනය සම්පූර්ණයෙන් ක්‍රියත්මක කිරීමට මෙන්ම එය ඉක්මවා යන බලය බෙදීමකට එකඟ විය යුතු බවටද එහිදී ප්‍රකාශ කර ඇත. මෙම කාරණා යලි යලිත් මතක් කරමින් ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජයට බලපෑම් කරමින් ඇත.එයට හේතුව මානව හිමිකම් නියෝජිතයන්ට මෙම මානව හිමිකම් කටයුතු සඳහා අත පෙවීමට ඉඩදීමේ රජයේ එකඟතාවයයි. එසේම මහජන ආරක්ෂක පණත සංශෝධනය කරමින් ත්‍රස්තවාදය වැලැක්වීමේ පනත අහෝසි කළ යුතුය යන බලපෑමද කොට ඇත. ඒ තත්ත්වය තුළ 2015 වසරේ සිට ගත වුණු කාල වකවානුවේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජය අතුරුදහන් වූවන් සඳහා වූ පනතක් සම්මත කර ඇත. එසේම සංහිඳියාව සහ වගවීම පිනිස ලංකාවේ නීති රිති අධ්‍යාපනය ආදී ක්ෂේත්‍රයන්හි ව්‍යුහාත්මකවෙනස් කම් රාශියක් කරමින් තිබේ.මෑතකදී බෙන් එමර්සන් මහතා ලංකාවට පැමිණ ඉහතකී තීන්දු තීරණ ගැනීමේ ප්‍රමාදයන් ගැන තර්ජනාත්මකව විමසා තිබේ. මානව හිමිකම් කොමසාරිස් තුමනි.ඔබට ලැබී තිබුණු සාක්ෂි පට්ටපල් බොරු යයි වෙනත් වාර්තා වලින් ඔප්පු වී තිබියදීත් මෙලෙස ස්වාධීන රාජ්‍යයකට බලපෑම් කිරීම සහ තර්ජනාත්මකව සැලකීම කුමන අන්දමේ රාජ්‍ය තාන්ත්‍රික කටයුත්තක් දැයි විමසමි.බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය මෙන්ම ඇමරිකාවද මානව හිමිකම් උල්ලංඝණය කරන කල්හි නිශ්ශබ්දව සිට ශ්‍රී ලංකාව කෙරෙහි පමණක් ඇඟිල්ල දිගු කරන්නේ දෙමළ ගෝලීය සංසදයෙන් ඔබට යහමින් මුදල් ගෙවා ඇති නිසා නොවේද.

වර්තමානයේ මානව හිමිකම් වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින මහා බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය 1815 වසරේ දී ගිවිසුමකින් ලංකාව භාරගත් පසු මෙරටදී කරන ලද යුධ අපරාධ රාශියක් තිබෙන බව මේ මොහොතේ දී මතක් කර සිටිමි. සිංහල ජනතාව සහ රදළවරු මූලික කරගෙන 1817 දී ඇතිවූ විමුක්ති අරගලයේදී සහ 1848 ඇති වූ මාතලේ නිදහස් අරගලයේදී ලංකාවේ සිංහල ජනතාවට අරභයා විශාල වශයෙන්  යුධ අපරාධ සිදු කිරීමට බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය හමුදාව කටයුතු කර ඇත.1817 විමුක්ති අරගලයට මේ වන විට වසර දෙසීයක් සපීරී තිබේ. බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය සොල්දාදුවන් සහ නිළධාරීන් සිංහල පිරිමින් සහ කුඩා දරුවන් අමානුෂික ලෙස ඝාතනය කළ ආකාරය පිළිබඳ වාර්තා රාශියක් ඇත. එසේම සිංහල ජනතාවගේ වතු පිටි කුඹුරු ගිනිතබා විනාශ කරමින් ගවයන් ඝාතනය කොට ළිං වලට එම මළ කුණු ඇද දමා දුර්භික්ෂයක් ඇති කර නිහීන ලෙස අරගලය පරාජය කළ හැටි පෙන්වා දිය හැකිය.එසේම මෙම අරගලයට නායකත්වය දුන් රදළයන් රාජ ද්‍රොහීන් ලෙසට නම් කර රටින් පිටිවහල් කරන ලදී. ඔවුන් ගේ දරුවන්ට හිමි විය යුතු වරප්‍රසාද පවා අහිමි කරන ලදී.අදටත් මාතලේ මහනුවර පමණක් නොව නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ පවා ප්‍ර වේනි ඉඩ කඩම් වල උරුමය තහවුරු කරගනු බැරිව සිංහල පැරණි පරම්පරා දුර්වලව සිටී.

අප මුතුන් මිත්තන් මහා බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය රජුට රට භාර දුන්නේ මෙවැනි අපරාධ කරන්නට නොවේ. පෙර සිරිත අනුව රට පාලනය කරන්නටයි. එම ගිවිසුම ද උල්ලංඝණය කරමින් බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය යටත් විජිත ආණ්ඩුව 1948 තෙක් අඛණ්ඩව රට පාලනය කර ඇත. ඉන්පසු රට ස්වදේශිකයන් අතට භාර දුන්නද මහ රැජිනගේ බලපෑමෙන් මිදෙන්නට ඉඩ නුදුන්හ. උතුරු සහ නැගනහිර ප්‍ර දේශ 1766 ට පෙර සිංහල රජුන් යටතේ පාලනය වූ පළාත් ය. එම ප්‍ර දේශ වල සිංහල ජනතාව විශාල වශයෙන් ජීවත්ව සිට ඇත. නමුත් බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය යන් බලයට පත් වූ පසු මලබාරයෙන් ගෙන්වූ වහලුන් එම ප්‍ර දේශ වල පදිංචි කරමින් රටේ දේශපාලන අස්ථාවරත්වයක් ඇති කර තිබේ. දැන් එම මලබාරයන් ගෙන් පැවතෙන මෑත පුරපුරේ දේශ පාලනඥයන් ලක් රජයෙන් සවයං පාලනයක් ඉල්ලවති. එහිදී ඇති වූ සිවිල් අරගලයේදී හමුදාව යොදවා එය පාලනය කර ත්‍රස්තවාය පරාජය කරන් ලද්දේ රටේ සාමය සහ නීතිය ආරක්ෂ කර ගැනීමටයි. එහිදී ත්‍රිවිධ හමුදාවේ නිළධාරීන් දිවි පරදුවට තබා ත්‍රස්තවාදය පාලනයට රජයට සහාය දැක්වූයේ රජයේ අණ පරිදිය.රටේ ආරක්ෂාව තහවුරු කිරීම ත්‍රිවිධ හමුදාවක වගකීමයි. එම නිසා එම ක්‍රියාන්විතයේ යෙදී සිටි සියලුම හමුදා නිළධාරීන්ට විශේෂ මුක්තියක් හිමි විය යුතුය.මහා විජයබාහු රජු ගේ පනාකඩුව තඹ සන්නසේ සඳහන් පරිදි  පෙර රජ දවස  රජු වෙනුවෙන් කළ සේවයට ලබා දුන් විශේෂ මුක්තිය  මගින් හෙළි කරනුයේද එවැනි වරප්‍රසාදයක් හමුදාවට හිමි විය යුතු බවයි..

බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය යන් සහ ලන්දේසීන් විසින් පදිංචි කරනු ලැබූ මලබාර් වහලුන් ගෙන් පැවත එන කිසිවකුට රටේ පවතින බලය දුර්බල කොට සවයං පාලනයක් දීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවයක් නැත. වර්තමානයේ රටේ ජීවත් වන සිංහල දෙමල මුස්ලිම් ජනතාව සියල්ලම රට වැසියන් ලෙසට සැලකුවහොත් ඔවුන් ගේ එදිනෙදා වැඩ කටයුතු පහසු කර ගැනීමටත් දේශපලන වැඩ කටයුතු වල යෙදීමටත් තිබෙන නිදහස උපරිමයෙන් පවතින බව කිව යුතුයි. 1815 දී බ්‍රිතන්‍ය න් ට රට භාර දෙන කල්හි රටේ දේශපාලන බලය මැනවින් ශක්තිමත්ව තිබුණි. රජු රටේ භාරකරු විය. නමුත් ගම් මට්ටමින් පැවති ගම් සභාව සහ පළාත් මට්ටමින් පැවති රට සභාව ආදී තැන් වල ජනතාවගේ වැඩ කටයුතු කර ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය බලයක් ප්‍රදානය කර තිබුණි. නමුත් සියල්ලන්ම රජුට යටත්ව එම රාජ කාරි ඉටු කළහ. බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයන් රට භාරගත් මුල් කාල වකවානුවේදී 1833 න්  පසු මෙම රාජකාරි ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කරන ලද්දේ විය. ඉන්පසු රටේ පරිපාලනය බිඳි වැටුණ අතර මහ ගංවතුර සමයන්හිදී වාරිමාර්ග  බොහොමයක් කැඩී බිඳි ගියහ. බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය ජාතිකයන්ට තමන් කළ වැරැද්ද තේරුම් ගියේ එවිටයි. ඉන් පසු ඔවුහු ක්‍රමයෙන් රටේ සංස්කෘතිය තෙරුම් ගනිමින් ගම්බද පරිපාලන ක්‍රම ශක්තිමත් කළහ.එහි පළමු පියවර වූයේ 1871 ගම් කාර්ය සභා පණතයි. ඉන්පසු 1920 දක්වා මෙම පණත් සංශෝධනය මගින් ගම් සභාවලට යලි බලය පවරමින් බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය ආණ්ඩුව නීති රීති සකස් කළහ.

1916 දී බස්නාහිර පළාත් ඒජන්ත වරයා වූ ජේ.බී. ප්‍රෙෂර් මහතාගේ මූලිකත්වයෙන් පළාත් පාලන ක්ෂේත්‍රය පිළිබඳ කරුණු සොයා බැලීමට කොමිසමක් පත් කර ඇත. මෙහි වාර්තාව 1918 දී පිටවිය. මෙම වාර්තාව පදනම් කරගත් රජය 1920 අංක 11 දරණ පළාත් පාලන ආඥා පනත සහ 1924 අංක 9 දරණ ගම්කාර්ය සභා ආඥා පනත් දෙක සම්මත කර ගෙන ඇත.1924 පනතින් විශේෂ වෙනස්කම් දෙකක් මූලිකව ඇති කරන ලදී. ඒ නම් මෙතෙක් නිල බලයෙන් ගම් කාර්ය සභාවල මූලිකත්වය ගෙන කටයුතු කළ ගම් මුලෑදෑනීන් ඉන් ඉවත් කිරීමයි. අනෙක නම් අතුරු ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදනය ට හැකි වන පරිදි ගම් කාර්ය සභාවේ බලතල පුළුල් කිරීමයි.1927 දී පත් කරනු ලැබූ ඩොනමෝර් කොමිසම මගින් ලංකාවේ පළාත් පාලනය පිළිබඳ පුළුල් අදහස් විමසා වාර්තාවක් සකස් කළහ. එහි ප්‍රතිඵලයක් වශයෙන්  1932 සහ 1933 පනත් මගින් ගම් සභිකයන් පත් කිරීම ඇති කරන ලදී.මෙහි උච්චතම අවස්ථාව නම් 1938 අංක 60 දරණ ගම් කාර්ය සභා ආඥා පනතයි. මේ මගින් පළත් පාලන ආයතන තව දුරටත් පුළුල් කරන ලදී. මේ යටතේ සෑම ගම් කාර්ය සභාවත්ම පොදු දේපළ තබා ගැනීම පොදු මුද්‍රාවත් තබා ගැනීම බදු අය කිරීම සහ  ව්‍යවස්ථා පැනවිය හැකි නීතිගත සංස්ථාවක් බවට පත් වීම සිදු විය.

1946 අංක 53 පනත මගින් මෙතෙක් ගම්සභා සහ නගර සභා සඳහා වූ මැතිවරණ නීතිය වෙනස් කොට සියලුම පළාත් පාලන ආයතන මැතිවරණ කොමසාරිස්වරයා යටට පත් කරන ලදී.එසේම 1945 අංක 43 පනත මගින් සියලුම පළාත් පාලන සේවකයන් පළාත්පාලන සේවා කොමිසම යටතට පත් කර ඇත. 1955 දී රජය විසින් පත් කරන ලද චොක්සි කොමිසම මගින් පළාත් පාලන ආයතන වල ස්වයං පාලන හැකියාව විමර්ශනය කොට යෝජනා ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබේ. මේ නිසා 1971 අංක 48 දරණ පනතින් ආදායම් එකතු කිරීමේ වගකීම ද 1977 අංක 24 දරන පනතින් පළාත් පාලන ආයතන ප්‍රධානීන්ට අයවැය අනුමැතිය දී සම්බන්ධයෙන් ද බලතල පවරා ඇත. ඒ අතින් බලන කල්හි පූර්ණ බලතල බෙදීමක් මෙම සභා හරහා සිදුවී ඇති බව පැහැදිලි වෙයි. නමුත් 1977 කාලයේදී කොටි ත්‍රස්වාදීන් විසින් දියත් කළ රට බෙදීමේ ඊලාම් සටන නිසා බිය පත් වූ රජය 1980 අංක 35 දරන පනතින් දිස්ත්‍රික් සංවර්ධන සභාවන් පිහිටුවීමට තීරණය කළහ. ඒ එකළ විපක්ෂ නායකායාව සිටි ඒ .අමිර්තලිංගම් සැනසීමටයි.රජය ගත් මෙම අදූරදර්ශී තීරණය නිසා ගම්සභා සහ සුලු නගර සභා සියල්ල අහෝසි විය.1980 ජූන 30 වන විට ගම්සභා 547 ක් සහ සුලු නගර සභා 83 ක් පවත්වාගෙන පැමිණ ඇත.දිස්ත්‍රික් සංවර්ධන සභා ඇති කිරීම නිසා ග්‍රාමීය ජනතාවට ඉතාමත් සමීපව කටයුතු කරල ආයතනයන් අහෝසි විය.එම ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ  කරන ලද්දේ පැවති එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ රජයයි. ඒ වෙනුවට දිස්ත්‍රික් සංවර්ධන සභාවලට අමාත්‍යංශ 11කට අදාල විෂයයන් 15 ක් පවරනු ලැබූහ. පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී වරුන්ද මෙම සභා වල අසුන් ගෙන කටයුතු කළහ.එයින් සිදු වූයේ ජනතාවට බලය යෑම නොව දේශපාලන නායකයන් හට බලය ලැබීමයි. එහිදී ගමේ ඇති නියෝජන අඩුව සම්පූර්ණ කරලීමට 1981 දී ග්‍රාමෝදය මණ්ඩල පිහිටුවනු ලැබූහ.නමුත් මේ කිසිවකින් ගම් මට්ටමේ ප්‍රශ්ණ විසඳීම පහසු නොවීය.ඒවා අවසානයේ දූෂිත ආයතන බවට පත් විය.පසුව ඉන්දීය රජයේ බලපෑමෙන් ඇති කළ පළතා සභා නිසා මෙම දූෂීත භාවය දෙතුණ තෙගුණ විය. බලය දේශපාඥයන්ට හුවමාරු වීමෙන් ඇති වූ දුර්භාග්‍ය අද මුළු රටම වෙලා ගෙන ඇත.

1987 දී නැවත උප දිසාපති කොට්ඨාශ මටිටමින් ගම් කාර්ය සභා පාලන ප්‍රදේශ එක් කර ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා පිහිටුවීමට කටයුතු කරන ලද අතර. අද රට පුරා මහ ජන චන්දයෙන් තේරී පත්වූ සභිකයන් සහිතව ප්‍රා දේශීය සභා ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙයි. ඒවා තුළින් රට පුරා සෑබෑ ලෙසටම බලය බෙදා හැර තිබේ.පරිපාලනය ශක්තිමත් කර තිබේ.නමුත් පළත් සභා පනත මගින් එම බලය නැවත උදුරා ගෙන ඇත.2015 වර්තමාන ආණ්ඩුව පත් වූ පසු දිගින් දිගටම පළාත් පාලන චන්දය කල්දමමින් ජනතාව සතු බලය අව භාවිත කරමින් සිටින්නේ මානව හිමිකම් කොමසාරිස් ඇතුළු ජාත්‍යන්තර ආයතන විසින් ලබා දුන් න්‍යාය පත්‍රය ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම උදෙසා කල් මැරීමටයි.මෙවැනි ක්‍රියා යහපාලන ගණයේ උසස් ක්‍රියා නොවේ. දේශපාලන තක්කඩියන්ගේ අමන ක්‍රියා වේ. එම නිසා සැප්තැම්බර් 11 වන දිනට රැස්වන මානව හිමිකම් සමුළුවේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සැබෑ තත්ත්වය වටහා ගෙන ව්‍යාජ සාක්ෂි ඉවත දමා ලංකාවේ ස්වාධීන පැවැත්මට හිතකර යෝජනා පමණක් සම්මත කර සැබෑ රාජ්‍ය තාන්ත්‍රිකයන් ලෙසට  හැසිරෙනු ඇතැයි  බලාපොරෙත්තු වෙන් සිටිමි.

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

Attorney General’s Department makes vital breakthrough in Bond probe

September 5th, 2017

By Shehan Chamika Silva Courtesy The Daily Mirror

After listening to several phone conversations taken place between Arjun Aloysius (PTL owner) and Kasun Palisena (PTL CEO), which were previously deleted and missing from PTL’s recording system, Attorney General’s Department officials late last night have uncovered the vital information about what took place during the controversial February 27, 2015 bond issue and thereafter, sources close to the Presidential Commission of Inquiry on Bond issue told the Daily Mirror yesterday.

According to the sources, these conversations were about how to deal at an auction and how PTL had received inside information.

The contents of these phone conversations between Aloysius and Palisena will be placed before the Commission tomorrow (Wednesday 6) during the cross-examination of Kasun Palisena by the AG, sources also said.

Nuwan Salgado, the chief dealer yesterday submitted the original back up voice recordings to the Commission and thereby, the Attorney General’s Officials had started listening to those missing conversations by yesterday evening.

Earlier, the PTL had provided voice recordings stored in its phone recording system but some conversations were found to have missing.

However, in recent testimonies, PTL IT executive, Sachith Devathantri and Chief Dealer of PTL Nuwan Salgado admitted that they had deleted voice recordings on the instructions of Kasun Palisena.

Dr WIjeyadasa reveals the truth විජයදාස රාජපක්ෂ බොරුවේ රෙදි ගලවයි

September 5th, 2017

ආචාර්ය විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂ බොරුකාරයන්ගේ රෙදි ගලවයි: සම්පූර්ණ වීඩියෝව

Field Marshal triggers fresh storm

September 5th, 2017

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

War-winning Army Commander and Regional Development Minister, Sarath Fonseka last Saturday (Sept 1, 2017) declared that wartime Security Forces Commander, Vavuniya, the then Maj. Gen. Jagath Jayasuriya had committed crimes during his tenure as the senior officer based in Vavuniya.

Sinha Regiment veteran Fonseka, who now holds the rank of Field Marshal, alleged that Jayasuriya had subjected those who were arrested by troops, under his command, to ‘criminal activity’.

In early Feb. 2016, the UNP accommodated Fonseka on its National List in the wake of M.K.A.D.S. Gunawardena’s demise. Having unsuccessfully contested the last general election, in Aug. 2015, on the Democratic Party (DP) ticket, Fonseka was lucky to enter parliament, courtesy UNP National List. In late March 2016, President Maithripala Sirisena promoted Fonseka to the rank of Field Marshal.

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July 23, 2009: Lt. Gen Jagath Jayasuriya presents a memento to his predecessor General Sarath Fonseka at a ceremony at army headquarters in Colombo.

Fonseka didn’t mince his words when he stressed that Jayasuriya had continued such criminal practices, even after becoming the Commander of the Army.

Jayasuriya succeeded Fonseka, in July 2009, amidst political turmoil caused by the latter indicating desire to enter national politics through the UNP. The change of command took place about eight weeks after the successful conclusion of the war.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa appointed Fonseka as the Commander of the Army, on Dec 6, 2005, on the recommendation of Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, who, too, had served the Army during eelam war I and II. Rajapaksa served as the Commanding Officer of the first battalion of Gajaba Regiment at the time Fonseka held the same position in the Sinha Regiment.

Fonseka dropped the latest bombshell immediately after newly appointed Chief of Defence Staff, Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne, and Navy Chief Vice Admiral, Travis Sinniah, made courtesy calls on him at the Regional Development Ministry, Rajagiriya. Sinniah is also embroiled in a defamation case following former Navy Chief Wasantha Karannagoda initiating legal proceedings against a statement allegedly given by Sinniah to the CID in respect of the disappearance of 11 Tamil youth, in 2008.

Minister Fonseka offered to furnish information available with him in respect of Jayasuriya’s activities, in case the government initiated an inquiry.

FM Fonseka made his move close on the heels of South African lawyer, Yasmin Sooka, on behalf of the International Truth and Justice Project, accusing Jayasuriya of war crimes during the Vanni offensive in Eelam War IV (Aug 2006 to May 2009). BBC’s Newshour programme quoted Sooka as having said:”In the pivotal period, between 2007-2009, Jayasuriya was really in charge of what was happening in the Vanni area.”

Sooka served as a member of the questionable three-member UN panel, headed by former Indonesian Attorney General, Marzuki Darusman. Sooka’s allegations, directed at Jayasuriya, should be examined against the backdrop of her role as member of UN Panel of Experts (PoE), which covered its tracks by instituting a caveat by which the unnamed witnesses it had cited would not be divulged for 20m years. The panel, in its report dated March 31, 2011 accused the Sri Lankan military of massacring over 40,000 Tamil civilians. Let me reproduce the relevant section verbatim: “In the limited surveys that have been carried out in the immediate aftermath of the conflict, the percentage of people reporting dead relatives is high. A number of credible sources have estimated that there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths. Two years after the end of the war, there is no reliable figure for civilian deaths but multiple sources of information indicate that a range of up to 40,000 civilian deaths can not be ruled out at this stage. Only a proper investigation can lead to the identification of all of the victims and to the formulation of an accurate figure for the total number of civilian deaths.”

Jayasuriya received appointment as SF Commander, Vavuniya, on Aug. 7, 2007. The armoured corps officer held that post until he was unexpectedly summoned to take over as Commander of the Army, on July 15, 2009, at the onset of the battle between the Rajapaksas and Fonseka.

As FM Fonseka very clearly pointed out, at a media briefing, on Saturday, Jayasuriya, in his capacity as SF Commander, Vavuniya, hadn’t enjoyed command and control responsibilities over fighting formations, deployed on the Vanni west and Vanni east fronts. Jayasuriya had been tasked with ensuring supplies and basically looking after the area under government control. Jayasuriya’s functions had been similar to those assigned to SF Commander, Jaffna. Maj. Gen. G.A. Chandrasiri and SF Commander, East.

When the Rajapaksa administration bluntly told Fonseka to accept the post of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), the war-winning Army Chief wanted Chandrasiri to succeed him. But, the government picked Jayasuriya at the expense of several other deserving senior officers over their perceived loyalty to Fonseka.

Jayasuriya, way down the seniority list, was lucky at that time to secure the command of the war-winning Army.

Fonseka received the appointment as CDS on July 14, 2009.

Fonseka, in a letter dated Nov 12, 2009, addressed to President Mahinda Rajapaksa, sought permission to quit the largely ceremonial post on Dec 1, 2009, as he finalized arrangements with the UNP-led coalition to contest the presidential election.

President Rajapaksa declared presidential election, on Nov 15, 2009, though some advised him to abandon the plan to call for early poll. They urged Rajapaksa not to face Fonseka.

Since then, Fonseka, widely called Sri Lanka’s best army commander, had flayed the Rajapaksas, Mahinda and Gotabhaya, for their conduct during the war, and after. Fonseka sent shock waves through the country, in early Dec. 2009, when he claimed, in an interview with the then editor of The Sunday Leader, Frederica Jansz, that Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa had ordered the Army to execute surrendering LTTE cadres on the Vanni east front. Jansz, in 2004, reported the disappearance of a soldier attached to the then Eastern Commander Maj. Gen. Nanda Mallawarachchi, under mysterious circumstances. Mallawarachchi was blamed for the disappearance. Subsequently, the man who had been reported killed was arrested by the Veyangoda police.

Fonseka alleged that the change of command was made against the backdrop of speculation that there could be a coup in the aftermath of the final triumph over the LTTE. Referring to Jayasuriya, Fonseka strongly condemned the government’s decision to promote wartime SF Commander, Vavuniya, as the Commander of the Army, at a time he was facing a disciplinary inquiry. Fonseka, while calling Jayasuriya commander of holding formations deployed there, explained the circumstances leading to his decision.

Fonseka strongly criticized the then government having suspicions about him as well as questioning the loyalty of the Army. It would be pertinent to mention that former Indian Defence Adviser Shivshankar Menon’s ‘Choices: Inside the making of India’s foreign policy’, launched in 2016, dealt with the issue. Menon explained how President Rajapaksa swiftly and decisively moved to rein in the powerful Army soon after the successful conclusion of the war. Obviously, Menon was making a reference to the alleged coup bid in Sri Lanka in Oct 2009, an assertion strongly denied by Fonseka, in Nov. 2009.

The continuing battle between Fonseka and the ‘Rajapaksa camp’ should be examined against the backdrop of the former entering politics through the UNP in late 2009. Both Fonseka and the UNP exploited the then political situation to their advantage.

In the wake of Sri Lanka’s signal triumph over the LTTE, in May 2009, the UNP had no option but to field Fonseka to deprive the then president of heavy political advantage. Fonseka received the blessings of all those who had been wanting to see the back of the Rajapaksas. The US was desperate to bring the Rajapaksa rule to an end. The four-party Tamil National Alliance (TNA) declared its support for Fonseka at the behest of the US. Having repeatedly accused Fonseka’s Army of massacring Tamil civilians, raping Tamil women and committing a range of battlefield atrocities, the TNA urged Tamil electorate to vote for the retired Army Chief. The TNA comfortably delivered predominately Tamil electoral districts, including Jaffna, to Fonseka whereas the South largely voted for Rajapaksa.

Those who had been demanding accountability on the part of Sri Lanka never bothered to seek an explanation from the TNA. In fact, the TNA, at the previous presidential election, in Nov. 2005, ensured Mahinda Rajapaksa’s victory by ordering the Tamil electorate not to exercise their franchise in support of UNP candidate Ranil Wickremesinghe. Rajapaksa managed to secure victory in 2005 by less than 200,000 votes, thanks to the TNA directive issued at the behest of the LTTE.

Against the backdrop of the TNA’s support for Fonseka, the very basis of accusations that Sri Lanka had conducted, what Northern Province Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswaran called genocidal war against Tamils, sounds hollow. The Tamil electorate wouldn’t have overwhelmingly voted for the former Army Chief, as directed by the TNA, if it really believed in the war crimes accusations. A classified US diplomatic cable, revealed by whistle blowing Wiki Leaks, quoted TNA leader R. Sampanthan as having told the then US Ambassador in Colombo, Patricia Butenis, his party would support the Rajapaksas as they were the lesser of the two evils. But a few days later, the US brought in pressure on the TNA to go along with the overall plan to oust the Rajapaksas.

Butenis also forgot that in another classified cable, dated January 15, 2010, she dealt with the contentious issue of war crimes accountability. Butenis implicated President Rajapaksa, his brothers, Gotabhaya and Basil, and Gen. Sarath Fonseka. Butenis pointed out “that responsibility for many of the alleged war crimes rests with the country’s senior civilian and military leadership, including President Rajapaksa, and his brothers, and opposition candidate.

Print media coverage of Fonseka’s media briefing, as well as various reactions, indicated that many construed the war veteran remarks as war crimes accusations directed at Jayasuriya. Allegations, pertaining to Jayasuriya’s conduct, during his tenure as SF Commander, Vavuniya, cannot be in anyway related to alleged war crimes. Jayasuriya had absolutely no command responsibility in respect of fighting formations on the Vanni west or east fronts. Fonseka directed five fighting Divisions and Task Forces assigned to clear the Vanni region in the absence of Overall Operations Commander (OOC) responsible for the offensive. General Officers Commanding and Brigadiers responsible for Divisions and Task Forces received battlefield commands directly from Fonseka.

There is absolutely no basis for Sooka’s assertion that Jayasuriya had given leadership to the Vanni offensive, at any stage of the offensive. Jayasuriya had been overseas before taking up the appointment in Vauniya, a few months after Fonseka launched the Vanni campaign.

In the wake of the International Truth and Justice Project moving court against Sri Lanka’s ambassador, in Brazil, Jayasuriya on the eve of his departure, after completing a full term, the BBC, in a story, datelined Aug 29, 2017, headlined ‘Sri Lanka’s Jagath Jayasuriya wanted for war crimes’ declared: “Sri Lanka’s ambassador to Brazil, Colombia, Peru, Chile, Argentina and Suriname was in charge of troops in the north-east of the island who are alleged to have attacked hospitals and abducted, killed and tortured thousands of civilians.”

Jayasuriya received the diplomatic posting in Aug 2015 though he was considered loyalist of the previous government.

The BBC didn’t attribute its allegation to anyone. Contrary to the BBC’s claim, Jayasuriya hadn’t commanded ground forces in the Eastern Province (Aug 2006 to June 2009), Vanni region (March 2006 to May 2009) or Jaffna theater (Oct/Nov 2008 onwards until the war in the norther theater was brought to an end). A section of the international media had backed expensive diabolical campaigns to haul Sri Lankan officers before international courts and international war crimes court. Interestingly, in their haste to exploit Sooka’s case against Jayasuriya, they (media) hadn’t even bothered at least to verify commands held by the officer concerned. There had never been any previous reference to Jayasuriya in respect of alleged war crimes before the International Truth and Justice Project recently moved court against him.

There had been various unsubstantiated allegations directed against the Army over the years with a section of the international community and the media accusing the previous government of forcing foreign relief workers to leave the Vanni region in 2008. Interestingly, Jayasuriya had been SF Commander Vavuniya at that time though he didn’t exercise operational command over fighting formations engaged in the offensive. The 57 Division and Task Force I / 58 Division had been deployed west of the Kandy-Jaffna A9 and 59 Division east of A9. Jaffna based 53 Division as well as 55 Division had joined offensive action east of A9 after the celebrated 58 Division evicted the LTTE from strategic Elephant Pass area. In addition to them, multiple task forces had attacked enemy fortifications across A9 (west to east).

Obviously, Sooka, in spite of being a member of the Darusman panel and over eight years after the conclusion of the war, still lacked a clear idea about the Vanni theater of operations. Sooka seems to be interested in appeasing her sponsors, hell bent on stepping up pressure on Sri Lanka.

Fonseka had repeatedly declared that he was directly in charge of the non-stop offensive that began with the recapture of Muttur on the eastern front, in early Sept 2006. Throughout the war, the then main Opposition, the UNP, flayed Fonseka. The UNP accused the then Army chief of being behind attacks on reporters, a charge strongly denied by the army.

In July 2008, Gampaha District UNP MP Joseph Michael Perera told parliament that the attacks were carried out by a “special team” controlled by Lt Gen Sarath Fonseka.

MP Perera said the government should arrest the offenders and “immediately bring them to justice”.

“We are told by those in the army itself that journalists are abducted and subjected to grievous injury by none other than a special unit, under the army commander,” MP Perera, a former parliamentary speaker, said. The media quoted the then military spokesman Brigadier Udaya Nanayakkara as having said:”We have nothing to do with the attacks against journalists. “If the MP has evidence, he must present it to the police.”

During Fonseka’s command, the Army was accused of killing Lasantha Wickrematunga on Jan 8, 2009, attempt to kill the then Rivira editor Upali Tennakoon on January 23, 2009, abduction and assault on Deputy Editor and the then defence correspondent of The Nation, Keith Noyahr, on May 22, 2008.

The UNP mercilessly targeted Fonseka until the war was brought to a successful conclusion, leading to Fonseka’s unceremonious exit in July 2009. Jayasuriya was brought in from Vavuniya to take over command of the victorious Army. Fonseka’s arrest, under controversial circumstances, weeks after his defeat at January 2010, presidential polls further complicated the situation. Jayasuriya dispatched troops for Fonseka’s arrest and the former commander was taken into custody by the Army. The decision to hold Fonseka at Navy headquarters, in spite of Admiral Karannagoda not being at the helm, made matters worse. Karannagoda retired in mid July 2009 in accordance with overall changes that compelled Fonseka to accept the post of CDS.

In Nov 2011, a three-judge Bench of the Colombo High Court sentenced Fonseka to three years in prison after he was found guilty of “inciting violence” in the ‘White Flag Case.’

Fonseka claimed that he was quoted out of context.

Fonseka was serving a 30-month jail term imposed by a court martial when Colombo High Court delivered its judgment.

During Fonseka’s imprisonment, the US repeatedly brought pressure on the previous government to release him. Once, Colombo based US diplomat met the then SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena to deliver a strong warning to President Rajapaksa. The US diplomat warned President Rajapaksa to pardon Fonseka or face the consequences. The then SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena himself told the writer about him receiving a message from US diplomat and passing it on to President Rajapaksa. The then President, too, confirmed it to the writer.

Various interested parties had tried to move foreign courts against senior military officers, including Majors Gen. Jagath Dias (General Officer Commanding 57 Division), Shavendra Silva (GoC 58 Division) and Chagi Gallage. In fact, Field Marshal Fonseka has been denied a US visa-while Australia turned down a request for a visa by Gallage on the basis of unsubstantiated war crimes allegations. Australia found fault with Gallage for giving leadership to the 59 Division, from May 7, 2009, to July 20, 2009.

The Australian Department of Immigration and Border Protection has extensively cited Report of the OHCHR (Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights) on Sri Lanka (OISL) to turn down Gallege’s request. On the basis of OISL report, Geneva adopted Resolution 30/1 to pave the way for foreign judges in a domestic judicial mechanism.

Australia also cited the UN panel of experts report on accountability issues released on March 31, 2011. The report accused Sri Lanka of massacring over 40,000 civilians and depriving the Vanni population of their basic needs. The combined security forces brought the war to a successful conclusion on May 19, 2009.

Australia has cited a statement attributed to Shavendra Silva that unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) real time footage had been made available to ground commanders marking targets, to justify its decision. On the basis of Silva’s statement, Australia has alleged that Gallage had been aware of artillery strikes on the third no fire zone.

There have never been specific allegations against Maj. Gen. Gallage before.

The US also denied visa to Maj. Gen. Sudantha Ranasinghe for commanding 53 Division after the conclusion of the war.

Today, people have forgotten how the US tried to entice Maj. Gen. Prasad Samarasinghe to betray Sri Lanka for monetary gain. Samarasinghe brought the US attempt to the notice of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. Unfortunately, the previous government conducted an inquiry. But, the government could never absolve itself of the responsibility for not taking advantage of wartime US Defence attache Lt. Col. Lawrence Smith’s contradiction in early June 2011 of battlefield executions in May 2009. The US statement was undoubtedly Sri Lanka’s best defence though the previous government failed to capitalize on it. The Island exclusive on the US military official’s statement was denied by the State Department as it struggled to contain damage caused by Smith.

There was no need for the State Department to be worried about Sri Lanka’s reaction. Sri Lanka never officially referred to that statement yet.

(To be continued on Sept 13)

Vice as virtue in the new code of thieves?

September 5th, 2017

By Dr Kamal Wickremasinghe Courtesy The Island

The recent public airing of political corruption by way of evidence emerging before the Presidential Commission points to a much bigger problem than individual acts of political corruption per se. These excuses shed a new light in to a proverbial ‘code of thieves’ that seems to govern the world the political thieves inhabit.

Minister Ravi Karunanayake’s stubborn refusal to show remorse even after the surfacing of damning evidence against him and his pathetic attempts to seek some sort of moral high ground as a ‘victim’ of a monstrous betrayal by a band of equally corrupt colleagues provided glimpses of this new disgraceful ‘code’ that appears to have been developed among politicians in Sri Lanka.

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Karunanayake’s loss of memory during the cross examination and the other more ridiculous excuse of lack of knowledge about the most basic of his domestic affairs were predictable in view of the weight of evidence the law enforcement officials had in their possession. The ‘corpus delicti’ of the alleged offence, relating to the receipt of a luxury accommodation paid-for by a crony lay before the Commission, of inquiry for the country to see; common decency would have dictated a prompt resignation from all political posts, pending proper legal proceedings.

Karunanayake’s alternative response of attempts to continue denial of events and to air ‘grievances’ that he was the victim — on the grounds that there are many others who steal, is deplorable. His playing the victim also included attempts to moralise ‘friendship’ by complaining that he had trouble accepting ‘betrayal by friends’. He alluded to alleged corruption by some of his Cabinet colleagues and even accused the current Central Bank Governor of being a former employee of the corporate crook, Raj Rajaratnam, who is serving an 11-year jail sentence in the US on securities fraud. Karunanayake also cast aspersions on the character of the woman-owner of the apartment as a ‘scorned woman’ seeking revenge from a former lover by victimising his innocent self.

Karunanayake’s behaviour, following the appearance before the Commission, including his stubborn refusal to resign, further showed that he clearly believed in a perceived ‘unfairness’ of singling him out for punishment. His resignation speech sounded like that of a national hero to be exonerated by history and time, rather than that of a politician exposed before a commission of inquiry. To add insult to injury, the speech was delivered attired in a ‘Blue and Gold’ tie showing that he had no qualms about dragging the sacred symbol of his alma mater through the mud with the forlorn hope of garnering support.

But, Karunanayake was not alone in this moral quagmire. The regime’s failure to sack him promptly, based on the incontrovertible evidence that came up before the Commission, was the death-blow to any continuing claims of it being interested in so-called yahapalanaya (good governance) principles; the failure to sack Karunanayake on the face of such damning evidence pointed to the lack of fortitude on the part of the regime and its leaders.

The moral integrity of the current regime is obviously compromised by the presence of thieves among its inner core, including the worst who were associated with the previous regime. This is the more worrying aspect of the current hell of political corruption that seems to afflict Sri Lanka and its so-called democracy. A review of the performance of individual politicians and governments of Sri Lanka, over the last three decades or so, shows that, in effect, the country has been turned in to a kleptocracy of a series of regimes ‘ruled by thieves’ who have been making themselves rich by systematically stealing from the public on a vast scale, amassing unimaginable wealth for themselves.

A proper evaluation of the phenomenon of political corruption and its driving forces is necessary before committing Sri Lanka to an anti-political corruption strategy. Corruption, defined as‘illegal payments to public agents with the goal of obtaining a benefit or avoiding a cost’, has been ubiquitous in all societies throughout human history.

Looking to the West — as President Sirisena did by attending the former British Prime Minister David Cameron’s almost comical ‘global anti-corruption summit’ of 2016 as one of the select invitees —is unlikely to be fruitful. Corrupt practices are woven into the fabric of the so-called Western democracies through the activities of lobbyists, moneyed groups with vested interests and rent-seeking corporations.

The more ‘sophisticated’ forms of political corruption prevalent in the West, Britain and the US in particular, typically take the form of top government officials huddling in secret with executives of multinationals and foreign governments with vested interests to work out the details of such key policy areas as defence, energy and land development. These policies are later imposed on the taxpayer, dressed as ‘national policies’, costing them more tax dollars and higher consumer prices. As the 2003 Iraqi invasion scandal demonstrated, sending the military to god forsaken lands—in the name of enhancing national security — has been a fundamentally corrupt operation in these countries since the 1950s. Corrupt politicians later steer billions of dollars of government money to various companies formed by them upon retirement.

Politicians in America engage in corruption with impunity, routinely trading government contracts and other favours for millions of dollars laundered as campaign funds and other ‘donations’. Recent revelations of such corruption have made citizens view their governments with cynicism and contempt. According to a 2015 Gallup poll, 75 per cent of Americans believed corruption to be widespread in their government. Donald Trump capitalised on this sentiment with his promises to ‘drain the swamp’.

In addition to not taking any meaningful measures to curb corruption domestically, the US helps nurture a culture of corruption in countries of the developing world. Facilitating corruption by political leaders of these countries is the primary means through which they gain entry into these countries and influence everything including domestic politics.

The puppet government of Hamid Karzai, in Afghanistan, established by the US following the bombing of that country in 2011 was a prime example of the corrupting influence of the US on other countries. The extended family of Karzai including three of his brothers extracted the blood of the Afghani people for nearly 13 years through US government contracts, cement manufacturing and private banks, and by facilitating opium traffic in the region.

The US Ambassador in Colombo meeting Ravi Karunanayake (in The Island), just the day before he was due to appear before the Commission of Inquiry in to the Bond Scam came as no surprise.

Despite inaction to effectively curb corruption, the West has seen an anti-corruption zeitgeist in the past two decades with the establishment of anti-corruption commissions or ‘watch dogs’. This sudden upsurge of focus on corruption was, in fact, part of the globalisation push that saw corruption (primarily bribes to local politicians) as an additional cost that inflated the cost of business to global multinationals. As usual, the UN carried the US agenda by announcing a Governance and Anti-Corruption strategy in 2007, announcing anti-corruption and good governance as requirements for economic development. But, the scourge continues unabated.

As with many phenomena, useful discussion on corruption is often limited by language. The particular connotations of the word ‘corruption’ in modern English, though still stigmatises individual cases of such behaviour as beyond the moral pale, fails to convey the meaning as signifying a state of moral decay and degeneration, on the part of corrupt politicians at least. Also, it fails to recognise that corruption essentially involves pursuit of selfishness without concern for the common good, or to emphasise any need for governments (or citizens) to be completely dedicated to the common interest; it almost appear to accede to living with a balance between the pursuit of public and private interests, failing to provide a clear definition of corrupt and non-corrupt politics.

This deficiency becomes clearer when the historical considerations of corruption are considered: historically corruption has been seen as much more than individual cases involving abuse of public office definable by statute; it has been viewed as an evil signifying decay and spiritual degeneration of the moral and political character of individuals, corporations, governments or states.

Probably, the first to shed light on the human propensity for corruption was the minister in the court of Chandra Gupta Maurya, Kautilya also known as Chanakya (371-283 BC), the author of ‘Arthashastra’. To begin with, from a utilitarian point of view, Kautilya identified corruption — a manifestation of unethical behaviour where private gains are made at the expense of the public— as a serious impediment to the successful running of an administration.

Kautilya’s brilliance helped identify the craftily disguised unethical behaviour by the corrupt: he likened swindlers to fish moving under water, drinking unmeasurable volumes of water.

Kautilya provides a list of 40 kinds of possible embezzlement by government functionaries such as the treasurer, the chief officer, the prescriber, the receiver, the payer, and the ministerial servants, requiring the state to create mechanisms capable of reducing the opportunities for graft and corruption. He advocated strict vigilance over ‘capricious’ superintendents of the government through a holistic system of checks and balances that included spies and whistle blowers, appointments on the basis of educational qualifications, a system of tenure with frequent transfers and a system of rewards and recognitions.

A similar trend to see corruption as a result of frailty of human nature has also existed in Greek culture, to the extent that Socrates rejected the life of the politician as riddled with the unavoidable risk of corruption, making it incompatible with the pursuit of knowledge. Socrates’ views on political corruption inspired subsequent philosophies such as Cynicism, Epicureanism and Stoicism that advocated total rejection of all government as irredeemably flawed.

Aristotle, probably a contemporary of Kautilya, chose the middle path of not altogether renouncing the world of politics, but relegated it to the inferior realm of the senses in a dualistic universe where the superior, eternal unchanging realm was accessible only to pure reason. Plato, in The Republic, uses the word ‘pthora’ (546a) — Latinised as corruption — to describe the process of decay of an ideal state to the nadir of tyranny through the descending stages of timocracy (a form of government in which possession of property is required in order to hold office), oligarchy and democracy. The gradual degeneration was typified by increasing assertion of individual self-interest by rulers at the expense of the common good.

The view of corruption (corruzione) as the nemesis of virtue (virtu) was later adopted, ironically, by Nicollo Machiavelli (1469-1529), a man not renowned for moral integrity himself! Machiavelli identified corruption as a threat to the pursuit of the general good and the health of the republic by the noble active citizens collectively, insisting that the ‘inevitability of corruption’ was ‘the one great observable fact in human affairs’ apart from death.

The culture of political corruption in Sri Lanka has become so pervasive that the derelicts who engage in it appear to have developed its own sub culture in which offences termed ‘vice’ in mainstream culture have become ‘virtue’ in their corrupt purview. The current endemic levels of corrupt behaviour among politicians in Sri Lanka make the use of the term ‘corruption’ inadequate to describe such individual acts.

Corruption involving the individual politician or official violating important ethical standards for personal gain most certainly needs to be tackled at the individual level through exposure and punishment of the guilty. At individual level, refraining from corruption should not necessarily involve committing to heroic ideals, but to basic standards of honesty. Breaching such standards for personal gain constitutes an abhorrent betrayal of public trust and the legal and other processes need to reflect the gravity of such breaches. Corrupt behaviour however is as much to do with institutional structures and social as individual moral weakness, as Aristotle recognised. Though collective assessments of corruption can be made in terms of the amount of individual corruption that occur, systemic corruption that incorporate cultural factors would be the harder part of the scourge to deal with.

One only needs to scan the list of more than hundred names in the list of so-called cabinet members to see the almost eternal presence of some politicians who seem to be popping up like bad one-rupee coins, changing sides after every election. Looking at their performance over the last two to three decades in terms of the country’s worsening plight, it can safely be presumed that they are ‘in it’ for corrupt financial gain rather than any notion of ‘public service’. This situation makes dealing with corruption at the level of whole-of-government — the imposer of standards and rules for judging individual cases — far more challenging.

One needs to go back to the first principles of governance and periods of relatively corruption-free times looking for possible answers. Historically, successful Sri Lankan regimes of great ancient kings, as well as non-corrupt governments elsewhere appear to be characterised by one common feature: rulers who rule in the common interest rather than in the interest of themselves. Political corruption has always involved the rulers’ pursuit of their own private interests against the common interest.

Aristotle, like Plato before him, set virtuous rulers wholly focused on the common interest and would never consider pursuing their own interests at the expense of the good of the community as the vital requirement for ideal, non-corrupt states. This is not to say that Aristotle’s ruling aristocrats did not have their personal interests, but insofar as they acted politically they would be wholly devoted to the good of the polis.

The risk of corruption among the wider polity, as recognised by Aristotle led him to reduce the three types of correct constitution—kingship (rule of one), aristocracy (rule of few) and polity (rule by a virtuous majority)— unified by the common feature of rule in the common interest to just absolute kingship and aristocracy where power lies with a citizen body consisting of virtuous men of property.

The problem of the current regime effectively dealing with ingrained corruption goes back to the illegitimacy of is formation back in 2014, through an amalgamation of disaffected individuals with political axes to grind, failed former and current politicians envious of the immense popularity of the leader of the previous regime (by no means a lilly himself) and the support of some of the most corrupt who served in the previous dispensation.

The need to maintain the ‘unity’ of what passes for government at the moment clearly overrides the imperative to rid the scourge of corruption. In the meantime, the Sri Lankan ‘polity’ goes about looking for their next meal, having no inkling that their blood is being drained without their knowledge.

Sri Lanka provides a blueprint for how a kleptocracy should operate without fear of recrimination. It’s shameful!

Pundits and jumbos

September 5th, 2017

Editorial Courtesy The Island

Wednesday 6th September, 2017

The present government has mastered the art of selling family silver. Having handed over the country’s only inland port to China for a song and undertaken to lease the second international airport to India, the yahapalana politicians are now eyeing poor wild animals as a source of foreign exchange. They have already launched a night safari project to torture animals at the Dehiwala zoo and, thereby, boost its revenue.

Deputy Minister Karunaratne Paranavithana has gone a step ahead. He has said the solution to the human-elephant conflict is to sell wild jumbos to foreigners! He says there are 6,000 elephants in the country at present though our forests can accommodate only 4,000 of them. So, he wants as many as 2,000 wild jumbos exported! We hope the government won’t set up a separate ministry for selling elephants as part of its regaining Sri Lankan programme.

The yahapalana politicians seem to have taken leave of their senses if their inane utterances are anything to go by. It is popularly said that ‘bale thiyanakota mole ne, mole thiyanakota bale ne, [when one has power one has no brains and when one has some brains one has no power].

True, the country’s forest cover is shrinking rapidly and the attendant problems are numerous. There are several reasons for this unfortunate situation, the main being illicit felling by racketeers with political connections and slash-and-burn or fire-fallow agriculture many villagers are dependent on; and elephants are losing their habitat as a result. It is only natural that some wild elephants stray into villages in search of food and water. Villagers have to either slay these jumbos or be slain as the Wildlife authorities have done precious little to protect them. People die in wild elephant attacks almost daily. The last several years have seen scores of elephants including calves being killed by hakkapatas (improvised explosive devices which blow off animals’ jaws) etc.

The solution, however, is not to sell elephants to other countries, but to take urgent action to tackle the issue of deforestation by cracking down on illicit fellers and launching a comprehensive reforestation campaign while short-term measures are adopted to de-escalate the human-elephant conflict. The government should seriously consider having solar-powered elephant fences erected in areas prone to wild jumbo attacks. Some human settlements are situated in areas which were once elephant habitats. Elephants never forget and try to reclaim their land. These villages have to be relocated with better facilities provided to their inhabitants so that both humans and elephants can live peacefully without confronting one another. President Maithripala Sirisena, as the Minister of Environment, ought to work out a strategy to tackle this ever worsening situation.

A few weeks ago two elephants were found struggling to remain afloat in the choppy seas off the eastern coast; the Navy had to fight quite a battle to save them. During the war, the Navy fought Sea Tigers. Thereafter, it was tasked with seizing Australia bound human smuggling vessels. Now, it has had to save jumbos! Is it that the elephants have also given up hope and are trying to flee the country, fed up with yahapalana politicians?

Now that the yahapalana pundits have sought to deal with what they call an increase in the number of elephants by selling some of the animals to foreigners, what will be the government’s solution to the issue of increasing human population? Will it legalise and promote the sale of babies to foreigners by way of population control?

The newly ratified amendments to the local government election laws are bound to lead to a massive increase in the number of local councillors. There are also too many ministers, most of whom are without any work and making silly statements. Is there any possibility of selling these useless politicians to foreigners maybe for a few dollars each?

Accountability for civilians in conflict zones

September 5th, 2017

By Neville Ladduwahetty Courtesy The Island

Civilians, in conflict zones, have two choices. One is to leave the conflict zone and seek refuge in transit refugee camps, set up within the country, in which the conflict is taking place, or seek the safety of transit camps, in other countries, despite the uncertainties and risks of living on the charity of others. The second is to stay put whatever the risks – even death – and face the full scope of the challenges of surviving in a conflict zone.

These choices are personal and are made today by people in countries such as Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Sudan, and in other regions where conflicts are ongoing, or even where conflicts had previously occurred, such as Sri Lanka.While each of the two choices carries a different set of challenges,the focus of this essay is to address issues associated with those who opt to stay behind, in the conflict zone, and face whatever the odds.

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Although the challenge civilians in conflict zones have to face is how to survive, it could take a dramatic turn depending on how the conflict turns out for one of the parties to the conflict. If one of the parties to the conflict realizes that their prospects are waning and that there is an imminent threat to their survival, there is a strong possibility that civilians would betaken hostage and used as a human shield for the party’s own protection.

Civilians were used in Sri Lanka by the LTTE during the final stages of the armed conflict, and are currently being used by the Islamic State in the conflicts in Iraq and Syria. The challenges to the government security forces, in Sri Lanka, and to the Iraqi forces and their partners, in the U.S.-led military coalition, are how to prosecute the conflict while taking measures to protect the civilians. Balancing measures adopted to prosecute the conflict against loss of civilian lives is so daunting an undertaking that whatever strategies are adopted, one could always find cause to fault parties to the conflict in the sober light of dawn. However, those charged with alleged violations of human rights and war crimes as well as crimes against humanity, have more to do with the political clout of the parties involved in the conflicts, than on the adopted strategies themselves.

Notwithstanding these complexities, the standard response of the International Community, represented by the U.N., is to ease or cease military operations, despite the inevitability that such a strategy would only prolong the conflict and compromise the security of the civilians indefinitely, as long as the latter refuses to leave the conflict zone. Such responses are often made without considering the follow through consequences. They indicate that the U.N. has failed to fulfill its responsibilities to prevent serious humanitarian catastrophes from occurring. What it has “accomplished” instead,is the capability to pass resolutions and conduct inquiries for violations committed by the parties to the conflict,after the dust has settled.

CONFLICT in IRAQ

Conveying the standard response of the U.N., a report in The Washington Post of August 25, 2017 states: “The United Nations urged international powers to ease military operations around the Islamic State’s de facto capital Thursday amid intensifying concerns about the safety of thousands of civilians trapped inside… The rare call to pause hostilities in Raqqa underscores the severity of the humanitarian crisis there. As Islamic State militants use snipers and threats of arrest to prevent residents from fleeing, monitoring groups have blamed the U.S.-led coalition forces for hundreds of civilian deaths”.

The standard strategy of the U.N.has been to do whatever possible to encourage civilians to escape. However, such possibilities are limited, since the Islamic State continues to do everything in its power to prevent civilians from escaping. The above report states that “More than 270,000 people have fled the city since the coalition offensive began, and many of them are stuck in ramshackle camps in the Syrian desert”.

In the meantime, the view of Col. Joe Scrocca, a coalition spokesman, was that the coalition does “everything within our power to limit harm to civilians…The unfortunate death of civilians is a fact of war that weighs heavy on our hearts. However, if the Islamic State is not defeated, the cost will be even higher”.

According to another report, also in The Washington Post, the U.S. Defense Secretary, Jim Mattis had, stated: “There had been no military in the world’s history that has paid more attention to limiting civilian casualties… That said, an enemy that literally hides behind women and children or forces innocent people to stay in an area that they intend to turn into a battlefield are clearly showing who are the people violating every standard of decency” (August 24, 2017).

The assurance that the coalition is doing “everything in its power to limit civilian harm” or death and that “no military has paid more attention to limiting civilian casualties” would be accepted as credible without question by the U.N. because the coalition is led by the U.S.. However, it would NOT be acceptable if the very same assurances are given by any other party to an armed conflict, such as the armed forces of Sri Lanka when the LTTE trapped and used over 300,000 civilians as a human shield. This reflects nothing but ingrained racism. While a mere statement from the U.S.-led coalition is acceptable in one conflict, but is subjected to U.S.-led UNHRC resolutions demanding a formal accountability exercise in the case of another, namely, Sri Lanka,reflects the differences in the treatment of Member States.If this difference is due to an acceptance that the Islamic State should be defeated,but not the LTTE,it must mean that it is international politics that determines who is prosecuted and who is not.

ARMED CONFLICT in SRI LANKA

Trapping civilians during an armed conflict when the situation becomes desperate for a party to the conflict, is not a new phenomenon. Following the fall of Kilinochchi, in January 2009, the LTTE violated all attempts to isolate civilians by hiding behind women and children and forcing innocent people to stay and shooting others who attempted to escape. The plan of the U.S.-led International Community was to save the LTTE leadership, which would have meant that the conflict would drag on indefinitely; a fact that was disclosed during a Panel Discussion at the Brookings Institute in the U.S. On the other hand, the thinking of the Sri Lankan Government was similar to that of Col. Joe Scrocca in Raqqa; in that if the LTTE was not defeated, “the cost will be even higher”.

There were appeals made to the Sri Lankan Government to “pause” hostilities during the final stages of the conflict. An attempt was also made by a joint visit to Sri Lanka by Foreign Secretaries from the U.K. and France, Milliband and Kouchner, respectively. The fact that all these appeals were made to the Government and none to the LTTE convinced the Government that all these efforts were to save the LTTE leadership. Furthermore, it convinced the Government that the U.N.-led International Community’s recommendation would prolong the conflict in Sri Lanka indefinitely; a prospect the Government was not prepared to accept, because at the end the cost would be even higher in terms of blood and treasure.

The cost for not having complied with the appeals to cease hostilities and for defeating the LTTE is what Sri Lanka is currently facing, first initiated by a visit to Sri Lanka by the former UN Secretary General, Ban-Ki-Moon, within a week of cessation of hostilities, for the sole purpose of holding Sri Lanka accountable for strategies adopted during the final phase of the armed conflict. Given the contrasting response by the U.N. to Sri Lanka versus the U.S.-led coalition in Iraq, the lesson is clear: some will be held accountable, while others will not.

CONCLUSION

Choices for civilians in conflict are limited. One choice is to be displaced within the country away from the conflict zone,or as refugees in some other country. The second choice is to become victims of the conflict by not leaving the conflict zone. The challenges faced by each group are different. However, those who decide to stay in the conflict zone present challenges to the parties to the conflict; the most trying challenge being when civilians are taken hostage by one party to the conflict in its desperation for survival.

How parties to a conflict balance the safety of the civilians with military gain is a variable that depends more on the international ranking of the parties to the conflict and much less on the adopted strategies themselves. For instance, despite calls from the U.N. to “pause hostilities”, the intense bombing in Raqqa and Mosul by the U.S.-led coalition forces that includes Britain,is causing the death of “hundreds of civilians”. As far as the U.S. Secretary of Defense and Commanders in the field are concerned, the campaign to defeat the Islamic State militants has to continue, while assuring that everything in their power is being done to limit civilian deaths and casualties because “not to do so would cost even more”.

During the armed conflict in Sri Lanka, too, there were calls to “pause hostilities”. Although these calls were made in the name of saving civilians,they had another purpose, that being,to save the leadership of the LTTE; a fact that was disclosed during a panel discussion at the Brookings Institute in the U.S. and by the joint visit to Sri Lanka of Foreign Secretaries Milliband of the U.K. and Kouchner of France.It is this background that made the Sri Lankan Government realize that it had no alternative but to defeat the LTTE while doing everything in its power to minimize civilian casualties, similar to the reality that the U.S.-led coalition in Iraq has now come to accept. Furthermore, just as the Sri Lankan Government came to accept this reality, the U.S.-led coalition, in Iraq, has now come to accept that “if the Islamic State is not defeated the cost will be even more”.

The difference between Iraq and Sri Lanka is that in the case of Iraq the assurances given by the representatives of the U.S.-led coalition are accepted by the UN, and the US.-led coalition forces would not be subjected to formal accountable processes. This, however, is not the case with similar assurances given by the Sri Lankan Government, judging from the measures adopted by the UNHRC which continues to hold Sri Lanka accountable for the strategies adopted during the final stages of the armed conflict.

The most that would be expected from the U.S. and Britain would be for them to hold internal inquiries, and that, too, if circumstances warranted; a matter that would be left entirely to their discretion judging from the comment by Prime Minister Theresa May that British forces would never be subjected to international inquiries. Sri Lanka’s internal inquiry in the form of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission was condemned by the UN appointed Panel of Experts even before the Report was made public. In addition, the report of the Paranagama Commission of Inquiry that even had the benefit of internationally renowned expert opinions and focused primarily on accountability, was not acceptable.

It is this difference that an internal inquiry is acceptable in one instance and not in another is what is unacceptable – a difference that arises from an ingrained racism that manifests itself in various forms and shades despite the guiding principle in the U.N. Charter that all Member States are equally sovereign. These are reflected in the decisions as to who should be held accountable and who should not. The fact that the U.N. and its subsidiary, the UNHRC, permit such decisions to influence their judgement means that they are violating the impartiality and the neutrality mandated by the world body for which they should be held accountable.

Regional Development Minister Field Sarath Fonseka’s attack on General Jagath Jayasuriya: Dinesh to seek clarification from Marapana

September 5th, 2017

Courtesy The Island

Joint Opposition leader Dinesh Gunawardena will raise the LTTE backed Tamil Diaspora move against General Jagath Jayasuriya following Regional Development Minister Field Sarath Fonseka alleging that the wartime Security Forces Commander, Vanni had committed crimes and he continued violations of human rights after becoming the Commander of the Army in July 2009.

The following question has been submitted seeking answers from Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana under Standing Order 23/2:

“General Jagath Jayasuriya, Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Peru and Suriname, the former Army Commander, Chief of staff and head of the Joint Defence Council, who was actively in the forefront of the struggle against terrorism, is being hunted by ex-LTTe and Eelamist Diaspora legal teams, who have brought war crimes prosecutions against him in Brazil and Colombia. The statement made in this regard by HE President Sirisena is contradicted by the statement made by Minister Sarath Fonseka.

1. Will the Hon Minister explain and place before the house the details of the above-mentioned legal action being taken against General Jagath Jayasuriya, and any other members of the Sri Lanka security forces, Ambassadors and members of the Diplomatic Corps and civilians who hold or have held office in the Government?

2. What is the precise position of the Government in regard to such legal action against General Jagath Jayasuriya, and any other members of the Sri Lanka security forces, Ambassadors and members of the Diplomatic Corps and civilians who hold or have held office in the Government, and what action is being taken to protect them in the above mentioned countries and in other countries?

3. Do the statements made by Minister Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka represent current Government policy, and if not, what action does it propose to take against this and against further betrayals of the country’s heroic forces by members of the Government or by its supporters holding high office?

ජන්ද නැති ‘ලිච්චවී’ රට

September 5th, 2017

ආචාර්ය චරිත හේරත් උපුටාගැණීම ලංකාදීප

මේ දිනවල අපේ රටේ දේශපාලනයේ එක් ප‍්‍රධාන මාතෘකාවක් වන්නේ ආණ්ඩුක‍්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කර හෝ එසේත් නැතිනම් පනත් සංශෝධනය කර හෝ මැතිවරණ කල් දන්නේ කේසේද කියා හොයන එකය. මේ සමහර ඒවා දැනටමත් කාලය නිමා වී ඇති පලාත් පාලන ආයතනය. සමහර ඒවා ඉදිරියේ විසිරෙන්නට තිබෙන පලාත් සභාය. මේ වැඬේ ට ගොස් ආණ්ඩුවම ඉන්නේ යම් ආකාරයක අවුල් සහගත තත්වයකය. ජන්ද කල් දමන එකත් යහපාලනයටම අයිති දෙයක් යැයි හිතෙන තරමට මේ තත්වය කිසිදු හිරිකිතයකින් තොරව අගේට කර ගෙන යන්නට තරම් ආණ්ඩුවේ සමහරු නිර්භීත වීම පුදුම සහගතය. අනෙක් අතට එමගින් පෙන්නුම් කරන්නේ ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදය පැත්තෙන් ගොඩ නැගෙන අතිශයෙන්ම භයානක අනතුරක්ය. ‘අපිට හිතුනොත් ජන්ද තියන්නෙම නැහැ’ වැනි ප‍්‍රකාශ පවා කියන්නට සමහර අය භය නැත්තේ මේ හේතුව නිසාය. මේ සටහනින් බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නේ මැතිවරණ කල් දමන අරමුනින් ව්‍යවස්ථාව හෝ මැතිවරණ පනත් සමග කරන භයානක ගනු දෙනුව ගැන කරුණු කීපයක් සාකච්චජා කරන්නටය.

නිශ්චිත මැතිවරණ පොරොන්දුවක් ලෙසින් පුර්ණ ව්‍යවස්ථා වෙනසක් පිළිබද අදහස මේ රටේ දේශපාලනයේ ප‍්‍රධාන මාතෘකාවක් බවට පත් වුනේ 1970 මැතිවරණයත් සමගය. ඊට පෙර තිබූ 1948 1952 සහ 1956 මැතිවරණ වල මේ කාරණය ආවේ භාෂා ගැටලූවට විසදුමක් ලෙසින් ඉදිරිපත් වූ ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන මිස පුර්න ව්‍යවස්ථා වෙනසක් ලෙසින් නොවන බව මගේ පිළි ගැනීමය. රටක් සංවර්ධනය කිරීම කියන්නේ ඒ රටේ නිති රීති හා ව්‍යවස්ථාමය ක්ේෂත‍්‍රය වෙනස් කිරීම් ද ඇතුලත් කලාපයක් බව සැබෑය. එහෙත් නිදහසින් පසු අපේ රටේ දේශපාලනයේ ප‍්‍රධාන ම වැඬේ වන්නේ අලුතින් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ලියන එක කියා හිතන්නට පටන් ගත්තේ 70 මැතිවරණයත් සමගය” එතනින් පසුව පැවති හැම මැතිවරණයකම පාහේ පළමු පොරොන්දුව වූයේ ‘අපි ආවොත් අලූත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් හදනවා’ කියන කාරණයය. එද සිට හැම ආණුඩුවක්ම පාහේ තමන්ගේ වසර පහක පාලන කාලයේ වැඩි හරියක් ගත කරන්නේ මේ අලූත් ව්‍යවස්ථා හැදිමේ ක‍්‍රියාදමයටය.

1977 ජන්දය සදහා එජාපය ඉදිරිපත් කළ මැතිවරණ ප‍්‍රකාශයෙන් තර්ක කළේ රටේ ප‍්‍රශ්නවලට ප‍්‍රධාන හේතුව වන්නේ ඊට අවුරුදු පහකට පෙර (1972) හදපු අලූත් ආණ්ඩු ක‍්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව බවය. ඒ නිසා ඒ අය කීවේ තමන් බලයට පැමිනිය හොත් කරන පළමු වැඬේ මේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව වෙනස් කරන බව කියාය. ජයවර්ධන මහතා බලය ගෙන වසරක් ඇතුලත බරපතල ආකාරයකින් සිදු කළේ අලූත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් හදන වැඬේය. පක්ෂයේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව හදනවාටත් වඩා වේගයෙන් තමන්ටම ගැලපෙන්න රටේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව ඔහු හැදුවේ විපක්ෂයේ මන්ත‍්‍රීවරු හය හත් දෙනා තඹ සතේකට මායිම් කරන්නේ නැතිවය. 1978 ව්‍යවසථාව කියන්නේ එහෙම කළඹලයෙන් හදපු ඒ ව්‍යවස්ථාටය. ඒ ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ කෙටුම්පත පාරලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කර සාකච්ජා කර අවසන් කිරීමෙන් පසුව කාරක සභා අවස්ථාවේ තිබෙද්දි පවා හදිසියේ එයට එකතු කරපු දේවල් පවා රටේ නීති බවට පත් වූ ආකාරය ඒ කාලයේ දේශපාලනය ගැන දන්නා අයට මතකය. උදහරණයක් වශයෙන් හදිසියේ ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පතට එබ්බවූ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය පිළිබද වූ අන්තර්වාර ක‍්‍රියාදමය සැලකිය හැකිය. එතෙක් සිටි ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ සේවයේ නියුතු විනිසුරුවරුන් නැවත පත් කරන බවට අන්තර් ක‍්‍රියාකාරීත්ව නීතියක් 78 ව්‍යවස්ථාවට දැම්මේ එය අනුමත වෙන්නට ඔන්න-මෙන්න කියා තිබෙද්දි කාගෙත් ඇස් වසාය. කාටත් හොරෙන්ය. එතෙක් සිටි ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ විනිසුරුතුමන්ලා එම තනතුරුවලින් ඉවත් කෙරෙන බව සහ අලූතින් විනිසුරුවරුන් යලිත් පත් කරන බව ව්‍යවස්ථාවට ඇතුලත් වී ඇති බව සමහර විනිසුරු වරුන් පවා දැනගත්තේ ඒ ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්මත වීමෙනුත් පසුවය. 1994 මැතිවරණයේ පොදු ජන පෙරමුනේ මැතිවරන පොරොන්දුව වූයේ විධායක ජනාධිපතිධුරය ඉවත් කරමින් අලූත් වයවස්ථාවක් ගෙනෙන බවය. ජ. එල්. පීරිස් මහතා වැනි ඒ කාලයේ සිටි නීති විශාරධයින් කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයට ගත්තේ ඒ වැඬේ කරන්නටය. ‘සුදු නෙලූම්’ ‘තවලම්’ වැනි වැඩසටහන් හරහා ඒ ආණ්ඩුව තමන්ගේ මුලූ කාලය පුරාම මහන්සි ගත්තේ ත් අලූත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ගේන්නටය. ඒත් එජාපය එද හැසුරුනේ විධායක ජනාධිපති ධුරය තියාගන්නට නිසා 2000 ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්මත කරන්නට පොදු පෙරමුනේ ආන්ඩුවට හැකියාවක් ලැබුනේ නැත.

දැන් පසුගිය 2015 ජනාධිපතිවරණය පුරාම මේ රටේ දේශපාලන භුමියේ සාකච්ජා කළ මාතෘකාව වූයේ විධායක ජනාධිපති ධුරයේ බලතල පාරලිමේන්තුවට හිමි වන පරිදි හදන අලූත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ගැනය. ඒ සිහිනය සැබෑ කරන්නට කියා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ව්‍යවස්ථාදයක සභාවක් බවටද මේ වන විට පත් කර හමාරය. මේ ආන්ඩුව යන්නේ ලිච්චවී ක‍්‍රමයට බවත් එයත් පළල් ප‍්‍රජාතන්න‍්‍රවාදි රාමුවක් බවත් නිතර නිතර කියන්නේ අගමැති තුමා ය. ඒ සියල්ල එහෙම කියන ගමන් පලාත් පාලන ජන්දය හැකිතාක් දුරට කල් යන පරිදි මැතිවරන පනත මළානික අයුරින් සංශෝධනය කළේත් අනික් අතින් පළාත් සභාවල පාලන කාලය ජනතා වරමකින් තොරව තව ටිකක් කල් අල්ලාගෙන සිටීම සදහා 20 සංශෝධනය ගෙනෙන්නේ ඒ යහපාලන රජය විසින් මය. ලිච්චවී වගේ ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදි වන්නට කථා කරන ගමන් සිම්බාබ්වේ වගේ මැතිවරනයක් පේන්න බැරි තැනකට ගමන් කිරීම තේරුම් ගන්නේ කුමන දේශපාලන විද්‍යාවකින් දැයි අපට තෙරෙන්නේ නැත.

මේ රටේ දේශපාලනයේ ජන්ද කල් දමන්නට නියමින් හෝ අනියමින් වැඩ කළ ආණ්ඩු වලට අත් වුන බරපතල ඉරනම සමහරුන්ට දැන් මතක නැති ගානය. 1975 පවත්වන්නට තිබු මැතිවරණය අවුරුදු දෙකකනික් කල් දමන්නට ගොස් සිරිමා බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිනියට ඊට පසු පැමිනි මැතිවරණ ගනනාවක්ම එක දිගට පරදින්නට වූ බව අපේ මතකයට ගැනීම වැදගත්ය. මැතිනියට විධායක ජනාධිපති වෙන්නට කවමදවත් හැකි වුනේ නැත. ශ‍්‍රීලනීපයට ආන්ඩුවක් ආවේ අවුරුදු 17 පසුව 1994 ය. අනෙක් අතට 1982 පවත්වන්නට තිබුනු මහ මැතිවරණය කල් දමමින් ජනමත විචාරණ සෙල්ලමක් දමන්නට ගොස් රටටත් එජාපටයත් මුහුන දෙන්නට වුනේ බරපතල ප‍්‍රති විපාක වලට බව අපගේ මතකයට ගැනීම වැදගත්ය. ඒ ජනමත විචාරණය නිසා ප‍්‍රජාතන්‍්‍රවාදයෙන් පිටමන් වු තරුණයින් ආපසු ආවේ ටී පනස් හය අතේ තියාගෙනය. අනෙක් අතට එජාපයට ඒදයින් පසුව අද දක්වාම තනියෙන් ආණ්ඩුවක් හෝ තමන්ගේ පකෂයේ ජනාධිපතිවරයෙක් පත් කර ගන්නට නොහැකි වී තිබෙන්නේ ඒ මැතිවරණ සිතියම හැකීලීමේ ජනමත විචාරන මෙහෙයුම නිසා බව සිහියට ගැනීම ඉතාමත් වැදගත්ය.

පලාත් පාලන මැතිවරණ පනත සංශෝධනය මන්දගාමීව කරන්නට ගොස් සිදුකර ගත්තේ යලිත් පිරිසිදු කරගත නොහැකි ගානට දේශපාලනයේ ක්ෂේත‍්‍රයේ අපවිත‍්‍ර වීමය. පලාත් පාලන ආයතන නැති නිසා නගර අපවිත‍්‍ර වුවාට වඩා කුණු ගොඩක් මේ මැතිවරන පනත සමග සෙල්ලම් කරන්නට ගොස් ආණ්ඩුව ගා ගත්තේය. ඊට අමතරව ඒ ජන්දය කල් දැමීමෙන් තවත් පැත්තකින් සිදු වුනේ නාගරික හා ග‍්‍රාමීය ක්ෂේත‍්‍රයේ පරිපාලනය කඩා වැටීමය. අනෙක් අතට මේ නිසා පලාත් පාලන අමාත්‍යංශය හිමි පක්ෂය ලෙසින් ශ‍්‍රීලනීපයට වැදුනේත් නරක පහරකි. මට හිතෙන හැටියට පළාත් පාලන ඇමතිතුමා කොච්චර විශාලෙට කටවුට් ගැසුවත් දැන වැටී තියෙන්නේ කවමදවත් ම ජනතාවගේ ජන්දයකින් දිනන්නට බැරි තරම් අගාධයකට ය.

දැන් අගමැති තුමා විසින් 20 සංශෝධනය ගෙනත් ඇත්තේ මෙවැනි පරිසරයකටය. මේ සංශෝධනයෙන් කියන්නේ එකකි. කෙරෙන්නේ තවත් එකකි. මේ මගින් බලාපොරොත්තු වනවා යැයි කියන්නේ සියලූ පලාත් සභාවල ජන්දය එක දිනක තියන්ටය. ලිච්චවී පන්නයේ ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදයක් යෝජනා කරන නිසා එසේ එක දිනක ජන්දය තියන එක හොද දෙයක් යැයි මොහොතකට සිතුවත් එසේ ජන්දය එකට පැවැත්විය යුත්තේ පලමුවෙන්ම කාලය නිමා වෙන පලාත් සභාවේ දිනයට මිස අවසාන පලාත් සභාව දක්වා අනෙක් ඒවා ජනතාවගෙන් අහන්නේ නැතිව අල්ලාගෙන සිටීමෙන් නොවන බව සාමාන්‍යයෙන් තේරෙන අයගේ මතයය. ජනතාවගේ බලයක් ඔවුන්ගේ අනුමැතියකින් තොරව අල්ලගෙන ඉන්නවා යනුම කිසිම ලිච්චවී ධර්මයකට අයිති එකක් නොව මහ දවල් ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදය යටපත් කරන ක‍්‍රියාවක් බව අපි තේරුම් ගත යුතුය. 1975 මැතිවරණය පවත්විය යුතු දිනට වඩා එක දිනයක් වත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සිටීමට තමන්ට වරමක් නැතැයි කියා දකුනු කොළඹ ආසනයෙන් ඉල්ලා අස් වූනේ ජෙ ආර් ජයවර්ධන මහතාය. ඒ මහතාගේ පක්ෂයේ අද සිටින නායකයෝ කියන්නේ එද ජයවර්ධන මහතා කළ වැඬේ වැරදි වැඩක් කියා දැයි මා දන්නේ නැත.

මේ 20 සංශෝධනයට විරුද්ධ බව එළිපිටම කීවේ නිල ශ‍්‍රීලනීපයත් එකාබද්ධ විපක්ධයක් ජෙවිපෙත් පමණය. අද සමහර පලාත් සභාවල ශ‍්‍රීලනීපයේ හා ඒකාබද්ධයේ පලාත් සභා මන්ත‍්‍රීවරු 20 සංශෝධනයට පක්ෂව ජන්දය දෙන්නේ තම තමන්ගේ පක්ෂවල තීරණවලට විරුද්ධවය. මේ පලාත් සභා මන්තී‍්‍රවරුන් 20 සංශෝධනයට පක්ෂවීමෙන් කියන්නේ ජනතාවගේ ජන්ද අයිතිය නියමිත දිනයට පසුව අල්ලාගෙන සිටිම නිවැදියි ඔවුන සිතන බවය. ජනතාවගේ නියෝජතයෝ මේ කොකා පෙන්වන්නේ ජනතාවටය. මේ කාරණය ජන්ද දයකයින් හරියටම තේරුම් ගත යුතුය. තමන්ගේ ජන්ද අයිතිය නියෝජනය කරන්නට පලාත් සභාවලට යැවු නියෝජතයින් ජනතාවගේ ඒ අයිතිය යලිත් ජනතාවට ලබාදිමට එරෙහි වන්නේ නම් ඒ කිසිම සභිකයෙක් අපි නැවත පලාත් සභාවලට පත් කර යැවිය යුතු නැත. මේ රටේ මාධ්‍ය සිවිල් සංවිධාන හා බුද්ධිමතුන් මේ ගැන අවධියෙන් සිටිය යුතුය. 20 කණ්ඩායම ලෙසින් නම් කළ හැකි මෙ පිරිස හැර ඕනැම අයෙක් ඒ ඒ පක්ෂවලින් පලාත් සභාවලට යැවීම සදහා ජාතිකමය වූ කථිකාවක් ඇති කර ගත යුතු බව මගේ අදහසය.

අනෙක් අතට ශ‍්‍රීලනීපයේ හා ඒකාබද්ධයේ නායකයින් සිතිය යුත්තේ එජාපයේ මේ ගුග්ලි පන්දුවට නිපරාදේ දැවී නොයා යුතු බවය. මේ සියල්ල මැද පක්ෂයේ හා ජනතාවගේ තීරණය තමන්ගේ තීරණය කරගෙන 20 වන සංශෝධනය පරාජයට පත් කළ ඌවේ ප‍්‍රධාන ඇමතිතුමා ඇතුලූ ශ‍්‍රීලනීප හා ඒකාබද්ධයේ මන්ත‍්‍රීවරුන්ට අපගේ ප‍්‍රනාමය හිමි විය යුතුය.

ආචාර්ය චරිත හේරත්
01 -09- 2017 – Lankadeepa

The Tea Industry of Sri Lanka and Dr. Sudath Gunasekera’s Patriotic lament.

September 4th, 2017

Bodhi Dhanapala, Quebec, Canada.

Dr. Sudath Gunasekera has used the up-coming 150th anniversary of Tea plantations to present a patriotic lament which we should resonate with. But we  should remember that when Sri Wickrama R  was captured in Kandy, the situation was qualitatively no different to what we have today., with a bunch of traitors running the country.  The country was handed over to the British by a set  of Adigars” who were scheming against each other and some of them were already in cahoots with the British. Half of them signed the Kandyan treaty in Tamil. Meanwhile, Britain was  a nation already into the industrial revolution, and reigning mightily over half the world, from the Americas and India to the Orient. Historical evolution is also government by Darwinian evolution. If we cannot acquire the tools and the know-how that the west has, and continue to go back to traditional knowledge” while condemning scientific knowledge,  we will be doomed for ever.

The plantation technology that the British brought to Ceylon was the very best available at the time, and  some of the best British brains from the top Universities came here as administrators and used their talent in this country. They excavated and validated  the archeology, the historical  ruins etc., that had been dismissed as being mere legends, re-exposed the historical chronicles,  and  made catalogues of animals, plants, fishes, geology and  drew maps when our culture did not really have any. Even today, when scientists need to identify a butterfly, bird or plant, they go to Western compilations, specimens in Kew Gardens etc. The ruined cities were re-discovered and repaired by them. The village tanks, as well as many of the major tanks were repaired by them; a superb rail and road infrastructure as good as any in the Empire at the time was built here using the new know-how and tools coming from rising industrial revolution blossoming in  Manchester and Birmingham in the 19th century. The British infrastructure served until the Rajapaksa era when a number of new highways, bridges  and railroads were built.

Why did the British  do all this? Of course, to exploit the wealth of the land more efficiently and more  knowledgeably. This WAS sustainable agriculture as it did last 150 years, compared to some of the things we do today that crumble even before they are built.  Those modern” (for the 19th century) methods also led to the availability of more food, and a rapid increase in population, the population in 1800 was less than half a million, while by 1900 it was close to 4 million;  all this  actually brought the country from a medieval feudal society where the peasants lived under the autocratic york of the Adigars and the Rate Mahathhayas. The local lord,  when he went about in his Dolawa”, if he saw a pretty girl, he would require her  to come and sleep with him that night – the right of the Lord and the girl was expected to be thankful!  Most other things, properties etc  were his and done as he wanted and there was no recourse to any other justice. There was much mal-nutrition, vector diseases (even dengue), influenza  epidemics, small pox, TB, dysentery, hookworm etc, etc.,  and high infant mortality. If you allowed for infant mortality the average life expectancy was about 35 years or less for the ordinary man (hence there was hardly any  cardio-vascular and chronic diseases which take time to develop).

The Adigars were replaced by the White Masters who  exploited the peasants in a more uniform and efficient manner. Some of the turn-coat leaders and Pandankarayas”  won  special favours and became   Gate Mudliyars and such  officials of the invading regime. These same Pantharanaike and Ramanathan types   were given vast extents of land taken from the peasants;  their kith and kin  are still in power today.

Unfortunately, after  70 years of Independence, things have not improved from what it was in 1948. There is less justice and fair play in the courts than under the British judges. Even Gandhi good a good deal under the British judges.

Today the  Local Lords” do  not go in Dolaws”, but they go in expensive fleets of cars that they get duty free at state expense. They can  even black-market their cars  at 40 million rupees a piece and import a new car periodically. They do not need the pretty village girl as they have pretty courtesans brought for them from Russia and Thailand and other countries, complete with packs of Viagra, paid for from secret bank accounts held abroad.

Filing cases against the British for damages
And yet, in spite of what our leaders are, Dr. Sugath G proposes to  file a case in the international courts against the Government and people of the United Kingdom claiming compensation for all the crimes and conspiracies they have committed against us including….”. Someone who does not know Dr. Sugath might think that he  must be dreaming! So he thinks that our Mankalai Samarahora,  Ranil Westenpuppet, Maiththiram Thirisanaa will file a case!. No, they will file a case stating that it is Sri Lanka itself which is guilty, just like at the UNCHR in Geneva. They will say the following instead of
what Dr. Sugath says (in italics).

1.Sinhalese as a people have lost their traditional Home land on the hills first to the British and now it is on its way to losing to South Indian estate Tamil labour:.  Surely, Sinhala leaders willingly divided the land and the resources and gave it to the British in the name of cooperation with his majesty George-III who is going to look after us. The British are not guilty. We are guilty.

2. The divide and rule colonial policy they have left behind to destroy the Sinhala Buddhist Civilization had already been invented by the Sinhalayas and that if any one should be punished, then the Sinhalayas should be co-punished. The British learned the Divide and rule policy from the Mahawamsa after Turner translated it from the Pali for the first time in the latter half of the 19th century.

3. Demanding  to repatriate all our archaeological and literary treasure is a good thing, but on second thought, why not keep half in Britain and divide the rest between the good supporters of the West like Mankalam, Chanthrika Pantharnaik,  Ranil and  Maiththiram Thirisanaa?. The Sri Lankan museums are really not safe, and not dependable, just as the Sri lankan cops and the judges are not dependable. We need foreign judges, foreign cops and foreign guards, and foreign museums. When our children go abroad to study they can look at them there. Why bring it here and let it get stolen?

4. Demanding  the British  to take back all Indians they have left behind when they left the shores of this country in 1948 is after all a silly request because there are already enough curry joints and Dhose Kades”  in London by now;   it is hard to find any real Briton anyway. So who do you ask? Even Chandrika lives there most of the time. Do we ask her or The Global Tamil Forum?

5.  Demanding  both the British and Indian Governments to immediately stop interfering with the internal affairs of this country at least now as we are a fully pledged free and independent Nation and ceased to be a colony of theirs long time ago” is just rhetoric. Who said that we are a fully pledged free nation? Or no, we are always ready to oblige all the US diplomats, Indian diplomats, and Chinese diplomats to tell us what to do; it is simplest to let them run our ports, our airfields, and even our businesses and they will also write our constitution.

6. Demand them to apologize for all crimes they have committed against our country and its people.
Indeed we can demand that, but remember, we are equally guilty, and Lanka  should say mea culpa” as we did in Geneva when Mankali Samarahora formulated our very wise policies drawn up in Washington with the help of our Eelam friends.

7.  We should immediately declare all land over 5000 ft as strict forest reserves and restore the physical stability of the nation’s watersheds lest this green paradise Island become semi arid country for lack of perennial water. Why limit it to 5000 feet?  Of course a Gazette notification will be made to  that order right from 100 feet above sea level; but you see, our  friend Mr. Bathurdeen needs to also settle some displaced people coming not only from SL, but from Pakistan; and some of us need holiday bungalows in these forests; and Maiththiram’s  Brother runs a tourist business and we need more hotels inside these forests. We need development, not forests. Mr. Champi Ranaya  and Venerable” Rasputin are setting up this toxin free nation” and most of it is going to be located as a megalopolis built on that  wonderful place known as the ever expanding  Meethotamulla (i.e., the place where we export honey=mee),  where only fools think we have garbage  rather than honey.

What shall we do about the tea estates?
Dr. Sugath thinks that the tea estates are not profitable. Surely, Dr. Sugath, it is simple. Today the estates are run inefficiently, by local CEOs who warm chairs and draw high salaries. Kick them out and hand over the Estates to Brook Bonds and Liptons to run them. They will run them efficiently, beautifully, and with a profit, as they did before. Again, Lanka should say, mea culpa”, we are at fault. Mr Ranil Wickemasinghe will readily  agree to leasing the Tea estates for the next 150 years to Liptons , so  the problem is solved. Of course he will say” that it will be run by a Liptons and Sri Lankan consortium!

Dr. Sugath G and the toxins in our rivers.
Of course  Dr. Sugath G knows very well the kind of  political set up we are having in Sri lanka today.  He knows that we are a free and sovereign nation only in name; he knows that we are run by a bunch of traitors and ruffians who are dismantling the country and selling the family jewelery and even the old pots and pans.  What we have to discuss is not how to file a case against the British, but how to get rid of this bunch of cutthroats, without putting back the previous set of cut throats in power. There are new leaders emerging from among the Ranviru, and civil activists like Kodithuwakku, and perhaps Wiijedasa R?

But there are other matters where Dr. G  is actually in error  (here I am being serious).  Dr. Sudath G  has taken Ven. Ratana and the  Vasa-Visa Naethi Ratak” stuff  seriously and writes:
The destruction of the natural forest cover led to eroding down millions of tons of fertile soil in to the ocean converting the central hills once covered with dense natural forests to an eroded, degraded, unfertile and almost barren land. This situation required heavy use of chemical fertilizer, insecticides and pesticide’s to keep the tea plantation going. The enormous toxic matter annually washed down the rivers from these vast stretches of plantations and extensive vegetable cultivations has polluted all rivers in the country killing valuable aquatic life and particularly filling the Dry Zone Tanks with toxic matter where water gets stored still. The resulting toxic deposits have been the main reason behind the widespread kidney disease which might turn the entire Dry Zone completely unsuitable for human habitation in future”

This lament is actually a commonly held view of the public not familiar with the available scientific information. To blame agrochemicals for all our problems is the most common wisdom found in the internet and forms the basis fake panic. But even though  seemingly  the earth is  flat, the real truth is different.

The soil in the country is NOT TOXIC, as seen by the hundreds of egrets (Kokku”) that crowd behind every farmer who is tilling the soil as has been pointed out repeatedly by Dr. Amarasiri (a retired Directior General of Agriculture) in his articles criticizing Ven. Ratana’s disastrous agricultural policies . The Kokku come to eat the earthworms and other bugs in the soil. They live in the soil because the agricultural soil everywhere is quite healthy. Even though fertilizers have been increasingly used since the 1960s, they do NOT lead to any toxicity if used correctly. This is true even in countries like New Zealand where they use 25-35 times more agrochemicals per hectare per year than Seri lanka does  (see some of the articles by Prof.  Dhramawardana, Dr. Waidyanatha and others) . However, the  main problem today is overuse which has led to excessive inputs of phosphates into our water streams. But even so, there is much less phosphate in our waters than in a glass of Coca Cola.

So, fortunately the very opposite of what Dr. Sugath G says  is true regarding toxins. Anyone with any knowledge of plant growth will know that if we are to extract so many tons of tea leaves(or any other crop)  per hectare, then you need to input the corresponding amount of Nitrogen, Phosphorus, Potassium and water  etc into the soil.  Until about 1978 the correct amounts (as dictated by scientific agriculture) were added and there was NO excess fertilizer washed off from the hill country. Then came Yankee Dikee” Jayawardena who decided that fertilizer sales  should be handled by the free market”  (Mudalalis beholden to politicians) and not by the technical men of the agriculture department. This led to vegetable farmers (but not tea estates) using sometimes  as much as five times the needed amount of fertilizers! And yet, a recent study of the Mahaweli waters by the Geology department of the Peradeniya University concluded that there were  only negligible amounts of metal toxins in the Mahawel water (see: Diyabalanage S, Abekoon S, Watanabe I, et al, Has irrigated water from Mahaweli river contributed to the kidney disease of uncertain etiology in the dry zone of Sri Lanka? Environtal  Geochemistry & Health,  volume 38, pages 439– 454, DOI 10.1007/s10653-015-9749-1, year 2016). The WHO-NSF study of the water and soil in the Rajarata published in 2014, the Japanese study (which resulted in the Kawakami Atlas of metal toxin levels in Sri Lanka), as well as the   Jayasinghe-COSTI study of water inputs to reverse osmosis (RO)  machines,  all  unanimously show that the irrigation waters and water in our tanks, rivers are  NO TOXIC.  People have been scared into believing that such water is toxic so that NGOs can sell their RO machines and trap the country into a regular buying cycle.

Peradeniya scientists and the Kandy Center for Research into Kidney Disease (CERKID) have shown that the killer kidney disease is caused by drinking stagnant well water in certain areas of the Rajarata. These wells contain high amounts of naturally occurring fluoride and hard water (Kivul watura”). This has been shown to be a deadly nephrotoxic combination by many experiments including feeding such water to laboratory animals (as shown by a research report in the prestigious journal Nature, 2017). Unfortunately, instead of following the advise of scientists, the government has followed the advise of the most  Venerable” Ratana (now not so venerable as he has been found to be engaged  in selling duty-free  cars in the black market).

Ven” Ratana  pushed the  ban on glyphosate claiming to get rid of the killer disease, although even traces of this herbicide have not been found in the affected areas or in the blood and urine of the sick people. According to several Chinese studies, glyphosate is actually beneficial to the soil and soil organisms because it removed metal toxins by converting them to insoluble matter.

So, even if we convert the tea estates into forests, ban fertilizers and agrochemicals,  we will still have Kidney Disease unless we provide clean water (i.e., free of  fluoride and hardness) to the affected areas. The most successful strategy seems to be the harvesting of rainwater. This however is unpopular with the NGOs selling RO machines (and even with Ven”. Ratana?).

Carlo wows to topple the government over SAITM and jump the sinking ship?.

September 4th, 2017

Bodhi Dhanapala, Quebec , Canada

Dr. Carlo Fonseka, a leftist with the credentials needed to survive any regime has now stated that he will  work to topple the government on the SAITM issue. Ostensibly, he is fighting to save free education”.  Why did he not do anything to stop the granting of degrees in Chemistry, Management, Engineering and a whole host of other subjects done by private and professional institutes in Sri Lanka?
Don’t all that make an indent into free education, if that is what is sacrosanct?
Is it only the doctors who have a right to protect their turf? It is these same doctors who engage in private practice after having got a free education. If they can do private practice t is absolutely essential that the private sector also engage in medical education.

It should also be remembered that in the 1940s, when A. Ratnayake and C. W. W. Kannangara launched the campaign to have Free Education in Ceylon, Dr. N. M. Perera even wrote a book stating that free education should NOT be established until AFTER the REVOLUTION! It  was argued that free education will be used as a tool to brain wash the people against revolutionary ideas and the inexorable dialectical out come of a revolution will be delayed by the introduction of free education. The ambivalent attitude of many revolutionaries” to welfare measures and Fabianism were also based on the argument that the rise of a middle class with bourgeois values” was detrimental to creating a militant revolutionary people who should be in a state of saa duka” (hunger) to rise up in arms.

But today, many leftists identify with free education as if they championed it. Today, they use it as a means of currying favour with student organizations. These student organizations have rarely bothered about the academic progress of the students; instead they agitate for political ends. In our era as undergraduates, in the last quarter of the 20th century, it was normal for the 3 year B.A or B. Sc degree to take five or six years due to strikes launched by the JVP and other leftist” organizations who had forgotten the Lichchavi-Buddhist culture of this land and embraced the principles of violent agitation, false propaganda and the satanic claim that the end justifies the means”.

Of course, the bond scam, highways-construction scams, toxin-free” nation scams, exhuming dead bodies scams,  hauling war-heroes to courts, building Volkswagon-factories scams, and all the other corrupt acts of this government   as well as its bid to sell the country to the West, the East and the Indians have put the writing on the wall. Seasoned politicians like Carlo Fonseka know that the ship is sinking. So, it is best to jump the ship and find a heroic excuse to do so. But at least Fonseka has recognized the nature of this government, put in place with the shrill support of other so-called leftists (e.g., Kumar David, Chandrika Bandaranaike) who were in fact witting or unwitting puppets of the West executing its plan for regime change. Let others also see the writing on the wall, and unite to topple the government, not because of SAITM, but because it is the most corrupt and most treacherous government that Sri Lanka ever had.

Bodhi Dhanapala, Quebec , Canada.

HISTORY OF DRAVIDIAN INVASIONS OF SRI LANKA

September 4th, 2017

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

Contrary to what  Ananth Karthikeyan has stated in his article published in the Lankaweb on September 03, 2017, titled The Imperial Cholas’ Conquest of Sri Lanka”  mentioned, Sri Lanka was never captured and controlled completely by Dravidians at any time in its history. The following is an outline of Dravidian invasions and their outcome according to Sri Lankan sources of information and evidence from Sri Lanka.

Recorded history states that Sri Lanka was invaded as much as seventeen times by South Indian Dravidian speaking invaders since 230 BCE. Coming with armies of Tamils from South India they ruthlessly wiped out entire Sinhala villages along their way to Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa the royal capitals of the past. These highly prosperous Sinhala Buddhist capitals were ransacked and plundered and the people subject to untold atrocities. They killed Sinhala Kings or forced them to the retreat to the south. These Tamil invaders sat on the Sinhala throne and ruled over the Sinhala people for about 170 years at different times.

The Tamil threat to the Sinhala Buddhist kingdoms had become very real in the fifth and sixth centuries CE. Three Hindu empires in southern India–the Pandya, Pallava, and Chola, were becoming more assertive. Tamil ethnic and religious consciousness matured during this period. In the meantime, in India, Buddhism was becoming vulnerable to pressure and absorption by Hinduism and its influence was receding. It was during this time that Chola, Pallava and Pandya Tamils   were instrumental in repeated invasions and threats to our Buddhist Sinhala rulers.

Sri Lanka experienced terror in its worst forms never known in our land before,  during the invasions and rule of the Dravidian Kalinga Magha and later in recent years under the Tamil terrorist Prabakaran. The crime-prone rule of Kalinga Magha prevailed for 21 years from the year 1201. The Tamil Pandyan and Tamil Nayakka intrusion into Sinhala royal families led to our traditional royalty going into disarray after the 13th century, and the eventual decline of the stability and magnanimity of the Sinhala Buddhist nation.

Some Dravidians came to Sri Lanka as mercenaries. Propensity to violence and criminal activities is not a recent development among Tamils. The history of Tamil involvement in our country is marked by excessive violence. This characterizes the history of Tamil invasions and involvements in our country from early times. This makes one think whether violence has become a part of the mental and psychological structure of the average Tamil.

Whether the outrageous and violent attitudes of Dravidians, especially the Tamils in general, towards Sri Lanka have changed in recent times is questionable when one learns of the outrageous public pronouncements of Tamil leaders of Tamil Nadu – the Homeland of Tamils.  It was as recent as May 2009 that Jayalalitha called for Indian troops to invade Sri Lanka to help create a Tamil state. This dim-witted  woman who died a few days ago, was the Chief Minister of Tamilnadu the homeland of the Tamils.

FIRST  DRAVIDIAN TAMIL INVADERS – SENA AND GUTTIKA (22 Years)      The first invasion around 230 BCE, was by two brothers who ruled on the Sinhala throne over the Sinhala people for 22 years till they were killed by a Sinhala prince from the south. The first reported account of South Indian Tamil rule in Sri Lanka was during the period 237-215 BCE by the horse dealers. SENA and GUTTIKA. who killed the Sinhala king Suratissa and usurped the Sinhala throne and occupied the throne at Anurādhapura for twenty two years. In 215 BCE, Sinhala king ASELA, the brother of Surastisssa   and brother of King Devanampiyatissa regained the kingdom from Tamil invaders and ruled from 215 to 205 BCE.

DRAVIDIAN TAMIL ELARA (44 Years)                                                                 Ten years later, a Chola Tamil South Indian invader named Elara, came and slew the legitimate Sinhala king Asela, and ruled Rajarata from Anuradhapura. He held the Sinhala throne for 44 years (205-161 BCE). This Tamil invader was slained by Prince Dutugemunu and the entire country was unified under his rule.

WAR WAGED BY SEVEN DRAVIDIAN TAMILS                                                  Valagambahu became the king of Anuradhapura Kingdom in103 BCE.  Five months after becoming king, he was overthrown by a Tamil invasion from South India. Seven Tamils waged war against king Valagambahu – Pulahatta (or Pulahatha), BahiyaPanaya Mara,  Pilaya MaraDathiya. In 88 BCE these Tamils were deposed by Valagambahu ending Tamil rule. Valagambahu I (89-77) BCE restored the Dutugamunu dynasty.

SIX PANDYAN TAMIL INVADERS (428 – 452 CE)                                              There was a twenty-four year period from 428 to 452 CE, when six Pandyan Tamil invaders ruled the country- Pandu – 428-433, Parinda – 433, Khuda Parinda – 433-449, Tiritara – 449, Dathiya – 449-452.  King Dhatusena defeated the last two of these Tamil usurpers and ruled our nation from 452 to 470 CE.

PANDYAN AND CHOLA INVASIONS IN THE 9TH CENTURY CE                      By the middle of the ninth century, the Pandyans had risen to a position of ascendancy in southern India, invaded northern Sri Lanka, and ransacked Anuradhapura.  During the period 846 to 866 CE, Pandyan Tamils invaded and plundered Anuradhapura.

TAMIL VIOLENCE LED TO ABANDONMENT OF ANURADHAPURA -THE ROYAL CAPITAL OF 1400 YEARS                                                                    In 993, the Chola Emperor Raja raja-I invaded Sri Lanka, forcing the then Sri Lankan ruler Mahinda V to flee to the southern part of the country. Rajendra I son of Raja raja -I, launched a large invasion and Mahinda V was captured and taken prisoner to India where he died in 1037. Mahinda V (917-1007), was the last Sinhala king to rule from Anuradhapura. These Cholas ransacked the city of Anuradhapura and moved the capital to Polonnaruwa and subsequent Sri Lankan rulers who came into power after the Chola reign continued to use Polonnaruwa as the capital, thus ending the Anuradhapura regime.

TAMIL PLUNDER OF ANURADHAPURA                                                           Rajadhiraja Chola II (11661178 C.E.) who was a Chola king in India had serious disputes with the Pandyans and the Sinhala rulers on the opposite side, bringing untold misery to both sides. This civil war that resulted between the Cholas and Pandyan Tamils brought power to Pandyans resulting in invasions and plunder of Anuradhapura.

ROYAL CAPITAL RELOCATED IN POLONNARUWA OWING TO TAMIL INVASIONS AND VIOLENCE

CHOLAS OUSTED FROM POLONNARUWA

VIJAYABAHU- I (1045-1095 CE) ousted the Chola Tamils from Anuradhapura and regained the Rajarata Sinhala kingdom. He chose Polonnaruwa as his capital. It is also significant that Hindu Devale’s were respected and Tamil soldiers were maintained in the service of the king.  King Vijayabahu had Leelavati as his chief queen, but also married a princess from Kalinga Royal Family as his second wife. From her he had a son named Vikrama Bahu and a daughter named Ratnavali.  His sister, Mitta, was given in marriage to a Pandyan Prince who had three sons, the eldest of whom named Manabharana, became the husband of Ratnavali. Their son was Parakrama Bahu. I.

PARAKRAMA BAHU- I (1140-1173 CE) – Grandson of Vijaya Bahu- I, a Prince of Royal Blood, of Pandyan descent, as the son of Manabharana and Vijaya Bahu’s sister Mitta. Parakrama Bahu- I became King in 1140 and reigned for thirty three years leaving behind no heir to the throne. This led to the nomination of VIJAYABAHU –II as king (1173-1174 CE) He was Parakrama Bahu’s sister’s son

NISSANKA MALLA (Kirti Sri Nissanka) 1174-1183 CE was a Kalinga Prince and his reign was followed by a period of utmost political instability resulting in downfall of the Rajarata kingdom and the former glory of Polonnaruva.

TAMIL INVASIONS DURING POLONNARUWA ERA                                          During the reign of Queen Lilavati 1197-1198 CE – the Widow of King Parakrama Bahu – a South Indian Pandyan Tamil invader deposed her and became the king and ruled for three years.

KALINGA MAGHA INVASION (1201-1222 CE)                                                     In 1201 Sri Lanka was invaded by MAGHA a Dravidian Kalinga prince who took the king captive, tortured him and robbed him of all riches. He ruled for 21 years until 1222 CE. The ferocity, cruelty and barbarism of Tamils were unprecedented. These Tamils ransacked the kingdom, killed man and beast, broke images, destroyed temples, viharas, tortured the rich of their wealth and gave land to Cholas. The Tooth and Bowl relics were hidden. Kalinga Magha tyrannized the inhabitants of Raja Rata and extended his invasion to the south of the country where he was counter-attacked by the Sinhala and this Tamil terrorist escaped death and ran back to India with some of his soldiers. These Tamils ransacked the kingdom, killed man and beast, broke images, destroyed temples, viharas, tortured the rich of their wealth and gave land to Cholas. The Tooth and Bowl relics were hidden. Kalinga Magha tyrannized over the inhabitants of Raja Rata and extended his invasion to the south of the country, but was compelled to retreat by the forces of Vijaya Bahu-III of Maya Rata (1222-1226 CE) and was killed by the Sinhala on his way back to India.

INSECURITY BROUGHT ABOUT BY TAMILS A MAIN REASON FOR RELOCATION OF CAPITALS    

VIJAYA BAHU -III (1222-1226 CE) who expelled Magha the Tamil invaders from Maya Rata, moved the seat of government to Dambadeniya.  He had two sons named Parakramabahu and Bhuvaneka Bahu.

PANDITHA PARAKRAMA BAHU- II (1226-1257 CE) – the eldest son of Vijaya Bahu- III became the king after his father Vijaya Bahu- III. The new king was known as Panditha Parakramabahu – II, on account of his great learning. Chandra Bhanu the Tamil, who claimed to be a ruler of Jaffna, went to war with Panditha Parakrama Bahu and was defeated mercilessly. Although Panditha Parakramabahu was crowned at Polonnaruwa he ruled at Dambadeniya. He reigned as king over the whole of Lanka for thirty five years and upon his death was succeeded by his son, Vijaya Bahu who ruled for two years and political instability followed with several kings who ruled for short periods of time.

REPEATEDLY INVADED BY INDIAN TAMIL FORCES 

BHUVANEKA BAHU- I ascended the throne in 1259 and ruled until 1270. During the early part of his reign our country was repeatedly but unsuccessfully invaded by Indian Tamil forces. He initially ruled from Dambadeniya and later shifted his capital to Yapahuva. The life of Yapahuva as the capital of Lanka lasted only till the death of King Bhuvaneka Bahu- I, when it was subjugated and despoiled by another Tamil invasion.

INVASION OF TAMIL PANDYAN ARMY

PARAKRAMA BAHU – III, the nephew of Buvaneka Bahu- I, became king in 1270 and ruled for five years in Polonnaruwa. During his reign the island was invaded by a Pandyan army led by one Chakravarti. The invaders succeeded in capturing the forces of Yapahuva and carrying off the sacred Tooth-Relics to India. The Sinhala king succeeded in bringing it back to Lanka and placed the relics in Polonnaruwa.

BUVANEKA BAHU – II (1275-1277CE) – Son of Buvaneka Bahu- I, cousin of Parakrama Bahu- III who had a Pandyan connection ruled from Kurunegala.

PANDYAN INVASION  

PARAKRAMA BAHU – IV (1277-1301 CE) – son of Buvaneka Bahu II proclaimed himself king against the Pandyan Emperor Kulasekera.   Kulasekera came himself to avenge the killing of his nephew Parakrama Bahu- III by Buwanekabahu -II. He invaded Yapa Patuna Kingdom and captured it.                   

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

Watching some British TV cooking programmes are like real comedy shows but not real cooking.

September 4th, 2017

Dr Hector Perera        London

I have some interest in cooking for a long time even while I was doing my GCSE ordinary level. With the scouts group, I went on camping for about a week when we had to cook. Honestly I didn’t know much cooking but I have observed some cooking at home done by my mum and also by the servants. That time we had nothing but firewood stoves at home but not gas or electric cookers. In a way they are interesting because unless you keep the fire going even with difficulty, there is not enough fire to cook. I really didn’t like any takeaway food from early days because when I get a lunch packet from a hotel, it looks like all mixed up that really lost my appetite for hotel and takeaway food.

At the start we never knew the science of cooking

With two of my friends who attended the same Advanced Level science class at Stafford College in Colombo, I tried some cooking. We had to try by trial and error to find out how to cook rice but cooking fish and meat was not quite a problem because once we added some ingredients then gave about half an hour to cook. Just like our servants we had to shower with cooking aroma a few times as we kept on opening the cooking curries then kept on stirring then tasting several times. When I think about what we did in the past it was really stupid mistake since every time we opened the cooking curries, a shower of cooking aroma escaped then some of them very likely to get deposited on us. We thought that was a normal procedure in cooking. Those two friends also never knew any cooking but we all just tried to cook and eat other than getting takeaway food. Those two friends got through Advanced Level science with high grades and got selected to do medicine but I didn’t get enough passes to do any University courses. Fortunately I got a teaching post in the same college to teach chemistry and physics practicals.

Thinking in the right direction

When I came over to England for further studies again I tried my best to cook and eat than depending on takeaway food which I treat as junk food. I was studying chemistry based studies at Kingston Polytechnic. I had to study, cook and sleep in one room unlike in Sri Lanka. When I went to University, my clothes smelled like a tandoori kitchen. Soon I started to cook in the adjoining room that was abandoned as a storage room. Thinking in the right direction, soon I discovered the scientific method of cooking. British TV cooking shows are no better than our servant’s cooking on firewood stoves. The contestants always opened the boiling curries then tasted the uncooked curries several times then their spit and saliva also got into the curries, is it right? The contestants had no idea of applying any science at all that is why I compared their cooking to our servants back home in Sri Lanka. Those servants are highly experienced in cooking but doing mistakes is a common thing. I am sure if they had the modern facilities they would have cooked much better than some of the British TV chefs who always made mistakes in cooking. The judges always showed funny facial expressions while their competitors cook but than watching any techniques of cooking. Later they go by the taste of the food not the techniques used in cooking. Then the so called winners are chosen by their taste of the food but any techniques of cooking were totally ignored. One must see the programmes carefully, actually to me they are like comedy shows than cooking shows. The contestants run run all over the kitchen area like tandoori chickens and they totally ignore about drops of oil, water or pieces of vegetables on the floor. To me kitchen is like a chemistry laboratory since all the food we eat and drink are made out of complicated chemicals. One cannot say none of the food are not made out of chemicals. I cannot point out in one article the more mistakes the so called contestants make while cooking.

Higher the fire, faster it cook?

When they cook, they do not have any control of the fire. Probably they think, higher the fire faster they get cooked but not thinking anything with respect to science. As I mentioned before they constantly taste the uncooked food and keep on adding their spit and saliva several times, who would agree that is correct? Then the cooking food gives out a stream of cooking aroma and they love to shower with cooking aroma. All this work is observed by the so called judges with funny facial expressions but they do not utter a word about these mistakes. Sometimes there are six contestants cooking different types of food with the intension of winning the cooking competition. Nearly all of them shower with cooking aroma either by boiling or frying and judges keep on moving around the cooking area, I am not quite sure what they are looking for. I think they should make a note of the techniques of cooking as well than just go by their taste of food as the winner in the cooking competition. Your comments are welcomed perera6@hotmail.co.uk

 

Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka (RASSL)-Combining Theory and Practice in Buddhist Meditation”

September 4th, 2017

Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka (RASSL)

A Special Public Lecture

 Combining Theory and Practice in Buddhist Meditation”

by

Keith Munnings

PGCE MTH (Master of Theology), Buddhist Chaplain in UK

on

Thursday Sept 7th at 5.00 p.m.

at the

RASSL Council Room

Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka

No. 96, Ananda Coomaraswamy Mawatha, Colombo 07

ALL ARE WELCOME

Keith Munnings is a well-known British mediation teacher who has practised Samatha meditation since 1973 and has taught the practice for over thirty years. He was involved from the early days of developing the Samatha Association in the UK. In recent years, he has been working in hospitals and universities as a volunteer Buddhist Chaplain.

 

Sri Lanka and the Yellow Races

September 4th, 2017

by Senaka Weeraratna

The White Man enslaved the Brown Man and the Black Man for centuries. The Yellow Man liberated them. This is the true outcome of the Second World War. The Brown Man enslaved for nearly 500 years is free today because the Yellow Man fought the White Man at Port Arthur in 1905 followed by the epic attack on Pearl Harbour in 1941.

Had the Yellow Man not fought the White Man, the Brown Man may still be in Chains, because none of the Colonial countries had any serious intention to give freedom to the black, brown and yellow races, except engage in deceitful talks of a never, never kind. The Black and Brown Races were too weak to do battle on their own or take on the might of the Coloniser then in occupation of vast swathes of Asian and African territory.

It is time to acknowledge world’s debt to Japan for Asia’s liberation from Western colonialism. This is undoubtedly Japan’s greatest achievement in the 20th century, which led to the retreat of the West from the East and its colonies all over the world, shortly after the end of the Second World War.

No amount of spin or contortion can change this stubborn fact.

The contemporary Japanese must be made to be conscious and proud about their historic role in Asia’s liberation from colonialism. Freedom did not fall from the sky to Asia. It came due to the blood sacrifices of many local patriots, but mostly daring Japanese soldiers. It is time to acknowledge this blood debt to Japan and the Japanese.

The majority of the Buddhist Sinhalese would have most likely welcomed the Japanese with open arms and great warmth, had they landed on the shores of Sri Lanka in 1942 to liberate the indigenous people from the yoke of tyranny and subjugation, which is what colonialism is.

Of all the major countries that took part in the Second World War, Japan is the only country that had declared as one of its primary goals the liberation of fellow Asians from Western imperialism. No other country in the West or East declared the grant of freedom to Asians and Africans then in a state of colonial subjugation, following victory in the war.

Here are excerpts from the Speech by Prime Minister General Hideki Tojo to the Assembly of Greater East-Asiatic Nations at an International Conference held in Tokyo, Japan, November 5, 1943:

During the past centuries, the British Empire, through fraud and aggression, acquired vast territories throughout the world and maintained its domination over other nations and peoples in the various regions by keeping them pitted and engaged in conflict one against another. On the other hand, the United States which, by taking advantage of the disorder and confusion in Europe, had established its supremacy over the American continents spread its tentacles to the Pacific and to East Asia following its war with Spain. Then, with the opportunities afforded by the First World War, the United States began to pursue its ambition for world hegemony. More recently, with the outbreak of the present war, the United States has further intensified its imperialistic activities, making fresh inroads into North Africa, West Africa, the Atlantic Ocean, Australia, the Near East and even into India, apparently in an attempt to usurp the place of the British Empire.

The need of upholding international justice and of guaranteeing world peace is habitually stressed by America and Britain. They mean thereby no more and no less than the preservation of a world order of their own based upon division and conflict in Europe and upon the perpetuation of their colonial exploitation of Asia. They sought to realize their inordinate ambitions in Asia, through political aggression and economic exploitation; they brought on conflict among the various peoples; they tried to destroy their racial integrity under the fair name of education and culture.

Thus, they have to this day threatened constantly the existence of the nations and peoples of Asia, disturbed their stability, and suppressed their natural and proper development. It is because of their notion to regard East Asia as a colony that they harp upon the principles of the open door and equal opportunity simply as a convenient means of pursuing their sinister designs of aggression, while constantly keeping their own territories closed to us, the peoples of Asia, denying us the equality of opportunities and impeding our trade, they sought solely their own prosperity.

The Anglo-American ambition of world hegemony is indeed a scourge of mankind and the root of the world’s evils. Movements for emancipation have occurred from time to time among the nations and peoples of East Asia, but due to the ruthless and tyrannical armed oppression by America and Britain, or due to their malicious old trick of division and alienation for ruling other races, those patriotic efforts ended largely in failure.

Meanwhile, Japan’s rise of power and prestige was looked upon by America and Britain with increasing dislike. They made it the cardinal point of their East Asia Policy on the one hand, to restrain Japan at every turn and on the other, to alienate her from the other countries of East Asia. It was obviously unwise for them to permit either the rise of any one country as a great Power or the banding together of the various nations and peoples. These American and British methods became more and more sinister and high-handed, especially in the last several years”.

When both Germany and Japan stood condemned like outlaws or pariahs of the international community by the victorious Allies at the end of the Second World War, seeking huge amounts of reparations and heavy punishments for their leaders, political and military, as war criminals, the leaders and people of Ceylon / Sri Lanka adopted an entirely different approach to both these countries. It was an approach based on the Buddha´s teachings.

The words of Ceylon´s delegate Finance Minister J.R. Jayawardene in defence of a free Japan at the San Francisco conference on September 06, 1951 is worthy of reproduction here. He said:

We in Ceylon were fortunate that we were not invaded, but the damage caused by air raids, by the stationing of enormous armies under the South-East Asia Command, and by the slaughter-tapping of one of our main commodities, rubber, when we were the only producer of natural rubber for the Allies, entitles us to ask that the damage so caused should be repaired. We do not intend to do so for we believe in the words of the Great Teacher whose message has ennobled the lives of countless millions in Asia that hatred ceases not by hatred but by love.

It is the message of the Buddha, the Great Teacher, the Founder of Buddhism which spread a wave of humanism through South Asia, Burma, Laos, Cambodia, Siam, Indonesia and Ceylon and also northwards through the Himalayas into Tibet, China and finally Japan, which bound us together for hundreds of years with a common culture and heritage.

This common culture still exists, as I found on my visit to Japan last week on my way to attend this Conference; and from the leaders of Japan, Ministers of state as well as private citizens and from their priests in the temples, I gathered the impression that the common people of Japan are still influenced by’ the shadow of that Great Teacher of peace, and wish to follow it. We must give them that opportunity.”

Sri Lanka was very fortunate in gaining independence in 1948 despite not having resorted to arms or used violence to rid the country of foreign occupation. It is valiant soldiers from other Asian countries e.g. Indian National Army under Subhas Chandra Bose, and Japan, who primarily made blood sacrifices to fight western domination of Asia during the Second World War. We were simply beneficiaries of these sacrifices and battles.

Finally, it must be admitted without reservation that because of age old Buddhist links, the Yellow Races of China, Japan, Korea, Vietnam, Thailand, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos among others, have proved themselves to be eternal friends of the Sinhalese. Their services and heroic assistance in the hour of economic and military need of Sri Lanka must be acknowledged with gratitude and reciprocated.

See also

 

–        http://www.worldfuturefund.org/wffmaster/Reading/Japan/tojo%20summit.htm

–        Greater East Asia Conference Vol.1, November 5, 1943

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ue2LjHchY5k

–        Glorious Imperial Japan, Greater East Asia Conference Vol.2, November 5, 1943

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vxwQLbSK-Qg

–        Glorious Imperial Japan, Greater East Asia Conference Vol.3, November 5, 1943

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SDqF7hlFDgk&t=55s

–        Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbour ignited the liberation of Asia from Western domination

http://www.sdh-fact.com/essay-article/886/

–        http://www.sdh-fact.com/CL/Japans-attack-on-Pearl-Harbour-.pdf

–        http://www.sdh-fact.com/auther/senaka-weeraratna/

–        Sri Lanka’s Independence – a beneficiary of Japan’s entry to the Second World War which sealed the fate of European Colonialism in Asia

–        http://www.sdh-fact.com/essay-article/924/

–        http://www.sdh-fact.com/CL/Sri-Lanka-Independence.pdf

–        http://www.sdh-fact.com/auther/senaka-weeraratna/

–        The Japanese Peace Treaty – J.R. Jayewardene (1951 Sep 01)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e0FTwGA9H0E

–        In Japanese https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vZwnCDckWZQ&t=203s

–        Peace With Japan (1951) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DWkMKkqYKos

–        JR Jayawardene Memorial Monument in Japan

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=are3D0TEaig

User CommentsPost a Comment

It is true to a great extent. The Vietnamese (Indo-Chinese) deserve some credit also for defeating both the French and the Americans.

But the Fall of Singapore in 1942 was the beginning of the end of the Indo-British Empire as it should be called. It was Indian soldiers, sailors, administrators and professionals who made the British Empire functional.

The 70 year Congress Rule was proxy colonial rule made possible by Gandhi and Nehru.

Sri Lanka was very fortunate in gaining independence in 1948 despite not having resorted to arms or used violence to rid the country of foreign occupation. It is valiant soldiers from other Asian countries e.g. Indian National Army under Subhas Chandra Bose, and Japan, who primarily made blood sacrifices to fight western domination of Asia during the Second World War.

We were simply beneficiaries of these sacrifices and battles.

Rajaram
22 Hours ago

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Worth reading. The author has clear views. We appear weak in comparison.

Ravi
6 Hours ago

Cerberus goes giddy on Glyphosate fake news.

September 4th, 2017

By Chandre Dharmawardana, Ottawa, Canada.

Commenting on my article entitled The AluthParlimenthuwa” Debate on Glyphosate” that appeared in the Lankaweb ( http://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2017/09/02/the-aluthparlimenthuwa-debate-on-glyphosate/),  a writer who uses the fake name Cerberus” has gone shopping for free  on the internet and comes back to tell us that glyhosate causes not only kidney disease, but also many other diseases. In my article I warned the reader that 90% of the internet news, especially on controversial topics  tend to be dominated by  fake news  (adorned by sensationalism). Try the internet news on Sri Lanka and the Eelam wars and you will see how much of it is fake news fully illustrated with Channel-4  movies and even fake tribunals attempting  to try those who put down one of the most ruthless terror groups in the world.

The controversy on Glyphosate is no different.  Much of the stuff on the internet is  put out by individuals and groups who have an axe to grind,  find a place in the lime light,  make money or enhance their agenda.  Cerberus even names Stephanie Seneff, one of the most thoroughly exposed cases of a fake expert” producing fake science” about Glyphosate. Stephanie is a computer engineer who in her retirement  had started a health start-up business”  promising to get you to live healthily up to the age of  110 years if you subscribe to her program. Of course, this program needed some publicity. What is the best way to get some publicity? Well, why not attack the public whipping horse  Monsanto? Why not claim that she is an MIT scientist” and write a research paper” on Glyphosate? But who will publish her paper when she has no data, and no  credentials in health science or chemistry?

But just then a Chinese businessman Mr. C  (who also has an office”  in Switzerland) had launched a new set of journals”  with the look” of serious scientific journals. These journals  have a simple business policy of publishing anything as long as a page charge” of 1500 Swiss francs were paid,  up front and no  more questions are asked!  The journals” were created to siphon off money from the need of many Chinese University graduate students (and third-world faculties) to publish research in international journals”.  Mr. C  can  provide them a European” journal based in Switzerland, but not requiring the stiff standards demanded by proper peer-reviewed scientific journals run by learned societies. Such peer-reviewed journals are run not only by learned societies, but even by very well-established publishing houses like McMillan, Wiley or World-Scientific (based on Singapore) and in such cases they have the backing of a peer. Thus World Scientific  uses Imperial College,  University of London as their  peer reference. But the journals founded by the Chinese businessman Mr. C  had none. Instead, it listed distinguished Nobel laureates  as editors of its journals even without permission from the so-named individuals! One of Mr. C’s journals was named Entropy”, while another was named  International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health” shortened to IJERPH.  So Stephanie Seneff and her co-author opted to send their  article ” to Entropy”.  Seneff et al  claimed that  Monsanto’s line of Roundup Ready genetically modified (GMO) seeds and glyphosate are  causing  most of the diseases and conditions associated with a Western diet,” including gastrointestinal disorders, diabetes, heart disease, depression, autism, infertility, cancer, and Alzheimer’s disease.” Of course, this was the main theme of her Liveto110” business. What better publicity  can she have for her business  than this;  her article” was immediately picked up by the ant-Monsanto lobby and  flashed around the globe via many many Eco-heroic” websites  of the sort that Cerberus is quoting! These sites gave the impression that MIT research” proved it! Even Reuters fell for the bait and  was part of  the fake news that became news.

But the limelight shown on the journal Entropy” by all this revealed the nature of  the journals launched by Mr. C. His journals were blacklisted and included in Beals list”  of predatory journals”  that I mentioned in my original article in the Lankaweb where I gave the link to a report  on predatory journals (see the report in http://science.sciencemag.org/content/342/6154/60.summary). Even otherwise, if Cerberus had done some more homework instead of falling into the very first trap on his route  he would have found that respected science journalists like Keith Kloor and Paul Raeburn have written full exposures of the paper and the Reuters article in question. In effect it is NOT a study (no data is presented); the MIT” comes from Seneff’ affiliation with computer science.  That has nothing to do with health science, genetics or chemistry. Here is a sample of  what Kieth Koor (discover magazine)  wrote, given  at the following link:
http://blogs.discovermagazine.com/collideascape/2013/04/26/when-media-uncritically-cover-pseudoscience/#more-11062
<begin quote>
Anti-biotech activists, like their fellow travelers in the anti-vaccine movement, are masters at pseudoscience. As I’ve previously discussed, the really clever GMO opponents put a veneer of science on their propaganda. One recent example that an anti-GMO website approvingly pointed to was so obviously absurd that I was sure it  would be ignored by media. It’s a paper that suggests a chemical in Roundup, a widely used Monsanto herbicide, can remarkably explain a great number of the diseases and conditions that are prevalent in the modern industrialized world,” such as inflammatory bowel disease, obesity, depression, ADHD, autism, Alzheimer’s disease, Parkinson’s disease, ALS, multiple sclerosis, cancer, cachexia, infertility, and developmental malformations.” [UPDATE: As someone puts it on Twitter, the paper reads like it was scribbled on Glenn Beck’s chalkboard.”]
The paper is by two authors with dubious credentials and is such a mashup of pseudoscience and gibberish that actual scientists have been unable to make sense of it. As one of them also noted, the paper is published in a low-tier pay-for-play journal.”
The authors of the paper conclude that glyphosate, an ingredient used in Roundup may be the most important factor in the development of multiple chronic diseases and conditions that have become prevalent in Westernized societies.” This sweeping claim, combined with where it’s made and the backgrounds of the authors (one who works in computer science), should trigger alarm bells in anyone with a functioning brain, particularly journalists on the look-out for a good story”.
<end quote>
Alas, Cerberus swallowed  this  bait-hook-line-and sinker, and regurgitated the stuff  as his comments
on  my article! We can go through each and every one of the websites and links given by Cerberus and show how they are anchored in utter pseudoscience and fake news. But we don’t need to.  Anyone who can put forwards a thoroughly de-bunked person like  Stephanie Seneff with a straight face has to be thoroughly uninformed or a true believer who has forfeited all of his/her critical faculties. As for Dr. Thierry Vrain, I have already written about him, and so have others, explaining how  and why Vrain  began to espouse his fictions.  Cerberus can unearth them  for them himself.

Stephanie Seneff mentioned most of the illnesses she could think of, but did not know about chronic kidney disease. Most interestingly, the paper by Jayasumana, Sanath Gunatilleke, and Mrs Senanayake (the Kelaniya lady who claims to  get her scientific information from God Natha and made notorious by Dr. Nalin de Silva) also chose to publish their research paper” in one of the journals (IJERPH) launched only a year before by our infamous Chinese businessman. They also DID NOT HAVE ANY DATA in support of their claim that glyphosate, arsenic and calcium (from hard water)  form a complex” which causes Kidney Disease in the Rajarata  of Sri Lanka. So they called it a hypothesis”; they  paid the 1500 Swiss francs and published it. Here is the reference:
<begin reference>
Jayasumana C, Gunatilake S, Senanayake P  Glyphosate, hard water and nephrotoxic metals: Are they the culprits behind the epidemic of chronic kidney disease of unknown etiology in Sri Lanka? Int J Environ Res Public Health vol. 11, pages 2125–2147, year 2014.
<end reference>
Since then, even three years later, no evidence has been presented by these authors to prove their hypothesis” although public policy has been launched based on it, and some individuals have got faculty positions and kudos based on it. If glyphosate, arsenic and calcium ions in water  make a poisonous complex that causes kidney disease (named CKDu), they should mix the three components in a test tube and SHOW that such a complex IS  actually  formed as the first step. The next step is to show that the proposed complex”  causes CKDu. But NO, neither they, nor the others who have proceeded to ban glyphosate claiming that they want to save” the farmers from CKDu have shown that the culprit” even  exists! But all this fitted in with the pre-conceived views of the Raputin/Lysenko  like figures in SEMA that guide the agricultural policies of the Sri Lankan government!

The facts and evidence we have regarding glyphosate and CKDU point  in the  very opposite direction.
Let us briefly summarize them.
1)There is NO GLYPHOSATE or its break-down products  found in the blood, urine, hair,  or biopsies of CKDu patients even in significant trace amounts.
2) There is NO GLYPHOSATE or its break-down products  found in the water, soil or the environment of the areas where the sickness is found, even in significant trace amounts.
3) The toxic heavy elements that Jayasumana and others claim to have poisoned the water soil of Sri Lanka” have been looked for by many independent research groups including the WHO, Japanese and US researchers, and all have confirmed that there is not even ten parts per billion of these taoxic substances (i.e., not even significant traces have been found). Every farmer knows this as they see the egrets flocking behind their ploughs picking up the thriving earthworms and bugs in the soil, proving that the soil is heaalthy.
4)  There is NO CKDu in areas where glyphosate and fertilizers are used extensively, e.g., in the Hill country and in other agricultural areas in Sri Lanka.
5) Even globally, NewZealand uses 25-25 times the amount of agrochemicals used by Sri lanka. In fact most western countries  which practice intensive industrial agriculture, Malaysia  etc have no CKDu, while countries with lower  use of agrochemicals (e.g., El salvadore, Sri Lanka) have CKDU, why?
6). There is over-whelming evidence that the glyphosate used as a herbicide does its job of killing weeds safely and the residues are rapidly broken down in the hot tropical climate of Sri Lanka, converting glyphosate to soil-nutritious phosphate.
7). There is also strong evidence that  glyphosate remedies soil, when earthworms and other organisms grow better even in soils containing toxic metals (like Cadmium),  by converting the cadmium into insoluble materials, as found by several studies. For instance, an article in a proper peer-reviewed journal known as Environmental Toxicology and Chemistry” states the following:
<begin quote>
The acute and subacute toxicities of cadmium (Cd) to earthworm Eisenia fetida in the presence and absence of glyphosate were studied. Although Cd is highly toxic to E. fetida, the presence of glyphosate markedly reduced the acute toxicity of Cd to earthworm; both the mortality rate of the earthworms and the accumulation of Cd decreased with the increase of the glyphosate/Cd molar ratio. The subcellular distribution of Cd in E. fetida tissues showed that internal Cd was dominant in the intact cells fraction and the heat-stable proteins fraction. The presence of glyphosate reduced the concentration of Cd in all fractions, especially the intact cells. During a longer period of exposure, the weight loss of earthworm and the total Cd absorption was alleviated by glyphosate. Thus, the herbicide glyphosate can reduce the toxicity and bioavailability of Cd in the soil ecosystems at both short- and long-term exposures.
Environ Toxicol Chem 2014;33:2351–2357. © 2014 SETAC
<end quote>

So, we earnestly invite Cerberus to use only reliable publications and not sources from the internet that have been repeatedly challenged and unmasked for carrying faked news”.

BRITISH OCCUPATION OF SRI LANKA WAS ONE OF SHEER EXPLOITATION AND DEVASTATION

September 4th, 2017

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

 All colonial powers associated with Sri Lanka in the past are guilty of serious crimes of acute proportions. The British were the worst of them all. The British occupation of Sri Lanka was not only gravely crime-prone, but one of sheer treachery, exploitation and devastation of our country and people. It is a fact that all colonial powers acted on pure and absolute “self-interest”. British occupation of Sri Lanka was one of sheer exploitation and devastation. Whatever benefits that were derived by local inhabitants were merely incidental to their exploitation of the country’s natural and human resources in order to reap enormous benefits for the British government. The vast changes that they brought about in almost all areas of life in the country, led to the disruption of the long-held Sinhala Buddhist culture, social values and way of life of the island’s main stream community – the Sinhala Buddhists.

The primary motive of the British was the exploitation of the country’s natural and human resources to the fullest, in order to reap benefits for the British government. They installed a well-planned program of activities in Sri Lanka, for a continuous period of about 150 years, which led to the greatest damage to the country’s social cohesion, unity and dignity.

Outer-Oriented Economy

The economic independence of the country was destroyed by the British by converting the long-standing self-sufficient sustainable economy of our country to an outer-oriented, unstable commercial economy dependent on fluctuating external world markets. Sri Lanka’s economy was transformed to become a cheap source of agricultural raw material for industries in Britain. The economy became so badly outer-oriented, a greater part of essential food requirements of the large mass of our people had to be imported from other countries.

Environmental Degradation and Natural Disasters

Forested mountain slopes were cleared extensively, in a most ruthless manner to be converted to commercial crops, especially tea for export. This had a devastating impact on the natural resources base of the country leading to drastic changes in normal environmental processes resulting in excessive soil erosion, landslides, increased flooding alternating with severe drought conditions. These calamities mostly affected local inhabitants in rural areas, especially the indigenous Sinhala Buddhists.

Sharp Decline of Peasant Agriculture

Traditional agriculture declined rapidly with vast areas of former productive land either being abandoned owing to neglected irrigation facilities or being acquired by the British for development of export agriculture – coffee, tea and rubber in particular. Traditional agriculture was a way of life for the people. It had the influence of bringing about social cohesion, or a sense of togetherness among people. They worked jointly helping in each other in their farm activities. It provided them with sufficient leisure time to be engaged in other productive and creative pursuits including cultural and religious activities.

Import of South Indian Tamil Labourers

Under the infamous “Waste Lands Ordinance” plantations were established on lands expropriated from the rural Sinhala people, without compensation. Rural Sinhala people considered it below their dignity to work as virtual slaves for the British in the newly opened coffee and tea plantations. Because the dispossessed Sinhala people were unwilling to work on the plantations the British imported Tamil laborers from South India, who later became a new element in the demographic composition of the country.

Loss of Freedom and Privileges

As far as the ordinary people were concerned, the loss of freedom and privileges that they enjoyed under their kings and traditional leadership had a strong negative psychological impact on people. This situation did not permit the emergence of leaders from rural areas where the large mass of the dominant community lived. Besides, royal patronage was the strongest form of motivation and support for those involved in creative cultural pursuits in ancient times. These supports were no longer available to our people.

British Policy of ‘Divide and Rule’

To serve their narrow self-interests, the British practiced a “divide and rule” policy by setting one community against the other. Their ‘divide and rule’ policy of providing special privileges to Tamils and setting the Tamils against the Sinhala people was definitely the beginning of ethnic problems in Sri Lanka. It is a well-known fact that the British gave special privileges to the Tamil minority and those of the Christian faith. They were provided with better opportunities for education, employment and other government services. The Tamils and Christians soon became privileged communities. In terms of the density of schools per unit area, the Jaffna district had the highest density. In 1870 there were only two Buddhist schools left in the country – in Panadura and Dodanduwa, with an attendance of 246 children as against 805 Christian Schools with an attendance of 78,086 children.

As far as the Sinhala community is concerned, for generations in the past, their traditional places of learning were the Buddhist temples where Buddhist monks were teachers of both religious and secular subjects. These centers and Buddhist monks were not accorded the same privileges/support accorded to Christian missionary schools and teachers in urban areas.

Perhaps there was no other time in the long history of Sri Lanka that so much of blood was shed by the Sinhala people to free the country from British crime and oppression. Prior to the Kandyan Convention of 1815, thousands upon thousands of Sinhala people sacrificed their lives to free the country from colonial repression. More were killed by the British during the rebellion of 1818 and 1848. During the Kandyan rebellion of 1818, every man over 14 years was ordered by the British to be killed and some sixty thousand Sinhala people were massacred. Among the large number of local leaders annihilated by the British, the better known were Veera Keppetipola, Veera Puran Appu and Veera Gongalegoda Banda. This is the story of war crimes of the British in Sri Lanka, but similar or much worse war crimes have been committed by this monstrous nation globally – in Africa, South and North Americas and other Asian countries in the past.

Outer-Oriented Sub-Culture

Kolambe or the Colombo City assumed prominence as the commercial centre and also the center of learning and opportunities for better employment and better amenities for living. This created an outer-oriented, English-speaking urban sub-culture consisting mostly of Sinhala Christians, with attitudes and behavior patterns not too different to the British. They adopted a social value system that was alien to the large majority of our people. Some of our people went after their colonial masters, following their theistic religion and western cultural norms, in order to gain positions and material benefits. This again was an aspect of divide and rule policy of the British.

Most of the local, outer-oriented urban elite which included the so called Sri Lankan leaders, held to half-baked foreign values, superficialities and strange ways of living. They were barely conversant with the plight of the majority of people – the ordinary Sinhala people in particular. They were not representative of the large mass of people, but became the trusted servants of the British administration. Almost all of the qualified professionals belonged to or subscribed to this sub-culture. The British left no room for the leadership to emerge from the truly indigenous people.

The excessively poor living conditions of the large mass of Sinhala rural folk led to migration of youth to Colombo and other big towns. Some were subjected to the influence of the extremes forms of undesirable urban culture that was gaining ground in urban areas. Alcohol abuse, crime and underworld activities of later years, may be explained in terms of this urban migration.

Westernized Colombo Sub Culture

When the British left Sri Lanka in 1948, they made sure that power remained in the hands of the English educated and English speaking few, who were toeing their line. To make matters worse, power -political, administrative, and economic was inherited by those belonging to the westernized Colombo sub-culture dominated by Christians and Catholics. Most of the qualified professionals subscribed to this sub-culture.

It is most unfortunate that we did not have inner oriented, self-less leaders committed to work for the welfare of the common mass of the long downtrodden people.  We did not have leaders in the political arena who were true representatives of the national Sinhala Buddhist culture, who were able to feel the pulse and listen to the heart beat of ordinary people of the nation. The same may be said about the administrative bureaucracy that we had which was nothing but a legacy of the British colonial period.

With several centuries of oppression and undermining to the national culture, the British left behind a country, that was outer oriented economically, socially and culturally. Conditions were not favourable and opportunities were highly limited for the emergence of nationally minded local leaders and eminent professionals accomplished in various fields of human endeavor, especially on various elements of the national culture such as literature, music and performing arts, visual arts and crafts, providing inspiration for our people, especially the younger generation.

Sacrifices of the Sinhala Buddhist People

It is annoying to hear some people say that we did not shed blood to gain our freedom, unlike India. This is plain nonsense. Those who are better conversant with our nation’s colonial history know that much blood was shed for freedom. Prior to the Kandyan Convention of 1815, thousands upon thousands of Sinhala people sacrificed their lives to free the country from colonial repression. Thousands were killed during the 1818 and 1848 rebellions against British rule. During the 1818 rebellion every male over 14 years was ordered to be killed by the British, which resulted in the massacre of some sixty thousand Sinhala people. Veera Keppetipola, Veera Puran Appu and Veera Gongalegoda Banda were among the large number of patriotic local leaders who were annihilated by the ruthless British. How hypocritical of the British to talk today of ‘Human Rights’ violations in contemporary Sri Lanka.

“Independence” With Colonial Connections

On February 4th, 1948, we obtained the so-called Dominion Status with the Queen of England as the Head of State and with the British maintaining military bases in Katunayake and Trincomalee and aging Englishmen being appointed as our  Governor Generals.  At this independence”, the British left for us a highly dependent and outer oriented economy at the mercy of the British and the world market. It took about ten years for our government to take over the Military bases established by the British in our country.  It took twenty years for our government to take the initiative to free Sri Lanka completely from the colonial yoke, by making our country a Republic without any links with the British crown.

NEED FOR A STRONG REVIVALIST MOVEMENT

We need a movement for the revival of the nation’s Sinhala Buddhist culture, where the welfare of the ordinary citizens, particularly the marginalized Sinhala Buddhists, receive priority attention. It should be a movement to revive cultural nationalism with a sound leadership, to save the nation from disintegration, to halt the rapid erosion of social values, and to direct society towards cultural rejuvenation based on the traditional Buddhist value system which is characterized by non-violence, tolerance and peaceful co-habitation with all communities who have made Sri Lanka their home.

A patriotic government of the future, should establish a Commission of Inquiry into the human rights violations and economic devastation caused in Sri Lanka, then Ceylon, during the British Rule. Based upon its findings the government should call upon the Government of the United Kingdom to pay suitable compensation for those atrocities committed by the British during their rule in Sri Lanka, then Ceylon. Much publicity has to be given to the findings of such an inquiry supported by historical evidence available in many documents so as to expose the barbaric manner in which the Sri Lankans were dealt with by the British. In the alternative the Sri Lankan Government ought to call upon the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs of the United Kingdom to initiate such an inquiry and display their genuineness on accountability in such matters”.

Dr. Daya Hewapathirane

Vision, Mission, and Strategic Initiative Plans for the North & East by Tamil Diaspora Organisations

September 3rd, 2017

By Kanthar Balanathan, Australia

Sprinkled and Speckled Tamils

History reveals that Tamils of various dimension have migrated out of Tamil Nadu and SriLanka, several centuries ago. Recent, legal and illegal migration over a 40-year bandwidth has been on a theoretical accusation/allegation podium of war and human rights violation, which is not the real truth. Some thoughts are that Prabakaran’s (LTTE) theory of sending several of his favourite members of LTTE cadre, overseas was to campaign and receive international support for his terrorist act(s). It’s a fact because several known people have been working on LTTE campaign for international political support.

The scattering of Tamils was not due to discrimination or oppression or any other human rights violation, it’s because of our (imbecilic Tamil) greediness for wealth. Since the day Portuguese, Dutch, French and the British invaded India, Tamils raised their hands to work overseas. This is not only from SriLanka, however, the majority of Tamils left Tamil Nadu (TN) several centuries ago to; E.g. Seychelles, Mauritius, Reunion island, Fiji Island, South Africa etc.

Population in Reunion island is 8.5 lakh. One-third of the population is Tamil race of Indian origin. The strangeness of Mauritius and Reunion island and other islands is that none of the Tamils here has demanded separation, or more power or complained about discrimination & oppression. All people live united, however, with their social status disturbed as a result of integration. The question is: why did they move to the further away islands. Can they speak Tamil today? Do they practice Tamil culture today? Do they know their history and heritage? In Mauritius people had a ceremony in favor of Tamil Eelam. What type of ludicrous & ridiculous act is this? Please see links below.

Ref: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vh1eVBUgE54

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2ftNS2aBw1s

Historical reports refer that since French occupied Tamil Nadu, Tamils were taken as slave labor to work on the sugar plantation. The YouTube on Mauritius; one can see that speakers are talking in French and/or Pigeon French. The song sung is the Federal Party anthem from Jaffna. How did this song end up in Mauritius? Can we infer that this is the work of the West to instigate people in the islands to motivate the local and agitate for Tamil Eelam? The truth is that only a few Tamils from Jaffna went to Mauritius during the time of the British. Again, the question is; why are these Tamils not demanding for separation in their domiciled islands or Tamil Nadu separation, or speaking about any discrimination or oppression, but ONLY inflicting wounds on SriLanka. Tamils in Mauritius, one can see that they are giving a speech in French to the audience, who are Tamils by race. It’s worth our Tamil Diaspora orgs to sit down and think and digest of what is happening to Tamils who were taken slaves to work in sugar plantations. If these Tamils were so patriotic of a Tamil Nation, then they should not have left TN. Are they prepared to return to TN in India?

Are these moves by SriLankan Tamil Diaspora Organisations/Associations/Congress, under the direction of the TNA who are being driven by the west to conquer SL for regional power?

Do we think that the vipers from the Indian Ocean are going to come and develop SriLanka/India, and be patriotic to SL/India? Do the Orgs think that they will integrate with the SL Tamils or even the Indian Tamils in TN?

Therefore, the question of dispersed Tamils is nothing but, utter garbage hogwash and compost. It is only a storm in a tea cup. If TD ORGS are switched on with intelligence, high perception, and perseverance, then they should sit down, think, analyze and make a decision not to provoke SriLankan administration, but integrate with SriLanka as one country, one nation, one people and rid of all differences. SriLanka is one country for 267 centuries anyway.

TGTE is a make-believe org formed by an immoderate Attorney who has nothing else to do. If he was a competent attorney, he should be showing his colors in the USA on legal matters, not missing persons and fictitious Tamil Eelam. Some people who have no education, but want to be in the forefront of the TD have joined him to march on the made-up, false platform. What a waste of time and money. The funds wasted by the TGTE could have been invested in the North to build a reservoir, and develop in training the young ones. Every Tamil want to suck the funds from the SriLankan coffer. Recently TGTE group staged a protest in front of the PMs house in the UK. Can TGTE organize one in front of the White House? Why not? It’s because Rudrakumaran may think that if such staging occurs his image may be blemished. He may be a coward to save his image in the USA, however, he thinks it’s okay in other countries.

Every TD who is old and joined their children live on dole (பிச்சை சம்பளம்-Begging salary) overseas, plus they get their pension from SriLanka. They may have not paid one cent tax to their domiciled country. If they do not get one-month pension from SL, then they shout, cry and blame SL on human rights violation and discrimination. What a hypocrisy by us champion Tamils. Our TD orgs should think and address about these declarations & culpability seriously.

What do the TD ORGS do? Take up some topic to blame SL and get onto the road, wasting their time and the economy of their domiciled country.

Tamil Diaspora – Unawareness, and Ignorance on Priorities

What we could read and see is that the TD are wasting their time and money in engaging on wasteful unreal, unproductive acts and propaganda. First of all, there is no necessity for the TD to promote and campaign for a country called Tamil Eelam”, talk about the right to self-determination, two nation theories etc in the 21st century. Internal problems should be solved internally. We have come out of the country looking for greener pasture.

For example, GG Ponnambalam staged a 50-50% demand in the 50s. 50% for the Sinhalese and the rest of the three races. The uncertainty is; How did GGP plan to divide the rest 50% among the Muslims Tamils and Burgers. He may have come with a formula based on proportion and talked about democracy. GGP failed in his formula fundamentally flashing that he is an educated, arrogant fool. What has Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam got to explain about this formula of his grandfather? Since independence, the Tamil Politicians knew that the only way to keep their political seat in parliament is to engage themselves in fighting for Tamil Eelam. This is where our Tamil imprudent, laughable politicians wasted their time and energy all these 69 years. Fundamentally, the Tamil fools did not give importance to developing the North and East, however, wasted their time in fighting with GOSL all these 69 years. Not to mention since Megha moved into Jaffna in the 13th century, no megalomaniac did think of developing the North, because they were able to survive with the help of TN. The rest of the Kings in the South and Vanni thought of Water reservoir and constructed, but our hoodwinks never, ever thought of water and reservoir.

Former PM DS Senanayake should be crowned as the statesman for having initiated the structural transformation. DSS and Srimavo should be crowned the best leaders of SL.

Sewerage wheeling and dealing

Most of Jaffna, sewerage is collected in buckets and moved physically by Telangana and Orissa migrants who were brought by the British. It’s a crime that these men are been forced to carry shit buckets and dump sewage into the sea or underground. They are the lowest paid workers in SriLanka. Some parts of Jaffna and the South have septic tank system. One has to think: If engine oil can seep into wells in Chunnakam, is it possible that the effluent from the septic tank will be filtered by the soil 100% as they move. Some Council regulation specifies that a minimum of 25 feet should be maintained between the edge of the tank and the wall. Is that adequate?

There are no water filtration plants in the North. No sewerage treatment works in the North. People just draw water from the wells and drink.

A question: Have we been drinking effluent contaminated water all these years. Why have we not thought of sewerage treatment plant(s)? We boast of Professor Thurairajah etc as leading Civil Engineers. However, have they no motivation and innovation of helping the politicians of such practices. Credit goes to Engineers D.L.O Mendis and Thiru Arumugam for having done some research on water reservoir in Jaffna. Even then our politicians have not got the intelligence to act on their recommendation, but waste their damn time and money on Tamil Eelam and power for their totalitarian attitude.

It is fair enough to blame the SriLankan government also for this lack and shortfall on environmental management.

Tamil Diaspora could initiate a program to construct a couple of sewerage treatment works. Let someone kick up a study and submit a proposal with a plan. We are aware that our TD have no time to go there and work because they have to work in their domiciled countries if not, they cannot survive. However, TD could motivate with a plan and justify a system and submit to GOSL and NPC Council. If not, one has to assume that Tamils culture is deep rooted with the bucket system and consume effluent polluted water. What if nobody wants to wheel this shit? What has our attorney Rudrakumaran and Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam got to comment about this? Maybe they do not understand technical issues. They may understand only illogical, unfounded, and nonsensical issues. (Ref: TD should have read about public toilets overflowing in Jaffna)

The priorities should be (i) Sewerage Treatment work(s), (ii) Water reservoir, filtration plants, and distribution system, which will automatically generate feeder industries and small business.

Migration of Youth from SriLanka-North & East.

With love to the motherland, the TD has no idea of what is happening to the population in the N&E. While sitting in their domiciled countries, drinking whiskey and eating chicken, our lack in perception is quite short to understand that people are moving away from SL, colonize foreign countries, but still shout for Tamil Eelam. For whom are they fighting for more power? For a few Sambanthar(s) and Mavai Senathirajah(s)? Every Tamil youth who gets out of the University wants to go South or get out of the country. No one is patriotic to work and develop the N&E. Tamils lack in motivation, innovation and creativity skills.

Can the TD ORGS do something to stop people from getting out of SL? Can they formulate a formula, strategy, a tactical plan to stop people from getting out of SL? Rudrakumaran, instead of shouting for TE, and secession, would he be intelligent enough to prepare a tactical plan to stop youth from getting out of SL? Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, instead of going to Australia and Canada, begging for election donations, can he prepare and campaign to stop the youths from getting out? Same goes to Sambanthar and Mavai Senathirajah.

We know that our Tamil politicians are traveling on a phony political platform, fooling the population, and the Tamil populace is not intelligent enough to understand the fraudulent, charlatan, political activities of the TNA and other Tamil parties.

TD ORGS and the TGTE are fundamentally bogus, like counterfeits, fooling the Tamil Diaspora to collect funds in the name of Tamils in SL. Every college in the North has an old boys’ association and wants to organize dance, music etc, for their pleasure and amusement in the name of the wounded and invalids in SL. However, how much of assistance are they giving to the sufferers? It is only individuals who are able to send some assistance to individuals in SL to be distributed to the sufferers.

Disruption by TD and Tamil Politicians

Since independence, our Tamils and Tamil politicians have been engaged in throwing some form of problems to GOSL, to retard on development and progress. If they find one issue has no claim then they start on another one. The current issue they have started on is missing persons”. What is their objective? Do they want money for the missing persons?

What has all the Tamil politician got to comment about Mathaya”, and 220 of his associates, Rajaratnam, 40 of TELO’ s cadre, the ministers, and politicians and the civilians? Where are they? Who will account for their lives? There were thousands of civilians and politicians went missing due to LTTE’s brutal killing.

It’s time for the Tamil politicians and TD ORGS to sit down and think, make a decision not to provoke the people in SL, to rise against missing persons. We know that there are several Tamil refugees hiding even in Ukraine, South America, etc, changed their name and live as somebody else. The truth is hidden.

Even an illiterate Tamil woman thinks that she knows politics, demography, human geography and comment on: we have not been given anything”. We need more power”. What a stupid comment like a frog in the well. One must listen to Canadian Tamil Radio from 12 midnight in Australia. It’s a laughing matter when we listen women come out and talk nonsense about power and Tamil Eelam. These women have no education, live on the dole, and throw idiotic comments against SL. It’s a joke in Scarborough and Toronto and jokers live in Toronto. God knows when they will be attacked by Canadian Patriots. It will happen soon. Tamil fools in Toronto are converting Toronto, a Sinnakadai/Periyakadai, and Koddadi in Jaffna.

  1. I throw a challenge to Rudrakumaran: Go in front of the White House and stage a protest march.
  2. A challenge to Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam: Get onto a platform and give a speech to abolish the caste system from the minds of the Tamil Elites. Be united and unite in SL to live as Sri Lankans. Promise them that you will develop the North, if not throw you out of politics.

NPC has been in turmoil for some time for the ministerial position. Have they been elected for their own benefits or to serve the people? You guys have been visiting foreign countries. Don’t you see the system there? CV Vigneswaran is a comedian, farts sporadically when his stomach is full. Suresh Premachandran is another joke; gets up from sleep and makes erratic comments. GGP is another one who travels to Australia to fool the Diaspora.

People: DO you know a section of the SL Constitution, section 157A. Ref: https://www.parliament.lk/files/pdf/constitution.pdf

[157A. (1) No person shall, directly or indirectly, in or outside Sri Lanka, support, espouse, promote, finance, encourage or advocate the establishment of a separate State within the territory of Sri Lanka. (2) No political party or other association or organization shall have as one of its aims or objects the establishment of a separate State within the territory of Sri Lanka. (3) Any person who acts in contravention of the provisions of paragraph (1) shall, on conviction by the Court of Appeal, after trial on indictment and according to such procedure as may be prescribed by law, – (a) be subject to civic disability for such period not exceeding seven years as may be determined by such Court; (b) forfeit his movable and immovable property other than such property as is determined by an order of such Court as being necessary for the sustenance of such person and his family; (c) not be entitled to civic rights for such period not exceeding seven years as may be determined by such Court; and Prohibition against violation of territorial integrity of Sri Lanka International Treaties and Agreements 127 -Inserted by the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution Sec.3 The Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka 153 (d) if he is a Member of Parliament or a person in such service or holding such office as is referred to in paragraph (1) of Article 165, cease to be such Member or to be in such service or to hold such office.]

It is to be reminded that any TD member or TD, or any Tamil, Sinhalese, crusade for what has been specified above could be arrested when they visit SL.

Let us keep our lips closed and work for the betterment of SriLanka as One country, one nation, and united. Let the TD ORGS prepare plans to develop the N&E.

Is it celebration or moaning we should do on Tea cultivation in this country as a nation?

September 3rd, 2017

Dr. Sudath Gunasekara

22.8.2017.

There is much talk in the press these days about holding a series of Celebratory activities and events to commemorate 150 years of tea production in Sri Lanka. It is also reported that action is underway to organize several events by the Authorities to commemorate 150 years of tea production in Sri Lanka.  A Global Tea Party, an International Tea Convention and a charity auction are among the highlights planned throughout the year to mark this event according to Ground View reports. They are organized by The Ceylon Tea Traders Association, Sri Lanka Tea Board and the Tourist Board and tea companies.

Should Sri Lanka celebrate or moan tea cultivation?

Should Sri Lanka celebrate or moan tea production in Sri Lanka is my question? When you go through the list of destructions and devastative effects left behind by this colonial legacy, in my opinion it is definitely the latter and not the former, we should do as a nation. Celebrations are usually held to mark memorable achievements or a happy occasion. A birthday you celebrate but a death you moan. Celebrating something that has brought disaster and destruction to one’s country or a nation makes is ridiculous. When you look at the devastation and the damage the tea cultivation and connected activities have done to this country within the past 150 years since its introduction, no sensible person will ever imagine celebrating the story of Tea industry in this country. I my opinion it is like someone celebrating the death of his own mother. In this instance they are celebrating the loss of their own bellowed Motherland. How crazy and stupid are they.

Quite contrary to the popularly accepted notion that tea has done enormous good to the development of this country it is high time that at least after 70 years of Independence now we critically examine as to what tea cultivation has actually done to this Island nation. Therefore I suggest that someone undertake a proper assessment of the overall impact tea cultivation has had on the physical, economic, political, social, cultural and technological fields and look for measures to redeem the country from the dire depths to which it has pushed this 2600 year old civilization within a span of 150 years.

In this regard I would like to first focus my readers attention to the enormous physical devastation it had brought about on this country.

Physical

In the first place British took over 1.3 million acres of our land by force through colonial invasion and exploitation under various  aggressive devices like the Crown Land Encroachment Ordinance no 12 of 1840, Temple Land Ordinance of 1853 and Wasteland Ordinance of 1897, belonging to the Kandyan peasants and religious institutions like  Buddhist Temples and Devalas. This included the major virgin Forest Reserves (Thanachikele) at the centre of the country declared by Royal decree by the Sinhala Kings as strictly forbidden forest. Out of this over 600,000 acres on the central watersheds were first converted to Coffee and to Tea after 1860. This comprised one of the richest and untouched primordial forest covers in the world with a rich bio diversity not found anywhere else that protected the Central Hill country of this Island nation that provided the mother source for all the rivers in the Island. The entire forest cover, with very few patches here and there, were removed by the vandal invaders to provide for coffee and tea plantations to enrich their Empire and satisfy their greed, depriving a nation’s most valuable natures heritage for the posterity.

The removal of the forest cover also has converted all our torrential and perennial rivers in to trickling rivulets in their upper reaches and sand  silted  river beds leading to menacing flood in the downstream lowlands It has also destroyed the underground water deposits on the high lands that formed the biggest natural ’reservoir’ right at the centre of this Island and drastically affected agriculture all over the country, the very foundation of the economy of this nation by drying up the Dry Zone tanks and causing menacing floods in the Wet Zone. It has also disturbed the climatic conditions due to loss of the montane forest cover and also drastically affected river transportation in the downstream areas making them un-navigable as the Kelani valley Report has pointed out

The nation’s major watershed, that provided the source for all rivers in Sri Lanka that sustained the entire life system and the civilization in this country was thus destroyed and all rivers were left dry in their upper reaches with debris filled river beds in the downstream areas causing heavy floods and playing havocs during rainy seasons.

The destruction of the natural forest cover led to eroding down millions of tons of fertile soil in to the ocean converting the central hills once covered with dense natural forests to an eroded, degraded, unfertile and almost barren land. This situation required heavy use of chemical fertilizer, insecticides and pesticide’s to keep the tea plantation going. The enormous toxic matter annually washed down the rivers from these vast stretches of plantations and extensive vegetable cultivations has polluted all rivers in the country killing valuable aquatic life and particularly filling the Dry Zone Tanks with toxic matter where water gets stored still. The resulting toxic deposits have been the main reason behind the widespread kidney disease which might turn the entire Dry Zone completely unsuitable for human habitation in future. This will have more serious and lasting impact on re-depopulation of the Dry Zone than the conventional malaria and early medieval south Indian Invasions had on its pristine civilization.

Secondly,

Now I would like to briefly touch upon the impact it exerted on economic, political, social, cultural and technological fields.

1Sinhalese as a people have lost their traditional Home land on the hills first to the British and now it is on its way to losing to South Indian estate Tamil labour

2 They were chased out from their historic settlements that resulted in mass exodus in the 19th century. Those few who survived got caged in to narrow valley bottoms below were reduced to abject poverty were gazing at the rapidly sprawling white man’s Tea Empire all over the hills once belonged to them above their isolated valley bottom settlements then and today they are witnessing the handing over these lands by the government elected by them to Indian migrant Estate labour who will own these lands in future, thus dispossessing the sons of their 2600 year old heritage.

3 In the 1818 and 1848 revolts staged by them against the invaders the natives were massacred in thousands, their ripe paddy fields burned, cattle were slaughtered and home gardens, food and fruit trees were destroyed, all irrigation works were destroyed, native institutions like the village councils they themselves later described as the Magna Carta (Village Council system) of the East and those escaped the gun were made to starve and die.

4 All men over 16 years were killed. As Senali Waduge has once wrote ” The British order issued – ‘Kill every man, woman and child including the babes suckling at their mother’s breast. Destroy all dwelling houses. Burn all crops. Cut down all fruit trees. Slaughter all cattle; take what meat is necessary to feed the troops and burn the rest. Destroy all reservoirs, canals and channels. Poison the wells. Lay waste utterly the countryside denying any relief whatsoever to the rebels.’ Major Callabine – 19th regiment, raped women in the villages and left many children before leaving the country. All temples in Uva Wellassa were ransacked; palm leaves where sacred Doctrine, Ayurveda and literature was written were destroyed”.

5 Their irrigation works were all destroyed and paddy fields were left to fallow and some were cultivated with tea and coffee (Eg large stretches of paddy field under Mana Amuna in Uma Oya basin LB)”

6 Remaining paddy fields were heavily taxed leading to confiscation in default

7 Plantation areas were made out of bound for the native Sinhalese

8 All profits were repatriated to British coffers and all riches were mined and taken home

9 Tamil labour also repatriated all their savings to South India

10 The technology introduced by the British for the plantation agriculture on the hills of Sri Lanka was alien and new to the local environment. Unlike the Indigenous system it did not treat resource management in the entire watershed as an integrated and holistic exercise. It is primarily exploitation oriented rather that conservation and sustainability in agriculture. Its objectives were short term profit. Environmentally and ecologically it was unfriendly and devastative and compared with the age old native system the life span of tea cultivation is very much shorter. It is interesting to note here what John Still (1930) a planter and an antiquarian has predicted in this regard ‘the commercial agricultural system would slide back in to forest quicker than the ancient tank agricultural system on the land. (The Hills of Paradise 2001 Breckenridge)

11 Thus overall it was the British planters, Britain and Indian coolies who benefitted from the tea Industry and its riches, and not the native Sinhalese – the sons of the soil.

12The tea cultivation converted the entire central hill country to an enclave of White men and Indian labourers – the future Home land of South Indian Tamils

  1. The British left behind over 1 million Indians coolies whom they brought as indentured coolies when they left the colony in 1948 and leaving behind an ugly political, economic, social and cultural burden and a colonial legacy paving the way for a future Tamilnadu within Sri Lanka, right at the center of the Motherland of the Sinhala nation. Thereby they deprived the Sinhalese, more particularly the Kandyan Sinhalese who fought against the invaders for 500 years from 1505 to defend and protect their Sinhala Buddhist civilization and that was their Motherland land for 2500 years.

This is only a glimpse of what destructions and devastations British have done to this country and particularly to the core of the Kandyan Kingdom and a wee bit of the sad legacies the British colonial invaders and tea cultivation have left behind.

What should we do now?

It is in this backdrop,

I propose that

First, we should organize a massive nationwide mourning and condemnation programme against the Tea Industry instead of the proposed mad celebrations

Second, that the patriotic forces jointly organize a countrywide awareness programme against the crimes the British have committed against this Island nation and its people, from 1797 -1948 an also which they continue to do up to date.

Third, immediately start a struggle to get beck the land the natives have lost during colonial rule

Fourth, file a case in the international courts against the Government and people of the United Kingdom claiming compensation for all the crimes And conspiracies they have committed against us including ,

  1. The land and its resources
  2. The divide and rule colonial policy they have left behind to destroy the Sinhala Buddhist Civilization in this country starting from 1832 with the setting up of Provinces) inclusive of what they continue to do even now
  3. C) Demanding them to repatriate all our archaeological and literary treasure they have plundered and now keeping in their museums and other places.
  4. d) Demand them to take back all Indians they have left behind when they left the shores of this country in 1948. In fact the British should have taken their slaves they brought from India as well when they left the shores of this country and handed over vacant possession to the native Sinhalese from whom they took it over in 1815 March 2nd .

These labourers were then British citizens as India was also a part of the British Empire. The temporary occupier is legally bound to take back his servants as well when he leaves).They were not recognized as Ceylon Citizens in 1948.That is why they were called stateless people. In fact they always behaved and thought as Indian citizens. Only their bodies were here but the minds have been always there beyond the shores. They earn their living here but deposited all what they earned back in India which they always considered their motherland. The same situation continues even today. To that extent all estate Tamils are Indian citizens or people of Indian origin who owes allegiance to India as their motherland, though they have been illegally given Sri Lankan citizenship by our unpatriotic politicians to get their vote and cared and looked after by Sri Lanka government at its own expense.

Fifth, Demand both the British and Indian Governments to immediately stop interfering with the internal affairs of this country at least now as we are a fully pledged free and independent Nation ceased to be a colony of theirs long time ago.

Sixth, Demand them to apologize for all crimes they have committed against our country and its people

Seventh, immediately declare all land over 5000 ft as strict forest reserves and restore the physical stability of the nation’s watersheds lest this green paradise Island become semi arid country for lack of perennial water.

Finally

Since Sri Lanka is the only country in the whole world where you get politicians who betray its own native people and commit treachery against them and give preferential treatment to immigrant minorities for political expediency,

I am posing the following question to all those who were supposed to have governed this country from 1948 onwards to date,

1 Have our politicians ever asked the British to hand over a land free from all encumbrances and shackles like the Indian estate labour force,

2 Have you ever asked the British to allow us to make our own Constitution like India

3 Have you ever asked the British for compensation for the enormous damages they have done to this country, particularly to the hill country

4 What have they done to alleviate the problems of the sons of the soils who protected the Motherland from the invaders since 1948

5 Have you restored an inch of their motherland nearing 1.3 million acres they lost to the British?

6 What have you done to implement the recommendations of the Kandyan Peasantry Commission Report of 1951 other than treating the Kandyans as a pack of jack asses since they don’t revolt against the impotence of the Government and the discrimination openly committed against the natives, even worse than what the British had done.

7 What have you done to free the Motherland taken over by the British in 1840, 1853 and 1897 using draconian laws back to  the Sinhala people and Buddhist temples and return them to their original owners.

8 Does any one of you is even aware of the existing crisis the Sinhala people, particularly the  Kandyan are facing, most likely complete extinction within the next 50 years the way the demographic changes are taking place, both in numbers and ethnic polarizations all over the country

9 Have you ever seen at least in your dreams the appalling denial of human rights & land rights of the Kandyan peasantry on whose lands the tea was forcibly grown.

10 Isn’t it is time all those whose lands were forcibly taken away had their grievances addressed first and justice meted out before you run after Tamil labourers for their vote.

The stark truth is NO

In this backdrop is it the British imperialist alone who have to be blamed for all these problems faced by this country and the plethora of unsolved sad legacies left behind for us by the British.

In this scenario I am not against writing by anyone on the Indian estate labour or addressing their human problems like the opinion expressed in ‘From Tamil Nadu to Badulla: A Century in the Tea Estates of Sri Lanka” What I am grieved is against the lethargy, Treachery, inactiveness, and un-patriotism of our own self- centered politicians. My grievance is why don’t we have a single politician or any social leader, ecclesiastic or lay, now, as we had in 1940s, to shed a tear for the millions of Kandyan Peasants who once owned and occupied these lands as their motherland.

Conclusion

All tea estates are now running at a loss. 76 % of production (Ceylon Business) is reported from the small holder sector where as it constitutes a small percentage of the total acreage under tea in the country. Isn’t this a pathetic situation? Why should we maintain such a large extent of large tea acreage with State subsidies right at the center of the hill country which has done so much damage to the nation an continues to do the same. Most of the plantations are marginal and unproductive and the whole tea industry today has become a national curse and a huge white elephant. Are we not maintaining an unpatriotic, parasitic and hostile Indian population from a Sri Lankan point of view, whose total allegiance is to India?  The Estate sector is running with Treasury money. Its management and even the salaries of labourers are paid by the State. That simply means we are maintaining 1.2 m Indian Estate labour force whose hearts and souls are in India and only the bodies are here at Government expense. Furthermore it is also revealed that most of the tea estates are presently owned by foreign interests.

In short first the colonial British administration forcibly robbed more than 1.3 million acres of our motherland for tea cultivation and deprived and fully destroyed the nation, its geographical ‘Heartland’ that remained a national heritage for thousands of years along with all its forests, animals and birds that made it their home was destroyed, resulting in the destruction of one of the richest biodiversity reserves in the world. British left behind a legacy of deforested, eroded, degraded, unfertile land a British hatched long term plan to hand it over to the  Indian Tamil labour they brought here in the latter part of the 19th century as slaves to work on British plantations and create an Indian sub province within this country just to destabilize and ruin this Island Nation that was once the envy of the whole world . The present government has already made final plans to complete what was started by the British, before 2025. Their programe of giving estate lands to Tamil labour and the Ten Year Upcountry Tamil Village and Infra Structure Development Plan and the special Ministry and the Authority set up for that are conclusive proof of their intentions and traitorous plans.

Above all Tea plantation has planted a deadly political time bomb right in the The Heartland” of this Island Nation thus threatening the future independence and political stability of this Nation State that had remained the only Sinhala Buddhist nation for the past 2600 years. This is the stark reality and the saddest legacy British Colonialism and Tea cultivation has left behind to us.

As for me I am deeply grieved that there is no one to save this country from this virtual nemesis.

So I ask ‘Celebration or moaning’?  Over to you all patriots?.

From hills to VIP thrills, but the people paid the bills Mr President & Prime Mister, over to you.

September 3rd, 2017

Dr Sudath Ggunasekara

3.9. 2017

This is for your serious attention please.

From hills to VIP thrills, but the people paid the bills

What came to the Foreign Ministry in a diplomatic bag from an Asian capital raised not only eye brows but also serious concerns.

An upcountry Province Governor and a so-called official delegation wanted to pay a four day visit to that bustling Asian capital which some call the sin city. The official delegation was to comprise family members, staff and relatives.

One would say there is nothing wrong in travelling abroad for they say it broadens one’s mind. However, here is a textbook case which highlights how some holding positions by appointment of the President would resort to devious means to surreptitiously use public funds.

Found in the diplomatic bag was the draft of a letter, which the head of the Sri Lanka mission in that Asian capital was expected to sign recommending that the Governor concerned and his staff be invited to visit that country. It had been sent to that capital by the Governor but the envoy refused to sign it.

The contents of the letter, written in bad English said the Governor needed to come to that Asian capital to promote trade deals for products made in the Governor’s province. The Governor was inviting himself or herself, as the case may be, but wanting the country’s ambassador to say it.

Later, telephone calls had also been made on the Governor’s behalf to the Sri Lanka mission to sign the letter and send it back quickly to the Foreign Ministry, the sources added. Their bags were packed and ready to go, but the formal invitation to justify the official trip on public funds was the delay.

The source said the idea behind the exercise was to turn a private visit, a holiday, into an official one. The Sri Lanka envoy declined to provide such a letter on the grounds that it would be a complete violation of the guidelines set out by the Foreign Ministry. According to the ministry, the envoy had said the furthest they could go was to extend courtesies on arrival and departure, the source revealed.

So, the Sri Lanka provincial delegation of the Governor and family and all went on holiday anyway last month. The official invitation was thus frustrated but the departure from Colombo and the return later were through the VIP Lounge. On arrival in the Asian country concerned, they were received at the VIP Lounge of the airport concerned. The send-off was also from there.

Interesting enough, the departure from Colombo came on a Friday. The delegation returned to Colombo on Monday evening. The intervening holidays made any meetings in the Asian capital impossible but that certainly was not a loss. There were no plans to talk business. They lived like regents in a hotel in the busiest down market shopping district. They were frequent visitors to the shopping stalls next to the hotel. Even a buth kade was within walking distance across the road. Who paid for the travel and other costs? Who else, but the taxpayer. So much for the Yahapalanaya principles.

My comments

I hope you may have already taken action on this matter. No wonder when you appoint people like this as Governors.  Isn’t it like putting a fox in charge of a chicken pen.

Why don’t you order an immediate inquiry in to this fraud and

Recover the public Money robbed and take disciplinary actions against the Governor, officials and politicians if there are any in this delegation

That is the best way to prove Yahapalanaya and a golden opportunity too

In a country where a person has been recently convicted and sent to jail for 20 years (that is  2 years for taking a bribe of one thousand) don’t you think this is a very good case to give them life imprisonment for,

  1. a) robbing tax payers money for private leisure and shopping trips
  2. b) Trying to get the said envoy also to commit a crime

It is great the envoy has been smart and done the correct thing by sending this letter to the Foreign Minister.

Congratulations! A smart envoy at least in a blue moon!  I also pay my tribute to the smart guys who have divulged given this dirty game to the press.

මීවැවේ එච්-ටූ-ඕ

September 3rd, 2017

වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

මීවැවට යන්න ඕන ගනේගොඩ හන්දියෙන් හැරිලා. ගනේගොඩ හන්දිය තියෙන්නේ නාරම්මල ඉඳලා කුරුණෑගලට යන පාරේ. නාරම්මල ඉඳලා වැඩි දුරක් නෑ. නගර සීමාව ඉවරවෙන්නේ ගනේගොඩින්. අනිවාර්යයෙන් ම, මීවැවේ වැවක් ඇති කියලා පාඨකයන්ට හිතෙන්න පුළුවන්. එහෙම නැතිනම් ඒ ගමට මීවැව කියලා නම දාන්න විදිහක් නැහැනේ. ඒත් දැන් මීවැවේ වැවක් නෑ. නාරම්මල නගරයෙන් වැඩි ඈතක නොවුනත් මීවැව කියන්නේ හොඳ පිටිසර ගමක්. හැබැයි ඒ ගමේ වැව නම් දැන් ඉතිහාසයට එකතුවෙලා. ඒත් ගමේ කුඹුරු තියෙනවා. කුඹුරුවල ගොයම් දකින්න පුළුවන් බොහොම කලාතුරකින්. මොකද දැන් කාලේ වහින එකේ වුනත් කිසි ලකයක් නැහැනේ. ඉතින් වැස්සොත් මීවැවේ මිනිස්සු කුඹුරුකරනවා. ඊට පස්සේ ඒ කුඹුරු මැරෙන දිහා බල බලා හූල්ලනවා. හැබැයි පුරුදුවෙලා තියෙන විදිහට තුන් වේලට ම බත් කන එක නම් ඒ මිනිස්සුන්ට එච්චර අමාරු වැඩක් නෙවෙයි. මොකද නාරම්මල නගරය තියෙන්නේ ළඟපාතනේ. ඉතින් මීවැවේ මිනිස්සු නාරම්මල නගරයට ගිහිල්ලා හාල් ඇරගෙන එනවා.

කුඹුරු කිරිල්ල පැත්තකින් තියමුකෝ. මිනිස්සුන්ට වතුරවලින් කරන්න පුළුවන් තව කොච්චරක් නම් වැඩ තියෙනවා ද? රෙදි හෝදගන්න ඕන. නාගන්න ඕන. බොන්න ඕන. මිදුලේ වවලා තියෙන මල් ගහකට වතුර ටිකක් දාගන්න ඕන. ගමේ ගෙවල්වල හදන සතා සිව්පාවෙකුට වුනත් වතුර දෙන්න ඕන. ඒත් හරියට වැස්සක් වැටුනේ නැතිනම් ලිංවල වතුර පල්ලට හි‍ඳෙනවා. හැබැයි දැන් මීවැවේ පානීය ජල බෝතල් විකුණන්න තියෙනවා. ලීටරයක් රුපියල් තුනයි. ගණන් වැඩියි කියලා කියන්නත් බෑ.

මීවැවේ ඉස්කෝලයකුත් තියෙනවා. ඉස්සර මේ ඉස්කෝලේ හරි සරුවට කෙරුනාලු. ඒත් දැන් ඉස්කෝලේ ඉන්නේ ළමයි තිහක් තිස්පහක් විතර. ගුරුවරු නම් හත් අට දෙනෙක් ඉන්නවාලු. ඒ ළමයින්ට එච්-ටූ-ඕ ගැන කියලා දෙනවා ද කියන එක ගැන නම් මේ ලේඛකයා දන්නේ නෑ. ඒත් ඉතින් දැන් එච්-ටූ-ඕ ගැන නොදන්නේ කවුද? ඒ වගේ දේවල් අපි හොඳින් ඉගෙනගන්න ඕන. ඒ විදිහට විශ්ලේෂණයෙන් ලෝකය ගැන දැනගෙන ඒ දැනුමෙනුත් වැඩගන්න පුළුවන්. දැනුම උපදින්නේ නැගෙනහිර ද බටහිර ද කියන එක ගැන අපි වදවෙන්න ඕන නෑ. අපි හිතන්න ඕන අපිට, අපේ රටට, අපේ අනාගත පරම්පරාවල අයට ඒ දැනුමෙන් ප්‍රයෝජනයක් තියෙනවා ද කියන එක ගැන. ඒ වගේ ම ඒ දැනුමෙන් අපිට, අපිත් අයිති පරිසරයට, අපේ රටට, අපේ අනාගත පරම්පරාවල අයට, අවසාන වශයෙන් මේ ලෝකයට හානියක් වෙන්නේ නැති ද කියන එක ගැන.

ධාර්මික කර්මාන්ත ගැන මග කියාදීපු ආගමක් අදහන අපිට ධාර්මික දැනුම ගැනත් හිතන්න බැරිකමක් නෑ. කාට කාටත් ප්‍රයෝජනවත්, ලෝකයටත් අපිටත් හානියක් නැති දැනුමක් ධාර්මික දැනුමක් කියලා අර්ථදක්වන්න පුළුවන්. ඉතින් අපේ ඉස්කෝලවල උගන්නන්නේ ධාර්මික දැනුම නම් අපිට පුළුවන් බෞද්ධයෝ විදිහට සෑහීමකට පත්වෙන්න. ලෝකයේ තියෙන ඕනෑ ම රටක, ඕනෑ ම සංස්කෘතියක හදා වඩාගත්ත ඒ විදිහේ දැනුමක් අපේ ළමයින්ට ලබාදෙන්න අපි පැකිලෙන්න ඕන නෑ. ඉතින් බටහිර ලෝකයෙන් එන දැනුමක් දිහා වුනත් අපි බලන්න ඕන මේ කාරණය හිතේ තියාගෙන. දැනුම කියන්නේ යම් යම් උවමනා එපාකම් පිරිමහගන්න මිනිස්සු හදාගන්න දෙයක්නේ. ඉතින් අපිටත් අපේ උවමනා එපාකම් ගැන තේරුමක් තියෙනවා නම් ඒ දේවල් වෙනුවෙන් උවමනාකරන දැනුම නිර්මාණය කරගන්නත් පුළුවන්. එහෙම නැතිනම් ඒ වැඩවලට උවමනා කරන දැනුම අනිත් මිනිස්සුන්ගෙන් ඉල්ලගන්නත් පුළුවන්.

දැන් අපි ආයෙත් එච්-ටූ-ඕ කතාවට එමු. මීවැවේ මිනිස්සුත් එච්-ටූ-ඕ ගැන දන්න බවට සැකයක් නෑ. ඒත් මීවැවේ වැවක් නෑ. මීවැවේ මිනිස්සුන්ට තමන් ගේ ඕන එපාකම් වෙනුවෙන් වතුර නෑ. හත්කෝරළයේ තියෙන හොඳ ම කුඹුරු යායක් තවත් ටික කාලයක් යන්න කලින් පුරන්වෙලා යාවි. මේක මීවැවට විතරක් අදාළ ප්‍රශ්නයක් නෙවෙයි. මුළුමහත් වැව් බැඳි රාජ්‍යය ම මේ ප්‍රශ්නයෙන් බැටකනවා. අපේ රටේ වැඩියෙන් ම කුඹුරු කරන හත්කෝරළයේත් රජරට නුවර කලාවියේත් මිනිස්සු මහා සාගතයකට තල්ලුවෙමින් ඉන්නවා. වතුර නැතිකම ගැන ප්‍රවෘත්ති ගංවතුර ගැන ප්‍රවෘත්ති වගේ නැගලා යන්නේ නෑ. ඒත් තව ටික කාලයක් මේ විදිහට වැඩ වුනොත් වතුර නැති හින්දා ලැබෙන නැගලා යන ප්‍රවෘත්ති ටිකක් ඇසීමේ, කියැවීමේ, බැලීමේ වාසනාවත් අපිට ලැබේවි.

අද අපේ රටේ තියෙන ප්‍රධාන ම ප්‍රශ්නය තමයි මිනිස්සු බෙදිලා කා කොටාගන්න එක. ඒකට දෙවැනි නැති තවත් ප්‍රශ්නයක් තියෙනවා. ඒ තමයි අපි කරන ඉවරයක් නැති ඉඩම් බෙදිල්ල. කුරුණෑගල පැත්තේ තිබුණු මහ පොල් වතු සෑහෙන ප්‍රමාණයක් දැන් පර්චස් දහය දොළහේ කෑලිවලට බෙදලා ඉවරයි. මේ ඉඩම්වල ගෙවල් හදන්නේ ළිඳකුත් හාරලා. වැව් බැඳි රාජ්‍යය කියන්නේ ගැඹුරු පස් තට්ටුවක් තියෙන ප්‍රදේශයක් නෙවෙයි. ඉතින් ඒ පොළොවේ හැම තැන ම ළිං හාරපු අපේ මිනිස්සු දැන් පොළොව යට තියෙන වතුරත් උඩට ගන්නවා. ඒ මදිවට ඉස්සර වගේ වැව් ඇත්තෙත් නෑ. වැව්වලින් කළේ පොළොව මතුපිට වතුර මට්ටම රැකලා දෙන එක. දැන් උඩත් වතුර නෑ. යටත් වතුර නෑ.

වැව්වලින් පොළොවේ වතුර රැකලා දීපු හැටි පෙන්නන පර්යේෂණයක් කරලා තියෙනවා අපේ ඉංජිනේරු මහත්තුරු දෙන්නෙක්. එක් කෙනෙක් තමයි ජා-ඇල ඒකල ශ්‍රී ලංකා ජාතික ඉංජිනේරු පර්යේෂණ සහ සංවර්ධන මධ්‍යස්ථානයේ වැඩකරන වරලත් ඉංජිනේරු කපිල පීරිස් මහත්තයා. අනිත් එක්කෙනා තමයි කොළඹ තියෙන ඉංජිනේරුමය කාර්යයන් පිළිබඳ මධ්‍යම උපදේශක කාර්යාලයේ වැඩකරන වරලත් ඉංජිනේරු සංජීව විජේසිංහ මහත්තයා. ගම් වැව්, මහ වැව් විතරක් නෙවෙයි කුළු වැව් පවා හදලා තිබුණේ පොළොවට වැටෙන වතුර ටික රැකගන්න අරමුණෙන්. පොළොවේ සමෝච්ච මට්ටම් දිගේ හදලා තිබුණු ඇල මාර්ගවලින් පවා සිද්දවුනේ ඒ දේ. කපිල සහ සංජීව දෙන්නා කරපු පර්යේෂණයේ වැදගත් ම කොටස තමයි බිසෝකොටුවෙන් සිද්දවෙන දේ හඳුනාගත්ත එක. ඒ දෙන්නා පෙන්නලා දීලා තියෙන විදිහට බිසෝකොටුව කියලා කියන්නේ වැවේ වතුර එළියට දාන දොරක් නෙවෙයි. ඒකෙන් වෙන්නේ වැඩි පීඩනයකින් වැවේ තියෙන වතුර හෙමින් හෙමින් පිටවෙන්න උදව්කරන එක.

උදුල බණ්ඩාර අවුසදහාමි මහත්තයාත් වැව ගැන සෑහෙන දැනුමක් අපිට කියලා දීලා තියෙනවා. මේ වගේ දැනුමැත්තෝ ලියන ලිපි පත්තරවලත් පළවෙනවා. ගුවන්විදුලියේත් රූපවාහිනියේත් වැඩසටහන් ප්‍රචාරය වෙනවා. මේ මෑතක දී ආචාර්ය එම්. යූ. ඒ. තෙන්නකෝන් පත්තරයකට ලිපියක් ලියලා තිබුණා “වැව සුරකින කට්ටකාඩුව” කියලා. ඉතින් වැව ගැන සංග්‍රහවෙච්ච සෑහෙන දැනුමක් අපි අතර තියෙනවා. වැව කියන්නේ අපේ උවමනා එපාකම් සපුරන නිර්මාණයක්. වැව ගැන දැනුමත් ධාර්මික එකක්. වැව් තියෙන එක අපිටත් හොඳයි, මහ පොළොවටත් හොඳයි, සතා සීපාවටත් හොඳයි, ගහ කොළවලටත් හොඳයි. ඒත් වැව් ගැන අපි දන්නේ බොහොම ටිකයි. මෙහෙම වෙලා තියෙන්නේ ඇයි?

වැව් ගැන දැනුම ඉස්කෝලේ පාඩමක් බවට පත්කරන්න බැරි ද? වැව කියලා කියන්නේ මිනිස්සුන්ට, සතා සීපාවට, මහ පොළොවට, ගස් වැල්වලට උවමනා නිර්මාණයක් හින්දා ඒක ගැන ඉස්කෝලේ පංතිවල කියලා දෙන එකේ වැරැද්දක් නෑ. ඒත් එහෙම දෙයක් අපේ රටේ කෙරෙන්නේ නෑ. මෙහෙම වෙලා තියෙන්නේ ඇයි? අපේ ඉස්කෝලවලින් සෑහෙන ප්‍රමාණයක් ඕල්කොට්තුමා මුල්වෙලා ආරම්භ කරපු හින්දා ද? ඒ ඉස්කෝලවල බටහිර අධ්‍යාපනය විතරක් ලබාදෙන හින්දා ද? මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් අපිට කරන්න දෙයක් ඉතිරිවෙලා නැති ද?

ඇයි අපි හැම වෙලාවේ ම අනිත් අය ගේ අදකුද ගැන විතරක් කතා කර කර ඉන්නේ? මේ වෙනුවෙන් අපිට කොච්චරක් නම් දේවල් කරන්න පුළුවන් ද? දැන් උදුල බණ්ඩාර අවුසදහාමි මහත්තයා කියන දේවල්, කපිල පීරිස් මහත්තයායි සංජීව විජේසිංහ මහත්තයායි කියන දේවල්, මීට අවුරුදු තිහකට විර කලින් අගමැති අයියා – ඒ කියන්නේ මුදියන්සේ තෙන්නකෝන් මහත්තයා; කියපු දේවල්, ඒ වගේ ම සූරිය ගුණසේකර මහත්තයා කියපු දේවල් පිළිවෙලකට එකතුකරලා පෙළ පොත් ටිකක් විදිහට සංග්‍රහකරන්න අපිට බැරි ඇයි?

මෙන්න මෙතැනයි අපේ වැරැද්ද තියෙන්නේ. පාසල් ළමයින්ට උවමනා කරන පෙළ පොත් ලියනවා කියන්නේ පත්තරවලට ලිපි ලියන එකට නෙවෙයි. ඒක ළමයින් ගේ මනස තේරුම් ඇරගෙන කරන්න ඕන වැඩක්. මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් අපිට තියෙන හොඳ ම උදාහරණය තමයි කුමාරතුංග මුනිදාස මහත්තයා. ඒ මහත්තයා ලොකු අයට වගේ ම පොඩි ළමයින්ටත් හරි හරියට ලිව්වා. එතුමා ළමයින්ට ලිව්වේ කවි කතන්දර විතරක් නෙවෙයි. කුමාරොදය, කියවන නුවණ, ශික්‍ෂා මාර්ගය, ප්‍රබන්ධ සංග්‍රහය වගේ පොත් එතුමා ලිව්වේ පාඩම් පොත් විදිහට. ඒ ඒ පාඩම අන්තිමට උත්තර දෙන්න පුළුවන් ප්‍රශ්නත් ඒ පොත්වලට ඇතුළත් කරලා තිබුණා. දැනුමක් කියන එක වර්ධනය වෙන්නේ මේ විදිහට. ඒ විදිහට ක්‍රමවත් ව වර්ධනය කරපු දැනුමක් ඉස්කෝලෙ යවන එක ඊට පස්සේ කරන්න පුළුවන්. ඒකත් කියන තරම් පහසු කටයුත්තක් නෙවෙයි කියලා අමුතුවෙන් කියන්න ඕන නෑ.

ඒත් අපි දැන් කරන්නේ මේ විදිහට සැලැසුම් සහගත ව වැඩකරන එක නෙවෙයි. කාගේ හරි අඩුපාඩුවක් දැක්කා ම ඒක අල්ලගෙන කෑගහන්න විතරයි අපි දැන් කැමැති. ඉතින් මේ විදිහට දුර බලලා සැලසුම් සහගත ව වැඩකරනවා නම් ඕල්කොට්තුමා මුල්වෙලා හදපු ඉස්කෝලවල විතරක් නෙවෙයි රාජකීය, ශාන්ත තෝමස් වගේ ඉස්කෝලවලත් වැව ගැන උගන්නන්න අපිට පුළුවන් වේවි. එහෙම නැතිව බටහිර අධ්‍යාපනය ගැන ඉවරයක් නැතිව ආඩපාලි කිව්වා කියලා අපේ ප්‍රශ්න විස‍ඳෙන්නේ නෑ. මී වැවේ වැව ආපහු හැදෙන්නෙත් නෑ.

 

වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති ෴

ආදායම් බදු පනත හා අර්ථසාධක අරමුදලට බදු පැනවීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් කම්කරු අරගල මධ්‍යස්ථානය විසින් 2017.09.03 වැනිදා පෙ.ව. 10.30ට, බොරැල්ල, නාමෙල් මාලිනී පුංචි තියටර් ශාලාවේ පැවැත්වූ මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ වාර්තාව.

September 3rd, 2017

කම්කරු අරගල මධ්‍යස්ථානයේ සංවිධායක ලේකම් දුමින්ද නාගමුව සහෝදරයා,

මේ පනත ශ්‍රම බලකායේ සැලකිය යුතු ව්‍යූහාත්මක වෙනස්කම් සිදු කරන පනතක්. ඒ වගේම මේ පනත නීති විරෝධී ලෙස, ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර විරෝධී ලෙස සම්මත කරන්න යන පනතක්.

මේ පනත ගැසට් කළේ පසුගිය මාර්තු මාසයේ. ආදායම් බදු ගැන විශේෂ අවධානයක් යොමු කර තිඛෙනවා. ලංකාවේ මෙතෙක් ක්‍රියාත්මක වුණේ බි්‍රතාන්‍ය ආකෘතිය මූලික කර ගත් බදු ක්‍රමයක්. බදු සම්බන්ධයෙන් යම් ගැටලූවක් මතු වුණොත් බි්‍රතාන්‍යයේ පූර්වාදර්ශ, බි්‍රතාන්‍යයේ නඩු තීන්දු පූර්වාදර්ශ ලෙස භාවිතයට ගත්තා. නමුත් මේ පනත මගින් මෙතෙක් තිබුණු බදු ක්‍රමය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම වෙනස් කර තිඛෙනවා.
ඒ වගේම බදු එකතු කිරීම පෞද්ගලිකකරණය කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය ඉඩ හදාගෙන තිඛෙනවා. බදු එකතු කිරීමේ zවෙනත් නිලධාරීන්Z ගැන සඳහන් වෙනවා. ඒ වගේම ආදායම් බදු කොමසාරිස්වරයා සතු බලතල වෙනත් පුද්ගලයන්ට හෝ වෙනත් සමාගම්වලට පවරන්න ඉඩකඩ හදාගෙන තිඛෙනවා. මේකෙන් පැහැදිලි වෙනවා බදු එකතු කිරීම අවුට්සෝස් කරන්න, එහෙමත් නැත්නම් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ නොවන පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ පුද්ගලයන් සහ ආයතන සම්බන්ධ කර ගන්න අවශ්‍ය ඉඩකඩ නිර්මාණයකර තිඛෙනවා.

සුළු හා මධ්‍ය පරිමාණ කර්මාන්තවලට මෙතෙක් පනවා තිබුණු 12% බද්ද 14% දක්වා වැඩි කර තිඛෙනවා. අධ්‍යාපනය, තොරතුරු තාක්ෂණය, කෘෂිකර්මාන්තය සහ ආනයනය ආශ්‍රිත මහා පරිමාණ සමාගම්වලට විශාල බදු සහන ලබා දී තිඛෙනවා. උදාහරණයක් විදියට කිසියම් පුද්ගලයෙක් මල් වගාවක් කළොත් ඔහුට 24%ක බද්දක් වදිද්දී ඒකම කරන මහා පරිමාණ සමාගමකින් අය කරන්නේ 14%ක බද්දක්.
උපයන විට බද්ද 4% සිට 24% දක්වා පරාසයකින් පනවා තිඛෙනවා. අවුරුද්දකට රුපියල් ලක්ෂ හයක්, ඒ කියන්නේ මාසයකට රුපියල් 50,000ක් ගන්න අයට 4%ක බද්දක් අය කරනවා. මේ ආදායම් මට්ටම 50,000 ඉඳලා ලක්ෂය දක්වා වැඩි කරනවා කියලා ආණ්ඩුව කියනවා, නමුත් ඊට ප්‍රවාහන දීමනා වගේ ඒවත් ඇතුළත් කර තිඛෙනවා. විශේෂයෙන්ම වෘත්තිකයන්ට විශාල බද්දක් පනවා තිඛෙනවා.

ලංකාවේ වෘත්තිකයන්ගේ ආදායම මත බදු පනවද්දී, විදේශ රටක ශ්‍රමිකයෙක් ලංකාවට ඇවිත් රැකියාවක් කළොත් ඔහු බදුවලින් නිදහස් කර තිඛෙනවා. ඒ කියන්නේ ලංකාවේ වෘත්තිකයන්ට බදු පනවන අතරේ එට්කා ගිවිසුම හරහා එන ඉන්දියානු ශ්‍රමිකයන්ට බදු නිදහසක් ලබා දී තිඛෙනවා. එට්කා ගිවිසුමට අදාළ පසුබිමත් මේ පනත හරහා හදා ගන්නයි මේ උත්සාහ කරන්නේ. මේකෙන් වෙන්න ඉඩ තිඛෙන දේ තමයි, වෘත්තිකයන් රට හැර යාම. ඒ විතරක් නොවෙයි, විදේශගත ලාංකිකයන් මෙහෙට එවන ඔවුන්ගේ ආදායමටත් බදු පනවා තිඛෙනවා. පවුල් පිටින් රට අතහැරලා යන්න කියලයි මේ කියන්නේ.
ඒ විතරක් නොවෙයි, කලාකරුවන්ටත් විශාල වශයෙන් බදු පනවා තිඛෙනවා. මීට පෙර පොත් ප්‍රකාශකයන්ට, නාට්‍ය නිෂ්පාදකයන්ට, චිත්‍රපට නිෂ්පාදකයන්ට, කලා නිර්මාණවලට බදු නිදහසක් දී තිබුණා. දැන් ඒ සියල්ල බද්දට යටත් කරලා. ඒක කලා ක්ෂේත්‍රයට එල්ල කළ දැවැන්ත ප්‍රහාරයක්.
මේ පනතේ තිඛෙන අනෙක් බරපතළම ප්‍රශ්නය තමයි සේවක අර්ථසාධක අරමුදල මත දෙවරක් බදු පැනවීම. මේ අරමුදලේ මුදල් ආයෝජනය කරලා ලැඛෙන ආදායම මත 14%ක බද්දක් පනවා තිඛෙනවා. ඒ විතරක් නොවෙයි, රැකියාවෙන් විශ්‍රාම ගිහිල්ලා අර්ථසාධක අරමුදලේ තමන්ට හිමි මුදල ලබා ගනිද්දී ඊටත් බදු අය කරනවා. මොන පදනමක් යටතේද? මේ විදියට දෙවරක් බදු අය කරන්නේ?

ආණ්ඩුව කියනවා, දැන් බදු අය කිරීම 80ඃ20 තියෙන්නේ, ඒ කියන්නේ සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාවගෙන් 80%ක් බදු අය කරද්දී ධනවතුන්ගෙන් 20%යි අය කරන්නේ. මේක 60ඃ40ට ගේනවා කියලා ආණ්ඩුව කියනවා. එහෙම කරනවා නම්, වැට් බද්ද අඩු කරන්න මේ පනතින් යෝජනා කරන්න ඕන. භාණ්ඩ හා සේවා මත පනවා තිඛෙන වෙනත් බදු අඩු කරන්න යෝජනා කර තිඛෙන්න ඕන. නමුත් එහෙම යෝජනා නෑ. මේ පනත ක්‍රියාත්මක කළොත් පාරිභෝගිකයන් මත තව තවත් බර පැටවෙනවා.

ඒ වගේම මේ පනත ගෙන්න හදන්නේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර විරෝධී විදියට. මංගල සමරවීර ඇමතිවරයා කියනවා පනතට සංශෝධන 111ක් තියෙනවා කියලා. සංශෝධන 111ක් තියෙනවා නම්, ඒවා ඇතුළත් කළාට පස්සේ ඒක අලූත්ම පනතක්. මේ ගොල්ලෝ මේ සෙල්ලම දිගටම කරනවා. පනතේ බාගයක් කලින් දාලා, උසාවි යන්න ඉඩ දීලා, ඉතිරි බාගේ සංශෝධන විදියට ගේනවා.

මේ පනත සම්මත වුණොත් වෘත්තිකයන් ඉවරයි, කලාකරුවන් ඉවරයි, අර්ථසාධක අරමුදල, භාරකාර අරමුදල මත බදු පැනවෙනවා, සුළු හා මධ්‍ය පරිමාණ ව්‍යාපාරිකයන් ක්ෂේත්‍ර ගණනාවකින් පලවා හැරනවා, සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාව මත විශාල බරක් පැටවෙනවා. ඒ නිසා මේ පනතට විරුද්ධ විය යුතුයි.ZZ
කම්කරු අරගල මධ්‍යස්ථානයේ සංවිධායක ලේකම් දුමින්ද නාගමුව සහෝදරයාට අමතරව මෙම මාධ්‍ය හමුවට කම්කරු අරගල මධ්‍යස්ථානයේ සංවිධායක කමිටුව වෙනුවෙන් ධම්මික මුණසිංහ, විශ්‍රාම වැටුප සුරැකීමේ සේවක සංගමයේ ජාතික සංවිධායක ජනක තුෂාර, ඒකාබද්ද කෝස්ට් සේවක සංගමයේ සභාපති රංජිත් රත්නසිරි, ඒකාබද්ධ සියැට් සේවක සංගමයේ ලේකම් විපුල කුමාරද සහභාගි වූහ.

The Constitutional Debate:  Research shows why we should look outside the ‘Ethno-Political’ Box

September 3rd, 2017

by M.L.Wickramasinghe Courtesy The Island


There is a continuing and interesting dialogue on the Constitution. The majority of Sri Lankans is strongly apprehensive of federalism and believes that maintaining the status quo with regard to the current limits on devolution of power to the provincial councils and maintaining a strong central government would serve the goal of promoting and protecting peace and harmony among all groups of Sri Lankans.

Some Sri Lankans, however, are somewhat open to the idea of federalism, as USA too has a federal system. Additionally, Mr. C.V. Wigneswaran, the Chief Minister (CM) of the northern provincial council (NPC) also joined the debate on 06 August, 2017 on the occasion of the visit of a group of British parliamentarians to Jaffna. He stated that “…the Tamils of the North and the East opt for a Federal Constitution to preserve their language, religion, as well as their culture, traditions and terrain…”.

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‘Political’ compulsions of the above option is well brought out by ethnic, language, and ethno-territory occupancy based rationalizations included in the above referred to presentation(which rationalizations, could be factually and historically challenged –but which is not the purpose of this article).

This article attempts to introduce and instill into the Sri Lankan Constitutional debate, the key findings of recent authoritative research on federalism as a form of governance in multiethnic/linguistic countries. The research results would enable all Sri Lankans to realize the hidden dangers that Sri Lanka would be exposed to in using ethnic/language based identities and an ‘occupancy of territory by ethnic group’ criteria to mainly define constitutional decision-making and devolution of power. Hopefully it would persuade all Sri Lankans to look outside of the ‘ethno-political advantage box’, as research results reveal that risks may overwhelm the hoped for advantages.

First and foremost it needs to be said that if a ‘federal constitution’ is foisted on Sri Lanka, what the country would inherit is the most unstable form of federalism, called ‘ethnofederalism’. It will not be the (‘pure) federalism’ introduced by USA to the world, and later taken up by countries such as Germany, Austria, Australia and the majority of federal countries in South America, such as Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela. In USA, the States (territories) were not demarcated on ethnic or language basis.

The federal scenario visualized, by some, for Sri Lanka is different. Firstly, unlike in USA, the request is to demarcate a federal region based on ethnicity and language. The Second fact is that the whole area of Sri Lanka out of which an ethnic federal region is opted to be established, is governed as one small country. In the American case it was comprehensively different. The USA federal structure brought together 19 separately governed large territories to form one country.

Henry E. Hale, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs at George Washington University, USA coined the term ‘ethno federalism’ to describe federal structures introduced into multi ethnic and/or linguistic countries to accentuate the ethnic/linguistic divisions. Hale explains: “an ethnofederal state is a federal state in which at least one constituent territorial governance unit is intentionally associated with a specific ethnic category”. Sri Lanka’s north and east unit (as per CM’s option) would fit this definition of ethnofederalism perfectly.

Hale’s most important research finding is that “…….ethnofederal states are more likely to collapse when they contain a “core ethnic region”. What then is a core ethnic region? Hale describes that a core ethnic region is a single ethnic federal region/unit that enjoys dramatic superiority in population of that specific ethnic category. The northern province in Sri Lanka taken alone as a unit or in combination with the eastern province would form a ‘core ethnic region’, according to the Hale definition.

Why does a core ethnic region carry high risks? A core ethnic region substantially increases the propensity for conflict between that core ethnic region and the central government. Politicians who use ethnicity, language etc to gain political muscle and might would ultimately create a power centre built on ethnic and language identities in the core ethnic region, leading to conflict with the central government. This phenomenon has been observed in all ethnofederal countries that failed.

Professor Hale’s study found that of the 14 ethnofederal countries that had at least one core ethnic region, eight countries had either collapsed or seceded. These were:- Mali Federation in 1960, Nigeria First Republic in 1966, Pakistan in 1971, Senegambia in 1989, USSR in 1991, Yugoslavia in 1991, Czechoslovakia in 1992 and Serbia-Montenegro in 1999.( Article titled- “Divided We Stand: Institutional Sources of Ethnofederal State Survival and Collapse” By HENRY E. HALE* Journal of World Politics, Cambridge University Press, January 2004,165-93). This article won American Political Science Association’s Qualitative Methods Section’s Alexander George Award.) (To refer article- Google search with: Hale on Ethnofederalism)

The research conducted by Professor Ashutosh Varshney (an internationally reputed Indian scholar and Sol Goldman Professor of International Relations and Social Sciences, at Brown University, USA) further complemented and strengthened the research findings of Professor Hale. These were conducted in India.

Varshney’s findings on Indian federalism and the nature of centre- periphery relations is as follows: “A major reason for the success of Indian federalism, if not the only one, has to do with the country’s ethnic configuration. Indian identities tend to crosscut, instead of cumulating. As we know from the theory of ethnic conflict (Horowitz, Donald , Ethnic Groups in Conflict, Berkley, University of California Press,1985.) cumulating cleavages helps to mobilize challenges along language lines ……cross-cutting cleavages dampen them”. He then also assesses that “Sri Lanka is a classic case of cumulative cleavages” (Paper by Ashutosh Varshney – “How Has Indian Federalism Done?” in Studies in Indian Politics 1 (1) 43.63, 2013, Centre for Study of Developing Societies, SAGE Publications. (To refer article- Google search with: Ashutosh Varshney on Indian Federalism)

Varshney after analyzing demographic data from many States in India showed that it was not the federal system per se that helped India to manage centre-periphery relations satisfactorily. The most important factor, according to Varshney, is the manner in which a minority language group (based on country-wide language-speaking statistics), enjoying the majority language status in a State gets further sub-divided (or a better term is ‘classified ’) by other demographic factors. When the majority language speaking group in a State is further demographically divided in such a manner as to inhibit the monolithic identity formation around that major language -speaking group ,the ensuing phenomenon is called ‘crosscutting cleavage’. In this situation the opportunity for ethnic ‘card playing’ politicians to mobilize the majority (local) language speakers against the Central Government is substantially constrained.

The opposite is the ‘cumulating cleavage’ and occurs when the identity of the majority language speaking group in a State (being a language spoken by a minority at the country-level) is further strengthened due to the presence of other sympathetic demographic factors. In such a situation, opportunities abound for language or ethnic card playing politicians to mobilize the majority (local) language speaking population in the State against the Central Government.

In India, the cumulative cleavage is seen only in Punjab and Jammu Kashmir (JK) in the north and in six very small States such as, Mizoram, Meghalaya, Nagaland, and Assam in the north-east. Other States with national minority populations, forming local majorities, do not have cumulating cleavages.

Despite the federal system of governance being in place in India for over 60 years, there were tribal/language based movements in the north-east; these continue on even at present in some of the north-eastern States, the tempo rising and falling as per circumstances. Punjab had a strong, armed secessionist movement which was stopped on its tracks, mercifully for India, during the watch of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi through military means. As it is widely known, JK continues to be in a disturbed state.

However, India also possesses many advantages as well as tools to control and if necessary defeat these secessionist bids successfully. These are:

-the mammoth size of the country (any secessionist movement in a few of the small Indian States can be handled diplomatically and/or militarily without other parts of India or the national economy feeling any negative impact);

-the vast power enjoyed by the central government through the Indian Constitution (residuary powers, power to dissolve State governments, Articles 352 to 360 on emergencies, and subsequent amendments such as The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 against secession)

-the strength of its growing and expanding national economy nurtured and directed by expert as well as national-minded economists and policy makers,

-the immense strength of the Indian armed forces continuously and consciously developed by successive governments -and to a lesser degree the diplomatic/economic/development packages offered to some north-east States allowed/allows India to keep these conflicts in check.

Another salient factor is the location of Punjab and Jammu Kashmir (JK) and the six States in the north and east, (which has not been directly referred to by Professor Varshney), but is believed to be of immense significance with regard to agitations and disturbances in these States. All the above-mentioned eight Indian States border other countries. JK and Punjab border Pakistan. The six northeast States (Assam etc) are connected to Indian mainland by very narrow ‘neck of land’ and shares borders with four neighbouring countries of India. There is nothing fundamentally wrong with having borders with other countries. These cannot be altered. But the geo-political impact of the location has to be factored in when strategic plans and key national decisions are made.

The probable geo-political influence on the above eight Indian States is well recognized by India, and the State of India has national strategies to deal with them, whichever government comes to power. In a similar vein Tamil Nadu is also very close to Sri Lanka’s north and east. It is a given, and there is absolutely nothing wrong with that. But like what India had done in its case of geo-political actuality, the theoretical (and by experience the practical) probability of geo-political influence on Sri Lanka should also be recognized and factored into strategic policy making and Constitution drafting by Sri Lanka. Adherence to pure legal and theoretical constitutional concepts of power devolution has to be balanced with the historical geo-political negative outcomes experienced by Sri Lanka.

It is very clear that the north and eastern provinces of Sri Lanka fits very well with the high risk ‘core ethnic region’ of Professor Hale and the high risk ‘cumulative cleavage’ phenomenon of Professor Varshney. Hence, Sri Lanka would be susceptible to the risks of generating centre-periphery tension under a federal option.

Thus, it makes good sense for reconciliation-conscious leaders and decision-makers representing all communities as well as all citizens of Sri Lanka to accept the inadvisability of going beyond the 13th amendment as well as weakening, i.e. further reducing the power of the Central Government. This may trigger a slide towards ethnofederalism in Sri Lanka.

This does not mean that we need to be static. Other useful constitutional mechanisms as well as policy, administrative, national development programme measures can be taken to promote and sustain national reconciliation and peace in Sri Lanka.

(The writer is an ex-journalist, communication researcher, and a retired Officer of the International Civil Service of the United Nations System)

The imperial Cholas’ conquest of Sri Lanka DNA India

September 3rd, 2017

ANANTH KARTHIKEYAN | Courtesy DNA

The Chola-Pandya rivalry lasted many centuries

The Chola-Pandya rivalry was a feud that lasted many centuries. The incessant wars dragged in other powers such as the Cheras, Chalukyas, and the Sinhala kingdom. Perhaps the disruption of trade caused the Sinhalese intervention, perhaps it was the strategic need to prevent the Cholas achieve total supremacy. The Sinhalese allied with the Pandyas, but in 920 CE, the alliance was decisively defeated by Parantaka Chola I. The Pandyan and Sinhala kings fled to Lanka. History and legend blur at this point. Cholas reduced the remaining Pandyas to a vassal state; however, the Cholas were unable to capture the Pandyan crown jewels, which included a necklace that a mythical Pandya king apparently won from Indra himself. The fugitive Pandya king placed these treasures under the care of his Sinhala ally, thus cheating Parantaka Chola of a real victory”. The Cholas gave chase but had to retreat to the mainland as supply lines were strained.

Rajaraja Chola I got his chance when a mercenary rebellion made the Sinhala king flee the capital in 993 AD. The Chola had pacified his other foes at this point and he quickly seized the opportunity. The subsequent Chola invasion peaked with the razing of Anuradhapura, capital of Lanka for fourteen centuries, and planting a Chola viceroy in a new capital. The Cholas, however, failed to extinguish the ruling dynasty and could annex only northern Lanka. This was due to fierce resistance, the terrain and the rise of the Western Chalukya Empire in the Deccan. The invasion was halted without meeting the twin objectives of total conquest of Lanka and possessing the Pandyan crown jewels. Rajaraja Chola’s son Rajendra Chola’s initial campaigns in the mainland were successful, but the unfinished business of Lanka still rankled. Partly at Rajendra Chola’s encouragement, the Parmara kingdom of Central India kept the Chalukyas embroiled in the Deccan. This freed the Chola armies for redeployment to Lanka in 1017. As per Lankan sources, the Chola invasion was swift and unrelenting. Whole armies were swept away, and cities and religious centres plundered and razed. The entire island was conquered shortly. The Cholas also captured the coveted Pandyan crown jewels and most of the Sinhalese royalty; the Sinhala king would later die in captivity. After their swift victory, the Cholas attempted to recast Sinhalese polity and society by establishing new cities, trading posts and issuing new coinage. They also planted temples and garrisons across the island and executed major public works.

The spirited assimilation attempt failed in a few decades. The Sinhala royal bloodline had survived in the form of some determined scions. The Lankan resistance regrouped and challenged Chola control at every opportunity. In 1077, the Sinhalese under Vijayabahu I defeated the Cholas, who retreated to the subcontinent in good order — perhaps realising that the continuing Chalukyan ascent was a greater threat. Flush with victory and fame, and wed to princesses of Kanauj and Kalinga, Vijayabahu planned to invade the Chola lands. However, his Indian-origin mercenaries rebelled, refusing to fight their kinsmen this time. The rebellion was suppressed with much effort and the Sinhalese did not foray overseas again.

The author, an IIM-Ahmedabad graduate working in the energy sector, has a keen interest in history, politics and strategic affairs

Sri Lanka defends diplomat facing warcrimes charges

September 3rd, 2017

Mail on Line

A human rights group has filed two cases against retired general Jagath Jayasuriya (C) over his role as a senior army officer during and after the island’s long ethnic war

Sri Lanka’s president Sunday defended his ambassador to Latin America who faces war crimes allegations over his role as a senior army officer during and after the island’s ethnic war.

Maithripala Sirisena told a convention of his Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) that he would not allow retired general Jagath Jayasuriya or any war veteran to be tried by any foreign entity.

A human rights group last week filed two cases in Colombia and Brazil against Jayasuriya, who until recently was Sri Lanka’s ambassador to several South American countries.

A human rights group has filed two cases against retired general Jagath Jayasuriya (C) over his role as a senior army officer during and after the island's long ethnic war

The group alleged that Jayasuriya oversaw torture camps and was responsible for disappearances and extrajudicial killings in the final stages of the civil war in 2009 and thereafter.

“The charges against Jagath Jayasuriya is problem beyond our shores,” Sirisena said. “I will not allow anyone in the world to touch Jagath Jayasuriya or any army commander or any war hero.”

The previous Sri Lankan government faced international censure for refusing to acknowledge that civilians were killed while battling Tamil separatists.

However, Sirisena, who came to power in January 2015, has said he was willing to investigate specific allegations of wrongdoing, but maintains he will allow only a domestic inquiry and oppose any foreign investigation.

After taking office, Sirisena appointed Jayasuriya as an ambassador on his retirement from the military. He was promoted to army chief by the previous government barely three months after the war ended in May 2009.

His predecessor in the army, Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, told reporters in Colombo Friday that he had received complaints against Jayasuriya, who was placed in charge of arrested rebel suspects during the final phase of the war.

Fonseka added that he was ready to testify against Jayasuriya who had told the local media Sunday that he had no direct role in combat operations during the final phase of the conflict.

Two days after the South African-based rights group the International Truth and Justice Project filed the cases against Jayasuriya, he left Brazil completing a two-year posting.

International rights groups have said that at least 40,000 ethnic Tamil civilians were killed by security forces while crushing the rebels in the final months of the 37-year civil war.

The UN has estimated that at least 100,000 people were killed between 1972 and 2009.

Tiger rebels have also been accused of using human shields and killing civilians in their guerrilla war for a separate homeland for the minority ethnic Tamil community in the Sinhala majority nation.

Many Sri Lankan military personnel had been accused by rights groups of ordering indiscriminate shelling of hospitals and bombarding civilians.

“ලයිට් කණුවේ ජනාධිපති” අපිට කියාදෙන පාඩම

September 3rd, 2017

-යටියන ප්‍රදීප් කුමාර-

ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ 66 වැනි සංවත්සරය වෙනුවෙන් ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ රුව ඇතුලත් දැවැන්ත ප්‍රමාණයේ කටවුට් බැනර් කොළඹ වීදි පුරා සෑම විදුලි කණුවකම , දුරකතන කණුවකම පාහේත් රට පුරා සියලුම නගර කඩ මණ්ඩි පුරාත් එල්ලී තිබේ.
මේ ගිය ජනාධිපතිවරණ සමයේ “මම කටවුට් පෝස්ටර් සඳහා මුදල් නාස්ති කරන්නේ නෑ . ඒ මුදල් උතුරු මැද වකුගඩු රෝගයෙන් පීඩා විඳින ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් වකුගඩු රෝහලක් ඉදි කිරීම වෙනුවෙන් පරිත්‍යාග කරනවා”  යැයි උජාරුවෙන් කියූ මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතාගේ කටවුට්ය. එකල මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ රුව ඇතුලත් කටවුට් පෝස්ටර් (මැතිවරණ සමයේ ) සෑම ලයිට් කණුවකම එල්ලද්දී ඊට ප්‍රතිවාදී අපේක්ෂක සිරිසේන මහතා දුන් පිළිතුර වූයේ කටවුට් විරෝධය සහ මේ ආකර්ෂණීය වකුගඩු රෝහල් පොරොන්දුවයි.

බලයට පත්වී මාස කිහිපයක් ගිය තැන කුප්‍රකට ජිනීවා පාවාදීම සිදු කර ලංකාවට එද්දී ලංකාව රට පුරාම “රට බේරාගත් වීර ජනපති” යනුවෙන් දැවැන්ත කටවුට් පෝස්ටර් ගසා ඒ වකුගඩු රෝහල් පොරොන්දුව ගැන විස්වාස කල ජනතාවට කොකා පෙන්වූ සිරිසේන මහතා අද වන විට එහි යා හැකි අන්තය වෙත ලඟාවී තිබේ. වෙනදා නම් මෙවැනි දෙයක් සිදුකර එය ජනතා විරෝධයට ලක් වන බව දුටු විට “මම දන්නේ නෑ. මම දැනගත්තෙත් පත්තරෙන්” වැන්නක් හෝ කියා ඇඟබේරා ගන්නා සිරිසේන මහතා දැන් එයද අතහැර දමා තිබෙන සේය.

මේ කටවුට් විරෝධයත් වකුගඩු රෝහල් පොරොන්දුවත් සද්භාවයෙන් කළ ක්‍රියාවන් නොව , ඒ මොහොතේ සිරිසේන මහතාගේ පිලට එවැනි ප්‍රචාරක යාන්ත්‍රණයක් නොමැති වීම සහ ඒ වෙනුවට විකල්පයක් ලෙස සිරිසේන මහතාගේ මැතිවරණ ව්‍යාපාරය මෙහෙයවූ තක්කඩියන් යෝජනා කළ කපටි උපායක් බව ඔවුන්ගෙන් කෙනෙකු වන වත්මන් ජනාධිපති උපදේශක භූමිකාවක සිටින රතන ස්වාමීන් වහන්සේගේ අග්‍රගන්‍ය පුරෝහිතයා සේ සැලකෙන අශෝක අබේගුණවර්ධන විසින් රචිත “යුග පෙරළිය” ග්‍රන්ථයේ පැහැදිලිව සටහන් වේ.

උපුටා  ගැනීම :
“මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ වෙනුවෙන් රට පුරා පෝස්ටර්, කටවුට් ප්‍රදර්ශනය වූ අතර මෛත්‍රීපාලයන් වෙනුවෙන් කිසිඳු පෝස්ටරයක් හෝ කටවුට් එකක් සකස් වී නොතිබිණ . එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය වෙනමමත් මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන කණ්ඩායම වෙනමත් ප්‍රචාරක ව්‍යාපාර දියත් කරන්නට වෑයම් කළද මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේනයන්ගේ චායාරූප ආදිය නොමැති නිසාත් මුදල් හිඟයක් පැවති නිසාත් පෝස්ටර් හෝ කටවුට් දක්නට නොලැබිණ. ඒ අවස්ථාවේදී දැන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා පදනම් ආයතන්නයේ සභාපතී බවට පත්ව සිටින මලිත් ජයතිලක මහතා යෝජනා කළේ අපි පරිසරය හා නාස්තිය ගැන සිතා එලෙස ප්‍රචාරක ව්යාපාර නොකරන ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කළ යුතු බවයි. 
එම යෝජනාවට ඉහළ ඉල්ලුමක් ලැබිණ. මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේනයන් ඒ බව නිල වශයෙන් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කළ අතර මහින්දගේ කටවුට් හෝ පෝස්ටර් දකින දකින වතාවට ජනතාව අතර මෛත්‍රීට ලකුණු වැටිණ. “

“යුග පෙරළිය”
140 පිට
අශෝක අබේගුණවර්ධන

අද වන විට ඒ වංචාකාරී ක්‍රියාව හමුවේ වකුගඩු රෝහලට තැබූ මුල් ගල එතනම පැල වෙද්දී  ඒ වෙනුවට සිරිසේන මහතාගේ මෙගා ප්‍රමාණයේ කටවුට් ගහක් ගලක් ගානේ  ඉහලට එසවී ඇත. 

 
උනුත් එකයි මුනුත් එකයි ද?

එකල සමාජ මාධ්‍ය සහ අන්තර්ජාල වෙබ් අඩවි මේ කටවුට් ගැසිල්ල විවේචනය කළේ ‘අතිගරු ලයිට් කණුවේ ජනාධිපති’ යනුවෙන් අන්වර්ථ නාමයක්ද පටබඳිමිනි. එදා ඒ කියූ කටවල් අද මේ ‘ලයිට් කණුවේ ජනාධිපති’ ගේ රුව නොදැක්කා සේ සිටින අයුරු අපූරුය.

අතලොස්සක් දෙනෙක් මේ ආණුවේ මෙවැනි කඩප්පුලි වැඩ දකින විට “උනුත් එකයි මුනුත් එකයි” යනුවෙන් පවසා ව්‍යාජයෙන් හිත හදාගැනීමටත් ජාමේ බේරාගැනීමටත් උත්සාහ කරන අයුරුත් පෙනේ. සැබෑවටම උනුත් එකයි මුනුත් එකයි ද? 
කටවුට් ගැසීම පෝස්ටර් ගැසීම ආදී සිල්ලර මාතෘකා අතින් නම් එය එසේ වන්නට පුළුවන. නමුත් අද දවසේ අප රටක් වශයෙන් මුහුණ දෙන ප්‍රමුඛම අභියෝගය, එනම්  ත්‍රස්තවාදය පැරදවීමේ “වරදට” රට රැකි විරුවන් දං ගෙඩියට දක්කන අතරේ දෙමළ ජාතිවාදය පිනවන බෙදුම්වාදී ද්‍රෝහී ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්මත කරගැනීමට දරණ වෑයම අතින් නම් එය එසේ නොවේ. එහිදී උනුත් මුනුත් අහසට පොළව මෙනි.
එබැවින් එදා ත්‍රස්තවාදය පරාජය කර බෙදුම්වාදයට රිදෙන්නට දුන් පිළිතුර අද ආපසු හැරවීමේ දීන උත්සාහය උනුත් එකයි මුනුත් එකයි යන ජනප්‍රිය නමුත් වැදගැම්මකට නැති කතාවෙන් වසං කිරීමට තක්ක්ඩියන්ට ඉඩ දිය යුතු නැත. 

ලයිට් කණුවේ එල්ලී අපට කියා දෙන පාඩම

අපි මෛත්‍රීපාලට රනිල්ට සහ මේ යම පාලනයට විරුද්ද වන්නේ රට වටා කටවුට් ගැසීම වැනි සිල්ලර කරුනු මත පදනම්ව නොවේ. මේ පාලකයන් ජනතාවට ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයට ද්‍රෝහි වූයේ කටවුට් ගැසීමෙන් නොවේ. ආසන 50ක්වත් නොතිබුනු පක්ෂයක නායකයා අගමැති කිරීමෙනි. නීතිය බල්ලට දමා අගවිනිසුරු චිට් එකකින් ගෙදර යැවීමෙනි. මහ බැංකුවෙන් කෝටී තිස් හතලිස් දාහක් ගසා කෑමෙනි. සැබෑ විපක්ෂය යටපත් කර සුලු පක්ෂයකින් විපක්ෂ නායකයා පත් කිරීමෙනි. රට විකුණන එට්කා ගිවිසුම වෙනුවෙන් ඉන්දියාව ඉදිරියේ දණ ගැසීමෙනි. ජිනීවාවලදී අපේ ස්වෛරීත්වය පාවා දීමෙනි. රටේ ව්‍යවස්තාව ඇමරිකානු බලපෑම්වලට යටත්ව වෙනස් කිරීමට සපත වීමෙනි. එක් පසකින් අපව යුද අපරාද චෝදනාවල සිරකර අනෙක් පසින් ඇමරිකානු ඉන්දියානු බලපෑමට යටත්ව බෙදුම්වාදයට පාර කපන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝදනයක් සිදු කිරීමට සපත වීමෙනි.

‘ලයිට් කණුවේ ජනාධිපති’ , සියලු දෙනාට ඔලුව හිරි වැටෙන්නට ටොක්කක් ඇන කියා දෙන පාඩමක් තිබේ. එනම්, රටක ඉරණම තීරණය වන්නේ මේ කටවුට්  පොස්ටෙර්  ගැසීම වැනි දෙකයි පනහේ මාතෘකා අනුව නොවන බවත් ඒවා සැබෑ ප්‍රශ්නය , සැබෑ අභියෝගය වසන් කිරීමට පාවිච්චි කල වෙස් මුහුණු පමණක් බවත්ය. කොටින්ම යහපාලන මාතෘකාවම එදා ජේ ආර් ජයවර්ධනගේ “ධර්මිෂ්ඨ සමාජ” බොරුව මෙන්ම අනුවණ සිංහලයා රැවටීමේ තවත් එක් ට්‍රෝජන් අශ්වයකු පමණක් බවයි.

රටේ ආරක්ෂාව, ඒකීයභාවය , ස්වෛරීත්වය බරපතල ලෙස අපයොජනය කරමින් ජනාධිපතිවරයා කොහුවල හන්දියේ සාමාන්‍ය කඩේකින් සෙරෙප්පු ගත්තාට පළක් නැත. මේ ටිපිටිප් මාතෘකා වෙනුවට රටේ අද දවසේ අප මුහුණ දී ඇති ප්‍රධානම අභියෝගය අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී මැදිහත්වීමත් ඒ හරහා අනාගතයේ රට බෙදා වෙන්කිරීමේ ඉම වෙත දක්කා ගෙන යන ත්‍රාඩ මෙහෙයුමත් බව සිරිසේන මහතා ලයිට් කණුවේ එල්ලීමෙන් අපට කියා දෙන පාඩමයි.

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Won’t allow anyone to touch Jagath Jayasuriya: President

September 3rd, 2017

 Courtesy The Daily Mirror

President Maithripala Sirisena said today he would never allow former Army Commander (Rtd) General Jagath Jayasuriya or any other war hero to be hauled before an international criminal court or war tribunal as long as he remained the President of Sri Lanka.

He said the threat of war crimes charges, economic sanctions and the hostile attitude of the global community against Sri Lanka was the direct result of the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime’s failure to create an atmosphere of reconciliation, reconstruction and rehabilitation in a country and a nation which was in tatters after the war.

Addressing a massive gathering of party supporters and well wishers who had converged from all parts of the country to celebrate the SLFP’s 66th anniversary celebrations held at Campbell Park, Borella last afternoon, the President recalled ex-president Rajapaksa’s unilateral decision to declare presidential election two years ahead of time said he wrote to him highlighting six points as to why he should not hold an early election.

I told him in writing in April 2014 not to hold an early presidential poll for six reasons when such an idea was mooted. The then government had miserably failed to introduce reforms and a proper reconciliation process to build the shattered lives of the people in the North and East. We also had so much of work to complete which the government had failed to do. All constituent party leaders of the UPFA also were of the view that the government must complete its full term before declaring the poll. But he did not listen and went ahead and perished. Mr. Rajapaksa felt he could not face the impending economic melt down, the crisis brewing in the domestic front, the extremely hostile attitude of the global community and UN agencies. The SLFP Central Committee, the Cabinet and the leaders of other political parties of the UPFA were dumb and blind to these developments,”the President said. “Under this highly inhospitable global and domestic environment, what would have been the situation had there been no regime change and I was not elected as the President.”

As the newly elected President, he said he explained how he met world leaders and requested them to give him some space to rebuild the nation, save the country from disaster, introduce reform programmes, restore democracy, the rule of law, media and judicial freedom and put in place a result oriented reconciliation process to which all leaders agreed and promised full support.

Consequent to the positive and cooperative atmosphere the unity government was able to build up about Sri Lanka among the international community after the January 2015 victory, Sri Lanka was able to regain the GSP+ facility and the EU withdrew the export ban on fish exports. The UNHRC gave Sri Lanka a grace period of two years until September 2019 to address the human rights issues highlighted in the Geneva resolution co-sponsored by Sri Lanka,” he said.

He said the Unity Government had done a lot for the country during the past two years and asked what would have been the position of the SLFP if the UNP went for an election after the 2015 presidential election victory.

I admit that we have made some lapses and mistakes. But I don’t condone the unfair criticism of the ‘Yahapalana Government’ because we have been able to do much for the country having saved it from a disaster,” the President said.

He said the manner in which some people were using the new and unrestricted freedom was somewhat unusual and the insults, mudslinging, canards and misinformation posted on Facebook, media websites and other electronic and print media against me and against the ‘Yahapalana Government’ was unprecedented.

“The SLFP was formed by the founding father S.W.R.D.Bandaranaike to take the country on a new path. The concept of patriotism, our country, our culture and our nation mindset was first mooted with the establishment of the new party departing from the west-aligned culture that existed since independence,” the President said. “In the short period of three and half years that the SLFP ruled the country from 1956, Mr. Bandaranaike was able to introduce a series of people-friendly programmes amid heavy opposition from rival political parties. He had a new vision and new ideology for the country. There is no leader like Mr. Bandaranaike who was insulted, ridiculed and harassed. He was branded ‘Sevala Banda’ and a spineless leader by his political opponents. Sir John Kotalawela, the Prime Minister before Mr. Bandaranaike said Mr. Bandaranaike let loose the dogs he had caged indicating the socialist and progressive policies he adopted for the nationalization programme and other people friendly projects.”

The President said Mr. Bandaranaike mortgaged his Rosemead Place residence to fund the SLFP and after his assassination in September 1959, Ms. Bandaranaike had to leave the place with her three children as she was not in a position to pay the debt, but Sir John intervened and saved the day for her.

But this is how out past leaders did politics. They did not come to politics, to get commissions and bribes and embezzle billions like certain other politicians who took to politics as a business. Nepotism was never an issue in the SLFP in the past,” he said.

The President appealed to SLFPers to assist him to rescue their beloved party that had been infected with corruption, nepotism, crimes and waste in the recent past and take the party to victory in 2020 through a clean and robust political campaign.

“Our vision and mission is to create a Sri Lanka free of corruption, waste and nepotism. The SLFP is capable of doing that and our aim is to form a SLFP government in 2020 with those values. I am ready to achieve that target with your support, blessings and cooperation,” he said.

Ministers Nimal Siripala De Silva, S.B. Dissanayaka, Sarath Amunugama, Susil Premajayantha, W.D.J. Seneviratne, Jaffna District UPFA member Angajan Ramanathan and former SLFP MP and SLFP youth organization General Secretary Shantha Bandara presented the various resolutions.(Sandun A Jayasekera)

I didn’t know what was happening on the war front – Gen. Jagath Jayasuriya

September 3rd, 2017

By Sulochana Ramiah Mohan Courtesy  Ceylon Today

Tall and well-built, retired Army General, Jagath Jayasuriya, who was posted in Brazil as the Sri Lankan Ambassador, is back in town with mounted allegations against him related to his posts as a military man and an ambassador. He said that although he was the Vanni Commander, he was not on the frontlines and it was Army Commander General Sarath Fonseka who conducted the operations.

“I don’t know of war crimes because I was near the Vavuniya airport, and Nandikadal was 100km away. How will I know what was going on there?” he queried.

Born on 3 January 1959, he joined the military at the age of 19, and to date he has been a sober and media shy guy. “I am a guy who can adjust to any situation and place, but now I am being hunted over something I am not responsible for.”

Excerpts of the interview:

? Tell us what exactly happened when you were in Brazil because reports said you had fled Brazil when there was a complaint against you on alleged war crimes?

A: I took over duties in Brazil on 5 August 2015. When I left Sri Lanka I signed a contract for a two-year tenure in Brazil as Ambassador, and the tenure was completed in August 2017. In June 2017, I wrote personally to the Foreign Secretary that I was due to complete my two years and that I would like to get back home or to get me a post in an Asian country so that I can be closer to Sri Lanka.

Then on 10 July, I received a letter signed by the then Secretary Esala Weerakoon that completion of my tour of duty was approved and to return to Sri Lanka before 31 August. I was happy that I was coming back after two years. So, I made all arrangements, including my travel plans. My flight bookings were done ahead of time, to leave Brasilia on 27 August. I came in an Emirate flight through Dubai to Colombo and reached here on 28th morning. My heavy luggage was loaded on 7 August through a shipping company. I lived in an official residence rented by the Foreign Ministry and then returned the house on 8 August and moved to a hotel apartment till my flight to Sri Lanka. The Foreign Ministry of Brazil arranged a farewell lunch in my honour that was held on 24 August, attended by persons in the Department of Asian Oceana. A few ambassadors were also invited. I was awarded a souvenir too. On Sunday, I left Brazil and there was no issue whatsoever about me till I left. On the next day I received a text message about a Sri Lankan daily paper highlighting war crimes and a report published by the BBC UK. Immediately thereafter, I received a call from Charge de Affairs Mr. Jayakody from Brazil who told me several articles about me had appeared in Brazilian newspapers and various websites and TV channels were calling him asking for my whereabouts. He was asking for my instructions. Jayakody was appointed as Charge de Affairs on 28 August. I told him to tell the truth that my term of duty ended and I had left. I told him if it’s anything related to war crimes allegations, to inform persons who called him to contact the Foreign Ministry in Colombo. Later I read a BBC news article where the International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) an NGP of Yasmin Sooka has made references to me.

? Where did the ITJP lodge the complaint?

A: I hear it was not a lawsuit against me but a complaint. I was in fact accredited to three countries. The ITJP came up with allegations that I am not fit to hold the ambassador post and I have committed war crimes. All of this was on the website giving a full account of crimes, like the video by Channel 4, but now the narration is Gen. Jagath Jayasuriya had committed war crimes. Earlier it was the former President of Sri Lanka and now specifically saying Gen. Jagath Jayasuriya committed war crimes and apparently I had seen to everything as if I was physically doing all the crimes. They also claimed that I was in a particular camp in the Vanni. They have posted the operational command chart and a few details of the Vanni Camp too. Sooka has never been to the Vanni camp and not been to Sri Lanka either. But, they sound so realistic. Of course, I know lawyers are supposed to be that. I read all these on the website and subsequently, I also received a Portuguese document what was sent to me from the ITJP. That was emailed to me by Jayakody from Brazil. The document about me had been submitted to the Ministry of the Federal Reserve Brazil and not to a Court.

? What was mentioned in the document the ITJP had submitted?

A: It’s a 49-page document and had three requests by the lawyer. They were: investigate the Ambassador over war crimes, sexual assaults and torture, the indiscriminate shelling of a hospital and preventing humanitarian assistance reaching the civilians. These were mentioned in a manner implying that I have committed all these. These were mentioned in the UN report too and there was nothing new. The ITJP had urged three actions on me: To initiate criminal investigations against Ambassador Jayasuriya, secondly, request Sri Lanka to do away with his diplomatic immunity and thirdly, if they are not going to do it, declare him persona non grata (foreign person whose entering or remaining in a particular country is prohibited).

? Did the Brazil Government accept it?

A: I don’t know but Yasmin Sooka has lied to the media. I also did not flee the country as she claimed. I can say what happened was mere coincidence. I did not even get a tip-off about them and so I was shocked to read about it after leaving Brazil. It’s the first time since the war ended that allegations of this nature came upon me on the whole war operation. I was never the fighting commander.

? What were you then?

A: I was the Vanni Commander. I looked after the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) providing logistics but I never commanded troops on the front issuing orders to fight here and fire there.

? Who did that particular job?

A: It came from the Army Commander directly to the divisional commanders.

? Who was the Army Commander?

A: General Sarath Fonseka. In the last eight years this is the first time my name propped up.

? But your name was mentioned many times before too?

A: Of course in the UN report my name was mentioned as Vanni Commander but no allegations against me. In fact, Radhika Coomaraswamy, who was the Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations, Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict until 13 July 2012, told me that there is ‘nothing against you’.

? What happened to your visa to go to the USA?

A: It’s my personal complaint again. When the war ended there were heroes mentioned under a photo of Mahinda Rajapaksa. There were 50 such photos of Forces published in many newspapers in Sri Lanka. In that list, I was also there. In my personal opinion, the US Government is using these photos as the source for alleged war criminals now.

? A few lines on being one of those war heroes of Sri Lanka responsible for defeating the LTTE?

A: I am proud to be one of the main team players in the entire operation and as the Vanni Commander. The operation was a successful one. There were lots of things besides the war that I was involved in. We finally had about 300,000 IDPs and many surrendees. It was not an easy task with limited resources to put things in place. It was a mess.

? Are you implying there were absolutely no civilian casualties in the war?

A: It was a hard fought win. I don’t consider we fought against a terrorist outfit because it was an all-out war. They had artillery and aircraft too. They may be small in numbers but they matched us all the time. It was not ordinary warfare.

? People in the North and East are continuously urging the government to address the issues of missing persons and war crimes. Are there missing persons and did the alleged war crimes really take place?

A: The problem is there were so many families who did not know that their family members were in the LTTE as they were forcibly taken by the LTTE. Thereafter, during the conflict some perished and disappeared too. What I mean is that some escaped using boats. Even after the end of the war, from the Manik Farm many escaped because from there, Mannar is close by. Even before I left the Army, there were no unaccounted people. Either they are in prison or rehabilitated. The shelling and killing allegations are all false.

? Did war crimes occur?

A: War crimes, if at all had happened, someone must specify it. You can’t just say it without indicating a specific person. Somebody should say this person did this at this time and if that evidence is shown, then that can be investigated. But I cannot accept anything said in general because anyone can claim so.

? So, were there any specific war crimes committed?

A: On the ground, whether something like that had happened or not, I don’t know because I was not on the frontline warring. I was in the Vanni Camp.

What every individual did, I don’t know. At the highest level we don’t know. At the lower level, they may be knowing whether it happened or not. A General will not know what a solider is doing on the frontline.

? You never came to know of any of these atrocities?

A: No. At that time our military was well experienced and over a period they had learnt lessons. They were more into helping people.

You may have seen photographs taken during the war about how the military were carrying the IDPs and the injured. It was amazing.

? Many charge that there was a Joint Services Special Operations Headquarters or the JOSSOPH Camp in the Vanni functioning as a torture chamber. It was right under your command, isnt it?

A: Yes. In the late ’80s it was there. I cannot remember the Commander at that time. It was a small camp that was established as a complex for joint operations over a period of time. It was the only Army establishment at that time near our Vavuniya Airport.

Otherwise, it was the Air Force that was using it. When there was a requirement for Army presence there, it was the Army Brigade that later made it into a camp and my Security Forces Headquarters was installed in that complex.

It was one of the bases in the whole complex. But, there were so many other Special Forces including intelligence, artillery, armoury and their camps, and the Air Force runway all inside the complex.

? Was there a torture camp inside there?

A: That allegations came up since intelligence were there and may be they held interrogations inside. That is why it is interpreted that way. The allegations pointed to me because I had my headquarters inside the same complex which I was responsible for. But there were Commanders at various levels in other camps in the same premises. So, if something had happened in those camps I am not responsible.

?Overall, werent you in charge of this camp?

A: Overall in charge was the Vavuniya Brigade Commander who was responsible for the security.

? So it was not under you?

A: No. I was not the one in charge of security. There was one security guy to look after the whole thing. We looked after the other small establishments. What many say is when torture was allegedly taking place there, I should have heard somebody shouting and screaming through the walls. They think I was staying next door.

? So youre saying you were not responsible for any torture?

A: How can I be responsible if somebody else was doing it? The entire complex was not under my command.

? So basically you did not know what was going on in that part of the camp?

A: No.

? You told the BBC Sinhala that the UN has not officially mentioned names pertaining to Sri Lankas war crimes? Is that what you want to know?

A: The government is saying they had found a joint solution and that there is no ‘electric chair’, no Special Court and that we have won the hearts of the international community.

My question is, if so, these allegations should not come now. The politicians are saying everything is sorted out and cleared for Sri Lanka. They may be saying for their own advantage but at the United Nations, nothing has been sorted out as yet. I think there is a long process.

? How do you think Sri Lanka can clear its name?

A: I think the government should do it.

? How will your name be cleared?

A: I cannot clear it. I don’t attend UN sessions.

? Are you willing to testify?

A: If somebody holds an inquiry or if something against me is proved, that should be investigated. Then I have to give evidence and the person who complains also must give his evidence. I know my side of the story. This has not been done and various allegations are levelled against us by other countries.

I may also ask what evidence do they have against me? Just because someone has charges against me, it does not mean that I have to accept it. Until I am found guilty, I am innocent.

? This is where the Special Court comes into play. You would like a Court hearing?

A: Whatever. If the country has accepted a mechanism to sort it out, we have to face it. If we are summoned, we cannot say we cannot go for that inquiry. All must be lined up and inquired.

? Why do you think there is an agitation for a special court, which is meant to clear everything, related to war crimes?

A: I don’t know what you mean by a Special Court, but whatever the Court is, then they should do that. No problem. What we want is, to have a Court or whatever name it goes by (or anything else) and finish it off.

? As to allegations of torture, disappearances and rape and sexual violence – did you condone them; are you aware that such crimes happened? For instance, the Defence Ministry recorded that Isaipriya was killed in combat, but there are video footage that prove otherwise that she and other women were captured alive, sexually assaulted, their private parts mutilated and were finally executed?

A: I have seen those videos, but I am not aware of these incident. Those things may have had happened on the frontline at the last minute I think. I am not personally aware of these things.

? When you saw the video clips how did you react?

A: I am not sure of the genuineness of the video. The same video is now on my news too.

? Why didnt you at least investigate to know whether it was true or false?

A: No. I don’t think we have done that.

? Even if you claim it was a war on terror and categorically deny any involvement in war crimes, the OISL report points to the fact that you played a major role?

A: Well, I played a major role by finally looking after the IDPs and the remnants of the war. The operation was led by the Army Commander who gave directives on how to progress.

In the whole war operation there were the offensive division and the defensive division. Initially, I was the Vanni Commander of the Defensive Division. Then there were new divisions that were created. Those were: 57, 58 and 59 Task Forces. They were directly given instructions by the Army Commander. So, I had to look after the Defence. The Army Commander told me ‘if something happens you are responsible’.

? Have you seen the Paranagama report?

A: No

? In the Parangama report, number 46 says, Under the international law doctrine of command or superior responsibility, military and civilian superiors can be held responsible for the crimes committed by their subordinates if they knew or had reason to know that the subordinates were about to commit or had committed war crimes, and the superior failed to prevent or punish such crimes. What does this mean?

A: Every military organization has a chain of command. At various levels there are Commanders. But, a private solider answers to his Commander, whether that Commander has one stripe or two stripes, that is a section. Likewise, when three sections get together it’s a platoon with a Second Lieutenant or a Sergeant. If the section has 10 people, the Corporal is responsible. You cannot expect his Commanding Officer, who is the Lt. Colonel, who is commanding about 800 persons, to know what a private soldier has done. Of course, it can be reported. But, I don’t know if that had happened.

? So, no such reports reached anyone on crimes?

A: No.

? Number 47 of the Paranagama report states It is clear to the Commission that this doctrine may be engaged as it concerns the allegations relating to the white flag killings of LTTE leaders and the images of executions that have formed the subject matter of a series of Channel 4 television broadcasts. The Commission is of the view, as found by the LLRC, that there are matters to be investigated in terms of specific instances of deliberate attacks on civilians. These matters must be the subject of an independent judicial inquiry. There are credible allegations, which if proved to the required standard, may show that some members of the Armed Forces committed acts during the final phase of the war that amounted to war crimes giving rise to individual criminal responsibility.

A: Now, who is saying that he or she carried a white flag?

? Isnt it in the report of the UN? They say it is alleged people came with white flags. Also, I think Eric Solheim had told civilians and the LTTE members to carry flags and surrender. Didnt you know?

A: There is nobody saying that she or he came with a white flag, if they do, we can investigate it. Eric Solheim was not there. Can a person come forward and say I carried a white flag and we beat them?

? The story is that persons who carried white flags and surrendered were allegedly killed. Dont you think its possible?

A: So, who is going to believe that? If there are evidence, well we can probe.

? Did you as the Vanni Commander also received orders directly from Gotabaya Rajapaksa in Mullaithivu during the final battle, not reporting to General Sarath Fonseka as he was sent abroad at the final moments?

A: No. Army Commander Sarath Fonseka went to China with his mobile phone and the map of the Vanni. I don’t think Gotabaya interfered in the conduct of the operational part. But, we used to report or tell Gotabaya also if something was happening. If there were special requirements, we reported to Gotabaya. But, Fonseka was contactable on telephone. Fonseka’s wife used to tell us ‘his entire bed was taken up for the map’. I worked with him so, I also know he does that.

? So, did he give orders from China using his phone?

A: He used to call and verify reports. I can say categorically he had given me in writing that I have no operational command of troops in the Vanni and that I will only do logistics. So, I was not giving orders. That is why I said, he wanted me to do the defensive part and not the offensive part, but now I am accused of all these events.

? In an interview in SPs Land Forces Magazine in February 2010, you claimed: “As the Security Forces Commander Vanni, the entire northern operation was conducted in the tactical area of responsibility that came under my command. I was actively involved in the ground operations executing the directives from Army Headquarters and the Ministry of Defence.” Do you stand by that statement?

A: Yes, up to that particular date I was referring to, I was in charge.

? Which date was that?

A: At the final stages of the war, I got instruction from the Army Commander that I hold no responsibility of an Operational Commander.

? Which date was that?

A: I think it was February or March.

? How do you explain the many videos showing the execution of prisoners in the custody of identifiable Sri Lankan soldiers?

A: That is the question. You are talking about Channel 4 right? Yes, we tried to find out exactly what it was. It’s quite difficult to identify. Whatever I have seen on various websites, it’s difficult to make it out whether it was made up or not. I don’t know because I never heard of such things happening and what was happening on the frontline, I don’t know.

? Is it possible to identify the soldiers in the videos and stills with prisoners and question them about how the prisoners were later found to be dead?

A: You mean the LTTEers?

? The LTTE and the Sri Lankan military personnel. Can you identify them?

A: If all to be identified it has to be by the intelligence. Personally, I can’t. A General Commander cannot identify. It’s the intelligence who does all that.

? Do you know what happened to Isaipriya who was a newsreader on LTTE TV Channel or Prabhakarans 12-year-old son Balachandran, Pulidevan and others who surrendered to the Army?

A: I have not followed it. Of course, a few days after that I became the Army Commander. I was too busy with other things. Only when the reports came from the Ministry of Defence, there was sort of an investigation to find out about those claims.

But, as the Army Commander I ordered an inquiry into the shelling of the hospital. That was in the report. There were artillery and the radar that technically confirmed they had fired, but it was later alleged to have been into the no fire zone.

? So, as a responsible officer, dont you want to know the truth as to what happened to the surrendees?

A: That was investigated at the highest level. So, we did not want to interfere. It was a Ministry of Defence level probe.

? What did they tell you?

A: I don’t know.

? Did you not want to know about it? Have you ever told yourself I should have checked on these before it becomes an issue?

A: We were all in doubt in what circumstances all these things happened. To find out what exactly happened and to get the details of it, the Army was not involved.

? What happened to the surrendees after the war ended?

A: Those 12,000 persons? Oh yes. I don’t know the exact figure.

? Was it only 12,000?

A: I guess little over that, I don’t know the exact figure. I am the one who started the rehabilitation camp initially.

? Were there some with white flags reaching the Army?

A: No. some surrendered before 16 May and the war ended on 18 May. From what I know from the people who were coming in telling us, that Prabhakaran had given orders to them not to leave till the 16th. They were waiting for international assistance. But, most of the people escaped. Then we were announcing that if anyone had anything to do with the LTTE please identify yourself so, you can be treated separately; so, that you will not have problems later on if you don’t declare. Then people surrendered in many thousands. We kept them in few camps – females and males separately and they were looked after by us. It was a new experience for us too, when the rehabilitation process started. We also learnt how to conduct it with the help of international organizations. The process started and I think almost all were released and reunited with their families now.

? But what about the people who say many who surrendered have gone missing?

A: I don’t think so. All those names we had were there. At the Omanthai checkpoint we were registering everybody. We have taken photographs also. So, they were registered and taken. Every individual was registered. So, how can somebody go missing thereafter?

? So, what is the list of missing persons coming in after surrendering to the Army? Didnt such thing take place?

A: No. I think they are asking for persons in prison. They are thinking still there are non declared people.

? For instance, Northern Province Minister Ananthy Sasitharan claims her husband, LTTE Trincomalee Commander surrendered to the military and she personally witnessed him go. Today she is searching for him. Do you know what happened to him?

A: Who is that guy? Pulithevan? He never surrendered. He is dead. Nadesan is also dead and I think their bodies were identified.

? Its Elilan. Where is he?

A: If she was with him, she should know his whereabouts. I am not aware of the details now. Sorry. She claimed he came with a white flag, I think. All those surrendees are in the list of who were rehabilitated.

? What do you think of the missing persons list people are showing to the media in the North?

A: There is no list as such now. Military does not have another list. They would have given evidence before the commission about such persons.

? Do you want to see a conclusion to these claims of missing persons?

A: During my time everybody was declared. They were either rehabilitated or in prison. There was no other undeclared location where people were held. There was an allegation that we were using undeclared places and the UN experts went right around looking for those places.

? What do you think of the war and the war crimes allegations overall?

A: It was an unwanted war. We have served the country and the government. We defeated the LTTE and brought peace. But, unfortunately having done all that, we have been harassed with all these inquiries and persons tarnishing our names without concrete evidence. That is unacceptable. It affects us. I am affected when I want to travel overseas.

? Do you think the reconciliation process, the Office of the Missing Persons, Special Court and reparation process will sort out these problems for the military?

A: I don’t think those are the requirements now. Politicians, including the Tamil politicians, have to play a major role. Of course, it would take time to heal. We said after the war, for the next 10 years we should not relax that the war had ended. The distance or the gap between the North and South should be reduced. I personally told former President Rajapaksa, the travel time of 8 hours to Jaffna should be reduced and within one hour we should be able to get there and people should not feel they are in a different part of the world. Of course, people’s concerns must be addressed. If someone is missing, give a death certificate or compensate them soon. Sort out their problems.

?What about probing those allegations before issuing death certificates? Do you agree to that?

A: If there is evidence, definitely it should be proved. I think all Army Commanders have categorically stated if there is something against an individual it can be investigated. There are procedures too. Within the military we have probed cases with evidence and some have been convicted too. There is no problem in that. At the moment what is happening is that a few names known at that time are being alleged to have committed crimes. If something had happened, there could be someone else responsible too.

? Is it because you were the Vanni Commander they are pointing at you?

A: What can I do? I mean when I am in a particular place and things are happening 100km away how can I know about it? As the Vanni Commander, I was in Vanni near the airport and the fighting took place in Nandikadal, which is over 100 km away.

? Do you think many things could have happened behind your back?

A: If something had happened and there is evidence, it can be investigated. Nobody would say don’t investigate.

? What is your message to the people out there who level war crimes and disappearance allegations against the Army? They are crying over their loved ones showing their photographs?

A: They have come with this problem, but somebody must give a definite word whether they are missing or dead. The law is that if you are not around for seven years, the person is declared dead. So, majority of the people who went missing may have been in LTTE custody and they should accept it and believe they are no more. The government should compensate them and settle once and for all not keep pestering all the time about it.

? Do you think the government is not attending to the matter?

A: I don’t think so. Even in the UN resolution they said various things about it, but nothing is coming out of it. Every six months we are going to the UN. Probably this allegation against me came up because the next UN session is nearing.

?What did President Rajapaksa do about war crimes allegations?

A: They were in the process of doing something about it and also in their case they also did not take a concrete action. That government was sort of in denial not allowing anything to happen. This government has a different approach, but nothing is happening. All of them are answerable. The Government must seriously attend to these issues.

(Pic by Kelum Chamara)

‘White Flag’ – II

September 3rd, 2017

Editorial Courtesy The Island

Monday 4th September, 2017


Former Army Commander Field Marshal and Minister Sarath Fonseka, has done it again! He once got into trouble over what came to be dubbed the White Flag allegations against the then Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, who, he said, had ordered the killing of some surrendering LTTE leaders in May 2009. About eight years on, he has accused his successor General Jagath Jayasuriya of having committed serious offences against persons in captivity. Fonseka’s allegations have come close on the heels of a war crimes case filed against former Army Commander Jayasuriya in Brazil, where he served as Sri Lanka’s ambassador.

Fonseka has said he is ready to testify against Jayasuriya and produce evidence in support of his claims. Is this Fonseka’s personal opinion or do the yahapalana leaders endorse it? The government ought to make its position known to the public officially. Else, Fonseka’s allegations will be seen as part of a government strategy to justify efforts being made to set up a war crimes tribunal as required by the UNHRC resolution of 2015, which the yahapalana administration co-sponsored.

Why didn’t Fonseka as the army commander make any written complaints, during the war, against Maj. Gen. Jayasuriya to President Mahinda Rajapaksa or Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, calling for action? He himself should have taken action against Jayasuriya at that time if he had been convinced that the allegations against the latter were true. Fonseka and Jayasuriya never got on well after the latter’s appointment as the army commander over the heads of about ten officers senior to him with the former being kicked upstairs as the Chief of Defence Staff. It was also on Jayasuriya’s watch that Fonseka was bundled into a vehicle and taken to the Navy headquarters, where he was held in a cell before being court-martialled.

Interestingly, when Maj. Gen. Jayasuriya claimed in 2008 that he had under him several divisions engaged in operations on the Vanni front obviously in a bid to claim the credit for the army’s impressive victories, the Army Headquarters, at the behest of the then Army Commander Lt. Gen. Fonseka, hurriedly denied his statement; that rebuttal gave the impression to the media and the public that Jayasuriya was trying to bask in the reflected glory of the victorious troops. In fact, Jayasuriya had no say in military operations on the Vanni front at that time!

Fonseka’s allegations against Jayasuriya are tantamount to a self-indictment in that he, as the common presidential candidate of the Opposition, addressing the media on Dec. 15, 2009, declared that he would take the responsibility for what the army had done throughout the war under his command and no field commander had acted in violation of any international laws. Now, he is saying something entirely different!

The government must probe Fonseka’s allegations against Jayasuriya immediately and thoroughly. If Jayasuriya is found guilty he should be punished appropriately; if he proves his innocence, then Fonseka must be made to pay for making false allegations. President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe must act fast. Before that the government, especially Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, as the UNP leader, must probe the very serious allegations his party made in Parliament against Fonseka while the latter was the army commander in 2008; the then Chief Opposition Whip and UNP MP Joseph Michael Perera accused Fonseka of having under him a special army unit to attack journalists. The UNP called for arrests. In 2010, the UNP threw in its lot with Fonseka in the presidential race and five years later abused the National List to make him a minister!

Spanish lawyer Carlos Castresana Fernández and the South Africa-headquartered International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) in partnership with human rights organisations in Latin America have been instrumental in filing the war crimes case at issue against Jayasuriya. Now that they have acted against Jayasuriya on the basis of some unsubstantiated allegation they are duty bound to take similar action against the surviving LTTE leaders like Adele Balasingham, who led the women’s wing of the LTTE, responsible for many crimes which are well documented if they are not to be accused of being hired guns. Adele is currently living in London. Will they get cracking?


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