Mahinda promises people-friendly
rule, honourable peace
by Shamindra Ferdinando
Courtesy The Island - 21/09/05
Premier Mahinda Rajapakse calls for a fresh approach towards the peace
process. He is critical of the Oslo-arranged Cease-Fire Agreement (CFA)
and accuses the LTTE of assassinating Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar.
He is not alone in attacking the CFA and calling for an urgent review
of the entire peace process.
Rajapakse echoes Peace Secretariat chief Ambassador Jayantha Dhanapala,
Foreign Secretary H.M.G. S. Palihakkara and the Washington-based Ambassador
Bernard Gunatilleke. Like Rajapakse, they too went on the offensive
after Kadirgamar’s assassination on August 12 but for different
reasons. For the three career diplomats the assassination was incontrovertible
proof that the CFA had failed. For Rajapakse, the assassination was
evidence that a different approach was needed to reverse the trend.
He had made the decision, and it was irrevocable. He echoes the JVP
and Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) after reaching an understanding with
them on a common agenda.
Leave out the political rhetoric and their message is clear. A vote
for Rajapakse is a vote for a people-friendly government. He vows to
resist the internationally backed moves to transform the Sri Lankan
State from a unitary to a united or federal one as it would lead to
the division of the country on ethnic lines.
The government pursues a counterproductive strategy matched only by
the unbelievable stupidity of turning a Nelsonian eye towards brazen
terrorist acts. Rajapakse was a silent observer. He kept his thoughts
on the peace process to himself and was not in anyway involved in the
peace process. In fact, he was sidelined.
Rajapakse broke his silence shortly after Kadirgamar’s assassination.
The Prime Minister accused the LTTE of the assassination as President
Chandrika Kumaratunga claimed her trusted lieutenant was killed by "political
foes opposed to the peaceful transformation of the conflict and who
were determined to undermine attempts towards a negotiated political
solution to the ethnic conflict."
Her office denied that the words "political foes" referred
to the JVP but also declined to hold the LTTE responsible for the assassination.
Rajapakse’s forthright stand helped him to win over the JVP and
JHU and on August 14 -two days after the assassination - the anti-terror
alliance was born subsequent to a meeting chaired by Rajapakse at Temple
Trees. On the same day Foreign Secretary H. M. G. S.Palihakkara, Peace
Secretariat chief Ambassador Jayantha Dhanapala and IGP Chandra Fernando
told the Colombo based diplomatic community that the assassination bore
the hallmarks of the LTTE, the signatory to the CFA.
President Kumaratunga subsequently attacked the LTTE over her trusted
lieutenant’s assassination. During her recent visit to the New
York she urged international sanctions against the LTTE while accusing
the group of assassinating Kadirgamar. In her address to the New York
based Asia Society, she acknowledged that the CFA had an adverse impact
on the sovereignty and security of the country. This justifies Rajapakse’s
call to review the entire peace process and related agreements and procedures
such as the joint tsunami aid sharing deal a.k.a Post Tsunami Operational
Management Structure (PTOMS). Don’t forget the fact the UNP too
is critical of some key provisions in the PTOMS stayed by the Supreme
Court.
Rajapakse’s rise was not swift. His detractors were many. The
JVP tried to deny him the premiership. The Marxist party preferred Foreign
Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar. Rajapakse reacted furiously triggering
a bitter battle with his opponents and emerged victorious on April 6
last year. It was not an isolated case of Rajapakse overcoming political
obstacles. It did not guarantee him the party nomination as the ruling
coalition’s presidential election candidate and he had to be on
his toes until he secured the nomination. But unfortunately some of
his colleagues were busy undermining his campaign on the pretext of
safeguarding the interests and the identity of the SLFP. What they failed
to realise is that it was Rajapakse and a few others like Mangala Samaraweera
and CV Gunaratne who stood by Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike during the
height of the second JVP insurgency. It is no secret the then UNP administration
took advantage of the crisis to target the SLFP.
Let me briefly relate Rajapakse’s ascent to the leadership. Rajapakse
successfully contested the Beliatta electorate in 1970 and entered Parliament
representing the Hambantota district. He was 24 years and was taking
over from his illustrious father D.A. Rajapakse who represented the
seat from 1947 to 1965.
He came to the fore in the late 80s as he fought the authoritarian
regime of Ranasinghe Premadasa. Rakapakse, born at Weeraketiya reacted
angrily as the then UNP regime took advantage of the JVP led bloody
insurgency to weaken the SLFP.
The south bled and bled. Caught between the security forces and faceless
forces known as subversives, the agony of the south was compounded by
its physical isolation from the rest of the country. Torn apart from
the rest of the country by the disruption of transport and of telecommunications
and power supplies, the south became the arena for a minor civil war.
The lawyer turned politician was among the few who fought back. The
unbridled terror largely silenced the SLFP leaving Mahinda Rajapakse,
Mangala Samaraweera, C.V. Gunaratne, and Jeyaraj Fernandopulle, Mrs
Priyangani Abeyweera and Mrs Hema Ratnayake and a few others to stand
by Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike.
During my many assignments in the height of the insurgency, sometimes
we visited Rajapakse’s Tangalle residence where we stayed overnight
once. I was with Divaina journalist Dharmaratne Wijesundera and was
on an assignment to interview a local JVP leader. We stayed overnight
at Rajapakse’s residence (he was in Colombo) and were blindfolded
and taken to a JVP hideout at Kudawella. This was in December 1988.
Rajapakse was targeted. Despite immense threats to his life, he fought
Premadasa’s regime. He was under surveillance and in one instance
police intercepted him at the BIA. My friend ASP Noel Chandana Kudahetti,
the then Minister W. J. M. Lokubandara’s brother-in-law confronted
Rajapakse at the airport on September 12, 1990. He seized 533 forms
containing information on missing persons, 30 photographs of bullet
riddled and smouldering bodies from Rajapakse’s possession. Police
recorded his statement before allowing him to board UL 565. Rajapakse
was on his way to a United Nations Human Rights Commission. The police
action triggered an angry protest from Jeyaraj Fernandopulle and Vasudeva
Nanayakkara at the forefront of a democratic campaign against autocratic
Premadasa regime. Even an influential section of the UNP felt the heat
and this led to the unprecedented move to impeach Premadasa in August
1991.
Rajapakse and Nanayakkara played key roles in the opposition campaign.
In one instance, visiting Geneva in February 1990, they were amazed
to see an LTTE delegation campaigning on behalf of the Premadasa regime.
Both delegations were at the 46th sessions of the United Nations Human
Rights Commission.
Their efforts suffered a huge setback as the LTTE claimed of significant
improvement in the government’s human rights record. This was just
four months before the LTTE resumed hostilities by executing several
hundred policemen.
Rajapakse joined Mangala Samaraweera’s Mother’s Front movement
headquartered in Matara. It played a pivotal role in bringing victims
together to pressure Premadasa’s regime. I covered its second convention
at the New Town Hall. It began in a tragic note when a middle aged father
deeply saddened by the death of his only son, a university student at
the hands of faceless killers, died of a heart attack minutes before
the inauguration of the meeting chaired by Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike.
Mangala Samaraweera and Mahinda Rajapakse flanked Mrs. Bandaranaike
and Mrs. Chandrika Kumaratunga, the then Attanagalle organiser sat several
seats away from Mrs. Bandaranaike.
Among the speakers were slain journalist Richard de Zoysa’s mother
Mrs. Manorani Saravanamuttu. I remember popular songstress Nanda Malini
signing "Mother’s Song" dedicated to all women who lost
loved ones in the hands of the JVP and the government.
Rajapakse organised a series of protests, the massive pada yatra being
one of the most important campaigns during Premadasa’s regime.
He fearlessly faced the threat and played a pivotal role in the SLFP
campaign at the May 1993 Southern Provincial Council elections, the
first major SLFP victory that prompted C.V.Gunaratne to declare that
the 17 year-curse is over.
The May 1993 poll paved the way for the August 1994 parliamentary elections
and the presidential elections in November 1994. The UNP southern provincial
council campaign was handled by three seniors. Anura Bandaranaike was
in charge of Galle, Sirisena Cooray responsible for Matara and the then
Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe at the helm in Hambantota.
Rajapakse’s achievements are too many to mention here. But unfortunately
he did not live up to expectations after the PA took office in August
1994. Although he started well the PA’s Labour Minister suffered
a heavy setback as he failed to secure the required backing. But Rajapakse
held on and over the years overcame a series of obstacles and in February
2004 took over Office of the Opposition Leader after President Kumaratunga
favoured him over her brother who was away in the US. But Rajapakse
was not the first choice. President Kumaratunga appointed Ratnasiri
Wickremanayake and Rajapakse’s appointment materialised after the
former Prime Minister fell sick. Wouldn’t it have been better if
Rajapakse’s appointment was made immediately after the last parliamentary
elections victory?
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