S. Akurugoda

According to a media report appeared in a local daily few weeks ago, the Indian Counsel General in Jaffna V. Mahalingam had interfered in the judicial process following the seizure of 112 Indian fishermen along with 18 trawlers in the general area north of Point Pedro by raising the issue with the Point Pedro Magistrate Mrs. Sirinidhi Nandasekeran and sought an early release of the fishermen and their boats.

The arrested fishermen were ordered by the Magistrate to be remanded for two weeks but were later released following ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”consultationsƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ between Colombo and New Delhi, according to the said report.

As per a news item appearing in Asian Tribune last Saturday, Sri LankaƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s Foreign Ministry lodged strong protests with the Indian High Commissioner in Colombo and had expressed its displeasure over the alleged action of the Indian Counsel General in Jaffna.

Although we have come across of incidents where foreign diplomats interfering with domestic political issues, this is the first time we come across a case where a foreign diplomat is interfering with our judiciary process. Incidentally, IndiaƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s High Commissioner J.N Dixit was the first notable foreign diplomat to interfere in internal affairs of our country.

As Asian Tribune reported in its news item, Sri Lankan courts have wide powers to sentence those who are found guilty of interfering with judicial process, which amounts to ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”contempt of courtƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ and offenders can be sentenced to jail after a summary trial. Interfering with judicial process is an offence in almost all known democratic countries including (perhaps) India. Thus, it is hard to believe that a person assigned to the level of a Counsel General is unaware of this fundamental fact well known even to an 8^th year student in our country.

IndiaƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s External Affairs Minister S M Krishna inaugurated Indian Consulates in two Sri LankaƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s strategic locations one in Hambantota and the other in Jaffna, just few months ago, during his four-day visit to Sri Lanka in November last year.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ Since the conclusion of the war, notably after the setting up of the Consulate in Jaffna, the Tamil Nadu fishing fleet have stepped-up operations in Sri Lankan waters.

The Indian-Sri Lankan fishermenƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s issue, we have today, appears as tantamount to a border issue. Sources said that some of the fishermen who were in custody had told the Point Pedro Magistrate that Tamil Nadu authorities had told them to go ahead with fishing in Sri Lankan waters. Tamil Nadu politicians go on rampage, just for cheap racial popularity and to gain political leverage over each other, when legal procedures were taken against the fishermen who enter the Sri Lankan waters (or territory) illegally.ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚  By interfering in the judicial process of the host country, it appears that even the Indian Counsel General has confused with his own territory!

Although the establishment of the consulate in Jaffna is said to be to help the rehabilitation and streamlining of the humanitarian assistance to the displaced Tamils, from what is happening now within few months of its opening, it is pretty obvious that its presence is nothing but to achieve IndiaƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s regional ambitions to suit its own doctrine.

As reported in Indian press, prior to the setting up of the consulate offices in Jaffna and Hambantota, the opening of the consulate office in Hambantota is to counter (what they see as) the rising Chinese influence in Sri Lanka.ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚  India believes Hambantota is part of a Chinese policy to throw a “string of pearls” geographical circle of influence around India and is aimed at counterbalancing and undermining India’s natural influence in Sri Lanka.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ India, through its intelligence services, has accomplished its assigned objectives in neighbouring countries by successfully maneuvering their doctrine.

Up to 1977 the Sri Lankan government had kept India happy by following policies which followed the Indian line ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢¢”š¬…” domestically and externally. The trouble began when J. R. Jayewardene-led United National Party leaned towards a foreign policy with the US led countries and Sri Lanka chose to oppose the Indian demand for the withdrawal of all foreign naval forces from the Indian Ocean. India had already been displeased by Sri LankaƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s support to Pakistan during the 1971 war when the government allowed landing and fuelling facilities to PakistanƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s East-West commercial flights and Sri LankaƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s permitting of installation of high powered transmitter by Voice of America.

India then determined to bring Sri Lanka into the fold by arming the Tamil Terrorist groups and training them at Camps set up in Tamil Nadu. As a sequel to this ploy, when the Sri Lankan security forces were about to destroy the terrorists, Indian cargo planes invaded Sri LankaƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s air space and was forced into Indian power-web when Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987 was singed and Indian Peace-Keeping-Force (IPKF) landed in Sri Lanka.

India made use of the links the Tamils had with the 50 million Indian Tamils of Tamil Nadu to exploit the Sri LankaƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s essentially domestic political conflict. India unsuccessfully tried its best to stop security operations against the LTTE by sending its Foreign Secretary and National Defence Adviser during the final stages of war to please the Tamil Nadu politicians who promote racism within its population for their own survival.

If the Indian press reporting over the establishment of Consulates (above) is correct, the establishment of Consulates is an indication of its ulterior motives and unless the Sri Lankan authorities keep a sharp eye on the setup and their activities, these establishments could do more harm than good to our countryƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s stability.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ S. Akurugoda