පාලිත ආරියරත්න

Dr. Tilak S. Fernando

During  Hartel ( the General strike) organanised by the Marxist parties in 1953 to express public dissatisfaction over the cost of rice of the GCSU ( General Clerical Services  Union). Mr. Kanakasamy was shot by the police lead by LSSP  stalwarts; Dr. N.M.Perera, Dr. Colvin de Silva and Lesley Gunawardena. The GCSU was  powerful and acted as in the form of real power to demand a prominent powerful upsurge until 1985. It was stated by Nicky Karunaratne, who was based on the LSSP hierarchy.

‘The old left’ liked to look back with heroic nostalgia of the  1953 general strike as the vital event of their, history. Consequently,  for many years to follow the general strike as an occasion for provoking speeches  by left party members.

A review of the past showed that the old left of the SLFP, which benefitted out the hartal in the popular  upsurge of 1956, which felled the UNP and brought S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike  as the Prime Minister.

The GCSU Head Quarters.

The  GCSU headquarters in Fort was a small ‘ but’ during the sixties but later it was converted into a multi-million story building under the leadership of I.J. Wickrema  and K.M. Karunaratne. Inside their office hanged a photograph of the famous 1953 hartal including the victim of Kandasamy on display’

I.J. Wickrema was outspoken gentleman, who was highly critical of Mr. N. M. Pereira’s demand overtures, after becoming  the finance minister. Finally, he was kicked of  the leadership by N.M. for going against N.M.

The  new headquarters was opened by Mrs.Bandrarnaike when she was the Prime Minister with a very colourful ceremony with a  momentous Pirith ceremony  throughout the night.

When, Kandasamy died of gunshot wounds, the LSSP thought it was a  new beginning for their- future project visa vis –  to power  by implementing their future project.

GCSU was considered the most powerful alliance among the  Trade Union forum where NM had  a steady and a close union with it. Even  SWRD Bandaranaike  was unable  to govern the country the country, peacefully due to the interference against his government.

It was in fact due to the LSSP’s deceptive, dishonest and sneaky undercurrent manipulations that the Tamil workers always got the upper hand and managed to secure fine jobs while, lamentedly in a country like Sri Lanka, where  there was a majority of Buddhists were  denied were denied of any chance in a beneficial capacity being employed as minor workers or having to depend on labour  as a means of  substance!

 It was intended a sad dilemma where the majority of the population (Sinhala people) had to succumb to minor jobs in an insignificant capacity while  the minority (Tamils) enjoyed all the

The Tamil percentage up to 70% at the time, until politicians in the form of Tamil , until Politicians such as T.B.Illngaratne caliber changed this government administrative policy to employ more rural  youth by directly introducing the State Language policy of Sinhala only.

During the Gloomy Period.

During those ‘gloomy, low-spirited  days the ‘Jaffna train from Colombo  to Jaffna was fully packed from Maradana station,which consisted of Tamils, who were employed in the South

For the week end, yet the irony being when the train reached Anuradhapura station, Tamils for the week end, yet the irony  being when reached Anuradhapura station, Tamils who were looking for yet when the train reached Anuradhapura station, Tamils took absolute control of the train by pushing Sinhala passengers out of their way up to Jaffna. It was a time where some of the Sinhalese men from the South had business in the North.

Karunaratne recalls  

Karunaratne recalls on several occasions when Colvin R d Silva to addressed, for  not  fathoming  the mentality of those LSSP hierarchy for misleading their Union members boiled down to nothing, else but to expose their endeavor to utilize the ‘ill-literate’ working  within the main Government.

On several occasion when Colvin R de Silva addressed the union backed ‘strikers’, he managed to condition the workers by injecting ‘poison’ into their minds thinking that by repeating in mantra from saying that, strikes alone is useless……but you have to organize rallies and agitate from your work places; at least to throw a stone to spill some blood on the floor’!

One should not just fathom the mentality of the hierarchy for misleading their Union member which, simply boils down to nothing  else but  to expose their  endeavor  to utilize the Ille- rate” working classes masses for their own ends!

such tactics never helped them to any demands, even when the LSSP enjoyed three portfolios in Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s government, and the result being their demands were thrown out of the window. Mrs. Bandaranaike decided to get rid  of the LSSP coalition from the SLFP government, within a proverbial honeymoon!

Those  so called Red Leaders” lead a double life in the luxury,  including Peter Kenuman of the  Communion  enjoyed for a  swim at the Otter’s Club, in Colombo 7. He was  a keen swimmer and has arrived with visitors in  the swimming pool those days. It was a different breed of affluent people in the society. Peter Kenuman was a Minister of Construction at the time. Going by what these personnel used to talk covertly in their private, he completely lived completely what they advocated, was rather  baffling from their  political philosophy.”

Vicky remembers Vijaya’s

Going  back to the days when Vijaya Kumaratunga was released released  from prison, Vicky remembers and wanted to join the LSSP, yet his decision  away from his own Party and joining LSSP. When Vijaya contested the election, I drove all the way from Colombo  to help with his electioneering with financial contribution (Half  of which was my friend Kotakadeniya.  On the

AP

On the following morning I, ( Nicky Karunaratne) drove I  drove all the a following morning, I gave our contribution to K.P. Silva of the LSSP hierarchy for going and betraying the LSSP for betraying us like just like the LSSP hierarch

betraying us like the  LSSP hierarchy by going to Jaffna with him with Chandrika and meeting with ruthless terrorist  Prabakaran, who suffered from a mental disorder and a meglomaniniic , relates Nicky .The  money was given to K.P .Silva at  the Minneriya Rest House

 This is not the  first time in Sri Lanka of such an intrusion by the CIA, says Nicky, but it has  a record of such activities  from time immorality.  CIA gets very main objectives or break  backbone of other Nations and get through their other agendas and their own games.”!

tilakfernando@gmail.com

By P. K. Balachandran/Factum

Colombo, April 10: There is hullabaloo in India over the tiny and uninhabited Kachchativu island in the Palk Strait. It was triggered earlier this month by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is also the supremo of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

To everyone’s surprise, Modi accused the opposition Congress party of giving the island away to Sri Lanka callously” in 1974.

This was followed by External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar’s utterances blaming  India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), an ally of the Congress in the forthcoming parliamentary elections in Tamil Nadu.

Referring to an official report, secured through the Right to Information Act by a Tamil Nadu BJP leader, Modi said that it was the Congress Prime Minister Indira Gandhi who had handed over Kachchativu to Sri Lanka.

It was eye-opening and startling,” Modi said and accused India’s grand old party of weakening the country’s integrity continually.

We can’t ever trust Congress. Weakening India’s unity, integrity, and interests has been Congress’s way of working for 75 years and counting,” Modi wrote on X.

Addressing a press conference in New Delhi, External Affairs Minister and former diplomat, S. Jaishankar said: Today, it is important for the public to know and the people to judge. This issue has been hidden too long from the gaze of the public. We are talking about 1958 and 1960. The main people in the case wanted to make sure that at least we should get the fishing rights. The island was given away in 1974 and the fishing rights were given away in 1976. One, the most basic recurring aspect is the indifference shown by the then Central government and the PMs about the territory of India. The fact is they simply did not care.

In an observation given by the then PM Jawaharlal Nehru in May 1961, he wrote: ‘I attach no importance at all to this little island and I would have no hesitation in giving up our claim to it. I do not like matters like this pending indefinitely and being raised again and again in parliament.’ So, to Pandit Nehru, this was a little island, it had no importance, he saw it as a nuisance. For him, the sooner you give it away, the better. This view continued on to Indira Gandhi as well.

Indira Gandhi is said to have remarked in the AICC meeting that this is a little rock. I am reminded of those days when Pandit Nehru called our northern boundary as a place where not a blade of grass grew. I would like to remind them that after this historic statement by PM Nehru, he never regained the confidence of the country. The same was going to happen to Indira Gandhi when she said that this is only a little rock. So, this is not just one PM. This dismissive attitude was the historic Congress attitude towards Kachchativu.”

In another interaction, the External Affairs Minister said that the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), which was then in power in Tamil Nadu, was kept informed about the government’s stand on Kachchativu and therefore the DMK too was complicit.

Modi’s and Jaishankar’s utterance have not caused ripples in Sri Lanka. Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Ali Sabry told a TV channel on April 3: This is a problem discussed and resolved 50 years ago and there is no necessity to have further discussions on this.”

A Colombo-based official source told The Hindu that the Sri Lankan government refrained from commenting on the development as it was a clash between two political parties in the run-up to Indian parliamentary elections.

The comments are about who was responsible for giving up the island to Sri Lanka, not about whose territory it is part of now. So, there is nothing for Sri Lanka to comment on, really,” the official said, requesting anonymity owing to the sensitivity” of the issue.

No Indian Threat

In fact, neither Modi nor Jaishankar said that they would try to reclaim Kachchativu from Sri Lanka. In fact, when the matter came up in the Supreme Court, the Attorney General of the Modi government Mukul Rohatgi had himself said that the island could not be taken back except by waging war.

It has also been India’s consistent stand that Kachchativu was a disputed territory” and that the dispute was settled in favour of Sri Lanka in 1974 and 1976 through long and arduous negotiations since 1921. Kachchativu was not a part of India. If it were so, it could not have been alienated without a constitutional amendment. And there was no constitutional amendment when Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was recognized.

Real Issue: Dispute over Fishing Rights

At any rate, the real issue is the fishing rights of the Tamil Nadu fishermen on the Sri Lankan side of the International Maritime Boundary which passes near Kachchativu.

Tamil Nadu fishermen have been making the unreasonable demand that they be allowed to fish in the Palk Strait, the Palk Bay and even off the North Eastern Jaffna shores because they had been fishing there for centuries. For them, the International Maritime Boundary drawn up in 1974 and 1976 are of no relevance. Sri Lanka cannot be expected to agree to this.

Though the retrieval of Kachchativu from Sri Lanka is portrayed as a solution to the problem, it is not a solution at all. Even if it is handed over to India, the Tamil Nadu fishermen will continue to intrude into Sri Lankan waters. Using trawlers that scrape the bottom of the shallow sea denuding it of not just fish but all forms of marine life, these fishermen had over-fished in the sea next to the Indian shores. They had then taken to poaching in Sri Lankan waters right up to the Sri Lankan shores.

They brazenly exploit the relative weakness of the North Sri Lankan Tamil fishermen.

When arrested, the story the Tamil Nadu fishermen narrate to the outside world is that they did not cross Kachchativu and that the Sri Lankan navy had seized them in Indian waters. If this were true, the Indian Coast Guard, which has bases on the Indian side, would have intercepted the Sri Lankan navy. But there has not been a single case of confrontation between the Indian and Lankan naval personnel.

Since the arrest of the fishermen triggers a hue and cry in Tamil Nadu Indian diplomats get them released promptly. But the boats come back again.

During the ethnic conflict, the Lankan navy used to open fire and even kill the intruders. But since the end of the conflict in 2009, they don’t even fire warning shots. The intruding vessels are boarded, the crew are taken prisoner, and their boats are seized. But diplomacy intervenes and the men are set free. But they come back.

Bottom Trawling

Sri Lanka had banned bottom trawlers in 2017. But Indian trawlers come  unchallenged. Lankan Fisheries Minister Douglas Devananda told parliament that at least 5,000 bottom trawlers from Pondicherry, Karaikal, Rameshwaram and Nagapattinam enter Sri Lankan waters week after week to engage in bottom trawling at the expense of the livelihoods of local fishermen.

After the 1976 agreement, the Indian mechanised trawlers which were 36 feet long with 120 horsepower capacity at that time, turned out to be 50-60 foot long massive vessels with 350-550 horsepower engines after 2000,” Devananda said.

In the past, the Northern Tamil shores had the reputation of being one of the most productive regions in terms of export-quality seafood. But over time, shrimps, blue swimming crab and cuttlefish became the main targets of Indian bottom trawling, resulting in a loss of about USD 750 million annually to Sri Lanka. About 50,000 fisher families were affected.

A study quoted in a research paper submitted to the Sir John Kotelawala Defence University revealed that in 2016, around 1000-1500 mechanized trawlers were coming to Palk Strait, Palk Bay and Gulf of Mannar three days in a week. They had harvested approximately 1900 tons of shrimps and 4000 tons of demersal fish.

The Northern Lankan Tamil fishermen were earning just LKR 600 – 800 LKR per day, which was a third of the income they used to earn before the Indian trawler invasion.

With big Indian boats on the prowl, the North Lankan Tamil fishermen do not get enough catch. There are days when we return home empty-handed, not even enough fish for our own consumption,” Rasenthiram Mathiyalahan, secretary of Aadhikovilady Fishermen Union in Point Pedro, told Sunday Times.

Local fishermen are appalled by a proposal to issue permits to Indian fishermen to fish in Lankan waters. We will never allow such proposals to be implemented,” Varnakulasingham, a fisher leader said.

There is an India-Sri Lanka Joint Working Group on Fisheries. India makes a case for treating the fishermen humanely” and release them. The Sri Lankan side obliges. But the poaching goes on unhindered and the demand for retrieving Kachchativu is raised in Tamil Nadu, obscuring the real issue.

(P. K. Balachandran is a freelance journalist based in Colombo writing on South Asian affairs for various news websites and dailies for a number of years. He has reported from Colombo and Chennai for Hindustan Times, New Indian Express and Economist. He has a weekly column in Daily Mirror and Ceylon Today in Sri Lanka)

Factum is an Asia Pacific-focused think tank on International Relations, Tech Cooperation, and Strategic Communications accessible via www.factum.lk. The views expressed here are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the organization’s.

Courtesy Adaderana

The Asian Development Bank (ADB) says its annual flagship economic publication – the Asian Development Outlook (ADO) April 2024 – has projected Sri Lanka’s economy to record moderate growth of 1.9% in 2024 and 2.5% in 2025 following two consecutive years of contractions.

According to the publication, Sri Lanka is showing signs of recovery, with green shoots emerging in the second half of 2023. Inflation has decelerated to single digits, foreign exchange reserves continue to be built up, and the exchange rate has appreciated. Meanwhile, tourist arrivals and remittance inflows continue to show a commendable recovery while supply conditions have improved.

ADB’s growth forecast hinges on the continuation of reforms and better consumer and business sentiment. Timely completion of external debt restructuring will also support Sri Lanka’s debt sustainability efforts, the regional development bank underscored.

Sri Lanka has made commendable progress in implementing difficult policy reforms and stabilizing the economy in 2023,” said ADB Deputy Country Director for Sri Lanka Utsav Kumar. We are pleased to see the results of these reforms, with signs of recovery emerging. It is critical that Sri Lanka addresses the impact on the poor and vulnerable and also continues to implement reforms to address the underlying causes of the crisis and lay the foundation for fostering sustainable recovery, building resilience, and reviving growth.”

The ADB went on to note that addressing poverty vulnerabilities amid economic recovery is a major challenge faced by the country, adding that poverty gains eroded as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and the subsequent economic crisis.

It pointed out that as the economy stabilizes, the island nation must ensure that the most affected and vulnerable groups of people are supported, and high poverty incidence and income inequality are addressed. This calls for appropriate institutional and structural frameworks for an inclusive social protection system with improved targeting. Creating jobs and fostering sustainable livelihoods would go a long way toward alleviating poverty.”

Further, the ADB asserted that it remains committed to achieving a prosperous, inclusive, resilient, and sustainable Asia and the Pacific, while sustaining its efforts to eradicate extreme poverty. Established in 1966, it is owned by 68 members—49 from the region.

Dilrook Kannangara

The next presidential election will be decided by religious minorities – Christians, Hindus and Muslims. This is because the majority creed is seriously divided between various political parties. There is no leader capable of uniting Buddhists or at least 60% of them. At the same time there are no strong minority leaders either to call for election boycotts or split minority votes by each community. As a result, minorities are likely to vote as a bloc to one candidate while the majority will be divided between two, three or even four political parties.

The JVP and the SLPP are Buddhist-only political parties as almost all their voters are Buddhists.

Despite strong efforts by the JVP to win Tamil and Muslim votes, it has failed as it does not have the support of communalist political parties representing them and the JVP itself does not have a tribalist Tamil and Muslim leaders. Christian voters will be making their votes count by rejecting political parties that deceived them particularly over lack of justice for Easter Sunday terrorist attacks. JVP has failed to convince them that they will be any different.

However, this might change if both Ranil and Sajith contest the presidential election. In that case minority votes will be divided between them giving the JVP a definite advantage.

No candidate is likely to win over 50% at the presidential election. Unless there is a tie which is nearly impossible, the party winning most votes will win the presidential election. Second round of counting only considers the top two vote winners so there will be a definite winner. It also gives the impression that parties other than the first two parties are equal to rejected votes” as they will be disregarded in the final count. This will impact election (mis)fortunes of the SLPP, UNP or SJB (depending on who gets to the first two along with the JVP) and other small parties at the next parliamentary election. The top two vote winners of the presidential election will successfully convince voters of other parties not to waste their vote by voting for other parties. Basil feared this very much as it can wipe out SLPP from parliament reducing it to the number of TNA MPs in parliament. It is now a definite possibility.

The JVP or the SLPP cannot win the next presidential election unless both Ranil and Sajith contest separately dividing minority votes. Anura Kumara may have to wait till 2029 to become president unless the next president ends his/her term prematurely.

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Eelamists maintain that Koneswaram kovil in Trincomalee is a very ancient kovil. The British accepted that statement without question. Pridham in his book ‘Historical, political and statistical account of Ceylon’ (1849) wrote about Koneswaram temple in Trincomalee, saying it was regarded with great reverence by its devotees.   The temple is said to have had 1000 pillars, 3 Rajagopurams, two on either side facing the sea and one in the center.

However, there is no evidence that an ancient   kovil ever existed at   Koneswaram. Two contradictory reasons are given by Eelamists, for this total lack of any visible evidence of an ancient Hindu kovil   at Koneswaram.

The first explanation is that the temple fell into the sea and is now lying there. The second explanation is that it was destroyed by the Portuguese. It is difficult to accept this glib argument of Portuguese destroying Hindu kovils, left and right, because there is no parallel report of Portuguese destroying Buddhist temples.

The origins of the Hindu shrine at Trincomalee are obscure, said historian DGB de Silva (Bandu).  Though Tamil writers accord it a very ancient antiquity that does not stand scrutiny. The first reference to the Koneswaram temple is in the Chola occupation, but where it was located is not indicated, Bandu said. [1]

There is firm evidence to show that there was no Hindu kovil at Trincomalee. There was instead a Buddhist vihara, known as Gokanna vihara. Trincomalee was Gokanna Tittha”. The term ‘Koneswara’ also comes from ‘Gokanna’. 

The Gokanna Vihara had been well endowed by rulers such as Mahasena (3rd century) and Aggabodhi II (7th century). Aggabodhi V (8th century), built the Padanaghara, the remains of which were discovered at Koneswaram. Other discoveries at Koneswaram include part of a stone Buddha statue and a well preserved Siripatula.

Bandu de Silva   draws attention   to the observations of Queyroz on   temples in Trincomalee.  Queyroz has looked at the writings of the Catholic clergy, including Francis Xavier, who visited Trincomalee. These are the first available European observations on the temples in Trincomalee commented Bandu.   

These references make it abundantly clear that Gokanna was a Buddhist temple complex, said Bandu. Queyroz knew enough about Hinduism and Buddhism not to mix up the two. Queyroz   specifically mentions the ‘idol of Budun’. There is no reason for his sources to have ignored the Hindu tradition had such a tradition been present at the time,   added Bandu.

Significantly, the name Koneswaram does not appear in Queyroz’s work though he mentions other temples in India by name such as Rameswaram, Conjeevaram, Tripati, Tremel, (Bisnaga), Jaganati, and Vixante. Why the silence about the name of the temple complex at Trincomalee (Queyroz was so meticulous about details) had it been then known as Koneswaram, asked Bandu.

The ancient port of Trincomalee, occupied a very strategic and central position in maritime activity in the Bay of Bengal. It was the southernmost point from which ships sailing to South East Asia and further departed and returned after the voyages. The coastline north of Trincomalee harbor was dotted with small landing places. Queyroz gives a long description of the port, bay and sea environs and says that Trincomalee, (Cottiyar) and Batticaloa ports commanded the whole Gulf of Bengal”.

Being a major port, it could be expected that Trincomalee was in the chain of landing and departing places for Buddhist monks and pilgrims who frequently travelled between India and Sri Lanka and other Buddhist countries of South East Asia and beyond, when Buddhism was the most active of missionary religions.

Bandu de Silva goes on to discuss the sort of Buddhism that would have prevailed in Trincomalee at the time. Trincomalee was the southernmost port which served the commercial route. There is much archaeological evidence to support the presence of Avalokitesvara worship in the Trincomalee area from 7th century onwards. The Bodhisattva worshipped by the seafarers was Avalokitesvara.   Gokanna vihara probably became a Mahayana temple, for Avalokitesvara.

It is not known when Gokanna vihara was destroyed. The Bodhi tree at Gokanna was destroyed between 1956 and 1964. The present Koneswaram kovil was built in the mid 1950s, said Bandu de Silva. I  recall visiting it in the 1950s as a school girl. It was a small insignificant temple then. It has since been enlarged. Today Koneswaram is a very imposing structure, dominating the skyline.

Jayatissa Bandaragoda was Government agent, Trincomalee from 1978-1981. Bandaragoda found that Fort Frederick was once a Buddhist monastery on which a Hindu shine had been built.  There was enough evidence in the literature to suggest that Gokanna Vihara was the dominant feature of this region.

 Gokanna temple had long since disappeared and more recently, the Bo tree that had stood on top of the hill had been cut down. The dispute had been settled by an earlier GA, MB Senanayake. I saw the concrete slab   over the spot where the Bo tree had probably been, said Bandaragoda.

Buddhists wanted to set up at their own expense, a stupa and standing Buddha statue within the    army premises of Fort Frederick.  Bandaragoda had no objection and with the support of philanthropists led by a gem merchant from Ratnapura the two shrines were completed in less than three months.

Sometime later there was a hue and cry over the loss of a Siva lingam that had been placed on a small rock within the Fort Frederick area. The spot was a bare land, a few yards away from the compound of Koneswaram temple. The leading politicians blamed the theft on Bandaragoda and President Premadasa came to check escorted by Sampanthan. At the investigation Bandaragoda had strongly denied any involvement in the matter.  Many had wondered why a Siva lingam had been placed there. They thought that this had been done to block the government using this land for some other purpose.

In early August 1968, a group of prominent Hindus representing several Hindu organizations wrote to Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake and the Hindu Minister in the Government M. Tiruchelvam regarding the Koneswaram Temple. They requested that the Fort Fredrick precincts be declared a sacred area on account of the historic Koneswaram Temple being located within.  

The appointment of the committee on ‘Declaration of Fort Fredrick of Trincomalee, a Sacred Area’ was gazetted on 27 August 1968.   Three days later on 30 August the Ven. Mangalle Dharmakirti Sri Dambagasare Sumedhankara Nayaka Thera of Tammankaduwe lodged a protest with Prime Minister Senanayake.

 He claimed that an ancient place of Buddhist worship” would get into the hands of those who are neither Sinhalese nor Buddhists” because of the committee being appointed to declare Koneswaram a sacred area. A widespread agitation was threatened if the project was not shelved immediately.  

 Dudley Senanayake vehemently denied that Fort Fredrick precincts were going to be declared a Hindu sacred area. Dudley also emphasized that Fort Fredrick was under the Defence Ministry. 

In 2017 Hindu MPs asked that   the 378 acres around Thirukoneshwaran Eeshwaran Kovil in Trincomalee be declared a sacred site. MP Douglas Devananda said the Kovil had been there since 1300 BC even, before King Vijaya arrived in the country.

Sampanthan wrote to President Ranil Wickremesinghe on   14 September 2022 regarding Issues relating to the    Koneswaran Temple. I am informed that in recent times certain meetings have been held in Trincomalee wherein activities relating to Koneswaram and Trincomalee Harbor have been discussed and certain decisions are to be taken, he said.

A proposal has been made that a new route be opened to Lord Buddha Statue and from there to Thirukoneshwaram. This is not necessary and can result in persons encroaching on the route and occupying land which can only result in the sanctity and piety of Thirukoneshwaram Temple and Lord Buddha statue being diminished. I kindly request that the opening of this new route on a side up to Lord Buddha statue until Koneswaram be stopped. This will only result in evil being done.

Sampanthan continued, some years ago some traders from Ratnapura were brought and installed on the route to Koneswaram by a former Member of Parliament which resulted in the sanctity and piety of this area being diminished. Meat and fish were cooked in these temporary structures by these persons. A decision was taken that these persons be shifted from this area but this has not been implemented. I am also informed that some persons claiming to be Archeological officials have visited this area, concluded Sampanthan. The controversial moves seem to have been put on hold said DBS Jeyaraj in November 2022. (Continued)

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[1] https://amazinglanka.com/wp/trincomalee-temples/  Bandu de Silva
Sunday Island – December 12, 2006 /January 6, 2007

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Tamil settlers   brought in by the British administration in the early 20^th century, to colonize the north and east, entrenched the Hindu religion in those two areas. Then they started to say that Hinduism had been in the north and east from ancient times.

They said that according to legend there were five ancient temples dedicated to Lord Shiva in the littoral regions of Sri Lanka. They are called ‘Pancha Easwaram’, the five abodes of Siva as Easwaran. The temples are Naguleswaram at Keerimalai, Koneswaram in   Trincomalee, Munneswaram near Chilaw, Thirukitheswaram at Mantota and Thondeswaram in Devundara. These temples are all by the sea, at strategic locations, in all four cardinal directions, north, south, east, and west.

The Tamils said that these temples were already there when Vijaya came. The source they cite is Yalpana Vaipava Malai, a doubtful source composed in the 17th century for the Dutch rulers. The Royal Asiatic Society however, rejected the five Iswaram claim, when Paul E. Pieris presented it to them in 1917, said historian Bandu de Silva.

The reality is that Naguleswaram, and Thirukitheswaram, were built during British rule. They were   not there before. British administrators readily and unquestioningly accepted   Tamil statements that ancient Kovils had existed in these places from ancient times and permitted kovils to be built at both places. The British wanted Buddhism eliminated from the north and east. 

Naguleswaram was restored by Arumuga Navalar In 1882.books were written on the temple.  Nakulasala Puranam, by Erampa Aiyar (1847-1914) Nakuleswara Manmiyam by   S. Sivaprakasam, Naklesvara vinotha vicittira kavippoonkottu by  M.Pulavar( 1875-1919). 

The idea of finding and restoring the Thirukeetheswaram temple also came from Arumuga Navalar, said historian S. Pathmanathan.  Arumuga Navalar (1822-1879) initiated the search for the site. He wrote a tract where he said that Sri Lanka is fortunate to have two temples for Siva worship, Thirukeetheswaram and Thirukoneswaram, mentioned in hymns ‘sung by our saints.’ So many temples are coming up in different parts of Sri Lanka now, why are the Hindus not interested in Thirukeetheswaram, Arumuga Navalar asked.  

The evidence for the existence of Thirukeetheswaram is extremely flimsy, even absurd.  Two Bhakthi poets in Tamilnadu, Sampanthar and Suntharar had composed poems which, interested parties said, indicated that Thirukeetheswaram was   located at Mantota. These poems were in the Tirumurai, a sacred textof Saivism.

Sampanthar and Suntharar said in their hymns that Thirukeetheswaram kovil was on the estuary of the stream Palavi in the great town of Matottam. Mattotam was a centre of trade at the time, said Sampanthar.

 Sampanthar described the town of Mattotam as an exceedingly beautiful   town, with dense vegetation in the groves and parks. City had groves of mango trees, areca palms and banana plantations, which    generate a feeling of delight in the spectators. Peacocks danced. There was a sound of humming of bees. There were hordes of monkeys at the    banana plantations.  Pearls, gold and gems were found in large quantities in this town. 

 Suntharar also described the place in the same way.  He added coconut groves to the description. These descriptions, it appears, was enough to identify Mantota in Sri Lanka as the location for Thirukeetheswaram.

Pathmanathan however, stated that Thirukeetheswaram predates the Bhakthi cult and was venerated in South India long before that cult started.  He records that there are two inscriptions by Chola king Rajaraja I, discovered near Tirukeetheswaram   temple. One was a royal grant to the temple at Mattotam. Second is a grant for burning lamps there. In 1894 they had unearthed three stone images including an image each of Ganesha and Nandi. The Nandi image is the largest and most impressive in the island, it predates the Chola period by 1000 years, said Pathmanathan.

There is no record of the origin of Thirukeethesvaram, admitted S Pathmanathan. Nor is there any indication that a kovil ever existed at Mantota. That is because, said Pathmanathan, the Portuguese had, most unusually for them, dug out the very foundations of Thiruketisvaram and buried all its stone inscriptions. There was nothing to be seen when the British arrived.

British officials however believed what they were told without asking for evidence. W.J.S. Boake, AGA Mannar, reported in 1886 that nothing remains above ground at Thirukeetheswaram except a few fragments of sculpture, broken tiles, bricks and pieces of pottery.

 Critics observed that these are movable objects which could have been brought in     from elsewhere.   Boake accepted that Thirukeetheswaram is one of the 64 sacred places of the Hindus. Its temple rivaled that of Rameswaram and was probably built at the same period, said Boake.

W. Twynam, Government Agent, Northern Province reported in 1887 that ‘there is a tradition that this temple was large and Hindus made pilgrimages to it from all parts of India as they now do to the temple as Rameswaram. The Portuguesa had destroyed it. Some images were found at the site.

P de Hoeft, referred to as ‘Colonial Secretary’, had visited the ruins several times in 1894-95 and kept notes.  He found the site thickly forested. There was a low wall which was pointed out as a relic of the temple.  Some broken pierces of sculpture of Hindu saints and small bits of a very white stone not known in the district were seen. I had then no notion of its great sanctity for the Hindus or its antiquity’ he said. 

S.Vaithilingam, Thambaiyah Mudaliyar of Colombo made an application for the purchase of the site of the temple, so that it could be rebuilt.   The Government Agent   put the land up for sale in 1893 and 44 acres were bought by R.R. Palaniappa Chettiyar. Excavations started under the supervision of Pasupathy Chettiyar in 1894.   The original location of the temple was found and the southwest corner wall located.  A small temple was erected and consecrated in 1903.

Thereafter the project was managed by the Nagarathar, a Chetty community residing in Madampe but the temple came under the control of the Kathiresan temple in Colombo. The central shrine was improved in 1921 by Hindu public servants working in Mannar. A ‘Society for the restoration of the temple at Tirukketisvaram’ was set up in 1948  and work commenced under the guidance of Sir Kanthiah Vaithianathan.  A new design was developed in 1952 and the building completed in 1969.

The Hindu kovil at Devundara, (Dondra) known as Thondeswaram (Chandramouleeswaram) is not that well known. Devundara has one of the most celebrated Hindu complexes of the island, said Thiagarajah.  It has housed temples to Siva, Vishnu, Ganesh, Murugan and Kannagi. There were two major temples at the site, one to Siva and to Vishnu said Thiagarajah.

British writers like Percival and MacKenzie said Thondeswaram was a fine example of ancient Tamil architecture and sculpture, going by the ruins. Ruins had huge granite carvings of elephant head, semi naked men and women, stone pillar and broken idols. The bases of a colonnade of 200 granite pillars forming an avenue leading up to the sea, were mentioned by Cordiner, said Thiagarajah.

 A Buddhist vihara was built over the ruins of Devanturai complex. From time to time sculpture and idols belong to the original Hindu temples are dug out at Othpilima vihara. In 1998 a large Siva lingam, 4 feet high and a Nandi were discovered, concluded Thiagarajah.

Bandu de Silva observed that the Portuguese chronicler De Couto writing on the shrine at Devinuvara concentrates on the destruction of a shrine devoted to Hindu worship. There is reference to the magnificent chariot several storeys high, which was set on fire, which was characteristics a Hindu temple and to other minor shrines in the premises. Couto leaves out the Buddhist temple there which had received the patronage of many Sinhalese kings. (Continued)

නීතීඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන

2024.04.09

අගවිනිසුරු ජයන්ත ජයසූරිය මැතිතුමා (ජ.නී)

සභාපති,

අධිකරණ සේවා කොමිෂන් සභාව,

කොළඹ 12.

ගරු සභාපතිතුමනි,

අධිකරණ අමාත්‍යවරයාගේ දේශපාලන අරමුණු වෙනුවෙන් ඇතුලුව පවත්වන ලද උත්සවයකට අධිකරණ සේවා කොමිෂන් සභාවේ සභාපතිතුමා වන ගරු අගවිනිසුරුතුමාව සහභාගී කර ගැනීම සම්බන්ධවයි.

1.      අධිකරණ අමාත්‍යවරයාගේ දේශපාලන අරමුණු වෙනුවෙන් ඇතුලුව පවත්වන ලද උත්සවයකට අධිකරණ සේවා කොමිෂන් සභාවේ සභාපතිතුමා වන ගරු අගවිනිසුරුතුමාව පසුගිය දිනයකදී සහභාගී කර ගෙන ඇති බව සහ තවද ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ ජනාධිපති අපේක්ෂකයා ලෙසද අධිකරණ අමාත්‍යවරයා ඉදිරිපත් කරවීමේ ඉල්ලීම් https://www.lankadeepa.lk/news/වජයදාස–ජනපතවරණයට/101-649965 සම්බන්ධව මාධ්‍යයේ පුවත් පළ වෙමින් තිබූ අතර ඒ සම්බන්ධව අවධානය යොමු වීමෙන් පසු මෙම ලිපිය මගින් කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කරන බව ගෞරවයෙන් කියා සිටිමි.

2.      අධිකරණ ඇමතිවරයා 2024 අංක 8 දරන අධිකරණයකට, විනිශ්චය අධිකාරයකට හෝ ආයතනයකට අපහාස කිරීම පනත සම්මතකරවා ගනිමින් නීතිය පනවා ගත්තේ විධායක,ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක අධිකරණ බල 3ම අධිකරණයට පවරා ස‍ංවරණ සහ තුළණ පාලන ක්‍රමය බිඳ දැමීමටද යන්න සමාජ කතිකාවක් මේ වන විට ආරම්භ වී ඇති අතර අධිකරණයේ ස්වාධීනත්වය ජාත්‍යන්තර අධිකරණ යාන්ත්‍රණවල පරීක්ෂාවට ගැනීමට මාර්ගය පාදන, විරුද්ධ නීතිමය අදහස් දරන නීතීඥයන් බන්ධනාගාර ගත කරවීමට 2024 අංක 8 දරන අධිකරණයකට, විනිශ්චය අධිකාරයකට හෝ ආයතනයකට අපහාස කිරීම පනත ගෙනවිත් ඇති බවට සහ එය නිවැරදි විය යුතු බවට සහ අධිකරණ භාෂාවෙන් නීති අධ්‍යාපනය ලබා දීම වැළකූ 2020.12.30 අංක 2208/13 අතිවිශේෂ ගැසට් පත්‍රයට අදාල සංස්ථාගත නීති අධ්‍යාපන සභාවේ ක්‍රියාකලාපය සම්බන්ධයෙන්ද සමාජයේ සාකච්ඡා වෙමින් පවතී.

3.      මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් මා විසින් ලියා ඇති නීති විචාරයක පිටපතක් මේ සමග අමුණා ඇත.

4.      එසේම තවත් මාස කිහිපයකින් රටේ විධායක පාලන ආයතනය මෙහෙය වන්නේ කවුද යන්න තීරණය කරන ප්‍රධාන මැතිවරණය පැවැත්වීමට අවශ්‍ය නීතිමය තත්ත්වයට මුහුණ දීමටද පුරවැසියන්ට සිදු වෙයි.

5.      එවන් සුවිශේෂී තත්ත්ව යටතේ ගරු අධිකරණ සේවා කොමිෂන් සභාවේ සභාපතිතුමා වන ඔබතුමා අධිකරණ අමාත්‍යවරයාගේ දේශපාලන අරමුණුද ඇතුලුව අනුගත ලෙස පවත්වන ලද උත්සවයකට සහභාගී කර ගැනීම අතිරේක ප්‍රශ්න ගණනාවක් පැන නැගීමට ඉඩ ඇති හෙයින් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඔබතුමාගේ අවධානය යොමු කරවන බව කාරුණිකව සැළකර සිටිමි.

මෙයට,

විශ්වාසී,

නීතීඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන

දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන(පා.ම),
අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය,
ශ්‍රී ලංකා ප්‍රජාතාන්ත්‍රික සමාජවාදී ජනරජය

සිංහල හා හින්දු අලූත් අවුරුද්ද හෙවත් සූර්ය මංගල්‍යය හෙළයේ මහා සංස්කෘතික මංගල්‍යයයි.  
මෙලෙස නැකත් චාරිත‍්‍රයන්ට හා ආගමික කටයුතුවලට මූලිකත්වය දෙමින්, පාරම්පරික සම්ප‍්‍රදායන් හා සිරිත් සුරකිමින් එකම අරමුණකින් යුතුව, එකම මොහොතක එකම නැකතකට එක්ව කටයුතු කිරීම ලොව කිසිදු රටක සංස්කෘතියක දක්නට නොලැබේ.
ස්වභාවධර්මයා සමග ගනුදෙනු කළ අපේ මුතුන් මිත්තෝ අලුත් අවුරුද්දේ එය තව තවත් යථාවත් කළෝය. ඔවුන්ගේ දරු මුණුපුරන් වූ අපට ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතාවය, සකසුරුවම, අපේකම, සමගිය  පිළිබඳව යළි යළි අකුරු කරන්නට අවශ්‍ය නොවේ. අවශ්‍ය ක්‍රියත්මකභාවයයි.
ආහාර හා ආර්ථික අර්බුදයකට මුහුණ දී, රට බත බුලතින් සරි කරන්නට අභියෝගාත්මකව ගොවි ජනතාව කළ මෙහෙය මේ අලුත් අවුරුද්දේ කෘතවේදීව සිහිපත් කළ යුතුය.
පසුගිය වකවානුව අපට හිතන්නට බොහෝ දේ ඉතිරි කොට ඇත. මේසා රෝග ව්‍යසන, ආර්ථික හා සමාජයීය අර්බුද මෑත ඉතිහාසයේ අප නුදුටුවෙමු. ඒවා යළිදු නොදකින්නට, මතු පරපුරට ඒවා ඉතිරි නොකරන්නට නවමු සංකල්පයන් තුළින් පෝෂිත අලුත් අවුරුද්දක් අදින් අරඹමු.
අලුත් අවුරුද්දේ සැබෑ අයිතිය අපගේ දූ දරුවන් සතුය. ඒ අවුරුදු අසිරිය මතුපරපුර උදෙසා රැක දීම අප සැමගේ යුතුකමකි.

දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන(පා.ම),
අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය,
ශ්‍රී ලංකා ප්‍රජාතාන්ත්‍රික සමාජවාදී ජනරජය

2024 අප්‍රියෙල් 12 දින

Courtesy Al Jazeera

Indian Prime Minister Modi claims the former Congress government sneakily gifted Katchatheevu Island to Sri Lanka. But the truth is more complex, say diplomats and analysts.

Video Duration 02 minutes 45 seconds02:45

By Junaid Kathju

New Delhi, India – Fifty years after India and Sri Lanka settled a long-simmering dispute over a tiny island, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has accused a former government of the now-in-opposition Congress Party of gifting Indian territory to its southern neighbour.

The allegation by Modi and his ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on the eve of national elections has sparked a heated debate in India over a key diplomatic relationship.

At the centre of the controversy is Katchatheevu Island, for long an emotive issue in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, which votes on April 19 in the first phase of India’s seven-stage elections.

What’s the controversy about?

Ahead of the Tamil Nadu vote, on March 31, Modi shared a news report on social media with the headline, RTI reply shows how Indira Gandhi ceded island to Sri Lanka”. Modi asserted that Congress callously” gave Katchatheevu Island to Sri Lanka.

The issue originated from a Right to information (RTI) request by Tamil Nadu BJP President K Annamalai, who suggested that in the 1970s, the Congress Party under the leadership of then-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, in consultation with Tamil Nadu’s Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), transferred ownership of Katchatheevu Island to Sri Lanka. The DMK was ruling Tamil Nadu at the time and is also in power there now.

Eye-opening and startling! New facts reveal how Congress callously gave away #Katchatheevu. This has angered every Indian and reaffirmed in people’s minds—we can’t ever trust Congress! (sic),” Modi posted on X, sharing the report. Weakening India’s unity, integrity and interests has been Congress’ way of working for 75 years and counting,” he added.

Soon after, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar reshared Modi’s tweet with the caption: It is important that people know the full truth about our past. The facts brought out… should concern every citizen.” The foreign minister later echoed Modi’s allegations during two press conferences.

Modi has since repeated the allegations, including in a campaign speech in West Bengal on April 7 where he alleged that for the Congress Party, both Katchatheevu and the territory of Kashmir, which is contested by India and Pakistan, do not matter.

Many analysts believe the BJP’s decision to bring up Katchatheevu is aimed only at helping it in Tamil Nadu during the election. It is a state where the BJP has only a small presence and won no seats in the 2019 vote. There are 39 national constituencies in Tamil Nadu, with an average of 1.51 million voters in each.

The fact the issue has been raised in the midst of the elections clearly shows it has been done in the hope of gaining some support in Tamil Nadu where the BJP so far has failed to gain any foothold,” said Sudheendra Kulkarni, a former BJP politician and current columnist, who served as a director of operations in the Prime Minister’s Office under the previous BJP Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, between 1999 and 2004.

Kulkarni said the BJP move was neither good politics nor good diplomacy and certainly not good neighbourhood policy”.

He questioned how Modi and Jaishankar could claim to have unearthed the full truth” about Kathatheevu in 2024, when they were in power for the past decade and had access to all the papers on the subject.

All the facts that have come up have gone against the ruling party itself. Modi has been the prime minister for the last 10 years and for him to tweet that these are some new facts that have come up – how can the government be unaware of the facts when it has all resources at its disposal?” Kulkarni asked.

What and where is Katchatheevu?

Katchatheevu is a small, barren island spanning 115 hectares (285 acres) within Sri Lanka’s maritime boundary, located 33km (20 miles) off the northeast coast of Rameswaram in Tamil Nadu. It lies southwest of Sri Lanka’s Delft Island.

Katchatheevu was governed by the kingdom of Ramanad Raja from 1795 to 1803 during British rule. The island is also home to the 120-year-old St Anthony’s Church, which hosts an annual festival, drawing devotees from India and Sri Lanka.

Control of Katchatheevu has been a significant point of contention between India and Sri Lanka, particularly regarding fishing rights in the surrounding waters. In a news conference last week, Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said that Sri Lanka had detained more than 6,000 Indian fishermen and 1,175 fishing vessels in the past 20 years.

Pradip Chatterjee, the convener of India’s National Platform for Small Scale Fish Workers, told Al Jazeera that what fishermen needed was for India and Sri Lanka to avoid adopting nationalist positions and instead amicably resolve this matter”.

Late last month, the Sri Lankan Navy confirmed in a statement that they had detained 23 Indian trawlers and 178 Indian fishermen in 2024 for allegedly fishing in the island nation’s waters. On April 4, 19 Indian fishermen were released by the Sri Lanka Navy and repatriated to India.

When did Katchatheevu become a part of Sri Lanka?

The spat between India and Sri Lanka dates back at least to 1921 and a survey that placed it within the maritime territory of what was then known as Ceylon, now Sri Lanka – a position that British India countered, citing the erstwhile rule of the Ramanad kingdom. The dispute continued after the independence of both countries.

In 1974, India acknowledged Katchatheevu as part of Sri Lanka’s territory in a maritime boundary agreement signed by Indian Prime Minister Gandhi and her counterpart Sirimavo Bandaranaike.

According to a copy of the agreement obtained by Al Jazeera, the pact allowed Indian fishermen and pilgrims to visit Katchatheevu without needing a travel document or a visa. However, the agreement did not specify the fishing rights of Indian fishermen in the waters around Katchatheevu.

Ashok Kantha, a former Indian ambassador to Sri Lanka, said that the 1974 agreement led to further agreements clarifying the maritime boundary with Sri Lanka. One such agreement in March 1976 recognised India’s sovereign rights over the Wadge Bank – a 10,300 sq km (4,000 sq mile) trawl fishery site – and its rich resources.

In comparison with Katchatheevu island, the Wadge Bank is considered one of the world’s richest fishing grounds, located in a much more strategically important part of the sea. The agreement also granted India the right to explore the Wadge Bank for petroleum and other mineral resources.

The 1974 agreement placed Katchatheevu on the Sri Lankan side of the IMBL (international maritime boundary line) but it also paved the way for the understanding of 1976, which recognised India’s sovereign rights over the Wadge Bank and its rich resources,” Kantha said.

However, the 1976 agreement restricted both the countries’ fishermen from fishing in the other’s waters.

What do Tamil Nadu parties say on Katchatheevu?

The two largest parties in Tamil Nadu, the DMK and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), have long advocated for the retrieval of the Katchatheevu Island from Sri Lanka.

In 1974, after India ceded Katchatheevu to Sri Lanka, M Karunanidhi, the then chief minister of Tamil Nadu, wrote to Gandhi on how the land was historically a part of the Ramnad kingdom’s territory.

However, the BJP today blames the DMK government for being complicit with Congress in handing over the Island to Sri Lanka.

In 1991, the Tamil Nadu assembly adopted a resolution demanding the retrieval of Katchatheevu Island. In 2008, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa from the AIADMK approached the Supreme Court to nullify the agreements of 1974 and 1976.

But amid the current controversy, both the AIADMK and DMK have criticised the BJP for raising the Katchatheevu issue ahead of the general elections.

What have Modi and the BJP previously said?

In the wake of the controversy, Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Priyanka Chaturvedi alleged inconsistencies in the Modi government’s position on Katchatheevu, citing a 2015 RTI reply from the Ministry of External Affairs. Jaishankar, now foreign minister, was then the top career diplomat in the foreign office.

This [1974 agreement] didn’t involve either acquiring or ceding of territory belonging to India since the area in question had never been demarcated,” Jaishankar’s ministry had said in 2015. Under the agreements, the island of Katchatheevu lies on the Sri Lankan side of the India-Sri Lanka International Maritime Boundary Line.”

In 2014, after Modi came to power, Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi told the Supreme Court that Katchatheevu was given to Sri Lanka based on a bilateral agreement in 1974 and to retrieve it now, we have to go to war”.

https://imasdk.googleapis.com/js/core/bridge3.633.0_en.html#goog_1411705484Play Video

Video Duration 11 minutes 25 seconds11:25

What are the implications for India’s relations with Sri Lanka?

Harsh V Pant, the vice president for studies and foreign policy at the Observer Research Foundation, said that while the controversy would not harm the India-Sri Lanka relationship, revisiting settled issues like Katchatheevu would not be in the interests of either side.

Tamil Nadu is an important state now being contested by the BJP. So, it is very natural for the BJP to try to find space in a state where it has no presence, using all available issues that come its way and this issue is one of them,” Pant said.

The BJP leadership seems to be highlighting the opposition’s past mishandling of the issue but I don’t think there is intent to change the way the dispute was settled decades ago. Therefore, I think this is unlikely to continue beyond the elections,” Pant added.

Other governments, he said, understand the compulsion of electoral democracy and [that] many things are said during elections that are forgotten later. That’s why I think we have seen the Sri Lankan government not really intervening in the matter”.

On April 4, Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Ali Sabry told a local television channel that Colombo did not see any necessity to have further discussions on” what he described as a settled matter.

Former Indian diplomat Kalarickal Pranchu Fabian said that as long as India does not try to renegotiate the Katchatheevu deal with Sri Lanka, the domestic politics surrounding the island would not affect bilateral ties.

By Sena Thoradeniya

1. Introduction

In this essay we do not intend to discuss the (i) surge of NPP/JVP activities in recent times  displayed by its public rallies and reality of such activities (ii) Anura Kumara’s visits to some foreign countries (iii) visits of foreign envoys to NPP headquarters (iv) election forecasts of US funded research institutes”, political careerists of dubious nature who earlier campaigned for Yahapalana project and (iv) glorification and enthrallment of so-called political analysts who are in RAW pay list – those eyeing for top diplomatic posts something more than what they have grabbed from MR and Sirisena; in our previous essays we have examined these issues to a certain extent.

It is time for the NPP/JVP and their official and unofficial mouthpieces who are engaged in propagating false theories and false predictions, to investigate the ground realities, moving their feet away from armchairs and ivory towers. Mao wrote in his poem Two Birds: A Dialogue” (1965):

A sparrow in his bush is scared stiff

‘This is one hell of a mess!

O I want to flit and fly away.’

‘Where, may I ask?’

The sparrow replies,

‘To a jeweled palace in elfland’s hills.’

(The sparrow in a bush said when I flit and make a leap, I rise some dozens of feet then come back down and hover on the bush).

2. Two Massive Barriers the NPP Should Overcome

There are two massive barriers the NPP has to overcome, obtaining (i) 51% of the votes cast in a Presidential election from present 3% (a surge of 48%) and  (ii) 113 seats from present 3 seats in a Parliamentary election, an increase of 110 seats respectively, which are beyond imagination even of an insane person.

Not content with their predictions of a mandate consisting of 113 seats or above, now some political tricksters say that the NPP will get 2/3 majority, in other words, 150 seats in a Parliamentary election; a wag asked in Sinhala is that 2 (seats) from the present 3? One such charlatan who predicts 2/3 for NPP, is the man who was in the forefront in bringing Gamarallage Sirisena, the Polonnaruwa Grama Sevaka to Presidential House. Writing a book immediately after the completion of yahapalana project this man dedicated his book to Athurelye Ratana, equating Ratana to Kadahapola  Unnanse who faced the imperialist’s bullet heroically in 1848. People who can disgrace our national heroes can do any mean thing to earn a penny for their supper. It was rumored that Ratana displayed his Kadahapola bravery” in the Royal Park incident a few years later!

3. Presidential Elections 2019

At the Presidential Elections held in 2019 Gotabaya Rajapaksa (SLPP) polled 6,924,255 votes (or 52.25%). His closest contender Sajith Premadasa (SJB) secured 5,564,239 (or 41.99%), followed by Anura Kumara (NPP) who obtained 418,553 (or 3.16%) votes. There were 15,992,096 registered electors of which 13,387,951 (or 83.72%) electors used their voting right.

Total number of votes polled by Anura Kumara from each electoral district are given below: Colombo – 53,803 (or 3.93%); Gampaha – 61,760 (or 4.28%); Kalutara – 27,681 (or 3.41%); Mahanuwara – 23,539 (or 2.52%); Matale – 8,890 (or 2.62%); Nuwara Eliya – 5,891 (or 1.24%); Galle –  27,006 (or 3.72%); Matara – 23,439 (or 4.21%); Hambantota – 26,295 (or 6.24%); Jaffna – 1,375 (or 0.37%); Vanni – 1,156 (or 0.54%); Batticaloa – 2,304 (or 0.76%); Digamadulla – 7,460 (or 1.81%); Trincomalee – 3,730 (or 1.61%); Kurunegala –  36,178 (or 3.21%); Puttalam – 12,912 (or 2.84%); Anuradhapura – 22,879 (or 3.94%); Polonnaruwa – 12,284 (or 4.42%); Badulla – 14,806 (or 2.64%); Moneragala – 11,235 (or 3.52%); Ratnapura – 18,887 (or 2.53%) and Kegalle – 15,043 (or 2.61%).  

The simple question we ask from the predictors of an Anura Kumara victory at the next Presidential Elections is, how he is going to increase his percentage of votes from the present 3.16% to 50% and 1 vote? Based on 13,387,951 total votes polled at the Presidential Elections held in 2019 how Anura Kumara is going to poll 6,693,976 (50%) votes at the next Presidential Elections, an increase of 6,275,423 votes (from present 4 lakhs of votes to 62 lakhs of votes)?  The above-mentioned statistics show that this is a fallacy, a delusion, a chimera in the brains of these predictors. Tell it to the marines, but not to me!

4. Parliamentary Elections: 113 and 2/3 Majority Myth

Let us examine overcoming 113 barrier and the latest 2/3 majority prediction.

In 2020, SLPP or Pohottuwa polled 6,853,693 (68 lakhs) votes (59.09%) and obtained 145 seats (128 elected district – wise and 17 from national list). Total polled in 2020 was 12,343,309 (or 75.89%) and the number of registered electors were 16,263,885.  if we base our argument on 2020 electoral registers, to get150 seats the NPP should poll more than 70 lakhs of votes island wide. There are 22 electoral districts in Sri Lanka. If we divide 70 lakhs by 22 simply, without forcing the readers to get lost in a labyrinth of absurd statistical computations, Malimawa should poll an average of 318,181 (3 lakhs or more) from each polling district.

It should be emphasized here, that most of these social media predictors are not aware of what is meant by an administrative district, an electoral district and even by a polling division.

5. Jaffna, Vanni, Batticaloa, Trincomalee, Digamadulla and Nuwara Eliya Hoodoo

Can anyone imagine Malimawa polling an average of 318,181 (3 lakhs or more) or more votes from Jaffna, Vanni, Batticaloa, Trincomalee, Digamadulla and Nuwara Eliya electoral districts? If so, they should get their heads examined. In 2020 NPP obtained only 853 votes (or 0.24%) (as of 571,848 registered electors and placed 16^th) from Jaffna electoral district; 662 votes (or 0.32%) (as of 287,024 registered electors and placed 16^th again) from Vanni  electoral district; 348  votes (or 0.12%) (as of 409,808 registered electors and placed 17^th) from Batticaloa electoral district; 5060 votes (or 1.31%) (as of 513,079 registered electors and placed 8^th) from Digamadulla electoral district; 2226 votes(or 1.05%)(as of 288,868, registered electors and placed 6th) from Trincomalee electoral district; 5043 votes (or 1.19 %) (as of 577,717 registered electors and placed 6^th again) from Nuwara Eliya electoral district respectively.

Accordingly, to get the district average of 318,181 votes, NPP should poll (318,181- 853) 317,328 more votes from Jaffna; 317,529 more votes from Vanni; 317,833 more votes from Batticaloa; 313,121 more votes from Digamadulla; 315,955 more votes from Trincomalee; and 313,138 more votes from Nuwara Eliya electoral districts respectively which are implausible and inconceivable. It will happen only when pigs fly” or a black crow turns its colour to white!

Thus, NPP cannot poll 1,909,086 (or 19 lakhs= 318,181x 6) votes from the above six electoral districts. How can NPP compensate 19 lakhs of votes, what it failed to obtain from the above 6 electoral districts? The simple answer is that it must get that from the other 16 electoral districts.

6. Compensating the Loss of 19 Lakhs of Votes

We divide 70 lakhs by 16 (other electoral districts). Accordingly, NPP should get 437,500 from each of these electoral districts. Is it a reality? The vote base of NPP in 2020 in Colombo electoral district was 67,600 (or 5.72%); in Gampaha  electoral district : 61,833 (or 5.03%); Kalutara electoral district : 33,434 (or 4.77%);  Mahanuwara electoral district : 25,797 (or 3.17%), Matale electoral district : 7,542 (or 2.62%); Galle electoral district : 29,963 (or 4.91%); Matara electoral district : 37,136 (or 7.76%); Hambantota electoral district : 31,362 (or 8.39%); Kurunegala electoral district : 36,290 (or 3.74%); Puttalam electoral district : 9,944 (or 2.58%); Anuradhapura electoral district : 24,492 (or 4.83%); Polonnaruwa electoral district : 6792 (or 2.77%);  Badulla electoral district : 19,308 (or 3.87%); Moneragala electoral district : 11,429 (or 4.07%); Ratnapura electoral district : 17,611 (or 2.72%); and Kegalle electoral district : 14,033 (or 2.81%).

The two elected members of NPP were elected from Colombo and Gampaha electoral districts respectively. Only otherelectoral districtswhich exceeded the5% cutoffpoint were Hambantota (8.39%) and Matara (7.76%) electoral districts, supposed to be the strongholds of NPP.The other districts which came closer to 5% cutoff point were Galle (4.91%), Anuradhapura (4.83%) and Kalutara (4.77%)electoral districts respectively. But the most favourable district Hambantota was unable to elect an NPP MP.

7. A Comparison of Presidential Elections of 2019 and Parliamentary Elections of 2020

It would be interesting to make a comparison of total number of votes the NPP polled in the Presidential Elections of 2019 and Parliamentary Elections of 2020 respectively. This would be an eyeopener to false predictors. Within a short period in certain electoral districts the NPP gained a little and in certain electoral districts it failed to maintain what it polled a few months ago. These statistics are self-explanatory which does need any analysis.

Colombo: 53,803 and 67,700 (a gain of 13,897 votes); Gampaha : 61,760 and 61,833 ( a gain of 73 votes); Kalutara : 27,681 and 33,434( a gain of 5,753 votes): Mahanuwara – 23,539 and 25,797( a gain of 2,258 votes): Matale – 8,890 and 7,542(a loss of 1,348);  Nuwara Eliya – 5,891 and 5,043 (a loss of 8,48);   Galle:  27,006 and 29,963 ( a gain of 2,957 votes ); Matara – 23,439 and 37,136 ( a gain of 10,130 votes ); Hambantota – 26,295 and 31,363( a gain of 5,068 votes ); Jaffna – 1,375 and 853 ( a loss of 522 votes ); Vanni – 1,156 and 662 ( a loss of 634 votes ); Batticaloa – 2,304 and 348 ( a loss of I,956 votes ); Digamadulla – 7,460 and 5060 ( a loss of 2,400 votes );Trincomalee – 3,730 and 2,226 ( a loss of 1,504 votes ); Kurunegala –  36,178 and 36,290 ( a gain of 112 votes ); Puttalam – 12,912 and 9,944 ( a loss of 2,968 votes ); Anuradhapura – 22,879 and 24,492  ( a gain of 1,613 votes ); Polonnaruwa – 12,284 and 6,792 ( a loss of 5,492 votes );  Badulla – 14,806 and 19,308 ( a gain of 4,502 votes ); Moneragala – 11,235 and 11,429 ( a gain of 194 votes ); Ratnapura – 18,887 and 17,611 ( a loss of 1,276 votes ); and Kegalle – 15,043 and 14,033( a loss of 1,010 votes ). 

 At all Island level the NPP, at the 2020 Parliamentary Elections polled 445,958 (or 3.84%), a gain of 27,405 votes than what it polled at the Presidential Elections (418,553 or 3.16%).

So, the predictors who predict an impressive victory to the NPP at the next Parliamentary Elections should explain to the voters whether the NPP is attempting to fill ballot boxes, as our villagers say with kadju eta and kos eta (with cashew nuts and jackfruit seeds)! 

8. Zero Votes for All Other Candidates in Hambantota?

In 2020 there were 493,192 registered electors in Hambantota electoral district and SLPP, SJB and UNP polled 280,881 (or 75.10), 51,758 (or 13.84%) and 5017 respectively (a total of 337,656 votes). NPP polled only 31,362.   

For NPP to obtain more than 437,500 of votes from Hambantota electoral district consisted  of 4 electoral divisions, the present Pohottuwa MPs (in order of preferential votes) Namal Rajapaksa (son of MR, former Minister, new Pohottuwa National Organiser : 166,660 votes), D.V. Chanaka (present State Minister: 128,805 votes), Pohottuwa/ SLFP  MP, Mahinda Amaraweera (present Minister:123,730 votes), Chamal Rajapaksa (MR’s elder brother, former Speaker and Cabinet Minister: 85,330 votes), Upul Galappaththi (63,369 votes), Ajith Rajapaksa (present Deputy Speaker: 47,375 votes) respectively, SJB MP Dilip Wedaarachchi (former Minister: 25,376 votes) and UNP candidates (5,017 votes) all will not get a single vote! That will happen only when hell freezes over” or according to the Sinhala saying only after we witness green foliage on a Mol Gaha (pestle made of kittul wood).

Here we develop an argument that even from Hambantota electoral district, an electoral district more favourable to NPP, it cannot poll 4 and half lakhs or more votes.  This argument applies to other electoral districts too. So how can NPP get 113 seats or 2/3 majority from the country?

9. Registered Electors Less Than What NPP Should Poll?

We take two more electoral districts, Polonnaruwa and Moneragala. Registered electors in each of these districts were less than 4 lakhs. There were only 331,109 registered electors in Polonnaruwa and 372,155 registered electors in Moneragala. If all vote for NPP in these two electoral districts NPP cannot reach 4 lakhs from each of these districts and claim for the magical figure of 113 or 2/3 majority. In 2020 from Polonnaruwa NPP polled only 6,792 votes (2.77%) and from Moneragala polled only 11,429 (or 4.07%).

10. NPP Should Poll Ten Lakhs or More from Some Electoral Districts?

For the sake of a meaningless argument we say to compensate the loss from other electoral districts NPP must get a massive vote, at least more than 10 lakhs of votes from Colombo, Gampaha, Mahanuwara and Kurunegala electoral districts, as some pollsters opine that the person/party who/which wins these electoral districts has a better chance of winning. But in 2020 NPP polled only 67,600 votes (or 5.72% getting I seat, thanks to Premadasa introduced 5% cutoff point) from Colomboelectoral district, 61,833 votes (or 5.03%, getting 1 seat) from Gampahaelectoral district,  25,797 (or 3.17%) fromMahanuwara  electoral district  and 36,290 votes (or 3.74%) from Kurunegala electoral district respectively. To hit 10 lakhs of votes based on 2020 General Elections results NPP should poll 932,400 more votes from Colombo, 938,167 more votes from Gampaha, 974,203 more votes from Mahanuwara and 963,710 more votes from Kurunegala electoral districts respectively. That will never happen on this earth as registered electors in these electoral districts were 1,709,209, 1,785,964, 1,129,100 and 1,348,787 respectively. If that to happen from Kandy electoral districts NPP should poll more than 88%!

11. Rejected Votes More Than NPP Polled

Another interesting phenomenon we observe in elections is the number of rejected votes. Rejected votes in each electoral district were more than what NPP polled in 2020!  Colombo 81, 034 (or 4.74% ); Gampaha 75,509 (or 4.23%); Kalutara 46,415 (or 4.77 ); Mahanuwara 57,091( or 5%); Matale 24,503 (or 6.01%); Nuwara Eliya 42,048 (or 7.28%); Galle 35,751 (or 4.12%); Jaffna 35,006 (or 6.12%); Vanni 17,019 (or 5.93%); Batticaloa 16,838 (or 4.11%); Digamadulla 16,347 (or 3.18%); Trincomalee 14,125 (4.89%); Kurunegala 46,414 (or 3.44%); Puttalam 29,266 (or 4.76%); Anuradhapura 35,469 (or 5.11%); Polonnaruwa 16,020 (or 4.84%); Badulla 38,621 (or 5.78%); Moneragala 20,312 (or 5.46%); Ratnapura 30,489 (or 3.47%); and Kegalle 24,547 (or 3.59%). All Island rejected votes were 744,373 (4.58%), more than what the NPP polled, 445,958 (3.84 %). In only two electoral districts NPP exceeded the number of rejected votes, Matara 37,136 (7.76%) as against 22,578 (3.42%) and Hambantota 31,362 (8.39%) as against 18,971 (3.85%).

12. Deadwood Amongst NPP Candidates

At the 2020 Parliamentary Elections 22 NPP candidates obtained 67,600 preferential votes from Colombo electoral district. Anura Kumara topped the list by securing 49,814 preferential votes. The average preferential votes obtained by other 21 candidates were 847 votes. NPP candidate list included NPP windbags such as Ranjan Jayalal, Nipunaarachchi, Sunil Watagala, Eranga Gunesekera, Harshana Nanayakkara, Samanmalie Gunesinghe and Ketipearachchi, all NPP Central Committee Members. This shows that NPP does not have formidable candidates having personal magnetism- charisma to win in a parliamentary election and fielding the required number of candidates has become only an obligatory function according to election law.

Let us examine how these 22 candidates fared in polling divisions of Colombo electoral district: Colombo North – 1,230; Colombo Central – 1,912; Borella – 1,931; Colombo East – 2,595; Colombo West – 1,074; Dehiwala – 2,094; Ratmalana – 2,901; Kolonnawa – 4,655; Kotte – 3,405; Kaduwela – 9,594; Avissawella – 3,761; Homagama – 8,712; Maharagama – 7,371; Kesbewa – 9,160; Moratuwa – 4,440. Election predictors should be able to educate the gullible electors how the NPP choir boys and choir girls  strive to increase their vote bags in these polling divisions to get two or three seats from Colombo electoral district. This proposition applies to all other electoral districts of the Island.

Why NPP poll more votes from (i) Kolonnawa, Kotte, Kaduwela, Avissawella, Homagama and Maharagama and (ii) Ratmalana, Kesbewa and Moratuwa polling divisions?  These are the former electorates of Kelani Valley and Western coastline, strongholds of old Left parties respectively. 

13. Forget Arithmetical Calculations: Consider Economic, Political and Socio-cultural Factors Influencing Polls

Let us forget arithmetical calculations and turn into economic, political, socio-cultural factors influencing polls.

In the second part of this essay we intend to discuss economic, political, socio-cultural factors which influenced the electoral victories of 1956, 1970, 1977, 2019 and 2020 respectively. Such factors which were favourable to victors then do not exist now and NPP does not have that economic, political, socio-cultural advantage. Above all else personal attributes of its leader are poles apart.

(The writer appreciates the inputs given by Srimath Punchihewa of Tangalle in preparing this essay.)

e-Con e-News

blog: eesrilanka.wordpress.com

‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

e-Con e-News 31 March – 6 April 2024

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‘Maersk wouldn’t have taken on board containers

carrying hazardous materials that were to be unloaded here

without specific approval from the relevant authorities in Colombo’

– Gomi Senadhira, Former SL Ambassador to the World Trade Organization

The US army has declared Baltimore Port a no-go area & drone-free zone, making it difficult for ‘independent’ investigators to report on the actual contents on that Maersk-chartered Singapore-flagged ship, Dali.

     A Unified Command, ‘led by the US Coast Guard, US Army Corps of Engineering, Maryland Department of the Environment, Maryland Transportation Authority & Maryland State Police [has effected a ] 2,000-yard maritime Safety Zone for the M/V Dali recovery…which includes a temporary flight restriction that prohibits all drones from operating within 3 nautical miles from the surface, up to and including 1,500 feet above ground level’.

     The 22 crew members, which US media earlier described as ‘22 Hindus’, now being reported as a still-unnamed ’21 Indians & 1 Sri Lankan’ are being detained on the ship, unable to leave. Indian crews, captains & engineers are paid less than their US counterparts, adds New York Times, and surmise they ‘must feel this weight of responsibility that they couldn’t stop it from happening’. No information independent of the US government will therefore be immediately forthcoming as to exactly what was on the Danish Maersk-chartered ship bound for Sri Lanka.

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     The Fog Thickens – Almost all news stories first reported the ship was only headed to Colombo, but a Maersk-linked supply-chain platform e2open Executive now suddenly claims, ‘Dali was headed to China with stops in Sri Lanka & Malaysia’! How’s thaaat for some ‘new cold war’ diversion?!

     Subsequently, in the Financial Times (SL), Ports, Shipping & Aviation Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva on April 3 supposedly ‘verified… out of the 57 containers onboard; only one was destined for Colombo… I have inquired from the Maersk shipping line and they confirmed that there were 57 containers with toxic materials that can be categorised under the International Maritime Dangerous Goods Code. But only one box was bound for Colombo and the rest were for re-export.’

     ‘Addressing misinformation circulating in the media, the Minister criticised individuals lacking proper knowledge of the situation. He highlighted the vessel’s final destination was China, a detail he claimed was overlooked in media coverage. The Minister also underscored the necessity of handling classified goods, such as flammables & hazardous materials, in international trade & logistics: ‘Goods falling under classifications 1-9 require special approval from the Ministry of Defence and under the current law we have been doing that without any issue.’

     Regarding cargo declaration procedures, the Minister clarified that containers’ contents must be declared 72 hours or 3 days before arrival at Colombo Port. ‘However, given the negative publicity surrounding the incident, authorities sought additional details from the shipping line,’ he added, ‘We still do not know what exactly is in that one container bound for Colombo. We would only know when the vessel entered the Indian Ocean. But now the ship won’t come as per the scheduled date.’

     Maersk’s e2open ‘Executive’ keeps adding to the fog: Dali ‘had about 4,700 full containers (about 50% of its 10,000 capacity) and probably a batch of empty containers – this is in line with what is expected on a west to east voyage where container vessels carry less cargo back than they bring in’. What these ‘empty containers’ actually contain has led to intense speculation. Was it full before, and have only become empty now? Denmark’s Maersk, transporter for the US Department of War, provides integral ‘logistical support’ to the US military, whose government seeks to turn Sri Lanka into a war zone, installing a base for its new 8^th Fleet.

     Could the Singapore-flagged vessel have been carrying military weapons loaded at the largest US Navy base in Norfolk, which the Dali had entered earlier? And what is the ship’s link to Baltimore’s medical waste scandal? (see below) With the drone-free zone, for whom & for where & for what, will now be made increasingly unclear.

     Meanwhile, ministers & officials in Sri Lanka are also contradicting each other, about who knows or knew exactly what. They simply parrot talking points supplied by officials from the huge multinational Maersk, which has powerful links with Sri Lanka’s colonial import-export plantation oligarchy led by colonial conglomerate John Keells etc, and even more powerful multinationals like Unilever…

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• In late 2023, Curtis Bay Energy (CBE), the USA’s largest medical waste incinerator, which operates in South Baltimore, Maryland, was fined almost $2million as a criminal penalty for improper disposal of biohazardous materials from hospitals and medical laboratories. Curtis Bay Energy disposes of biohazardous material from around the US & from Canada.

     Such ‘raw materials’ could include liquid or dried blood, anatomical materials and other biohazards. CBE had also improperly disposed of untreated water used in the waste incineration process into nearby lands.

     Despite the penalties, the company recently came under scrutiny again in early 2024, involving 2 of Maryland’s largest health systems: Johns Hopkins University said it would divert nearly all of its medical waste from CBE; while MedStar Health, which operates 10 hospitals, insisted they had to continue using CBE, a week after Maryland again filed a lawsuit against Curtis Bay Energy. Most of Johns Hopkins medical waste comes from its university, rather than its hospital system. CBE operates in a heavily industrialized area in a working-class south Baltimore neighborhood, whose residents are demanding action from the hospitals contracted with CBE. The question is how much of this waste was shoved onto that Maersk-chartered Singapore-flagged ship bound for Sri Lanka.

     Ironically, on the day of the Baltimore bridge crash, on 26 March, southern New Mexico marked the 25^th anniversary of the USA’s only underground repository for radioactive waste from decades of nuclear research & bomb making. New Mexico, home of the Navajo & Apache, has long been targeted for such ‘disposables’. The Waste Isolation Pilot Plant outside Carlsbad has taken in around 13,850 shipments from more than a dozen national laboratories and other sites since 1999.

     New Mexico was concerned about US government plans for ‘repackaging and shipping’ drums of nuclear waste packed at the Los Alamos National Laboratory to be stored at WIPP, which were later rerouted to Texas. Would such ships now carry such materials as well, and was the Dali the only such ship that’s been heading to Colombo?

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ee’s main goal in this short and sometimes sweet life, is to discuss the prevention of investment in modern machine-making industry in Sri Lanka. Therefore the ’recycling’ of ‘hazardous wastes’ even into useful substances may be possible if there is investment in such processes. However, we are not allowed to invest even in our own ‘safe’ resources. However, such countries as the USA could easily process their own wastes, rather than dump it on us. Yet they would rather invest in ‘global warring’.…So whatever surprises they had been planning for us after this New Year, have been perhaps postponed for now.

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• ‘Maersk wouldn’t have taken on board containers carrying hazardous materials that were to be unloaded here without specific approval from the relevant authorities in Colombo’, former SL Ambassador to the WTO & Minister Counsellor in Washington & Brussels, Gomi Senadhira told The Island on April 2. Senadhira also pointed to an agreement with Singapore to accept ‘waste’: ‘The government without any further delay should take tangible measures to identify those who had authorised the shipment of such dangerous materials.’ He said, ‘the identities of those who had been involved in this operation must have been known to the powers that be’.

     ‘The government could seek the assistance of the US in this regard,’ the outspoken former official said. ‘The issue at hand is how many such shipments reached Colombo over the years,’ pointing out, if not for the ship crashing into the Francis Scott Key Bridge, Baltimore, it could have been on its way to the Colombo harbour. He added, the possibility of persons with authority exploiting BoI procedures for their benefit couldn’t be ruled out.

     ee already noted Maersk’s partnership with colonial conglomerate John Keells’ South Asia Gateway Terminal (SAGT) located in England’s Peninsular & Orient (P&O)-controlled Queen Elizabeth Quay in Colombo Port (see below). Last November 2023, the US International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) promised a $553mn investment in the Adani Ports-led West Container Terminal port project in Colombo, to be jointly developed with John Keells and the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA).

     Director Customs Seevali Arukgoda says, ‘Customs has no way of knowing who the consignee is and what the cargo is until the cargo manifest is filed by the agent here. Even then, cargo description is in most cases not sufficient to properly identify such goods. No one will declare contents as ‘Toxic Waste’.’

     Senadhira recalled that a few years ago England was exposed for shipping to Colombo, 263 containers of hazardous waste, including human body parts from hospitals/mortuaries. Those containers were taken back after the exposure. Senadhira expressed ‘serious concern whether far more hazardous waste were being shipped here aboard Dali with the connivance of the relevant authorities here’.

     Senadhira said, he was glad the Opposition raised this issue in Parliament April 02. Referring to the extensive coverage of the accident & its aftermath, he said, the ship’s next stop was to be Colombo, adding that prior to Baltimore, Dali called at New York & Norfolk, Virginia, where some of those containers or all bound for Colombo were loaded.

     Senadhira said, this was nothing but a massive crime perpetrated on hapless people by those who would turn the country into a toxic-waste yard for personal gain… Parliament should take up this issue vigorously and seek answers as every attempt would obviously be made to suppress the information by those involved. Some politicians & officials obviously cooperated with interested parties and reached agreements for their benefit, but at a massive expense to the country. The controversial agreement finalized with Singapore during the Yahapalana administration to accept waste from that country was just a case in point. The Baltimore accident is a tragedy as it caused colossal damages and claimed the lives of several persons. But, that incident is in a way a blessing in disguise as it exposed a grave crime about to be perpetrated against Sri Lanka, Senadhira said.

     Rather ironically, Singapore’s Transport Safety Investigation Bureau this week blamed the ship crew and the Colombo Port for the 2021 X-Press Pearl disaster!

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• A Maersk-linked ‘CEO’ of a Colombo Port Co, who ‘contributes valuable insights to the industry’, criticized ee & media who dared share ee content: ‘Better stick to matters you can grasp. The toxic cargo story was floated by a Sri Lankan blogger who writes all sorts of nonsense on various topics. [The] importing country knows whats [sic!] on a ship by its manifest declared to customs.’ He told the Daily Mirror, ‘You are copying from a blog, which writes bulshit [sic!] on topics they have no idea of.’

     However, no media, free or expensive, had dared mention the Sri Lanka-related issues involved with the Baltimore bridge, until ee broke the story on 30 March.

     On 31 March, The Island only reported the accident had only ‘two remote connections to Sri Lanka in that the vessel was headed for Colombo, and the US Senator for Baltimore, Chris Van Hollen Jr who figured prominently in the reporting of the disaster, is the son of Christopher Van Hollen Sr, a career diplomat, one time US Ambassador in Sri Lanka’ in the 1970s. They forgot to add that father Hollen had opposed Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s Indian Ocean Peace Zone Initiative, then actively destabilized her government. Son Hollen, active in the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee’s ousting and jailing of Pakistan PM Imran Khan, and in the current destabilization of Sri Lanka & Somalia. He visited Colombo in September 2023.

     Even more intriguingly, on 31 March, a Sunday Times story, headlined ‘Baltimore bridge disaster: Vessel carried containers for transhipment from Colombo’ by Sunimalee Dias, also quoted unnamed Maersk officials, claiming: ‘According to the vessel manifest there was cargo to be discharged at Colombo Port comprising one cargo with resin solution for manufacturing. In addition, there had been over 500 containers to be discharged as transshipment volumes meant for India. With the Baltimore Port closed, it is likely to take some time until operations resume and investigations are carried out on the accident, local agents stated. Maersk in an updated statement noted that no new bookings in to or out of the Port of Baltimore will be accepted.’ [Ha! – ee]. ‘However, they will continue to offer options through alternate US East Coast (USEC) ports.’ There was no mention of the other 4,199 containers on the Dali. Nor that it was on its way to China.

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     Yet the next day (April 01), media quoted Sri Lanka Ports Authority Chair Keith Bernard as saying shippers have to declare the contents of containers only 72 hours before the time of arrival into the Colombo Port:

     ‘The ship [was] supposed to arrive here on April 21, 2024. It means they are supposed to inform us by April 17 or so. There is enough time. If there are containers with hazardous items as declared by them, we will isolate such containers in accordance with protocols. As a major transshipment hub, we have a procedure set in place to deal with such containers. Most likely, these containers are meant for transshipment.’

     Asked about the procedure if the containers are meant to be allowed into the country, Bernard said, ‘the clearance of the Defence Ministry and others would be sought’.

     However, ‘Deputy Director of the Central Environment Authority (CEA) Ajith Wijesundara said it is not yet clear whether the ship was carrying containers with hazardous wastes or toxic substances. According to the Basel Convention, he said such wastes would not be allowed into the country.

     The text of the Basel Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes and their Disposal was adopted on March 22, 1989, and entered into force on the 90^th day after the date of deposit of the 20^th instrument of ratification, acceptance, formal confirmation, approval or accession, on May 5, 1992. The text has been subject to various amendments since its adoption. He added that toxic substances are imported as raw materials and guidelines are applied. (see ee Sovereignty, SL unaware of ship carrying toxic wastes from the US)

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     On April 2, Daily Mirror reported, ‘The Central Environment Authority (CEA) has launched a comprehensive investigation, according to State Minister of Environment Janaka Wakkumbura. He told Parliament, the CEA was unaware that the cargo ship carrying hazardous materials was heading to Sri Lanka… while responding to questions raised by SLPP MP Charitha Herath and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa… a proper investigation should be conducted as to how such a cargo ship carrying hazardous materials was heading to Sri Lanka without the knowledge of the country.

     ‘We would not have known of the hazardous material in the cargo ship unless it encountered an accident. A proper investigation should be conducted as to how such a ship was heading to Sri Lanka in such a manner.’ Wakkumbura said, Sri Lanka Customs and Colombo Port have been informed of the cargo ship and assured to provide a report to the House of the incident.

     The SLPA Chair claims, it does not mean that the hazardous material that was said to aboard the ship was intended for Sri Lanka. Most of the containers… were to go to other destinations (countries) via Sri Lanka… the SLPA was not even aware of the contents of the containers at the time of the collision. ‘Of the containers that the ship was carrying, we do not know how many were intended for Sri Lanka.’

     The US National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) said, the investigation as to contents could take 12-24 months, although the NTSB will not hesitate to issue urgent safety recommendations during that time. The preliminary report would be released in 2-4 weeks.’

     The Morning newspaper added: ‘Attempts to contact the Central Environmental Authority and the Sri Lanka Customs to get more information in this regard were not successful.’

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• While not a single environmental organization has uttered a word (further evidence that these NGOs are only triggered by their funding masters in the US & EU), ee’s report last week caught the attention of both media and parliament. The Daily Mirror muddled ee’s narrative and left out crucial information:

‘It is more foggy which Maersk-linked US companies export toxic materials to Sri Lanka. Maersk, which the US government’s local media mouth EconomyNext calls ‘a global shipping industry giant’, recently partnered with the privatized National Development Bank (NDB) to help Sri Lanka’s ‘Small & Medium Enterprises’ grow. What SMEs, US-military-linked Maersk wishes to ‘grow’, is unclear’.

The privatization of the NDB & DFCC banks should be considered a national scandal. That it has been hijacked by the likes of Maersk is no surprise. DM also left out, in reference to the longer route via South Africa’s Cape:

‘The more expensive and longer diversions are blamed by the white media on Yemen, which by ‘international law’ (which the US invokes but does not abide by) controls access through the Red Sea & Somalia which has Africa’s largest coastline & controls eastern access to the large continent’.

Indeed, the constant media reference to ‘Somali pirates‘ diverts from the robbery of their seas & the US financing of various ‘terrorist’ groups in Somalia. The media fears offending the USA, which is seeking to block Asia’s sea traffic (see ee Quotes). The announcement this week that an Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC) is ‘welcoming’ new shipping regulations in the Arctic, is also another attempt to interfere in the traffic, this time, between Russia & East Asia. The ICC has been long funded by Exxon’s Rockefeller Foundation, etc.

     The DM’s carefully manicured ‘Comments Section’ on the ship story also sought to divert focus to the retail corruption of politicians and away from the wholesale exploitation by multinational corporations (with budgets far bigger than most nation-states). Check out the link to all these sea games & England’s Peninsular & Orient (P&O) Company’s colonial monopoly (see Random Notes).

ee here recalls, ‘The first roadblock to the Hambantota Port project was placed by P&O… If Hambantota was developed as a major hub port it would have posed a threat to Indian ports, like Nhava Shiva developed by P&O and now competing with Colombo.’ Those who claim to be experts on China’s ‘sinister designs’ on our ports & our seas, are curiously ignorant of England’s P&O’s control of international shipping, etc, for almost 200 years. In 1999, P&O was given a 30-year lease over Colombo Port’s Queen Elizabeth Quay – a fact never mentioned in the media (see ee 02/11, 2019).

This week saw media focus on revelations by an ex-President about India’s involvement in the April 2019 terror, as well as India’s claim on an islet north of Jaffna. This diverted from India’s claims over the oceanic floor’s mineral wealth within Sri Lanka’s maritime territories (see ee Sovereignty, Seabed). This ee Focus looks at the un-investigated revelations made by the Speaker about blatant foreign interference in the country’s internal  affairs, as well as an ex-Air-Force officer’s exposure of the stages leading to the ouster of a legally elected head of state.

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Contents:

US Shipping Medical Waste & Weapons to Sri Lanka?

Prime Minister’s Media Unit

During the discussion held between Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena inSeoul, Chairman of Global Green Growth Institute (GGGI), Ban Ki-moon expressed appreciation over the close partnership with Sri Lanka and assured efforts to reinforce the longstanding amicable relations between Sri Lanka and GGGI and to explore opportunities to fortify bilateral ties across various sectors.  

The Government of Sri Lanka is in the process of transitioning to a greener, inclusive, and more resilient economy through interventions on renewable energy, sustainable transport, and creating our cities greener,” Prime Minister Gunawardena said in his talks with the former Secretary General of the United Nations in Seoul on April 4.

As an island country, we are extremely vulnerable to climate impacts, and we have to take urgent actions to protect our people and ecosystems from those impacts, he said.

I am pleased that we have established a strong partnership with GGGI to support these green growth efforts by the government,” he said.   

GGGI Chairman Ban Ki-moon said that he sincerely appreciate the close partnership GGGI enjoys working with the Government of Sri Lanka, including the Ministry of Environment and the common drive to a green and sustainable future.

As a passionate advocate for the climate agenda, I am pleased that our collaborative efforts will help build resilience and strengthen adaptation in the face of climate change, at both the national and local levels,” he added.  

Currently, GGGI is supporting the Government of Sri Lanka in building resilience to climate change by updating its national adaptation plan and developing Sri Lanka’s first full set of provincial adaptation plans with embedded investment plans in key sectors. GGGI is also supporting Sri Lanka in accessing and mobilizing innovative climate financing, adopting sustainable public transport services for low-carbon development, strengthening the sustainability of the tea industry, and exploring utility-scale solar energy projects.

The GGGI added that future collaborations to accelerate Sri Lanka’s green growth transition will be a good way forward. The Government of Sri Lanka will expand its green projects to infrastructure sectors and is also considering the possibility of issuing green bonds.  

Sri Lanka joined GGGI as Member in 2019. Sri Lanka was elected as Vice President of the Assembly and Vice Chair of the Council of GGGI in October 2022. GGGI is hosted by the Ministry of Environment at the Climate Change Secretariat and Policy Planning Division.

courtesy The Sunday  Times

National People’s Power (NPP) presidential candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s pronouncement in Jaffna earlier this week that he did not come to bargain for votes by assuring that he would give ’13 plus’ or a ‘federal solution’ begs the crucial question as to what exactly is the NPP’s public position in regard to these and other thorny issues including the militarisation of the Sri Lankan State?

Blind loyalty to rhetoric

To be clear, these core dysfunctions have monstrously perverted constitutional democracy in this country, reducing the Sinhala majority as well as Tamil and Muslim minorities to pathetic ‘nothing-beings’ in their own land. As we may recall, an ‘ethnic war’ and the emergence of a ‘Sinhala Buddhist saviour’ became weapons of choice for majoritarian demagogues, most particularly the Rajapaksas, to inflict cruel injustices on Sri Lankans, including their slavishly supplicating loyalists from the South.

Ironically those very supplicants have become the first victims of the Rajapaksa-triggered bankruptcy in 2022. But that blind loyalty to seductive rhetoric was precisely why manifest idiocies of a supremacist Gotabaya Rajapaksa Presidency came about, including an overnight ban on the importation of chemical fertiliser which paralysed agriculture production, the effects of which are still being felt. Close upon that came the conscienceless refusal to allow Muslims to cremate their covid-19 dead. There was no roar of public anger.

Why? This was because the mantle of a war winning hero had been carefully manufactured as a construct to keep public protest at bay. That savage deception succeeded beyond the wildest dreams of its architects. The Sri Lankan public was told, much like heedless children, ‘you do not know anything, we are the adults, we will do it the proper way.’ And quite unlike children, this is exactly what the people did until that spectacular citizens’ uprising (‘aragalaya’) in 2022. For all its negativities, this displaced the Rajapaksa State and shook the political establishment to its core.

Animal Farm charades

Ironically a Cabinet Minister has now proposed that the Cabinet issue a formal apology for the mandatory cremation policy implemented by the former President. Rajapaksa has blamed that policy on being misled by academics in a book released recently to widespread scorn and condemnation. It is almost as if Rajapaksa was a child himself to be ‘misled’ by others. So in other words, this was a case of a child leading children as much as the ‘blind leading the blind.’ We are reminded of George Orwell’s Animal Farm, the headlong rush of a blind society
to totalitarianism.

That is perhaps the kindest epitaph that one can think of in summing up his ruinous Presidency. But the problem is not just that one President or that one Presidency. We have to ask these same questions regarding all those who aspire to the Presidential mantle, lest we are inclined to repeat those very same mistakes. This is why the NPP must be called to account with clear specifics, not be allowed to parrot clichés such as ensuring an ‘inclusive Sri Lankan identity’ or run the risk of being mockingly referred to as a ‘No Plan Party.’

Again, this is not to say that other political parties should be allowed to escape unscathed. But the NPP cannot take a ridiculously moralist stance of ending the ’75 year curse’ when it has been (very much) part of that same curse. Quite apart from the bloodthirsty history that the NPP’s main constituent, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) lays claim to, including killing government servants in cold blood in its struggle to overthrow the State, its commitment to constitutional democracy is much like the curate’s egg, good in parts but manifestly bad in others.

Why previous governance reforms failed

Certainly the NPP cannot talk of democratic governance without elaborating its position on the checks and balances on an executive President or an executive Prime Minister as the case may be.  To be fair, the JVP was a primary mover of the 17th Amendment to the Constitution (2001) which effectively clipped the powers of the Executive Presidency. The Constitutional Council (CC) under that Amendment had its balance of power tilted towards non-political members.

It was thus not the demonstrable farce under later amendments including the 21st Amendment where politicians make up the majority as is the case currently. But those of us with long memories may also recall other disturbing facts. As the CC properly acted out its constitutional role, the political establishment reacted with force. Then President Chandrika Kumaratunga refused to appoint the nominated Chair of the Elections Commission. The independent working of the commissions including most particularly the National Police Commission (NPC) stirred up a hornets nest.

The JVP too joined that anti-democratic chorus with force. All this formed part of the background to Kumaratunga’s successor Mahinda Rajapaksa finally crippling the 17th Amendment by substituting a Parliamentary Council for the Constitutional Council. The Constitution has yet not recovered its integrity from those devastating blows. Then we have bizarre convolutions over the JVP’s National List slots following the elections of 2015 when a former respected Auditor General who came into Parliament on the National List resigned to make way for a party replacement.

What is the NPP position on constitutional justice?

Others unwise to be named on that National List, including lawyers, apologised for having entered the muddy thicket of politics. Closer in time, the manipulation of the 2022 ‘aragalaya’ protests and its politicisation by JVP cohorts was an open secret. All in all, the NPP (read the JVP) cannot quite pride itself as being pure as the driven snow or in this case, the clouds that float above Sri Lanka for nothing is very ‘pure’ on the ground, neither in nature nor the humans. So we return to our question, how exactly does the NPP promise constitutional democracy?

Will it allow mothers of the North asking for justice for their disappeared children to protest peacefully or will the force of the State be used against them? Arresting peaceful protestors under spurious justifications and excess use of police force is routine. The applicable legal standards are perfectly clear. Peaceful protestors cannot be obstructed and the police cannot vaguely claim that law and order is disturbed thereby. These legal standards judicially developed for decades are now legal theory.

The contrary is practised under the command of an Inspector General of Police who has himself been held responsible for inflicting torture on a human being by the Supreme Court. Will this continue when (and if) the opposition claims the seats of government as has often been the case? And what, pray, is the NPP’s position on Sri Lanka’s mechanisms of transitional justice that have not impressed either the victims or anyone else to put it mildly? As for its position on fighting corruption which is its most visible plank, questions are yet outstanding.

Have NPP front rankers publicly declared their assets and liabilities as a test of their credibility? Has the NPP declared its sources of political party funding not as a response to a legal requirement prior to elections but to demonstrate commitment to party accountability? The NPP’s clever side-stepping of public articulation on core dysfunctions that have monstrously perverted the nation’s constitutional democracy is less than reassuring. Calling for a ‘change of the political culture’ which Dissanayake repeated in Jaffna, does not suffice.

Such rhetoric devoid of substance is as deadly as the Rajapaksa communalist tirades. The only difference is that repeating old mistakes will have far more tragic consequences now given Sri Lanka’s financial and monetary fragility.

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KAMALIKA PIERIS

Talk shows on Kurundi invariably led to the question, Was there a kovil at Kurundi?” This ensures that in any discussion on Kurundi, the word Kovil also gets a mention. This is significant. Hinduism is now starting to run parallel to Buddhism in Sri Lanka.

Hinduism, originated in India in   the Vedic period (2000 BC – 400 BC). It was known then as Santana dharma. Hinduism does not have a founder or a leader but has many texts such as Vedas. Hinduism believes in one God, but in many incarnations. It has a trinity of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva.

Hinduism is not a   world religion. It is confined to India. Hinduism was introduced to East Asia   in ancient times, probably through trade, but failed to take root there.   Indonesia, Thailand, Cambodia rejected the Hindu religion in favor of Buddhism and Islam.

Today, Hinduism does not hold an undisputed position even in India.  The term Hindutva was created in 1922   as a label for Hindu nationalism with the hope of creating a   Hindu India when the British left. HindutvainH should have been an uplifting,   stirring, rousing concept, said critics. Instead it is   used in a disparaging manner by those who oppose Hindu based political parties of India.

In addition, Hinduism is a contested religion in its country of origin. There is an ongoing tussle between the Hindus and Muslims in India. Hindus cannot even claim a temple without a fight erupting like at Ayodhaya.  When Supreme Court awarded Ayodhaya to the Hindus, they were jubilant.

Hindus are now   planning to replace several other prominent mosques with Hindu temples. They have taken over the disputed Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi, which they say was built over a Hindu temple during the Mughal period.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is pushing the Hindu religion in India. He dived into the Arabian Sea off the coast of Gujarat to perform underwater puja. He sat in meditation for a while on the sea bed and offered peacock feathers.

Modi is also pushing Hinduism abroad. Modi inaugurated a grand Hindu temple in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) when he visited in 2024. It is built on a 27-acre plot donated by the UAE government. Made from pink sandstone from Rajasthan state and white Italian marble, the temple was carved in India and assembled in Dubai. Indians are the largest expatriate group in Abu Dhabi.

Ada Derana reported that a Sri Lanka-based trust had approached India through the Government of Sri Lanka, seeking help to construct a massive Hindu temple for Venkateswara in Sri Lanka. Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanam of India (TTD) approved the project as a step towards disseminating Hindu dharma. The Trust will also provide   the items needed to run the temple and   perform rituals including the idols. They will be sculpted at the TTD-run Sri Venkateswara College of Traditional Sculpture and Architecture in Tirupati.[1]

Hinduism did not take root in Sri Lanka. The Hindu bronzes found buried under the Siva devale in Polonnaruwa  and  proudly displayed at the Colombo and Polonnaruwa museums, are   evidence of Chola occupation, not Hindu practice in Sri Lanka .The Sinhalese  did not embrace Hinduism, they stayed Buddhist .

There is no mention of kovil or mosques in the Udarata kingdom (1469-1815) either.  The Esala Perahera was originally a Devala perahera   of   three gods Kataragama, Pattini, and Natha. Kataragama and Pattini were Hindu gods, but they did not come from kovils, they came from devala. Natha was not Hindu, he was Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara.

The Hindu minority in Sri Lanka    is confined to the descendants of those who came as   laborers during Dutch occupation and as settlers during British rule as well as those on the tea estates.

 These Tamil Hindus worship Siva, also Ganesh and Skandia, the sons of Shiva. They follow the Bhakthi School. The Bhakthi doctrine, which appeared in Tamilnadu in the 7th^h century, placed much emphasis on devotional prayers and worship through pujas and bhajans.  K .Sivatamby observed that Sri Lanka Tamils follow Saiva siddhanta in preference to the Vedanta tradition. Sri Lanka Tamils want to call their religion Saivism not Hinduism, he said.

Sri Lanka is recognized as Hindu by India. Sri Lanka participated in the international Gita Mahotsav 2023 at Kurukshetra, India as a partner country.  Sri Lanka’s Buddha Sasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs Minister, Vidura Wickramanayake attended.

The fifth International Gita Mahotsav, which is a conference on the Bhagavad Gita, was held in Colombo in 2024. The previous four editions were held in Australia (2023), Canada (2022), UK (2019) and Mauritius (2019).  It was organized by Kurukshetra Development Board, Haryana, Sri Lanka’s Buddha Sasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs Ministry and Swami Vivekananda Cultural Centre, the cultural arm of the High Commission of India in Colombo in collaboration with about 30 religious and social organizations in Sri Lanka. Daily News ran a two page spread on International Gita Mahotsav.

The Hindu religion has been given a visible boost in Sri Lanka in recent times. It now receives state patronage. Hindu festivals are    celebrated at Presidents House and Temple Trees. There is considerable coverage in the state newspapers of Hindu festivals and Hindu chariot processions in different parts of the country. The leading   kovils such as Nallur regularly get flattering write ups in the media. This encourages the public to think hospitably about Hindu kovils in Sri Lanka.

In 2024 Sri Lanka’s Embassy in Rome celebrated Thai Pongal at the Embassy premises. People’s Bank conducted Thai Pongal celebrations at its Wellawatte and Kotahena branches.  When the International Monetary Fund delegation including Mission Chief for Sri Lanka visited the North in 2024, they took part in a Thai Pongal ceremony held at the Northern Province Governor’s office.

The media are now playing a significant role in altering our perspective on Hinduism in Sri Lanka.  Hinduism in Sri Lanka is shown to be linked to Hinduism in the rest of the world. Maasi Magam is a Tamil festival celebrated in February day when full moon day coincides with Magma, said the media. This festival is celebrated by the Hindu Tamil population worldwide.  The festival is observed in many Shivan and Amman temples around Sri Lanka, the media said.

The Maha Magam festival occurs once in every 12 years when Jupiter enters the zodiacs sign Leo on the Maasi Magam day. A glamorous five chariot festival takes place. The festival is celebrated in Kumbhakonam in Tamil Nadu, Haridwar in North India, and Muthumari Amman temple in Matale.

The media has clearly been asked to familiarize Buddhists about Hinduism. Daily News of 25.1.24 ran two features on the same page. One feature was on significance of Duruthu poya   which  fell on that day, the other on Thai Pongal which had been celebrated on 15.1.24.

The media has also been asked to   show that Hinduism runs parallel to Buddhism in Sri Lanka. Daily News of 24.2.24 ran a feature on drumming. Drums are used in both Buddhism and Hinduism and both are part of the Sri Lanka civilization it said. The Sinhalese and Tamil drummers have a rich musical heritage from centuries ago.

 The drums used in Buddhism were described first. The last two paragraphs were on drums in Hinduism.  Drums are played at kovil festivals. Parai melam (a double-headed cylindrical drum played with two sticks) was played at weddings, rituals, and kovils.  The thavil, a large drum of Indian origin, was now used widely in Sri Lankan kovil festivals.

Jaffna was shown to be Hindu. Nallur kovil was described in flattering terms. Mahinda Rajapaksa when electioneering in the north was taken bare bodied to Nallur. Biz Pact group were also taken there on a visit. In 2010 The German Ambassador participated in the Thai Pongal festival at Nallur, bare bodied.

The media ran a feature on the village of Araly in Jaffna. It focused on the kovil there. The kovil still plays an important role in each Northern community. The kovil keeps the community together. It is the sacred hub that connects people, the feature said.

 Inlangaithalvu Murugamoorthy Kovil was an iconic landmark of Araly North with a tall Gopuram. It is a massive Kovil. The main Gopuram is 60 feet tall and has seven levels. The statues on the towers were sculpted in Mahabalipuram, Tamilnadu. The massive wooden doors were a replica of the Thiruchendur Murugan Kovil in India. Two local carpenters had taken one year to design and sculpt this fantastic masterpiece, laden with intricate designs. (Continued)

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[1]source New Indian Express 

https://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=98172#:~:text=Tirumala%20Tirupati%20Devasthanams%20(TTD)%20executive,for%20four%20to%20five%20days.

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

             ඉන්දියාවේ මහ චන්දය ළඟා වී ඇත.බහුජන සාක්ෂරතාවය  දුර්වල ඉන්දියාවේ චන්ද ගොඩ රැඳි තිබෙන්නේ මිනිසුන් ගේ හැඟීම් මත බැවින් ඒ හැඟීම් ඇවිස්සීමට නරේන්ද්‍ර මෝදි අගමැතිවරයා කච්චතිවු දූපත ඈඳා ගෙන ඇත. කච්චතිවු ලංකාවට ලබා දීම ගැන ඔහු ඉන්දීය කොන්ග්‍රස් බලධාරීන්ට දොස් කියා තිබෙන්නේ මේ ඇවිස්සීම කරන්නටයි.මේ උණුසුම අවුරුදු කටේ ලංකාවටත් දැනී තිබේ.ඉන්දියාවේ සරණ යන අන්තාවාදී දෙමළ දේශපාලඥයන් මෝදි ගේ කියුම් අල්ලා ගෙන නටන්නට බොහෝ විට ඉඩ ඇත.දැනටමත් උතුරේ ධීවර සහයෝගිතා ව්‍යාපාරය විරෝධය පළ කර ඇත. උතුරේ චන්ද ගොඩ වැඩි කර ගැනීමට වළිකන මේ දේශපාලඥයන් කිසිවිට සිංහල දෙමළ සමගිය පිළිබඳ කතා නොකරන බව සිකුරුය.කච්චතිවු හි යථාර්තය පිළිබඳ මහජනතාව දැනුම්වත් කළ යුත්තේ එහෙයිනි.

           1766 දී ලන්දේසීන් සමග කීර්ති ශ්‍රී රාජසිංහ සහ රදළයන් අත්සන් කල ගිවිසුම අනුවලංකාවේ මුහුදුබඩ පළාත් ලන්දේසීන්ට අයත් විය. මේ නිසා උතුරේ සමුද්‍ර තීරය සහ දූපත් සියල්ල ඔවුනට අයත් විය. මාලදිවයිනද තිබූ බව පැහැදිලිය. ඉන්පසු උඩරට ගිවිසුම ඉංග්‍රීසීන් සමග අත්සන් කරන කල්හිද මේ තත්වය එසේම විය.නුමුත් 1948 දී රට නිදහස් කර ස්වදේශික දේශපාලකයන් අතට ලංකාව නැවත පත් කරන කල්හි මාලදිවයිනේ අයිතිය අපට නැති විය.කෙසේ වෙතත් මන්නාරම් බොක්කට උඩින් තිබෙන දූපත් සමූහය යාපන දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ පාලනය යටතේ පැවතේ.යාපනයට දුරින්ම තිබෙන දූපත වශයෙන් සැළකෙන්නේ කච්චතිවු නොහාත් කැස්බැ දූපතයි. මෙහි ජනාවාසයක් නැතද ශාන්ත අන්තෝනි මුනිඳුන්ට කැපවුණු කතෝලික දේවස්ථානයක් ඇත. පරංගීන් යාපන අර්ධ දීවීපය අල්වා ගත් පසු සිදු කරන ලද මිෂනාරී ව්‍යාපාරයේ ප්‍රතිඵලයක් වශයෙන් බොහෝ දූපත්වල කිතුණු දේවස්ථාන ඇති විය.ලන්දේසි යුගයේ දී ද ඒ තත්වය තවදුරටත් වර්ධනය විය.ඉන්දීය ධීවරයන්ද ලංකාවේ ධිවරයන්ද මසුන් මැරීමේ නිරතව සිටින අතර තුර මෙම දූපතේ වාඩි පිහිටුවාගෙන කටයුතු කරති. මහුදේ අතරමං වූ ධීවරයන් කීප දෙනෙකු අන්තෝනී මුණිදුන්ට යාඥා කොට මේ දූපපතෙහි දී දිවි ගලවා ගත් හෙයින් විසිවන සියවස මුල් භාගයේ දී මේ දේවාස්ථානය අන්තෝනි මුනිඳුන් වෙනුවෙන් ඉඳි වී ඇතැයි කියති. එහි වාර්ෂික මංගල්ල දිනයට ලංකාවේ සහ ඉන්දීය ධීරවරයන් මෙහි පැමිණෙති.

             ලංකාවට නිදහස ලැබීමෙන් පසු මෙම දූපතේ අයිතිය පිළිබඳ ඉන්දියාවත් ලංකාවත් අතර මත භෙදයක් හට ගැණුනි. යටත් විජිත සමයේ දී එය ගැටළුවක් නොවුණද දෙරට ස්වදේශික පාලකයන්ගේ අණසකට ලක් වූ පසු තත්වය වෙනස් විය.මේ පිළිබඳ රාජ්‍ය තාන්ත්‍රික සාකච්ඡා වරින් වර දෙරට අතර පැවැත්වුණ නමුත් එකඟතාවයක් ඇති කර ගැනීමට අවස්ථාව නොලැබුණි.සිරමාවෝ බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිණිය අගමැති බවට පත් වීමෙන් පසු අවධානය යොමු කළ ප්‍රමුඛ ප්‍රශ්න දෙකෙන් එකක් වූයේ කච්චතිවු පිළිබඳ අයිතිය තහවුරු කර ගැනීමයි. මේ අවදියේ දී බෙංගාල බොක්කේ සමුද්‍රීය සීමාව පිළිබඳ තීරණයක් ගැනිමට අන්තර් ජාතිකව බල කෙරුණු පසුබිමක ඉන්දීය අගමැතිති ඉන්දිරා ගාන්ධි  සමග තිබූ සුහද සම්බන්ධ තාවයද ප්‍රයෝජනයට ගෙන යම් ද්වීපාර්ශවික ගිවිසුමක් කරා යන්නට උත්සුක වී තිබේ. ඒ අනුව 1974ජූනි මස 26 දින එම ගිවිසුමට සිරිමාවෝ බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිණිය විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍යංශයේ දී අත්සන් තැබූ අතර ජූනි 28 දින දී ඉන්දීය අගමැතිණියද එම ගිවිසුමට අත්සන් කොට ඇත. මෙම ගිවිසුම පිළිබඳ සම්පූර්ණ වාර්තාව සිරිමාවෝ මැතිණිය විසින් 1974 ජූලි මාසයේ දී එවකට පැවතී ජාතික රාජ්‍ය සභාවට ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලදී. එම වාර්තාව 1974 ජූලි  23 දින හැන්සාඩ් වාර්තාවේ දක්නට හැකිය.එහි කච්චතිවු ගැන මෙසේ සඳහන්ය.

       ‘දැන් මම මෙම සභාවේ  ගරු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගේ අවධානය යොමු කරන්නේ හ්‍රී ලංකාවත් ඉන්දියාවත් අතර අර්බුදකාරීව තිබුණි දෙවනි ප්‍රහ්නය වෙතටයි. ඒ දෙවනි ප්‍රශ්ණය කච්චතිවු ප්‍ර්ශ්නයයි. ඒ කියන්නේ කච්චතිවු දූපතේ අයිතිය නැත්නම් ආධිපත්‍ය පිළිබඳ ප්‍රශ්ණයයි. මීට ඉහත කාලයේ දී මෙම ප්‍රශ්ණයට විසඳුමක් සෙවීමට ප්‍රධාන වශයෙන් තුඩු දුන්නේ අපේ රටට හොරෙන් නීති විරෝධී ලෙස පැමිණෙන්නවුන්  කල්ලතෝනීන් වළක්වාලීම සහ හොරෙන් නීති විරෝධී ලෙස බඩු එහා මෙහා ගෙන යෑම වැළැක්වීමත් ධීවර කර්මාන්තයේ අවශ්‍යතාවයනුත් පමණයි. නමුත් මෑත කාලයේ දී මේ ප්‍රදේශයේ ඛනිජ සම්පත් සංවර්ධනය කිරීමට අපි සැලසුම් කරගෙන යන නිසා මේ ප්‍රශ්ණය වහාම විසඳීමක් අවශ්‍ය  වූ වැදගත් ප්‍රශ්නයක් ලෙසට පත් වුණා. මේ ප්‍රශ්ණය පිළිබඳව 1968 සහ1969 යන වර්ෂ වලදී අභවප්‍රාප්ත ඩඩ්ලිසේනානයක  මහතා විසින් ඉන්දියානු අගමැති සමග සාකච්ඡා පවත්වන ලද නමුත් කිසියම් සම්මුතියකට එළඹීමට අපොහොසත් වුණා. මේ ප්‍රශ්ණය පිළිබඳව මා සකච්ඡා ආරම්භ කලේ 1973 අප්‍රියෙල් මාසයේ දී ඉන්දිරා ගාන්ධි මැතිණිය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පැමිණි අවස්ථාවේ දීය. මේ සාකච්ඡා වල ප්‍රතිඵලයක් වශයෙන් අප රටවල් දෙකේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ නිළධාරීන් ලවා මේ ප්‍රශ්ණයට අදාල කරුණු ගැන විමසා බලවා වාර්තාවක් ලබාගැනීමට තීරණය කර ගත්තා ලබා ගත හැකි සියලුම ‌ෙඑතිහාසික හා වෙනත් සාක්ෂි නීතිමය කරුණු ආදිය ගැන ඉතා හොඳින් විමසා බලන ලෙස නිළධාරීන්ට නියෝග කලා මේ නිළධාරීන් කොළඹදී සහ නව දිල්ලියේ ත් සාකච්ඡා  මාලාවක්පවත්වා  අදාළ කරුණු ගැන ඉකා හොදින් සළකා බලා  වර්තාවක් ඉදිරපත් කලා.ඒ වාර්තාවල ඇතුළත් කරුණු හා නිගමනයන් ඉතා සුපරීක්ෂාකාරීව සලකා බැලීමෙන් පසුව දෙපැත්තටම සතුටුදායක හා සාධාරණ තීරණ අඩංගු ගිවිසුමකට එළඹීමට ඉන්දියාවේ අගමැතිනියට හා මට පුළුවන් වූ බව සතුටින් ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමට කැමතියි.

     මේ සාකච්ඡා වලින් අපි කච්චතිවු දූපත පමණක් වෙන් කොට ගෙන සලකා බැලුවේ නැහැ පෝක් සමුද්‍ර සන්ධියේ සිට ආදම්ගේ පාළම දක්වා ඇති මුහුදු තීරයේ අප දෙරට අතරේ මුහුදු මායිම ලකුණු කර ගැනීමට තීරණය කලා එසේ කිරීම මේ ප්‍රදේශයේ අපේ ඛණිජ සම්පත් සොයා ගැනීමට හා සංවර්ධනය කිරීමට දීර්ඝ කාලීනව අපට වාසියක් හා වැඩි ප්‍රයෝජනය් ගෙන දෙන ක්‍රියා පිළිවෙලක් වන බව පැහැදිලියි.’

     මෙම ද්වීපාර්ශවික ගිවිසුම වගන්ති අටකින් යුක්ත වන අතර එහි පළමුවන වගනන්තියෙන් දක්වා තිබෙන්නේ ඉන්දීයාවත් ලංකාවත් අතර මුහුදු තීරයේ මායිමේ අක්ෂාංශ හා දේශාංශක සටහනයි. පසුව එන වගන්ති වලදී ඉන්දියාවේ සිට කච්චතිවු කරා වන්දනාවට පැමිණෙන වන්දනා කරුවන් ගේ අයිතිය පිළිබඳව සහ රටවල් දෙක අතර මුහුදු තීරයේ ධිවරයන් තමන් භුක්ථි විඳින අයිතිවාසිකම් දිගටම පවත්තා ගෙන යා යුතු බවද දක්වා තිබේ. මෙම දූපත නැවත ඉන්දියාවට පවාරා ගන්නා ලෙසට ඉන්දීය පාර්ලිමෙන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් සහ ජයලලිතා ජයරාම් විසින ඉල්ලීම කළද ද ඉන්දීය නීතිපති වරයා තීරණය කරනු ලැබූවේ තිවිසුමේ ඇති බලවත් භාවය ඊට හරස් වන බවයි.කෙසේ වතත් සිරිමාවෝ මැතිණිය ඉතා මත් සුපරීක්ෂාකාරීව ගන්නා ලද පියවර නිසා අදටත් අපගේ මුහුදු තීරය සුරක්ෂිතව ඇත.එය ආක්‍රමණය කිරීමට  පැමිණෙන ඉන්දීය ධීරවරයන් වරින් වර අත්අඩංගුවට පත් වන අතර ඔවුහු මේ මුහුදේ පතුලේ කරන හානි කර ට්‍රොලින් නිසා අර්බුද රැසක් හට ගෙන තිබේ. ඒබැවින් මෙම ගිවිසුම කිසිසේත් අවලංගු කිරීමට කටයුතු නොකළ යුතු අතර ලංකාවේ ස්වාධීනත්වයට එය ඉතා වැදගත්ය.එ බැවින් මේ ගිවිසුම පිළිබඳ තත්වය ඉන්දීය බලධාරීන්ට පෙන්වා දීම ලංකාවේ දේශපාලකයන්ගේ බලවත් යුතුකමකි.

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

Ministry of Defence  – Media Centre

• The State Minister of Defence discusses welfare and administrative matters of retired/medically retired servicemen at Gajaba Regiment.

The Security Forces- Wanni (SF-Wanni) organized a programme with the participation of retired/medically retired servicemen and next of kin of deceased war heroes at the Regimental Centre of the Gajaba Regiment on Saturday (06 April). The program was held with the aim to inquire about their wellbeing and address their outstanding issues and administrative matters. The State Minister of Defence, Hon. Premitha Bandara Tennakoon, graced the occasion as the Chief Guest.

Commander Security Force – Wanni, Major General Dinesh Nanayakkara welcomed the State Minister on his arrival to the venue.

Authorities had organised ‘Help Desks’ under seven different directorates of Army Headquarters to facilitate war veterans and family members to present their complaints and seek redress.

Whilst addressing the gathering, the State Minister commended the war heroes who died during the war and highly appreciated their services towards the nation. He highlighted the welfare projects currently being implemented by the Tri Forces and plans to be implemented in the near future.

It is vital that we should ensure the welfare of those who sacrificed much towards the country and nation. The Ministry of Defence, Tri Forces, the Ranaviru Seva Authority  in collaboration with other public administrative agencies are going to implement a program to give priority to the members of the war hero families when seeking assistance from health, public administration, banking and other services, he said.

He further said that the government is also hoping to give priority to war heroes and their family members under the ongoing ‘Urumaya’ land deeds presenting program.

Subsequently, opportunity was provided to the participants to present their issue to officials.

Chairman of Ranaviru Seva Authority, Major General Nishantha Manage (Retd), senior military officers, government officials, a large gathering of war veterans and their families were present at the event.

Jayanty Nada Shofa Courtesy Jakarta Globe

President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo meets his Sri Lankan counterpart Ranil Wickremesinghe in China on Oct. 17, 2023. (Photo Courtesy of the Presidential Press Bureau)

Jakarta. Indonesia is seeking to sign its trade pact with Sri Lanka by next March while hoping that one year of negotiations is enough to close the deal.

It has only been a few weeks since Indonesia and Sri Lanka agreed to formally discuss the preferential trade agreement (PTA). The first round of negotiations already took place virtually earlier this week, which zeroed in on the work plan and draft agreement text. The negotiators are set to enter more substantial chapters in the coming rounds.

Indonesia and Sri Lanka are … aiming to substantially conclude the negotiations by end-2024. We have also set a target to sign the agreement in March 2025,” a press statement by the Trade Ministry reads.

The second round of talks is scheduled to take place in Colombo on June 19-20. Both countries will discuss the text concept, as well as market access. 

During the negotiations launching ceremony last month, Deputy Trade Minister Jerry Sambuaga said the PTA would become a building block to a free trade agreement (FTA). Unlike the PTA whose scope is still limited, an FTA is more ambitious in nature and usually aims to remove the tariffs across all or most goods. Jakarta also said at the time that the upcoming PTA could help Indonesian goods such as palm oil, paper, and fatty acid to gain better access to the Sri Lankan market.

Indonesia-Sri Lanka trade was valued at $369.7 million throughout 2023. About $326.6 million of the trade figures were Indonesian exports to Sri Lanka. In January 2024 alone, the bilateral trade amounted to $23.5 million.

Indonesia mainly exports copra, petroleum, paper, cartons, tobacco, as well as coal to Sri Lanka. Knitted fabrics and tobacco processing machines were among Indonesia’s top imports from the South Asian country, according to the Trade Ministry.

BySajjad Shaukat courtesy Pakistan Today

As part of his clever tactics, the leader of the BJP party, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has started a diplomatic war with Sri Lanka to win the general elections which will start on April 19.

Modi has flagged the issue of Indian fishermen discontented after a 1976 pact between the neighbours barred them from the waters around the island.

Now, he is putting pressure on Sri Lanka to hand over Katchatheevu Island to India. In return, New Delhi is offering financial assistance to Sri Lanka.

However, according to the 1974 mutual agreement signed during the Indira Gandhi regime, the island is owned by Sri Lanka. But in a rally, Modi also took a dig at the late Indira Gandhi.

As a matter of fact, Modi can go to any low to make his election campaign successful. Before the election, he invented a new story of Desh Rakhwali (Negligence).

In this regard, Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Ali Sabry told the domestic Hiru television channel on April 3: Sri Lanka does not see any need to re-open talks on a contentious island ceded to it by New Delhi 50 years ago…the low-key territorial squabble turned into a hot-button election issue in India. This is a problem discussed and resolved 50 years ago and there is no necessity to have further discussions on this…I don’t think it will come up”, adding that no one had yet raised the question of a change in the status of the island, located 33 km (21 miles) off India’s coast in the Palk Strait that divides the neighbours”.

According to Reuters, His comments came after Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party made the 285-acre (115-hectare) island an election campaign issue by accusing the opposition Congress party of having callously given it away. The BJP seeks to make election inroads in the coastal state of Tamil Nadu facing the island after failing to win any of the southern state’s 39 seats in India’s 545-member parliament in the last election”.

It said: Tamil Nadu goes to the polls on April 19 in the first of seven rounds of voting set to end on June 1, India ceded the island to Sri Lanka in 1974, followed by the pact on the fishermen in 1976, but unhappiness over the transfer and the abridged rights spurred two as yet unresolved Supreme Court challenges in the last 20 years”.

Reuters added: On Monday, [April 1, 2024] Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said Sri Lanka had detained more than 6,000 Indian fishermen and 1,175 fishing vessels over the last 20 years, following the no-fishing pact”.

In this respect, Foreign Policy.Com reported in an article on April 3, this year: Sri Lanka showcases its own brand of strategic autonomy, recent terrorist attacks in Pakistan underscore the threat to Chinese workers and infrastructure in the country, and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi seeks to sway voters in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu”.

It elaborated: Most South Asian governments tend to have non-aligned foreign policies, including Sri Lanka, balancing their relations with major powers. This maximizes their diplomatic flexibility and ability to operate independently on the world stage, also known as strategic autonomy”.

It further wrote: Meanwhile, Sri Lanka has strengthened economic ties with China and already hosts many large Chinese infrastructure projects. Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe has also embraced Beijing’s position on key issues, including the AUKUS security alliance between Australia, the United States, and the United Kingdom…Sri Lanka’s actions may be driven by a commitment to strategic autonomy, but its motivations are as much about practicality as principle. The country is emerging from an acute economic crisis, and it needs as much financial assistance as it can get. It’s easier to achieve that goal when it works with all the major powers”.

No South Asian country can accept India’s monopoly under any circumstances. But extremist PM Modi continues sinister designs to keep Indian influence in the region. Undoubtedly, Narendra Modi has started using clever tactics to increase his popularity as the election approaches. Hence, Sri Lanka has become a target of Modi’s unjustified shrewd diplomacy.

Foreign Policy. Com maintained: South Asia has become a battleground for geopolitical rivalry, which puts pressure on the region’s nonaligned governments to take sides. But to this point, Sri Lanka has navigated this state of affairs successfully, demonstrating the capacity of states in the global south to reinforce multipolarity in the current world order”.

In this context, under the title: India and China’s Tug of War Over Sri Lanka-India sets out to check China’s efforts to turn the island into a maritime hub on its Belt and Road, The Diplomat. Com indicated: In recent years, Beijing has invested heavily in Sri Lanka’s infrastructure as part of its string of pearls policy aimed at establishing a naval presence across South Asia by building ports and other facilities in friendly countries, including Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Myanmar. The expansion is part of its One Belt, One Road” (OBOR) project, a new trade route linking China with the West, underpinned by billions of dollars of infrastructure investment. India has been looking on nervously, concerned that China is encroaching on its sphere of influence and eroding its commercial and cultural links with the island, some of whose Tamil minority are descendants of colonial-era indentured workers from the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu. Sri Lanka’s current President Maithripala Sirisena has sought to rebalance relations with the competing regional powers, reaching out to New Delhi with Modi keen to reciprocate”.

It further pointed out: Under Sirisena’s predecessor, Mahinda Rajapaksa, Sri Lanka looked to China for economic and diplomatic backing at a time when the West was threatening to sanction Colombo for crimes committed in its conflict with Tamil separatists. China is the largest investor in Sri Lanka, having spent hundreds of millions of dollars repairing war-damaged infrastructure and developing new projects following the end of the civil war in 2009”.

Nevertheless, Sri Lanka’s strengthened relations with Beijing irritated New Delhi. That is way; Colombo has become a target for the Modi-led regime.

In fact, the aim of Modi’s campaign is to establish hegemony in the region. In this connection, the false flag operation of Pulwama in Pakistan’s side of Kashmir—under the shadow of Modi and the continued atrocities on the Kashmiris in the Indian illegitimate occupation of Kashmir are in front of the world.

And no South Asian country can accept India’s monopoly under any circumstances. But extremist PM Modi continues sinister designs to keep Indian influence in the region.

Undoubtedly, Narendra Modi has started using clever tactics to increase his popularity as the election approaches. Hence, Sri Lanka has become a target of Modi’s unjustified shrewd diplomacy.

Courtesy The Hindustan Times

Despite political shifts in Maldives towards a pro-China stance under Muizzu’s regime, India continues to provide essential commodities to its neighbours.

The credibility of the Narendra Modi government’s neighbourhood first policy is evident as India is now planning to supply thousands of metric tons of onion to Sri Lanka after supplying vast quantities of essential commodities to Maldives under the pro-China Mohammed Muizzu regime.

It is understood that besides this, India on April 3 allowed a supply of an additional 10,000 metric tons of onions over and above its quota to close ally United Arab Emirates (UAE) as the Gulf country is always a priority with Bharat. This is over and above 14,400 metric tons of onions agreed for the UAE on March 1.

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Despite the fact that India could have twisted Muizzu on the eve of crucial Majlis elections on April 21, the last paragraph of the export notification to Maldives that export of all essential items will be ‘exempted from any existing restriction/ prohibition on exports.’ This means that India will continue to supply essential commodities to Maldives even if there is any export ban and restriction imposed by India due to unforeseen shortfall in production in the near or distant future.

Fact is that Muizzu’s mission to Turkey, China and UAE to garner funds has turned out to be a cropper as none of the countries have pledged any grants to the Indian Ocean littoral state. Thanks to the short-sightedness of Muizzu, Saudi Arabia is just not interested in the Maldives after the Maldivian Salafi leader went to Turkey on his first foreign visit after he was sworn in as Maldivian President on November 17, 2023. Muizzu has still not visited India as he came to power riding on an anti-India campaign.

https://documentcloud.adobe.com/view-sdk/3.21.0_3.2.3-d6687df8/iframe.html?locale=en-US&msi=971001119810145100994511810510111949&parent=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.hindustantimes.com%2Findia-news%2Fafter-maldives-india-supplies-onions-to-neighbour-sri-lanka-and-ally-uae-101712466077729.html

The Indian decision to export essential commodities was not based on politics but a reach to the Maldivian public and to also give a signal that Bharat is with Maldives whosoever be the ruler of the tiny island nation.

The Maldivian economy is right now as well as no infrastructure projects have been revived by Muizzu after he came to power and the country owes some USD one billion as debt repayment on account of sovereign bonds in 2026. Male owes USD 50 million as interest to SBI in May and another USD 50 million in September on account of treasury bills purchased by the Indian multinational bank.

Thanks to toxic anti-India policies pursued by Maldives ruler Muizzu, the high-spending Indian tourist arrivals in Male have plunged with the island nation swamped by low-spending Chinese tourists. Even though there is no threat to Muizzu’s government whatever the results of the Majlis elections, the Modi government is keen to ensure that the Maldivian public does to suffer on account of policies of its erratic ruler.

Courtesy Adaderana

President Ranil Wickremesinghe emphasized that the present Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) lacks the policies of the United National Party (UNP), with its economic strategy now being overseen by individuals who was expurgated by the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP).

Additionally, President Wickremesinghe highlighted that the SJB, once poised to take control of Sirikotha” in 2020 under the UNP banner, has now been influenced by the chairman of the SLPP and other factions.

These remarks were made by President Ranil Wickremesinghe during a meeting of political party representatives convened at the President’s House in Kandy today (07). He noted that the political landscape underwent significant changes following the political turmoil in July 2022, stressing the importance of all parties, regardless of affiliation, to prioritize the nation’s interests and collaborate with the government’s agenda for progress.

Addressing the gathering President Ranil Wickremesinghe commented on the political landscape, noting that the upheaval in July 2022, stemming from the economic crisis, led to a transformation in the country’s party system. He emphasized the collective effort in achieving economic stability today and underscored the shared responsibility of safeguarding and advancing this progress.

Addressing the legislative aspect, President Wickremesinghe highlighted instances where laws passed by Parliament in the last two years have not been fully implemented during their parliamentary term. Despite economic challenges, initiatives like the Aswesuma” program aimed at supporting low-income individuals were launched, with efforts to triple the available allowance. Additionally, the Urumaya” program, focused on providing freehold deeds to two million people, was initiated. The President emphasized that these programs represent on-going efforts, initiated during a period of economic prosperity, which are now being pursued to address current challenges.

The President highlighted that the majority of Parliament has backed the continuation of government programs, with support coming from factions of the SLPP, UNP and SLFP, along with members from other parties. Stressing the importance of unity and coordination, the President emphasized that regardless of party affiliation, the primary decision lies in whether to advance with the government’s program or not.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe expressed his views on recent political developments, noting a division within political parties where the Chairman of the SLPP and a minority faction transitioned to the opposition, subsequently gaining control of the SJB. He highlighted that despite SJB’s previous claim of being the UNP in 2020, the current leadership of SJB comprises individuals who exited the SLPP.

President Wickremesinghe asserted that the true essence of the UNP is no longer present within the SJB, emphasizing his longstanding commitment to the UNP and his collaborative efforts with past leaders such as J.R. Jayewardene, R. Premadasa, and D.B. Wijetunga. He underscored the need for political unity, stressing the landscape of politics has evolved, requiring cooperation with both the SLPP and SLFP for the betterment of the country.

Encouraging grassroots engagement, President Wickremesinghe urged individuals to connect with their communities. He highlighted the progress made with the Urumaya” initiative, with one million out of two million freehold deeds already completed. Expressing confidence in the ability to expedite the distribution process, he called for unified support from the Kandy district in advancing the government’s agenda through effective coordination.

In the meantime, President Ranil Wickremesinghe attended a gathering of Local Government Chairmen from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), orchestrated by the Local Government Members’ Forum of the SLPP. The meeting, held at the President’s House in Kandy today (07), served as a platform for the SLPP members to reaffirm their support for the President.

Addressing the gathering, President Wickremesinghe announced plans to establish an advisory organization comprising former local government Chairmen. This organization will serve to facilitate communication between the government and rural communities, disseminating information about initiatives aimed at bolstering the country’s economy.

Furthermore, President Wickremesinghe outlined the implementation of a mechanism to directly relay village-specific issues to both the President and the Prime Minister. This initiative aims to streamline the feedback process, ensuring timely and effective resolution of local concerns.

The President encouraged former local government Chairmen to actively participate in the on-going government programs such as the Aswesuma” initiative and the Urumaya” land deed program, assuring them of necessary support and facilities.

Additionally, he emphasized the importance of involving youth from local government areas as pioneers in executing government initiatives.

These meetings were attended by Minister Manusha Nanayakkara, Senior Advisor to the President on National Security and Chief of Presidential Staff Sagala Ratnayaka, as well as the General Secretary of the UNP Palitha Range Bandara.

–PMD–

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka and a group of its creditors are in final negotiations to suspend debt repayments until 2028, Nikkei has learned, as country creditors including Japan seek to prevent China’s influence from expanding in the debt-ridden island.

Negotiations [with the creditor nations] have concluded. We are hoping that it [a detailed announcement] will take place in the next few weeks,” Sagala Ratnayaka, Sri Lanka’s national security adviser to the president, told Nikkei in a recent interview. The repayment period will be 15 years, from 2028 to 2042, with the interest rate newly set at around 2%. He said that there will be no further debt reduction, despite a request by the island nation.

Sri Lanka in April 2022 announced a temporary suspension of public external debt payments, in effect putting the country into default. A meeting of creditor nations was set up in April 2023. Japan, which is the largest creditor country after China, is serving as the chair in the talks along with India and France.

Sri Lanka and the creditor nations have reached a basic agreement on a repayment moratorium and a reduction in interest. The provision of financial assistance from the International Monetary Fund, which was conditional on debt restructuring agreements being struck with major creditor countries, has also begun.

China, the biggest creditor, has only joined the meeting as an observer. However, the restructuring of debt from China via loans of the Export-Import Bank of China would be similar,” Ratnayaka said. We have a saying which means ‘everyone will be treated equally’,” implying that the terms of debt repayment to China would be similar to those agreed at the creditors’ meeting.

As of the end of 2023, Sri Lanka’s outstanding debt was $37.3 billion, of which China accounted for $4.7 billion.

Sri Lanka handed over control of its southern Hambantota Port to China in 2017. This was seen as a typical example of a debt trap,” where infrastructure rights are taken away amid delayed debt repayments. Some creditors, including Japan and India, are wary of China expanding its influence into the Indo-Pacific, with Sri Lanka as its base.

Ratnayaka explained that this is all purely commercial. There is nothing military [about the port agreement]. Sri Lanka is open to investment and we don’t pick and choose on the basis of what country, unless it affects national security.” He added, But in the north and areas which would affect the security of India, we are conscious.”

Source: Nikkei Asia
–Agencies

විමල් පටබැඳිගේ (ශාස්ත්‍රවේදී, නීතිඥ, විශ්‍රාමික සොලිසිටර්)

පල්ලව පාලනය
කලාබ්‍රයන්ට පසු ද්‍රවිඩ භූමියේ කොරමණ්ඩල ප්‍රදේශය ඇතුළු උතුරු කොටස ව්‍ය.ව. 9 වෙනි සියවස පමණ දක්වා පල්ලවයන් යටතේ විය. දකුණු කොටස පාණ්ඩ්‍යයන් යටතේ ය. පල්ලවයන් ද්‍රවිඩ වාර්ගිකයන් නොවේ. දක‍ෂිණාපථයේ (ඩෙකාන් ෘැජ්බ) සාතවාහන අධිරාජ්‍ය සම්බන්ධය තිබූ, කලකට පසු වත්මන් ආන්ද්‍ර ප්‍රාන්ත භූමියට සංක්‍රමණය කළ ස්වදේශික ජන වර්ගයකි. ජෛන සහ බෞද්ධයෝ ය. චීන වාර්තා අනුව අගනුවර ආශි්‍රත ව බෞද්ධ විහාරරාම සියයක් පමණ විය. 7 වෙනි සියවසේ ලංකාව සමග ද සම්බන්ධතා විය. ජෛන භක්තික මහේනද්‍රවර්මන් රජු හින්දු භක්තික වූ පසු බුදු දහම පහත හෙළා ඇත. සමහරු බමුණු බිලිපූජා ක්‍රම ද පවත්වා ඇත. විෂ්ණු භක්තිය ද විය. සංස්කෘත ඔවුන්ගේ නිල භාෂාව ය. මුල් ලේඛන සංස්කෘත ප්‍රාකෘතයෙනි. ඔවුන්ගේ පාලන අගනුවර වූ කාන්චිපුර වත්මන් තමිල් නාඩුවට ඇතුළත් ය.

සියවස් කීපයක් පුරා පල්ලව අධිරාජ්‍යය යටතේ පැවති ද්‍රවිඩ භූමියේ විශාල වෙනසක් සිදු විය. භාෂාව, දෙමළ අක‍ෂර, කලා, සාහිත්‍ය, සංගීත, නැටුම්, ගෘහනිර්මාණ සම්ප්‍රදාය ආදී සෑම අංශයක් ම සාධනීය වෙනසක් ලැබී ය. ව්‍ය.ව. 4 වෙනි සියවසේ සිට ගොඩනැගෙන ගුප්ත අධිරාජ්‍යයේ ඇති වූ සංස්කෘත සහ හින්දු ආගමික පුනරුදයේ බලපෑමට ද ද්‍රවිඩ භූමිය නතු විය. දෙමළ භාෂාව දැඩි සේ් සංස්කෘතකරණය (ී්බිජරසඑසි්එසදබ) වීම සහ දෙමළ අක‍ෂර සකස් වීමට පල්ලව අක‍ෂර බලපෑ බව පිළිගත් කරුණකි. පල්ලව ජනයා දෙමළ කථා කරන ජන කොටසට අයත් නැත.

පුරාණ ද්‍රවිඩ උගතුන් දැක් වූ ද්‍රවිඩ භූමිය
පුරාණ ද්‍රවිඩ විද්වතුන් 5 වෙනි සියවසේ සිට පැවති ද්‍රවිඩ භූමිය ගැන තබා ඇති ඓතිහාසික සටහන් අමතක කළ යුතු නැත.

පල්ලව පාලන කාලයේ රචනා කළ ලෙස සැලකෙන සිලප්පදිකාරම් දෙමළ කාව්‍යය දෙමළ භූමිය පැහැදිලිව ම සළකුණු කරයි. ජෛන පදනමක් ඇති මේ කාව්‍යය ව්‍ය.ව. 5 වෙනි සියවසේ  ඉලංගෝ අඩිගල් කවියාගේ රචනය කි. ඉංගිරිසි යුගයේ විද්වතුන් මේ කාව්‍යයේ කථා නායිකාව කන්නගී ලංකාවේ —පතිනි දෙවඟන˜ බවට පත් කොට ඇත. (ගජබා රජු කන්නගී (පත්තිනි) පාසළඹ ගෙනා කථාව වෙන ම සාකච්ඡා කළ යුතු වෙයි.) 

සිලප්පදිකාරම් කාව්‍යය එකල දෙමළ ජනයා පදිංචි භූමිය හතර මායිම් සහිතව දක්වා ඇත. උතුරෙන් වෙන්කට කඳු (තිරිපති), නැගෙනහිරෙන් සහ බටහිරෙන් මහා සාගරය සහ දකුණෙන් කුමාරි (කොමරින්) තුඩුව යන හතර මායිම් තුළ පිහිටි ප්‍රදේශය ද්‍රවිඩ/දෙමළ ජනයා වාසය කළ භූමිය බව පැහැදිලිව ම කියයි. ලංකාව මේ සීමාවෙන් පිටත පමණක් නොව කිමී. 40කට වඩා පළල මහා සාගරයෙන් ද වෙන් ව, ඈත් ව පිහිටා ඇත.

කන්නගීගේ සැමියා, කෝවාලන් සහ මාදවී නලඟන අතර සම්බන්ධයෙන් උපන් දුවණිය මණිමේඛලාගේ ධාර්මික පැවැත්ම කියන, ඒ කාලයේ ම සාට්ටන් කවියා විසින් රචිත, බෞද්ධ චින්තනය පදනම් වී ඇති මණිමේඛලා දෙමළ කාව්‍යය ඇය නාගදීප වන්දනාවේ පැමිණි බව කියයි. ද්‍රවිඩ/දෙමළ ජනයා සිටි බවට සඳහනක් ඇත. 5 වෙනි සියවසේ රචිත ලෙස සැලකෙන කාව්‍ය දෙක ම එකල ද දෙමළ ජනයා ලංකාවේ නො සිටි බව හෙළි කරයි. 

තෝල්කාප්පියම් නම් දෙමළ ව්‍යාකරණ ග්‍රන්ථය දෙමළ කථා කරන ජනයා පදිංචි ප්‍රදේශ ලෙස පළාත් දොළහක් නම් වශයෙන් දක්වා ඇත. එයට විවරණයක් කළ, ව්‍ය.ව. 1275 පමණ කාලයේ සිටි සේනවරයියාර් නම් ටීකාකරු ඒ පළාත් දොළහේ පිහිටීම ඉතා පැහැදිලිව දක්වා ඇත. ඒ පළාත් සියල්ල ම තුංගභද්‍රා නදිය සහ කුමාරි (කොමරින්) තුඩුව අතර පිහිටි භූමිය තුළ වූ පළාත් වීය. ව්‍ය.ව. 8 වෙනි සියවස සහ ව්‍ය.ව. 1275 වසර වෙන විටත් දෙමළ කථා කරන ජනයා ස්ථීරව පදිංචිව නො සිටි නිසා ඔවුන් දෙමළ කථා කරන ප්‍රදේශ නාම ලේඛනයට සිංහලදීප (සීහලම්}ඊළාම්) හෝ අඩුම වශයෙන් නාගදීප (යාපනේ) නම හෝ ඇතුළත් කළේ නැත. 

ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවස අවසාන කාලය වෙන විට පවා ඉන්දියාවේ ද්‍රවිඩ භූමියෙන් පිටත දෙමළ ජනයා පදිංචිව නො සිටි බව පුරාණ ද්‍රවිඩ උගතුන් තහවුරු කොට ඇත. 

ව්‍ය.ව. 4 වෙනි සියවස දක්වා දකුණු ඉන්දියාවේ සෙල්ලිපි ලිවීමට ප්‍රාකෘත සහ බ්‍රාහ්මී අකුරු භාවිත කොට ඇති බව, 4 වෙනි සහ 7 වෙනි සියවස් අතර සංස්කෘත භාෂාව යොදාගෙන ඇති බව, 7 වෙනි සියවසෙන් පසු ලියා ඇති සෙල්ලිපිවල ආරම්භය සහ අවසානය සංස්කෘත භාෂාවෙන් ලියා සෙල්ලිපියේ මැද කොටස දෙමළ හෝ කණ්ණඩ හෝ තෙලි`ගු භාෂාවෙන් ලියා ඇති බව සහ තනිකර දෙමළ හෝ කණ්ණඩ හෝ තෙලි`ගු භාෂාවෙන් ලියන ලද සෙල්ලිපි ලැඛෙන්නේ ව්‍ය.ව. 10 වෙනි සියවසෙන් පසුව බව ආචාර්ය කේ.ඒ. නීලකණ්ඨ ශාස්තී්‍ර කරන පැහැදිලි කිරීම දෙමළ භාෂාව පිළිබඳව ඉතා වැදගත් ඓතිහාසික කරුණක් අපට කියා දෙයි. තනිකර දෙමළ භාෂාව පමණක් භාවිත කොට සෙල්ලිපි ලියා ඇත්තේ ව්‍ය.ව. 10 වෙනි සියවසෙන් පසුව ය. එනම් දකුණු ඉන්දියාවේ  දෙමළ භාෂාව භාවිත කළ ස්වාධීන ජන කොටසක බිහිවීම පල්ලව පාලන කාලයේ පමණ සිට සිදු වී ඇති බව ය. භාවිත කරන පාරම්පරික භාෂාව ජන වර්ගයක අනන්‍යතාවය තහවුරු කරන මූලික ම සාධකය යි. එය ඔවුන්ගේ මවුබස ය.    

ලංකාව සහ සිංහල ජනයා
සිංහලයන් ඉන්දීය ජන්මයක් ඇති ඉන්දීය ජන වර්ගයක් නො වේ. පුරාණ පර්සියාව ඔස්සේ ඉන්දීය භූමියට සංක්‍රමණය කළ සිය ගණනක් ආර්ය ජනවර්ග වලින් එකකි. කලක් පංජාබි ප්‍රදේශයේ පදිංචිව සිට විවිධ හේතූන් නිසා සින්දු ගඟ දිගේ පහළට බැස, සින්දු ඩෙල්ටාව අසල හිංගූර් (සිංහපුර) නම් ප්‍රදේශයේ කලක් වාසය කොට බටහිර මුහුදු තීරය ඔස්සේ පැමිණ දිවයිනේ මවුබිම් වාසීන් වී ඇත. ව්‍ය.ව.පූ. 8 වෙනි හෝ 9 වෙනි සියවස පමණ කාලයේ සිංහලයන් දිවයින සමග සම්බන්ධතා පැවති බවට සාධක පුරාණ අනුරාධපුර ඇතුලූ නුවර (ජසඒාැක) කැණීම් මගින් ආචාර්ය ශිරාන් දැරණියගල හෙළි කොට ඇත.

අවම වශයෙන් අවස්ථා පහක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් මහාභාරතයේ —සිංහල˜ වචනය සඳහන් වෙයි. භාරතයේ වයඹදිග පුරාණ කාම්බෝජ මහජනපදයේ සින්දු ගඟ සහ සතදෘ (සට්ලෙජ්) ගඟ අතර දෙගංබඩ ප්‍රදේශයේ තිබූ —සිංහල˜ රාජ්‍යය සහ ඥාතීන් වූ අසල්වැසි —මද්ද˜ රාජ්‍යය කුරුකෙත සටනින් දැඩි ලෙස හානියට ලක් වී ඇත. 

මගධ ජනපදයේ හර්යංක රජ පෙළපතට සමගාමීව ලංකාවේ සිංහල රාජ්‍යයක බිහිවීම සිදු වී ඇති බව ඓතිහාසික තොරතුරු හෙළි කරයි. ස්වදේශීය ජන වර්ග අභිබවා සිංහල ජන වර්ගය ව්‍ය.ව.පූ. 6 වෙනි සියවසේ දිවයිනේ දේශපාලන බලවතුන් බවට පත් වී සිංහල රජපෙළපතක් අරඹා ඇත. යක් පලකයාගේ ආභරණ පැළඳ, යක් පාලක සහායකයන්ගේ ආභරණ ඔහුගේ සහායකයන්ට පැළඳීමට සලස්වා දේශපාලන නායකත්වය ප්‍රකාශ කළ විජය ආරම්භයේ ම දේශීයත්වය සහ ලංකාවේ ස්වෛරී පැවැත්ම තහවුරු කොට ඇත. 

විජයගේ ඥාති පුත්‍ර (සහෝදරයාගේ පුතා) ප~ුවස්දෙව් රජු සමයේ සිංහල සහ ශාක්‍ය රජ පෙළපත් දෙක අතර ඥාති සම්බන්ධය සිදු විය. ඒ අතරතුර ශාක්‍ය ජනයා දිවයිනේ නැගෙනහිර සහ දකුණු ප්‍රදේශ තුළ ශාක්‍ය ජනපද බිහි කොට ස්වදේශික ජනයා සමග සුහදව සිටි අතර අනුරාධපුර රාජ්‍ය සේවාවේ නිරත වී ඇත.

පණ්ඩුකාභය රජුට රුහුණුරට (නැගෙනහිර සහ දකුණු ප්‍රදේශයේ) දේශීය ජනයාගේ පූර්ණ සහාය වීය. රජු එකල සිටි සියලූ ජනයාගේ ආගමික විශ්වාස අනුව ඔවුන්ගේ දෙවිවරුන් සහ ආගමික පූජකයන් වෙනුවෙන් ස්ථාන වෙන් කළ නමුත් ද්‍රවිඩ/දෙමළ ජනයාගේ මුරුගා/මුරුගන් දෙවියන් ගැන කිසි සඳහනක් නැත. එසේ ම එකල දිවයිනේ සිටි සොහොන් පල්ලන්ට, සැඩොල් ජනයාට සහ ස්වදේශිකයන් නො වූ —යවන˜ ජනයාට පවා, එනම් එකල දිවයිනේ සිටි සියලූ ජන වර්ගවලට ගම් වෙන් කොට දී ඇතත් ද්‍රවිඩයන්ට ස්ථාන වෙන් කළ බවක් සඳහන් නැත. ඒ ද්‍රවිඩ හෝ දෙමළ ජන කොටසක් නො සිටි නිසා ය.

බ්‍රාහ්මී සෙල්ලිපි හෙළි කරන සත්‍යය
ශී්‍ර ලංකාවේ සතර දිසාවෙන් ම ව්‍ය.ව.පූ. 3 වෙනි සහ ව්‍ය.ව. 2 වෙනි සියවස් අතර කාලයට අයත් දැනට සොයාගෙන ඇති තුන් දහසකට වැඩි බ්‍රාහ්මී සෙල්ලිපි සියල්ල ලියා ඇත්තේ පුරාණ සිංහල ප්‍රාකෘත භාෂාවෙන් ය. ඒවායින් එකක් හෝ ද්‍රවිඩ භාෂාවකින් හෝ දෙමළ භාෂාවෙන් ලියා නැත. කබොජ, මිලක, භරත ජනයා ගැන සඳහන් වෙතත් ඒ සෙල්ලිපි එකක හෝ ද්‍රවිඩ වාර්ගිකයන් ගැන සඳහනක් නැත. එසේ නො වීමට හේතුව එකල ද්‍රවිඩයන් දිවයිනේ නො වීම ය.

දිවයිනේ මුල් වැසියන් කථා කළ ලෙස සැලකෙන ඔස්ට්‍රෝආසියාතික භාෂා ලක‍ෂණ ඇති වචන, මුල් සිංහල ප්‍රාකෘත බ්‍රාහ්මී සෙල්ලිපිවල ඇතුළත් ව ඇතත් එක දෙමළ වචනයක් හෝ දෙමළෙන් බිඳගත් වචනයක් හෝ සඳහන් නො වෙන බව මහාචාර්ය රාජ් සෝමදේව දක්වා ඇත. එමෙන් ම, සිංහල භාෂාවට ආරම්භයේ සිට ම වාගේ එකතු වී ඇති, අදත් භාවිත කරන වචන රැසක් තිඛෙන බව පෙන්වා දෙන මහාචාර්ය සෙනරත් පරණවිතාන කිසි ම ඉන්දු ආර්ය භාෂාවකට සම්බන්ධ නැති ඒ වචන කිසි ම ද්‍රවිඩ භාෂාවකට කවරාකාර හෝ සම්බන්ධයක් නැති බව සහ ඒවා දිවයිනේ මුල් වැසියන් භාවිත කරන ලද වචන විය හැකි බව පෙන්වා දෙයි.

අනාදිමත් කාලයක සිට භාවිත කරන භාෂාව (මවුබස) ජන වර්ගයක අනන්‍යතාවය තහවුරු කරන මූලික ම සාධකය යි. මවුබස භාවිතය නතර කිරීම අනන්‍යතාවයේ අවසානය යි.

ඉහත කෙටියෙන් දක්වා ඇති ඓතිහාසික සහ පුරාවිද්‍යා සාධක සිංහල ජනයා දිවයිනේ පාලකයන් බවට පත් වූ කාලයේ සිට ගත වූ සියවස් පහළොවකට වැඩි කාලය තුළ දෙමළ වාර්ගික ජනයා ලංකාවේ පදිංචි ව නො සිටි බව සනාථ කරයි. එමෙන් ම, ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවට පෙර දෙමළ ජනයා ලංකාවේ පදිංචි ව නො සිටි බව දෙමළ උගතුන් පවා පිළිගෙන ඇත.

ද්‍රවිඩ ජනයාගේ නිජබිම වෙන ඉන්දියාවේ අතීතයේ පැවති zචෝලZ, zපාංඩිZ සහ zචේරZ යන දේශපාලන ඒකක ව්‍ය.ව. 13 වෙනි සියවසෙන් පසු අභාවයට පත් විය. 14 වෙනි සියවස ආරම්භයේ ද්‍රවිඩ භූමිය ද මුස්ලිම් සුල්තානයක් බවට පත් විය. ද්‍රවිඩ භූමියේ වැසියන් බොහෝ දෙනෙකු මුස්ලිම් භක්තිකයන් වී ඇත. බමුණු, හින්දු පූජකයන් රැසක් සරණ පතා ලංකාවට සංක්‍රමණය වී ඇත. ඒ සියවසේ දෙවෙනි භාගයේ විජයනගර රාජ්‍යය මුස්ලිම් බලය මැඩ කුමාරි (කොමරින්) තුඩුව දක්වා ද්‍රවිඩ භූමියේ ඇති කළ හින්දු පුනරුදය නිසා ඒ බමුණු, හින්දු පූජකයන් ආපසු සියරට ගිය බව නිසැක ය. විජයනගර අධිරාජ්‍ය බලපෑම ලංකාවට ද පැතිරුණු බව හෙළි වෙයි.

ව්‍ය.ව. 1449 පමණ සපුමල් කුමරු කර්නාටක හමුදාව පරදවා විජයනගර රාජ්‍යයේ නියෝජිත ආර්යචක්‍රවර්ති නෙරපා හැරීමෙන් පසු තුන් සිංහලයේ ම රජු හයවෙනි පරාක්‍රමබාහු රජු විය. 15 වෙනි සියවසේ අවසාන කාලයේ තන්ජෝරයේ සහ මදුරාවේ මුස්ලිම් සුල්තානය යළිත් බලවත් විය. 16 වෙනි සියවසේ සිට ද්‍රවිඩ/දෙමළ භූමිය සහ ලංකාව පුර්තුගීසි, ලන්දේසි, ප්‍රංශ සහ ඉංගිරිසි ආදි යුරෝපීය බල අරගයට ගොදුරු විය.

ලංකාවේ ද්‍රවිඩ පදිංචිය
13 වනි සියවසට පෙර ලංකාවේ දෙමළ ජනයාගේ ස්ථීර පදිංචියක් නො තිබූ බව ආචාර්ය කාර්තිගේසු ඉන්ද්‍රපාල පැහැදිලි කොට ඇත. 16 වෙනි සියවසේ සිට පුර්තුගීසීන්, ලන්දේසීන් සහ ඉංගිරිසීන් විසින් වරින්වර ගෙනවිත් ද්‍රවිඩයන් ලංකාවේ ස්ථීර ව පදිංචි කරවා ඇත. එතෙක් නොනිල වශයෙන් පැවති සමාජ කුල ඛෙදීම තේසවලමෙයි නීතිය මගින් තහවුරු කිරීම පමණක් නොව වහලා සහ වහල් හිමියා ලෙස දෙමළ සමාජය නීතිය මගින් ඛෙදා තහවුරු කළහ.

විශේෂයෙන් ම, 19 වෙනි සියවසේ මලබාර් සහ කොරමණ්ඩල ප්‍රදේශවලින් ගෙන්වා උතුරු සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාත්වල දෙමළ කොලනි පිහිටු වූයේ ඉංගිරිසි කොලනි පාලකයන් ය. දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙන් වහලූන් ලෙස අහිංසක දෙමළ ජනයා ගෙනවිත් කඳුකර ප්‍රදේශයේ පදිංචි කරවීය. ලංකාවේ දෙමළ ජනයාගේ් පදිංචිය දස ලක‍ෂ ගණනින් ඉහළ ගියේය. ඔවුන්ගේ දිවි පැවැත්ම වහල් කඳවුරු ජීවිතයට වඩා වෙනස් වූයේ සුළුවෙනි. වරින් වර ලන්සු තබමින් වැඩි මුදලකට ඔවුන්ගේ ශ්‍රමය විකුණා යැපුණු දහසකට වැඩි කංකානිලා (වහල් වෙළෙඳුන්) —සමින්දාර්ලා˜ ජීවිත ගත කළ අතර, ඔවුන් වතු හිමියන්ට රන් පවුම් උල්පත් විය.) එසේ ම නිදහස් සංචරණය අනුව පැමිණ ලංකාවේ පදිංචි වූ බි්‍රතාන්‍ය ඉන්දීය කොලනි පුරවැසියන් වූ දෙමළ ජනයා අපමණ ය. ලංකාවේ ජන සංයුතිය බරපතල ලෙස වෙනස් විය.

යුරෝපීය ආක්‍රමණිකයන්ගේ නිල ලේඛනවල පවා ව්‍ය.ව. 1900 අවසන් වෙන තෙක් යාපනේ හෝ —දෙමළ˜ නමින් ජන කොටසක් සිිටි බව සඳහන් නො වීය. විසිවෙනි සියවසට පෙර —ලංකා දෙමළ˜ යනුවෙන් ජන කොටසක් ලංකාදීප භූමිය තුළ සිටියේ නැත. zමලබාර්Z (මලයාලම්) වෙනුවට zලංකා දෙමළZ නාමය ආදේශ කොට 1901 දී පළමු වරට රාජ්‍ය නිල ලේඛනයක ඇතුළත් කළේ පොන්නම්බලම් අරුණාචලම් ය.  

—තමිල් නාඩු˜ බිහි වීම සහ එහි දිගුව
ඉංගිරිසි පාලන කාලයේ නිදහස් —ද්‍රවිඩස්ථානයක්˜ සඳහා පැවති උත්සාහය අසාර්ථක වීය. නිදහසින් පසු දෙමළ භාෂාව කථා කළ ජනයා බහුල ව සිටි ප්‍රදේශය නම් කළේ —මදුරා ප්‍රාන්තය˜ යනුවෙන් මිස —දෙමළ ප්‍රාන්තය˜ නමින් නො වේ. (ඉංගිරිසීන්ගේ පාලන ඒකකයක් වූ මැඩ්රාස් ප්‍රසිඩෙන්සි නො වේ.) තමන්ගේ දේශපාලන අභිලාශ අනුව, ව්‍ය.ව. 1968 ඉන්දීය මධ්‍ය ආණ්ඩුවේ පනත් සම්මතයෙන් සහ 1969 දී ප්‍රාන්ත ආණ්ඩුවේ යෝජනා සම්මතයෙන් —මදුරා ප්‍රාන්තය˜ නම වෙනස් කිරීමෙන් ඉන්දියාවේ දෙමළ ප්‍රාදේශීය පාලන ඒකකය —තමිල් නාඩු˜ බවට පත් වීය.

තමිල් නාඩු දේශපාලනය සහ සමාජය තුළ සිදු කෙරුණු සහ සිදු වූ වෙනස්කම් ලංකාවේ දෙමළ ජනතාව කෙරෙහි ද අඩු වැඩි වශයෙන් රෝපණය වීමට ඔවුන් අතර පැවති මවුබිම් සබඳතා සහ ඉතා සමීප ඥාති (පවුල්) සම්බන්ධතා ද උපකාරී විය. 

කෙසේ වෙතත්, ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදීන් වැදගත් සහ ප්‍රධාන අංශ තමන් වෙත රඳවාගෙන ඩොමීනියන් පාලනයක් තම අනුගාමිකයන්ට පවරා දුන් 1948 වසරේ, බි්‍රතාන්‍ය කොලනි පුරවැසියන් වූ දෙමළ ජනයා අතහැර දමනු ලැබීය. රටක් නැති අය බවට පත් කරනු ලැබීය. ඔවුන්ගේ මවුබිම වූ ඉන්දීය ආණ්ඩුව හෝ තමිල් නාඩුව (—මදුරා ප්‍රාන්තය˜) හෝ භාරගත්තේ නැත. යුරෝපීය ජාතීන් ඔවුන්ගේ සේවා සඳහා ගෙන ආ ජනයා රටක් නැති අය බවට පත් කරනු ලැබූහ.

1948 පෙබරවාරි 4 වෙනි දා සිට ලංකාවාසීන් බි්‍රතාන්‍ය කොලනි පුරවැසියන් වූයේ නැත. කුමන පටු අරමුණකින් ඉදිරිපත් කළත්, පනත තමන්ගෙA පටු දේශපාලන අරමුණු සඳහා යොදා ගනු ලැබුවත්, 1948 පුරවැසි පනත, තමන්ගේ පුරවැසියන් කවුරුන් දැZයි තීන්දු ගැනීමට නිදහස් රටකට ඇති පූර්ණ, ස්වෛරී අයිතියට පටහැනි නැත.

ශී්‍ර ලංකාවේ උතුරු, නැගෙනහිර සහ මධ්‍යම පළාත් ඇතුළු දිවයිනේ ජීවත් වූ බි්‍රතාන්‍ය කොලනි පුරවැසියන් වූ විදේශික ජනයා ලංකා පුරවැසියන් බවට සුදුසුකම් ලැබුවේ 1948 වසරේ පුරවැසි පනත මගිනි. සදුසුකම් නො ලැබූ මධ්‍යම පළාතේ ලක‍ෂ ගණනක් දෙමළ ජනයාට සැනසුමක් ලද හැකි වූයේ සිරිමා ශාස්තී්‍ර ගිවිසුම නිසා ය.

උතුරු සහ නැගෙනහිර සිංහල ජනයා
1815 වසරෙන් පසු උතුරු සහ නැගෙනහිර ප්‍රදේශවල පදිංචි ව සිටි මවුබිම් වැසියන් වූ සිංහල ජනයාට සිදු වූයේ කුමක් ද? ඔවුන් සමූල ඝාතනයට ලක් වී ද? නැත. පිටුවහල් කරනු ලැබී ද? නැත. එසේ නම් කුමක් වී ද?

ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදීනAගේ පාලන පිළිවෙත්වලින් සහ 1818 සහ 1848 කළ සිංහල සංහාර සහ ක්‍රවුන්ලෑන්ඩ් (එන්ක්‍රෝච්මන්ට්) ඕඩිනන්ස් සහ වේස්ට්ලෑන්ඩ් ඕඩිනන්ස් ආදී නීති මගින් උන්හිටි තැන් අහිමි කරනු ලැබ තැනින් තැනට මාරු වෙමින් ජීවිකාව සරිකර ගත් ලක‍ෂ සංඛ්‍යාත සිංහල ජනයා දෙමළකරණය වූ බව, දෙමළකරණයට ලක් කළ බව ඉංගිරිසි නිල වාර්තා සාක්කි දරයි.

1833 නිර්මාණය කරන ලද උතුරු සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාත්වල දෙමළ ජනයාගෙන් විශාල කොටසක් ඉංගිරිසි පාලන සමයේ දෙමළකරණයට ලක් වූ, ලක් කරනු ලැබූ සිංහල බෞද්ධයන්ගෙන් පැවතෙන අය බව නිසැක ය.

By A. Abdul Aziz. Source: Ahmadiyya Muslim Foreign Missions Office, U.K.

Persecution of Ahmadis | PDF to Flipbook (heyzine.com)

By Veeragathy Thanabalasingham Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, April 4: President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s recent announcement seems to have put an end to the confusion over the sequence of national elections. He has said that no election will be held until the external debt restructuring process being carried out under the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF ) assistance programme is completed and that process will be over before the Presidential election which is due later this year.

As the President has mentioned the month of July as a deadline, he has given a clear message to those who have been demanding parliamentary elections be held before the Presidential election i. e. no election will be held before July and it is not possible to hold parliamentary elections within a short period of time before mid-October, when Presidential elections are supposed to be held as per the constitution.

The President and his United National Party(UNP) politicians have made it clear to the Rajapaksas who are cranking up pressure to dissolve Parliament and hold general elections first that they want the Presidential election to be held first.

Many political observers believe that unless the President is convinced that the de facto leader of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Basil Rajapaksa, would not be able to muster the support of 113 members to pass a resolution in the House to dissolve Parliament, he would not have outrightly rejected the Rajapaksas’ demand.

Legal luminary Prof. G. L. Peiris MP said recently at a press conference said that in terms of Article 70 of the constitution, the relevant motion should have the backing of a majority of MPs at the time a vote was taken on the motion. That could be adopted even without the consent of a simple majority in parliament.

It is almost certain now that the Rajapaksas are not going to field their party candidate in the presidential election. They are insisting   that parliamentary elections be held first because of the fear that a possible resounding defeat in the Presidential election would have further repercussions in the upcoming parliamentary elections for them.

But it is now more and more clear that they have no other option but to support President Wickremesinghe.They have instructed SLPP politicians not to make comments on the prospective Presidential candidates of their party.

At the same time, the Rajapaksas will no doubt be concerned about how to secure as many assurances as possible from Wickremesinghe to ensure their future political prospects in return for their support to him in the Presidential election.

A big problem for the Rajapaksas is the number of  SLPP ministers and members of parliament who are voicing their support for Wickremesinghe. They speak openly that there is no political leader other than Wickremesinghe to lead the country amidst the current economic and political crisis. The Rajapaksas need to prevent the party from further splitting.

Meanwhile, even though President Wickremesinghe has not yet publicly announced his candidacy his campaign machinery has started working. He cannot delay the announcement of his candidacy for the Presidency for a long time.

With this being the case, it is interesting to observe the comments  made by UNP politicians about the nature of the  candidacy of President Wickremesinghe.

UNP chairman, parliamentarian Vajira Abeywardane has said that the President will unite all political parties and be a national candidate at the presidential election.

” The President will contest as a man who will unite all political parties” he said, indicating Wickremesinghe will contest as a common candidate.

Labour Minister Manusha Nanayakkara has said that Wickremesinghe’s candidacy will be a neutral one not representing any political party.

” The President will contest as an independent national candidate on a common platform where people representing all parties , ethnicities and religions as well as people with diverse views can come together. He will once again become President of this country,” Nanayakkara said.

Former parliamentarian P Harrison, a spokesman for UN,P made a bold claim that Wickremesinghe will get 10 million votes at the Presidential election. He also took a shot at the leftist National People’s Power (NPP) /JVP which according to many recent  opinion polls, is strongly ahead of any other contenders including the President and the main opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya ( SJB) .

” The JVP thinks that their three plus percent has climbed up to 80.  For that to happen, all of us will have to vote for them. That will not be the case If you take the whole country. At the most, it will go up by three percent up to no more than five or 10 percent,” Harrison said.

Former minister and UNP assistant leader Akila Viraj Kariyawasam said few days back that a research conducted by the government has revealed that more than 60 percent of the voters in the country are still undecided on whom they should vote for and added that rumours of certain political parties expected to get a high percentage of vote is false.

” Some political parties are living on illusions. The incumbent President Wickremesinghe will spring a surprise similar to the one the country had during the 2015 Presidential election. There are many things happening behind the scenes. Therefore, don’t come to conclusions seeing from outside,” he said.

Although all these UNP politicians claim that Wickremesinghe will contest the Presidential election with the support of a broader  alliance, no significant progress is visible in his efforts to form such an alliance. The president is dependent heavily on other parties, particularly a section of SLPP parliamentarians who defected from the Rajapaksas after the popular uprising two years ago, for alliance – building efforts, with his own party so weakened and lacking organisational framework.

But, as he expected, the members of the SLPP are not interested in joining the ranks of the dissidents and no party with a substantial public support is willing to join them except some individuals.

It is clear that many parties may be interested in joining the President’s efforts to form a broader alliance only if the UNP is in a strong position. In the current situation, the mere claim that there is no other leader but Wickremesinghe to lead the country in the present context, is not enough to make the people rally around him.

The President is hoping to get a massive support from the minority communities. But there is a risk now  that his appearance as a Rajapaksa-backed candidate could backfire in the upcoming Presidential election when it comes the support of the minorities

The President believes that the economic restructuring measures carried out with the assistance  of the IMF  are gradually increasing his support among the people. But the resemblance of normalcy has not brought any significant improvement in the quality of life for most people. Despite the availability of goods in abundance, their prices are not at a level that most people can afford.

If the incumbent President is strong enough, most of the opposition parties will tend to nominate a common candidate against him in the Presidential election. Even so, it cannot be said that all the opposition parties will support such a candidate. The UNP had the experience of supporting former army commander Sarath Fonseka and Maithripala Sirisena, who were fielded as common candidates of the opposition in the 2010 and the 2015 Presidential elections respectively against former President Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Wickremesinghe avoided contesting in three consecutive presidential elections after having lost twice. He cannot be said to be a strong ruler even though he is an Executive President today. His government runs with the parliamentary support of the Rajapaksas.  In such a situation the opposition parties are not interested in fielding a common candidate against him.

The main opposition parties, SJB and NPP had already announced their candidates several months ago and have been actively campaigning. The idea of declaring an incumbent President as a common  candidate is unprecedented in Sri Lankan politics.

Just because certain parties have come forward to support Wickremesinghe the idea of declaring him as a common candidate or national candidate is preposterous.

We have never known anyone contesting as a national candidate in Presidential elections abroad. If anyone has contested in such a way, the UNP politicians should let us know.

Apart from all these, it is necessary to point out one peculiar aspect of President Wickremesinghe’s political life.

During the three decades of his leadership, the UNP has never won a Presidential election. It is the Aragalaya uprising that created an unprecedented political situation for Wickremesinghe to become the executive President, a post that eluded him for more than a quarter century.

UNP stalwart and Sabaragamuwa Provincial Governor Navin Dissanayake had once said that Wickremesinghe  was considering even disbanding the party after the UNP was wiped off the electoral map in the 2020 parliamentary elections.

Most of the UNP politicians aligned themselves with Sajith Premadasa because they had lost hope that the UNP would rear its head  as an effective political force again under Wickremesinghe’s leadership. That is why many of them are MPs today.

But the irony is that UNP politicians are still have no way out other than relying entirely on Wickremesinghe to rebuild the party. The situation has changed dramatically to such an extent that Wickremesinghe’s former political nemeses, the Rajapaksas, have not only made him the President but also are hailing him now as the best Presidential candidate among present day politicians. That is the paradox of Ranil Wickramasinghe.

Courtesy The Telegraph India

‘It is the election time in India, it is not unusual to hear such noises of claims and counterclaims about Kachchatheevu’

Representational image.Shutterstock

The statements coming out of India on “reclaiming” Kachchatheevu island from Sri Lanka have “no ground”, the Sri Lankan Minister of Fisheries Douglas Devananda has said.

The senior Sri Lankan Tamil politician’s comments came days after the Narendra Modi government targeted the Congress Party and its ally the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in Tamil Nadu accusing them of overlooking national interests in the ceding of Katchatheevu island to Sri Lanka in 1974.

The BJP has also been targeting the two parties for not ensuring the rights of the fishermen wanting to fish in waters around the Katchatheevu island.

It is the election time in India, it is not unusual to hear such noises of claims and counterclaims about Kachchatheevu,” Devananda told reporters in Jaffna on Thursday.

I think India is acting on its interests to secure this place to ensure Sri Lankan fishermen would not have any access to that area and that Sri Lanka should not claim any rights in that resourceful area”, Devananda said.

The statements on “reclaiming” Kachchatheevu from Sri Lanka’s hold has “no ground,” Devananda has said.

The Sri Lankan minister said according to the 1974 agreement fishermen from both sides could do fishing in the territorial waters of both countries. But it was later reviewed and amended in 1976.

Accordingly, fishermen from both countries were banned from fishing in neighbouring waters.

Devananda stressed, There claims to be a place called West Bank which is located below Kanyakumari – it is a much bigger area with extensive sea resources – it is 80 times bigger than Kachchatheevu, India secured it at the 1976 review agreement.” Devananda as the fisheries minister has faced pressure from the local fishermen in recent months.

The local fishermen have led widespread protests to stop illegal fishing by their Indian counterparts in the Sri Lankan waters. They say the bottom trawling by the Indians is harmful to Sri Lankan fishing community interests.

So far this year, at least 178 Indian fishermen and 23 trawlers have been arrested by the Sri Lanka Navy.

Devananda, an ex-Tamil militant who now leads the Eelam People’s Democratic Party, was named a proclaimed offender by a court in Chennai in 1994.

On Thursday, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) steered clear of the row surrounding Katchatheevu island.

To a volley of questions on the Katchatheevu issue, MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal referred to External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s recent comments on the matter.

“I would like to tell you that on the issues that have been raised, the external affairs minister has spoken to the press here in Delhi and also in Gujarat clarifying all the issues,” he said.

“I would refer that you please look at his press engagements. You will get your answers there,” Jaiswal said in New Delhi.

Courtesy Adaderana

Actress Damitha Abeyratne and her husband, who was arrested by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) over an alleged financial fraud, has been remanded on the orders of the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court.

Accordingly, the couple will be behind bars on remand until April 17.

The actress and her spouse, who had been wanted by the CID, were arrested after they appeared before the court on Thursday (04).

The CID is investigating Abeyratne and her husband, in connection with their involvement in an alleged money scam.

The Computer Crimes Division of the CID had initiated an investigation into the alleged defrauding of Rs. 3 million by the couple on the promise of employment in South Korea. Subsequently, the CID informed the court that Abeyratne and her husband would be named as suspects of the relevant case.

Accordingly, Fort Magistrate’s Court recently rejected a writ petition filed seeking to prevent their arrest.

Meanwhile, Fort Magistrate Thilina Gamage imposed an overseas travel ban on the couple on Wednesday (03), with respect to the incident.

Courtesy Adaderana

Mr. Rajith Keerthy Tennakoon, President Director General of Community Affairs says that after between President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s assumption of office and February 2024, the Sri Lankan government has settled a total of USD 1909.7 million in foreign debt and interest payments.

He also highlighted that from 21 July 2022 to February 2024, the government has disbursed $1338.8 million in multilateral loans and interest, with no outstanding arrears in loan instalments or interest payments up to February 2024. Mr. Rajith Keerthi Tennakone conveyed this information during a special media statement today (05).

Expressing his views further Mr. Thennakoon further commented:

According to the Department of External Resources, payments totalling USD 760.1 million have been made to the Asian Development Bank and USD 7.0 million to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.

Additionally, payments of USD 22.3 million have been made to the European Investment Bank, USD 17.9 million to the International Fund for Agricultural Development, and USD 9.8 million to the EFF 23-26 program of the International Monetary Fund. Furthermore, USD 1.7 million has been disbursed to the Nordic Development Fund, USD 29.9 million to the OPEC Fund for International Development, and US$ 489.9 million to the World Bank. Consequently, the government’s total payments for loans and interest amount to USD 1,338.8 million.

It is noteworthy that the Asian Development Bank (ADB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank have extended further financial support to the government due to its commendable track record in debt repayment. During this period, negotiations are underway with relevant states and institutions to finalize agreements regarding the repayment of bilateral loans and interest, which currently stand at USD 571.0 million.

Additionally, preliminary agreements have been reached concerning debt and interest payments, involving members of the Paris Club, with outstanding interest to be settled by the end of February 2024 amounting to USD 450.7 million.

It is worth noting that several countries, including Japan, have provisionally agreed to resume numerous projects halted during the previous season.

Moreover, bilateral loan transactions have been conducted with nearly 25 other financial institutions, such as Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Japan, South Korea, Kuwait, Pakistan, Russia, Spain, the United States, China Development Bank, Sino-Hungarian Bank, Indian Exim Bank, and American Exim Bank.

These loans and interest payments have been denominated in US Dollars, Euros, Japanese Yen, and Canadian Dollars. The Central Bank of Sri Lanka has bolstered its dollar reserves in foreign currencies to facilitate local payments to institutions like People’s Bank, Bank of Ceylon, and Hatton National Bank after settling local debt and interest obligations.

Furthermore, following the repayment of multilateral, bilateral, and local dollar loans, the country’s cash reserves have surged to over USD 4.9 billion (USD 4950 mill
ion). The government is actively engaged in restructuring business loans and interest totalling USD 4,439.2 million, acquired at high-interest rates. It is important to note that payment of these funds will be deferred until negotiations regarding debt restructuring are finalized.

The ongoing discussion regarding the special interest rate offered for fixed deposits of senior citizens warrants attention.

Introduced as a budget proposal in 2015, the special interest rate initiative aimed to provide senior citizens with a competitive interest rate of 15% per annum on their fixed deposits. Initially, the Treasury allocated funds to bridge the gap between the prevailing low interest rates in banks and the proposed higher rate of 15%. This program, implemented through commercial banks, initially covered deposits up to One million rupees, which was later increased to Rs. 1.5 million in the 2018 budget. Consequently, all 1.2 million senior citizen accounts were eligible for this favourable interest rate.

By 2022, the Treasury was allocating Rs. 20 billion per quarter to cover the additional interest payments. This amounted to an annual expenditure of Rs. 80,000 million (Rs. 80 billion). However, due to the country’s economic crisis, this initiative had to be halted from October 1, 2022.

With over 50% of senior citizens relying on monthly interest payments, it’s evident that the government cannot sustain an annual expenditure of Rs. 80,000 million given the current financial situation. The outstanding amount owed to 17 banks for the additional interest payments until October 2022 stands at Rs. 108 billion.

To secure the additional funds required annually, amounting to Rs. 80,000 million, a proposal suggests increasing the current value-added tax (VAT) by 1%.

It’s imperative that any discussion of reinstating the 15% interest rate for senior citizens addresses how the necessary funds will be raised. The Central Bank’s policy of lowering interest rates and fostering competitive investment opportunities to stimulate economic growth should be upheld. Lessons from past instances where unsustainable interest rates led to financial instability underscore the importance of prudence in financial management to prevent such crises from recurring.

–PMD

Courtesy Adaderana

A meeting between Korean Prime Minister Han Duck Soo and his Sri Lankan counterpart Dinesh Gunawardena was held on Thursday (04) in Seoul.

During the discussion, the Korean Prime Minister asserted that many new job opportunities would be opened for Sri Lankans.

In addition to the labour force that provides jobs for agriculture, construction and other industries in his country, PM Han also mentioned the possibility of providing new jobs for health services and professional services.

He said that South Korea, as a member of the Paris Club, will always stand therein for Sri Lanka, which is recovering from the recent financial crisis, to successfully carry out its future activities.

PM Han requested to take measures to reduce the time for the preliminary work for future projects to be implemented while the currently agreed projects in the areas of renewable energy, fisheries sector and joint investment areas will be implemented without any change. Further, he pointed out the importance of enhancing the space for floating solar power installations.

PM Han added that the South Korean people are also very interested in visiting Sri Lanka and expressed his agreement to support the provision of more opportunities to visit Sri Lanka, which is one of the most attractive tourist destinations in the world.

When the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka was holding the portfolio of the Minister of Education, the move to include Korean Language as a subject in the curriculum was praised by the Korean Prime Minister.

The support given in the face of the Covid-19 pandemic was greatly appreciated.

The Korean prime minister added that these matters will also strengthen the relations between Sri Lanka and Korea that have existed for a long time.

The two leaders also discussed the further expansion of diplomatic relations.

Leading officials of the Government of Korea, and representatives of the Government of Sri Lanka, namely State Ministers Piyal Nishantha and Anupama Pasqual, MP Yadamini Gunawardena, Prime Minister’s Secretary Anura Dissanayake, Sri Lankan Ambassador to South Korea Savithri Panabokke, and Prime Minister’s Media Secretary Laith Rohan Liyanage also participated in this event.

Courtesy Hiru News

In a significant development in Sri Lankan political circles, Members of Parliament from the “Nidahasa Janatha Sabha” and the “Samagi Jana Sandanaya” led by the SJB (Samagi Jana Balawegaya) have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU). This agreement reflects a strategic move towards cooperation and collaboration between the two political factions.

The MPs involved in this MOU signing include:
Prof. G L Peiris
Dilan Perera
Dr. Nalaka Godahewa
Dr. Upul Galappaththi
Wasantha Yapa Bandara
K P S Kumarasiri
These members of parliament, who had previously broken away from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), chose to sit independently in Parliament under the banner of the Nidahasa Janatha Sabhawa.

The “Nidahasa Janatha Sabha” is a political faction led by these respected MPs. On the other hand, the “Samagi Jana Sandanaya,” under the leadership of the SJB, represents a significant opposition force in the Sri Lankan political landscape.

The formation of the ‘Samagi Jana Sandhanaya’ alliance signifies a new chapter in Sri Lankan politics, consolidating the strengths and resources of the SJB and the Nidahasa Janatha Sabhawa. This united front is poised to play a pivotal role as the main opposition force, advocating for policies that serve the interests of the people and addressing pressing issues facing the nation.

The signing of this MOU signals a mutual understanding and agreement on various political matters and strategies between the two groups. It highlights a shared vision for addressing key issues facing the nation and working towards common goals for the betterment of Sri Lanka and its people.

This alliance could have significant implications for the political landscape of Sri Lanka, potentially shaping the course of policies, reforms, and future electoral strategies. As these two factions join forces, their combined efforts and resources could lead to a stronger political presence and a more unified voice in Sri Lankan governance and decision-making.