{"id":106441,"date":"2020-09-09T14:29:59","date_gmt":"2020-09-09T21:29:59","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/?p=106441"},"modified":"2020-09-09T14:29:59","modified_gmt":"2020-09-09T21:29:59","slug":"erasing-the-eelam-victory-pt-17-c-5a","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/2020\/09\/09\/erasing-the-eelam-victory-pt-17-c-5a\/","title":{"rendered":"ERASING THE EELAM VICTORY PT 17 C 5a"},"content":{"rendered":"

KAMALIKA PIERIS<\/em><\/span><\/h2>\n\n\n

The JVP did not fade away after April 1971 as\nit would have done, had it been a purely local affair. Instead, JVP met\nsecretly and reorganized.  JVP first\nretreated into their hideouts in the jungles of the North Central Province.\nThey moved the camps from place to place. \nThey did not stay in one place for long. The leader at Namal oya camp was in a\nseparate chena known only to couple of trustworthy members. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

There were jail breaks. In November 1971 JVPers escaped from\nVidyalankara, Vidyodaya and Weerawila camps. At Vidyalankara, they   escaped through a tunnel which they had\ndug.  Prison authorities had earlier\nreported that there was no tunnel \nleading to the conclusion that JVP has accomplices in the prison. At\nAnuradhapura prison as they escaped, JVPers had freed the other prisoners as\nwell. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The plan was to get back the original cadres\nrather than recruit new ones. JVP\nprisoners received visits by   persons\npretending to be relatives. They carried JVP messages in and out of these camps\nand prisons.  JVP cadres   met them as they were released. One of the\nplaces used for this was the Peradeniya University.  It was done discreetly without arousing\nsuspicions of undergrads, said Indradasa. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cells were established throughout the country\nexcept North and East. Cells were set up in Colombo, Galle, Tangalle,\nEmbilipitiya, Ratnapura, Polonnaruwa, Chilaw Kegalle and Moneragala.  There were cells of 25 in each police\narea  Cells were all linked with each\nother,  Cells were used for recruitment,\nindoctrination, and weapons training. Cells were  organized \nin schools  as well. JVP also\nlater  had   cells at Walkers and Central Finance Co in\nKandy <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The \nfive lectures  had originated in\n1968 and were developed in 1969. In 1977 the five lectures were revised. They\nnow focused on the need to capture power by force.  They were given by specially trained members.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After 1971, JVP made changes in its structure.\nAll key points in the organization were held by those loyal to Rohana\nWijeweera. A secret Central Committee\nwas established, which gave the main directions.  The identities of this secret committee were\nknown only to the district organizers. The\nleading JVPers had code names. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The JVP was wary of those who wanted to join\nthem and they were first screened. There was tight control of information.\nThose who came for lectures were given places to meet at, from where they would\nbe taken to a secret venue. The  organization structure of JVP was secretive. It\nwas almost beyond destruction said Rohan Gunaratna.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

By\n1977, Wijeweera had set-up an organization with thirteen Politbureau members\nand twenty-nine Central Committee members. The Politbureau Members were Rohana\nWijeweera, Upatissa Gamanayake, Piyadasa Ranasinghe, Saman Piyasiri Fernando,\nP.B. Wimalaratne, Gunaratna Wanasinghe, Sumith Athukorale, Somawansa\nAmerasinghe, H.B. Herath, D.M. Ananda, Shantha Bandara, Nandatillake Galapatthi\nand Lalith Wijeratne. Names of the Central Committee members are given in the\nfootnote below. [1]<\/a> <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The JVP Politburo never met in full session.\nThey got together only in ones, twos or threes. It was D M Ananda the\nfunctionary number 1 in the JVP\u2019 who conveyed decisions from one group to\nanother. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The organization\nwas divided into three Departments. The departments were directly placed under\nthe Politbureau. Department <\/strong>No1\u201d consisted of Zonal Committees. The\nisland was divided into five zones, (i) Western\/Sabaragamuwa; (ii) Central;\n(iii) Rajarata; (iv) Uva\/Eastern, and (v) Southern.   Analysts noted that the North and North West\nwere excluded. The names of the Zonal leader are given in the footnote below.[2]<\/a> <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Zonal\nCommittees were in turn divided into District Committees which were placed\nunder the leadership of members of the Central Committee. The District\nCommittees were headed By Central Committee members. Names of District\ncommittee members are given in footnote below. [3]<\/a> \n<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Each district was\ndivided into a number of Divisions. A district could have two or more\nDivisions, depending on the size and requirements. Each Division had a\nDivisional Secretary, and a Secretary each for education, finance, military\norganization, propaganda, youth, students, workers, bhikkhu and women. Rank\nwise, the Secretaries of the Divisions were just below the Central Committee.\nBut often, a single person   held various\nranks simultaneously.  The military wing\nhad  \nan operation leader, trainer, intelligence specialist,  planner and strategist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Divisions\nwere classified and numbered .  Kandy\ndistrict was divided into four divisions D1 to D4. D1 contained K 33, K 66 and\nK 99. K 33 was Mahanuwara, Senkadagala ,K 66 was Udunuwara, Yatinuwara   and K 99 was Galaha, Marassana and\nTalatuoya. D2 was Gampola and Nawalapitiya, D3 was Galagedera and Harispattuwa,\nD4 was Teldeniya, Ududumbara, Kundasala and Wattegama.  With the exception of Wattegama, l these\nare  the polling divisions of the Kandy\nelectorate. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Department No. 2\u201d consisted of National\nCommittees. There were national committees for Education, Finance, Propaganda,\nand Military Organization. Gunaratne Wanasinghe headed the committee for\neducation; Finance was Somawansa Amerasinghe, Propaganda, Upatissa Gamanayake\nand Military, Saman Piyasiri Fernando <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Department No. 3\u201d consisted of eight Front\nOrganizations. They were Youth, Students, Bhikkhus, Women, Trade unions,\nRural,  Cultural and Propaganda. Through\nthese JVP   expanded its support among\nschool children, university students, unemployed youth, Buddhist monks, the\nnationalist intelligentsia and intermediate layers of rural Sinhala\nsociety” said analysts. The Womens wing was started in  1983 and schools girls joined. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regarding these fronts, there was  the Patriotic Students Movement for secondary\nschools. This was entirely controlled by the JVP though they avoided getting\nidentified directly with it.  Branches of\nthis organization were set up in several schools in Colombo and\noutstations.  The intention was to build\nup a membership, especially in the \u2018A\u2019 level classes, from which these students\nwould enter university. This would ensure a readymade membership from among\nfreshers.  JVP had put up posters near\nsmaller schools so that an awareness of JVP would be in their minds when they\nreached A levels. This was one of their most valued sources of recruitment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In\nthe universities JVP started with action committees. From these developed a\npowerful apex organization, the Inter-University Student Federation (IUSF). The\nIUSF co-ordinated student activities in a national level. The IUSF \nbecame the most powerful organization formed by JVP in the universities.\n  By 1985, the JVP came to dominate student\npolitics   <\/em>in school and University.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Analysts\nnoted that the Arts\nstudents, who had traditionally given the lead, were now the followers. At\nthe Peradeniya University, it was the Engineering students who took the lead,\nat the Colombo University it was the \nScience undergrads and  at \nRuhuna , it was the medical students.  <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two\npowerful  bhikkhu fronts, Deshapremi\nTaruna Bhikshu Samidanaya and Manava Hitavadi Bhikkhu Sanvidanaya were set up\nby the JVP  in the 1980s  Young\nbhikkhus, some from University  joined\nthese fronts  and were  very active. The possibility of some bhikkhus\ngiving up their robes and joining the JVP\/DJV cannot be ruled out, said\nAttanayake.  It is also  possible that members of the JVP, posing as\npriests, went to various temples to propagate their ideology. The robe \ncould be used to great advantage, observed Indradasa. The robe offered\ncover, and had impact on a Buddhist population.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

However,\nthis was not the first JVP bhikkhu \norganization .\nYoung bhikkhus had participated in the 1971 insurgency. The decision to  start the 1971 attack was  taken in \nthe  Bhikkhu hostel of a\nuniversity. In Kotmale insurgent\nactivity had  centered around the\nBuddhist temple, where they coordinated the plan to attack the police\nstation.   Fifty     six bhikkhus had been arrested by 1976.\nThe correct figure could he much higher, said analysts. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

These bhikkhus had gone to great lengths to\nprovide all kinds of incidental help, said Attanayake. These bhikkhus had  assisted in raising funds for the\norganization. They  had provided shelter\nin abandoned temples to JVP members on the run. These temples were also used\nfor storing weapons. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

For the trade union front, JVP created their\nown trade unions and also infiltrated the trade unions of other political\nparties. JVP-led trade union, the\nSamastha Lanka Sevaka Sangamaya which only had about 500 to start  with, benefited by the July 1980 strike where\nthe government dismissed over 40,000 workers. They also  benefited from the Nurses strike of\n1986.   JVP tried to take over the GMOA\nbut failed. <\/em><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

There were 17 JVP dominated or controlled\ntrade unions in 1986. A trade union combine, called Janata Satan Peramuna,\ncomprising all JVP trade unions was formed thereafter. When JVP trade unions\nwere proscribed, JVP infiltrated the service itself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

JVP also set\nup  the Jatika Sisya Madyastanaya and the\nJatika Kamkaru Satan Madyastanaya. Jatika Sisiya Madhastanaya handled all JVP\naction in schools and technical colleges . It formed committees of teachers,\nparents, and staff.  In 1986 JVP had support in over 2000 schools\nin island except in north and east. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

 there were also\n\u2018sympathetic  organisations\u2019 such as   \u2018Citizens Committee of Colombo\u2019, \u2018HR  organization of University teachers\u2019 and  \u2018international University bhikkhu Federation.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

JVP\nconducted  its  propaganda at village, district and town\nlevel. JVP had monthly, bi weekly and weekly publications.  Publications had militant sounding\ntitles,  such as Vedihanda\u201d,\u201d Ripalaya\u201d\n(rifle)\u201d Aragalaya\u201d.  Some publications\nwere targeted  towards specific groups,\nsuch as fishermen, school teachers, or \nsecurity forces. By 1987 these publications were popular at village\nlevel.  There was also the  JVP \nradio transmissions. Postersgave\ntime and frequency.<\/strong> <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

To attract\nmass support at village level JVP \norganized several attractive campaigns in late 1970s and 1980s where  Wijeweera said that JVP was the leading left\nmovement in the country. The JVP are\nthe only saviors  of the workers\n,unemployed, students and the masses. Speakers at public meetings of JVP were\narticulate, they were carefully handpicked, progress monitored. Many listened\nto speeches  even if they did not agree\nwith all of it,  to hear the criticisms\nagainst those in power in the country. Hundreds joined JVP  from 1983-1987 and were indoctrinated. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

JVP was  a major underground force from1983-1987.  JVP had  \ngrass roots contacts and  knew\nexactly where to go and whom to meet  it\nwas not possible to catch the JVP in a particular area, because there was\nabsolute secrecy. they used five to ten aliases. .  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

 leaders and cadres never operated in an area\nnative to them. Nobody knew them.  .\nthere was a rapid transfer of activists from one unit to another or from one\nzone to another.  if  the leader was caught, he would be rapidly\nreplaced       Even if all are taken from\none district those in the other district will oversee, said Rohan Gunaratna.   <\/p>\n\n\n\n

By 1984, the\nJVP had decided on a second armed struggle.  in 1984 JVP \nstarted camps for    military\ntraining in jungles between Ampara and Siyambalanduwa, there were camps at\nHiniduma, Hambegamuva. Hambegamuwa\ncamp was a major JVP training center. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Batches of 30\nto 40 were trained for five to seven days. . these temporary training camps\nfamiliarized member with various types of weapons such as T56, AK 47, said\nIndradasa. This was done mainly by hand drawn sketches, and pictures of rifles.\nA rudimentary military training was given. \nThere were also classes in physical training. At the camp trainees were forbidden to\ndivulge real name, and  place of\nresidence,  only the leader knew the\nnames. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

in 1987\nintelligence services had received reports of university students undergoing\nweaponry training in camps of the Deshapremi Janatha Vyapaaraya  DJV. The biggest such training camp was held\nin the Erathna area, near Sri Pada in January 1987. Maheepala Kodippili,\nfollowing his arrest, admitted to the CID on June 19, 1987, that he had\nattended the training camp along with a group of university students under the\ndirection of Sarath of the Colombo University.  \nJVP leader Padmasiri was asked to form an armed student battalion. there\nwere at least 100 combat trained JVPers in University of Ruhuna. Undergraduates  had played a key role in the raid on\nPallekelle army camp. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

A separate\nmilitary wing  was set up in 1986  and JVP started to collect weapons. Weapons\nwere discovered in Ruhuna, Colombo  and\nPeradeniya  Universities. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

1987\u201389 JVP INSURRECTION<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

JVP \nstaged a second uprising which lasted from 1987 to 1989. This was not an open revolt, but a low intensity conflict<\/a> with the JVP resorting to assassinations<\/a>, raids and attacks on military and civilian targets. With these\npractices of fear and intimidation, the JVP was able to bring the country to a\nstandstill. This campaign virtually brought the country to a\nstandstill confirmed Indradasa. It was\nknown as  period of terror.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 JVP had\nsome support initially among the public, especially in the southern and central\ndistricts, after JVP challenged the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord.  JVP seemed to enjoy public support  In Matara, Hambantota, Moneragala, Badulla,\nKurunegala and in the Uva Province as well and\nsuccessfully carried out various strikes, work-stoppages, protests and\nboycotts, in 1987.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

JVP resorted to sheer terrorism to bring about work stoppages,\ndisruption to transport services,    and\ntrade  JVP burned down post offices, robbed the\ncollections from bus conductors, and destroyed their ticket machines, damaged\nindustrial and domestic electricity and water meters. JVP forcibly collecting\nvehicle revenue licenses. JVP destroyed records held in kachcheries including\nfiles on local taxes and land registers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 Almost two thirds of the country\ndid not have an electricity supply for more than six weeks, because the power\npylons in Matale were destroyed by the JVP. \nJVP repeatedly went for electric transformers. There were other  acts of sabotage with the destruction of\nGovernment property.    There was also a campaign to boycott Indian\ngoods.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

JVP crippled the country with violently enforced general strikes\nfor two years. Many individuals or organizations were warned or intimidated\nwith messages dropped in the night in front of homes and with posters or\ngraffiti on walls. Those that did not cooperate were brutally killed, with the\nrepercussions extended to their family members. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

JVP\nissued death threats to professionals, to lawyers and doctors so they could not\nwork.  JVP called for hartals and work\nstoppages. JVPs repeated warning to State-owned media personnel to stay away\nfrom work and  increasing threats led to\nresignations. As a result, trains were not functioning properly, schools and\ncollege did not hold exams for almost two years.  For four years no one had graduated from any\nof the state universities. Medical College was not functioning for almost five\nyears. Factories and work place were\nforced to close down for long periods resulting in the workers undergoing\nsevere hardship and production suffered. Strikes paralyzed key government\ndepartments. Tourists were walking past\nimmigration and customs   counters freely\nas the officers were not there. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

JVP called upon the public to engage in a\ncivil disobedience campaign by refraining from paying taxes and other dues such\na bus fares. Posting letters\u2019 without stamps. JVP\nsaid people must observe curfew and not leave homes, work places should shut\ndown, transport must cease to operate, blackout must be observed from 6 pm.\nPeople should refrain from listening to radio or watching TV.  The public \nwere ordered not to go out of their homes. “Lights off\u201d and\n“switch-off Radio and Television” orders were given. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Schools were targeted. Ellawala Medhananda\nrecalled that when he was principal of Anura Maha Vidyalaya, Getahatta, his\npupils informed him that they were ordered not to attend school and to\ncongregate outside. Or they will be killed. They had to go on strike in school.\nPupils were told they would be killed if they did not strike for at least   three\ndays. The pupils obeyed, after informing Medhananda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Medhananda also received a letter, from Kirti\nVijayabahu\u201d, threatening to kill him. \nHis temple received a letter telling \nboth monks to leave the temple .The two monks did so. Medhananda went back\nto the school and hid there.  In the\nnight the JVP came to the school and searched it, watched by  Medhananda \nwho had hidden in a loft in the school.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In June \n1989, a group of students at the Peradeniya University seized a jeep,\nkilled the three inside, and burnt their bodies within university premises. A\nsimilar incident took place at Sri Jayewardenepura University. In July 1989 all\nuniversities were closed down indefinitely.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Initially the public did not take JVP orders\nseriously. But JVP started killing and the public realized that they dare not\ndisobey these orders. Teachers who\nresisted interference of JVP activities were assassinated. JVP selectively\nconducted attacks on shopkeepers, drivers of public and private vehicles,   trade unionists, management staff of\ngovernment and private institutions and burning buses of both private and\npublic companies. These acts of terror\nserved to create fear among the public.JVP\nmade it a point to track down those who resisted  opposed or betrayed them and punished them. Principal of Mahakumbura college who opposed\nJVP  was shot and killed together with\nhis two daughters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From 1987 to\n1989, the JVP  was  able to dominate in the affairs of the\ncountry. The  UNP government tried to\nappease it. 1988 JVP Imposed ban on Sinahla New Year shops in south ordered to\nclose before that. University\nexams not held due to threats . there were spectacular jail breaks at Welikada,\nBogambara, Badulla.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 At the height\nof the JVP\u2019s attempted destabilization, police officers in and around Colombo\ngiven the task of fighting the JVP had to live at the end of their wits. They\nfound that they could not hold conferences in police stations as the JVP had\ninformants inside. They found themselves having conferences at odd hours in\nplaces like Galle Face Green and the Parliament Esplanade. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

JVP reacted violently to exposure of their\nactivities by newspapers, TV and radio. Newspaper agents were killed, vehicles\ntransporting newspapers were burned, and employees of TV stations, Rupavahini,\nITN and SLBC were threatened and ordered to give up employment. When these were\nignored JVP killed important media personnel, including  DG of Rupavahini and SLBC,  a director of SLBC,  a radio and TV announcer. Gladys Jayawardene,\nChairman of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation was also assassinated for not\nstopping the import of Indian pharmaceuticals. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Deshapremi\nJanatha Viyaparaya (DJV)   the military\nwing of the JVP  was the division\nresponsible for the violence of the 1987 period. DJV trained it members, in the  jungles in the southern and western quarters,\nIn central highland and a few in India. <\/strong>The training\ntactics were a closely guarded secret. JVP  \nfirst said that DJV, was a separate \norganization which was being supported but not directed by the JVP\nLater, they abandoned this position. DJV openly \nreceived instructions from JVP. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nhead of the DJV was Keerthi Wijebahu\u201d. Keerthi Wijebahu was the pseudonym of Saman\nPiyasiri Fernando leader of the military wing.. There was also another military wing,\nDeshapremi Sannadha Balakaya also under Keerthi Wijayabahu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

DJV  consisted of full time members, they had a\ncell structure. Communicating between one cell and another was  tightly controlled, so that even if one was\ncaught he could not give info on more than ten members. Many gave  useless information  and stayed silent under extreme pressure when\ncaught.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

DJV   used the army. Soldiers who went on leave\nwere used to attack security force installations.  Some were asked to desert and bring a weapon\nwith them. DJV also roped in  those who\nwere  suspended from the army.  The three who started the JVP  military campaign in south  were three deserters from the army in the\nnorth.\n<\/strong>DJV also used common criminals  and contract killers. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The DJV carried out a large number of murders.\nIt killed more than 70 Members of Parliament between July 1989 and November\n1989. The DJV murdered probably thousands of people, said analysts. Killings\ntook place in both urban and rural areas . DJV\ntargeted opponents.  On December 15,\n1986, the DJV abducted and murdered Daya Pathirana, the leader of the\nIndependent Students\u2019 Union (ISU) of the Colombo University, which was a rival\nstudents\u2019 union.. analysts see this as\nthe significant starting point of \npolitical assassinations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Executions\nwere mostly carried out at night with armed groups entering homes of victims\nand carrying them away to be tortured and executed. Occasional bombings also\ntook place. Funerals of these victims were not allowed to be held.  Traditional final rights were not allowed and\nthe caskets had to be carried below the knee level as a mark of disrespect. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

There was also   a JVP Bhikkhu death squad called Kudahapola\nBalakaya, operating in the JVP insurrection in 1980s. These were Buddhist monks\nwho were also terrorists.  At night they\nwould done civilian clothes and go out and commit murders and as monks would do\nthe last rights later on, said Chandraprema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 JVP Killings<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

JVP killed 1342 government supporters, 353\ngovernment servants, 250 policemen, 284\npolicemen, 163 servicemen, and 80 home guards.\n3 university dons, 2 education officers, 44 principals of schools, and\n57 teachers. They destroyed 430 post\noffices, 78 DDC offices, 59 GA\/AGA offices, and 59 agrarian centers, 17\nSuperintendants of estates were killed. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

JVP assassinated some senior monks as well.\nThey  included Pohaddaramulle Pemaloka,\nThambugala Sumanasiri, Vellatota Pannadassi and Kotikawatte Sadhatissa.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many civilians including a cultivation officer\nin Anamaduwa, cooperative chairmen of Weuda and a CTB driver were killed   these killings were all in Sinhala areas JVP\nalso killed surrendering JVP cadres. They killed two families of surrendered\ncadres in Anuradhapura. Heads of\nsome  people who were slain were arranged\naround the Peradeniya University pond. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wasantha Bandara  General\nSecretary of the Patriotic National Movement (PNM) JVP assassin Lionel\nRanasinghe widely believed to be responsible for at least 41 targeted\nhigh-profile killings. Ranasinghe\u2019s victims included Sri Lanka Mahajana\nPakshaya (SLMP) leader Vijaya Kumaratunga, Professor Stanley Wijesundera,\nDirector, CID, Terrence Perera, UNP General Secretary Nandalal Fernando and UNP\nColombo Municipal Council member Jayantha Mallimarachchi. Sub Inspector of\nPolice T.C.D. Rajapaksa attached to the Counter Subversive Unit (CSU),\nNarahenpita police. Lionel Ranasinghe shot him at Ambagahapura, Maharagama on\nSept 22, 1988. .<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Here is a list of some persons killed.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n