{"id":154416,"date":"2026-01-31T16:47:06","date_gmt":"2026-01-31T23:47:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/?p=154416"},"modified":"2026-01-31T16:47:06","modified_gmt":"2026-01-31T23:47:06","slug":"online-overseas-voting-a-constitutional-and-national-security-risk-and-a-violation-of-citizens-living-in-sri-lanka","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/2026\/01\/31\/online-overseas-voting-a-constitutional-and-national-security-risk-and-a-violation-of-citizens-living-in-sri-lanka\/","title":{"rendered":"Online Overseas Voting: A Constitutional and National Security Risk and a Violation of Citizens Living in Sri Lanka"},"content":{"rendered":"

Shenali D Waduge<\/strong><\/em><\/span><\/h2>\n\n\n

Sri Lanka\u2019s governments display a disturbing tendency to repeat the mistakes of other countries<\/strong>, even after those countries have openly admitted failure and reversed course. What is more troubling is that these reversals are not hidden or disputed \u2014 they are documented, and publicly acknowledged<\/strong>. Yet, despite full awareness that overseas online voting experiments failed in advanced democracies due to risks to election integrity, public trust, and national security<\/strong>, Sri Lanka appears willing to proceed down the same path \u2014 knowing that reversal is inevitable. Sri Lanka does not need to learn the hard way\u201d what others have already learned at great cost. A government that knowingly walks into a mistake \u2014 fully aware it will have to reverse \u2014It is abdicating its constitutional duty<\/strong>. What is being proposed is not merely a new voting method, but a reallocation of political power from citizens living under Sri Lanka\u2019s laws to individuals who have chosen to live outside its jurisdiction under foreign laws \u2014 without first asking the People whether they consent to such a transfer.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sri Lanka\u2019s Constitution (Article 3) vests sovereignty directly in the People, not to the Government of the day.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n


Any fundamental alteration in the exercise of political power \u2014 including how votes are cast or counted \u2014 requires the explicit consent of the People themselves (Referendum). <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lobbying, technology, or donor pressure cannot override this constitutional mandate.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

If nations with stronger institutions, advanced cybersecurity capacity, and stable political environments have concluded that online voting undermines democracy<\/strong>, on what rational basis does a post-conflict country like Sri Lanka believe it will succeed especially when ministry websites get regularly hacked.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

I. What Other Democracies Learned \u2014 and Why They Reversed Course<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Countries including Germany, Netherlands, Ireland, Norway, France, and the United Kingdom<\/strong> halted or rejected online voting after concluding that:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.     Election integrity cannot be guaranteed<\/strong> in online environments<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.     The secret ballot cannot be protected<\/strong> outside controlled polling stations<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.     Foreign interference is undetectable and deniable<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

4.     Public confidence collapses faster than technology improves<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Germany\u2019s Constitutional Court ruled electronic voting unconstitutional, stating:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Elections must be verifiable by the average citizen, not dependent on technical expertise.\u201d<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This principle is universal \u2014 and even more critical for Sri Lanka<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

II. Sri Lanka\u2019s Constitution: Clear Safeguards, Clear Intent<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Article 3 \u2013 Sovereignty of the People<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sovereignty includes:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      legislative power<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      executive power<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      judicial power<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      the franchise<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This sovereignty must be exercised in a manner that protects the State and the People<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sovereignty belongs to the People \u2014 not to the Government of the day.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Article 3 of the Constitution vests sovereignty in the People as a collective<\/em>, not in Parliament, the Executive, or the Elections Commission acting independently of the People.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Therefore, any fundamental alteration in how the franchise is exercised \u2014 especially one that shifts political power outside the territory of the Republic \u2014 requires the explicit consent of the People themselves, not merely administrative or legislative initiative.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

No Government has the constitutional authority to redesign the exercise of sovereignty without consulting the sovereign \u2014 the People of Sri Lanka.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Article 4(e) \u2013 Exercise of the Franchise<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Constitution requires that the franchise be exercised at elections conducted in accordance with the law<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has historically meant:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.     controlled polling environments<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.     physical verification<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.     secrecy and transparency<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

4.     public confidence in the process<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Online overseas voting transfers effective political power away from resident citizens \u2014 without their consent.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The Constitution does not authorise the Government to redefine<\/strong> <\/strong>who effectively determines electoral outcomes<\/strong><\/em> <\/strong>without the consent of the People.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Any proposal to allow large-scale overseas online voting \u2014 particularly by those who have voluntarily left Sri Lanka to live, work, or enjoy life elsewhere \u2014 must first be put to the People of Sri Lanka<\/strong>, whose sovereignty is directly affected.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Article 104B \u2013 Elections Commission<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Elections Commission is mandated to:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.     ensure free and fair elections<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.     protect the integrity of the electoral process<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.     maintain public trust<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Election Commission is not empowered to introduce mechanisms that:<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      undermine Constitutional & sovereignty provisions<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      cannot guarantee secrecy<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      are vulnerable to foreign influence<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      undermine confidence in outcomes<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Any such change must be explicitly authorised by Parliament<\/strong> and consistent with constitutional intent.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

III. Sri Lanka\u2019s Election Law: Physical, Verifiable, Secure<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Under the Parliamentary Elections Act No. 1 of 1981<\/strong> and related election laws:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      Voting occurs at designated polling stations<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      Voters are registered by electoral district<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      Ballots are secret<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      Counting is observable and auditable<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These laws were designed to:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      prevent coercion<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      prevent impersonation<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      ensure equality of voting power<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Online overseas voting<\/strong> <\/strong>cannot meet these standards<\/strong> <\/strong>without rewriting the law \u2014 and weakening its safeguards.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

IV. Why Sri Lanka Faces Risks Other Countries Do Not<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1. An Organised, Hostile Separatist Diaspora<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sri Lanka has faced:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      three decades of terrorism<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      a well-documented, internationally active separatist network<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      digital lobbying, fundraising, and influence campaigns abroad continue<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Online overseas voting would:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      enable bloc mobilisation from abroad<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      allow foreign-funded campaigning without domestic accountability<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      directly influence Sri Lanka\u2019s sovereignty and territorial integrity<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

No post-conflict state\/Govt aware ofan unresolved separatist threat permits unrestricted overseas online voting.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

2. Transnational Extremist Influence<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Easter Sunday attacks demonstrated:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      ideological radicalisation from external networks<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      foreign funding and influence<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Online voting environments are:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      susceptible to coercion<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      vulnerable to ideological pressure<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      impossible to regulate across global jurisdictions<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

3. Persistent Foreign State Interference in internal affairs<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sri Lanka has repeatedly experienced:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      diplomatic pressure<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      political interference<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      policy influence from external powers<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Online overseas voting would:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      magnify funding and digital capability<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      allow algorithm-driven influence campaigns<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      disadvantage domestic candidates and voters<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The result will not reflect the will of<\/strong> <\/strong>resident citizens who bear the consequences of governance<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

V. International Experience: Overseas Voting Practices<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

While the Sri Lankan Government proposes overseas online voting, global experience shows such practices are extremely rare and highly restricted. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Most countries that allow citizens abroad to vote do so via postal ballots, embassies, or proxy voting, not the internet.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Examples include:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      France: Postal or embassy voting<\/strong>; temporary internet voting for parliamentary elections was suspended due to security concerns.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      India: Postal ballots for government employees and armed forces abroad<\/strong>; no online voting.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      United States<\/strong>: Mail-in absentee ballots; limited internet use only for military voters.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      United Kingdom & Canada<\/strong>: Postal or proxy voting; no online voting for federal elections.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      Italy: Postal voting for citizens abroad<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These examples highlight that even technologically advanced and politically stable countries limit online voting for overseas citizens because of risks to ballot secrecy, voter verification, cybersecurity, and foreign influence. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sri Lanka, with a post-conflict environment, active hostile diaspora networks, and limited digital safeguards, cannot safely implement a similar system.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The precedent is clear: overseas online voting is an exception, not the norm \u2014 and Sri Lanka\u2019s plan would be a risky experiment with constitutional, operational, and security consequences.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

VI. Questions That Must Be Answered \u2014 Publicly<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

By what constitutional authority does the Government propose to alter the exercise of the People\u2019s sovereignty without first seeking the People\u2019s consent?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

To the Government<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.     Under which constitutional provision<\/strong> does the Government justify overseas online voting?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.     Has Parliament approved amendments to election law permitting it?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.     How will the State prevent foreign funding, coercion, and cyber interference<\/strong>?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

4.     Who bears responsibility if election legitimacy is challenged?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

To the Elections Commission<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.     How will the Commission guarantee ballot secrecy<\/strong> in uncontrolled environments?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.     How will coercion, vote-buying, and bloc voting be detected?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.     How can ordinary citizens verify results<\/strong>, as required by democratic principle?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

4.     Has a national security risk assessment been conducted?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

To the Opposition<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.     Would you accept election outcomes shaped by foreign digital campaigns<\/strong>?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.     Would you challenge results if overseas online voting determines government formation?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.     Are you prepared to defend this mechanism before the Supreme Court?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

To Citizens of Sri Lanka<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.     Should political power be exercised by those outside the legal, tax, and social consequences<\/strong> of governance?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.     Should convenience override constitutional safeguards?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.     Why should online voting be granted when any citizen may return to Sri Lanka to vote<\/strong>?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Citizens who retain strong civic ties to Sri Lanka, including dual citizens, are not disenfranchised<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Any citizen who wishes to exercise the franchise may do so by returning to Sri Lanka and voting within the constitutional and legal framework that applies equally to all resident voters<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The issue is not citizenship \u2014 it is method, accountability, and consent of the sovereign People<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Practical, Legal, and Public-Interest Objections to Online Overseas Voting<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beyond constitutional and national security risks, online overseas voting presents serious operational, financial, and civic failures<\/strong> that governments elsewhere have already identified \u2014 and rejected.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

1. Inherent Risks of Online Systems<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Online voting suffers from the same vulnerabilities as other online platforms, including:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      hacking and cyber intrusion<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      manipulation of personal data<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      connectivity failures and system outages<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      lack of end-to-end verifiability<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Even advanced systems such as online banking and government databases<\/strong> experience breaches and errors. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Elections, unlike financial transactions,<\/strong> <\/strong>cannot be reversed once compromised<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2. Unreliable Voter Registries and Data Integrity<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Accurate voter rolls are the backbone of any credible election. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Online systems make this harder, not easier.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

International experience shows:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      ghost voters\u201d and duplicate registrations<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      voting linked to deceased persons<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      non-existent individuals receiving benefits through digital systems<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      widespread disputes over mailed and digitally managed voter lists<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sri Lanka lacks the capacity to:<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      verify overseas voter status in real time<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      cross-check deaths, migration, asylum status, or nationality changes<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      audit data received from multiple foreign jurisdictions<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This alone creates <\/strong>systemic unreliability<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

3. Voter Registration Will Be Costly, Complex, and Slow<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Overseas online voting would require:<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      new registration frameworks<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      foreign-based verification processes<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      constant updates across countries with different legal systems<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This will be:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      expensive<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      time-consuming<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      administratively burdensome<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Far from improving efficiency, it diverts limited state resources<\/strong> from domestic elections to catering to Sri Lankans living overseas who have no role in day to day governance.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

4. Foreign Funding and Influence Must Be Prohibited<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Any attempt to implement overseas online voting will inevitably attract:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      foreign government funding & foreign intel presence<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      NGO involvement<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      private tech vendors<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      entities with vested political or ideological interests<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Allowing such funding:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      compromises sovereignty<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      distorts domestic political competition<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      undermines public trust<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Foreign funding of electoral infrastructure should be explicitly prohibited.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

5. The United Nations has no Legitimate Role<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Given the UN\u2019s deeply contested and divisive role in Sri Lanka<\/strong>, its involvement in electoral processes would:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      undermine public confidence<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      raise sovereignty concerns<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      deepen political polarisation<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Election management must remain exclusively national<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

6. Foreign Campaigning will create chaos both in Sri Lanka & in nations where Sri Lankans live<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Overseas online voting opens the door to:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      foreign-based political rallies<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      fundraising events<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      TV, print, and digital advertising campaigns in host countries<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      These & more may stir red flags by police\/intel in these countries & may even lead to revoking of citizenship (US is already mooting idea of enactments to revoke citizenship of naturalized migrants)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nhttps:\/\/www.usa.gov\/renounce-lose-citizenship\n<\/div><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Key questions arise:<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      Are Western governments prepared to police foreign election campaigns on their soil?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      Will host countries tolerate political agitation involving foreign conflicts?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      Who benefits from these campaigns \u2014 ordinary overseas citizens, or political actors and funders?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      This is also an opportunity for enemies of host countries to influence Sri Lankans which may lead to a national security threat in these host countries.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Such activity risks:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      social disruption<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      communal tension<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      potential violence<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

None of this benefits ordinary citizens abroad.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

7. Unsustainable Cost to the Sri Lankan Taxpayer<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sri Lanka is:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      servicing IMF obligations<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      cutting social services<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      managing economic recovery<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Against this backdrop, online overseas voting would impose:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      technology costs<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      cybersecurity expenses<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      legal and monitoring costs<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      foreign verification infrastructure<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      massive logistics costs for even personnel to travel to different countries (opportunities for a handful of people to misuse taxpayer money)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

All borne by resident taxpayers<\/strong>, for outcomes they may not control.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

8. Dual Loyalty Is Now Being Questioned Globally<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Several countries, including the United States, are:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      reassessing dual citizenship<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      emphasising loyalty to one country<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      questioning voting in multiple jurisdictions<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This global shift reinforces a basic principle:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Political power must align with civic allegiance and accountability.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sri Lanka should not move in the opposite direction.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

9. Monitoring and Enforcement Is Practically Impossible<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Monitoring overseas online voting would require:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      cross-border cooperation and travel by Sri Lankan officials<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      enforcement in foreign jurisdictions<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      oversight of coercion, funding, and interference<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is administratively unmanageable<\/strong> and legally unenforceable.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

10. Asylum Status Raises Legitimate Questions<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A serious question must be asked:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why should individuals who sought asylum abroad, often on claims against the Sri Lankan State, be permitted to influence the political future of that same State from outside its jurisdiction?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is not about denying citizenship.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is about protecting electoral integrity and fairness<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

11. The Fundamental Question Remains<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ultimately, the most important question is this:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

For whose benefit is all this being done?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      Not resident citizens<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      Not taxpayers<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      Not electoral integrity<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      Not national security<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

If a policy benefits external actors more than the People living within Sri Lanka, it<\/strong> <\/strong>cannot be justified as democratic reform<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sri Lanka does not lack examples.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Countries with stronger systems tried online voting \u2014 and reversed it for valid reasons.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sri Lanka, with greater risks, should not pretend it will succeed where others failed.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A Government that reallocates sovereign power without the consent of the People does not modernise democracy \u2014 it bypasses it.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Online overseas voting, without a mandate from the People living in Sri Lanka, is not inclusion.
It is<\/strong> <\/strong>constitutional overreach<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

VII. The Global Consensus Sri Lanka Is Being Asked to Ignore<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Countries that rejected online voting did not do so because they were:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      anti-technology<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      anti-diaspora<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      anti-democracy<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

They rejected it because they were:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      pro-democracy<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      pro-integrity<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      pro-sovereignty<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      pro-constitutionalism<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sri Lanka, with far greater risks, cannot afford to be less cautious.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n


It is a structural change that affects:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      sovereignty<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      national security<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      electoral legitimacy<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00b7      constitutional order<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Democracy is not measured by how easy voting becomes, but by how<\/strong> <\/strong>trustworthy the result remains<\/strong>.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Given that overseas online voting is constitutionally, operationally, and financially risky, why proceed with the plan? <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Let us once again ask this question.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Is the decision being influenced by potential profits from technology contracts, logistics, or outcomes that benefit a handful of actors?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The decision to proceed despite clear negatives would enable a <\/strong>handful of actors to profit<\/strong>, while the People of Sri Lanka bear the costs and the risk. Any policy affecting the exercise of sovereignty must be <\/strong>free from conflicts of interest<\/strong> <\/strong>and guided solely by public interest, not potential personal or private gain. The Election Commission is to be held accountable for mooting idea even without legislative approvals.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Shenali D Waduge<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Shenali D Waduge Sri Lanka\u2019s governments display a disturbing tendency to repeat the mistakes of other countries, even after those countries have openly admitted failure and reversed course. What is more troubling is that these reversals are not hidden or disputed \u2014 they are documented, and publicly acknowledged. Yet, despite full awareness that overseas online voting experiments failed […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[47],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-154416","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-shenali-waduge"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/154416","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=154416"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/154416\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":154417,"href":"https:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/154416\/revisions\/154417"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=154416"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=154416"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lankaweb.com\/news\/items\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=154416"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}