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AMBASSADOR DAYAN JAYATILLEKA RESPONDS TO BRITISH DEFENCE MINISTER AT DISARMAMENT CONFERENCE

The Permanent Mission of Sri Lanka to the United Nations Office at Geneva

07th February 2008

Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the United Nations, Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka responded to the statement made by the British Defence Secretary, Mr. Des Browne, at the Conference on Disarmament (CD) on Tuesday, 5th February 2008.

Following is a summary of the statement made by Ambassador Jayatilleka.:

Sri Lanka was situated in a volatile part of the world that included two nuclear weapon States and had, therefore, a vested interest in the themes and objectives of the Conference on Disarmament. However, he said, he had listened to the speeches of that morning with a growing sense of unreality. He was reminded of a statement attributed to both Hitler and Stalin "What's mine is mine, what's yours, let's negotiate". That attitude would not ensure progress in the Conference. If there were States that had not come "on board", it was inaccurate to say that there was international consensus. There was some consensus, but it was obviously not international consensus. That was not because they had run out of time; it was because they had serious differences of opinion. That was true about document CD/2007/L.1, and other issues raised.

Great progress could not be expected on the basis of agreements forged during the period of détente when there is a revival of the dream of encircling Russia with new weapons systems on its periphery. They could not expect their great Asian friend to come on board the consensus that was supposed to exist, with speculation over whether it constituted the new enemy. Progress would not be made on the FMCT issue if they continued to demonize one or two States in a volatile ark of crisis, forgetting that there was at least one State with a long-standing nuclear stockpile, and which had invaded almost all of its neighbours. Progress could not be made while there was talk of unilateral strikes on certain States, including strikes with low-yield, tactile nuclear weapons. None of that would work. Sri Lanka and the Group of 21 certainly did not believe in the moral superiority of certain countries that had invaded others on the basis of an outright lie on WMD (Weapons of Mass Destruction).

In the view of the Third World, what was needed was realism and new thinking - a new paradigm - one that frankly addressed the concerns of all, and that eschewed threats and moral grandstanding.

Des Browne, the Secretary of State for Defence of the United Kingdom, told the Conference on Disarmament on 5 February 2008 that he wanted to send a strong message about the priority the United Kingdom gave to its disarmament commitments.

The international community needed a transparent, sustainable and credible plan for multilateral nuclear disarmament, Mr. Browne said, one that also addressed proliferation, so that disarmament and counter-proliferation both moved forward together. Their goal should be a "virtuous cycle", where progress on one reinforced the other. Without doing so, they risked generating the perception that the nuclear weapon States were failing to fulfil their disarmament obligations, and that would be used by some States as an excuse for their nuclear intransigence. A key milestone towards building the climate for disarmament was securing a Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty, which, among others, would limit the ability of signatories to expand their arsenals and would provide the necessary reassurance to their neighbours and the international community. As Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon said last month, they all had national security concerns, but without preconditions, let them at least get down to negotiations on a treaty where those security concerns could be addressed.

Mr. Browne said the United Kingdom wanted to be seen as a "disarmament laboratory" - a role model and testing ground for measures that it and others could take on key aspects of disarmament. Of paramount importance, in that connection, was the development of verification techniques that assured non-nuclear weapon States and nuclear weapon States both that when a State said it was not pursuing the development of nuclear weapons that it was telling the truth.

Ambassador ALI REZA MOAIYERI (Iran) began by expressing Iran's support for the statement made by Ambassador Dayan Jayatilleka of Sri Lanka on 29 January 2008 on behalf of the Group of 21. The promotion of multilateralism and multilaterally agreed solutions should remain the core principle of any negotiations undertaken in the Conference on Disarmament. Nuclear disarmament remained the highest priority of Iran, and it was a subject of regret that the international community had not been able to give that issue its due attention. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) commitments had not been fulfilled, and the NPT's 13 practical steps (to implement nuclear disarmament) appeared to have been put on ice. Iran was gravely concerned by the thousands of nuclear weapons currently in stockpiles. Given the current state of affairs, that issue was becoming more and more present. The total elimination of nuclear weapons was the only absolute guarantee against the use or proliferation of nuclear weapons. Pending that, negative security assurances, and the conclusion of a binding treaty on effective international agreements to assure non-nuclear-weapon States against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons, should be concluded as a matter of priority. The four core issues identified by the Conference on Disarmament were of equal value and had to be subjected to equal treatment. Any possible programme of work should be balanced, and acceptable to all delegations.

Ambassador MASOOD KHAN (Pakistan) said that the first meetings of the Conference on Disarmament session were always difficult. However, with the presence of the Secretary-General and the Foreign Minister of Tunisia, and with the appointment of the seven Coordinators today, there were some good signs. The Presidential draft decision (CD/2007/L.1) had generated momentum in the Conference last year. However, it was not the only basis or a realistic basis for starting work this year. If so, work would have started last year. It had two blind spots: it ignored the Five Ambassadors proposal, which had enjoyed near-universal support, and the Shannon mandate, on which all had agreed. Secondly, it called for its blind acceptance, as is. An aversion to changes in L.1 would erode its acceptability.

The Secretary-General, in his address to the Conference on Disarmament had said that "the adoption of this decision [L.1] would not deprive any Member State of the ability to assert its national position in the subsequent phases of the Conference's work". That advice was well-meaning and sincere. Pakistan now asked the States concerned pursuing their own security interests about their confidence on that point. The way business was conducted in the Conference, if L.1 was adopted, a non-verifiable fissile material treaty would become received wisdom; substantive limitations built into L.1 had to be removed.

Pakistan required four elements be included in Presidential draft decision L.1 for it to be acceptable: the Conference had to set the task of negotiations on a "non-discriminatory, multilateral and internationally and effectively verifiable" fissile material treaty (FMT); an FMT mandate should distinctly recognize the possibility of considering the scope of the treaty, as well as the existing stocks; an equal and balanced treatment had to be given to all four core issues; and ad hoc committees, as provided for in the Conference's rules of procedure, should conduct negotiations.

CONFERENCE ON DISARMAMENT
http://www.unog.ch/80256EE600585943/(httpPages)/2D415EE45C5FAE07C12571800055232B?OpenDocument






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