The origins of violent communal politics
Posted on June 2nd, 2012

H. L. D. Mahindapala

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The popular political dogma that dominate the mainstream public discourse blame S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike for (a) exacerbating Sinhala-Tamil relations with the Sinhala Only Act of 1956, (b) acts of discrimination against Tamils, (c) exploiting communal issues to advance his political career, (d) generally promoting “Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism” as politically expedient means to gain power and (e) ethnic violence.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ But does this mono-causal view represent the historical reality? When an entrenched elite minority in the north — the most privileged in the island — raised under the patronage of the colonial masters, decides to take on the majority to protect their feudal and colonial powers, privileges and positions and, in the process, opts to pursue mono-ethnic extremism, rejecting multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, multi-religious co-existence, should history blame only one side? Besides, in the dying decades of the British Raj the intransigent, provocative, aggressive thrusts of the peninsular political culture were not only exacerbating north-south inter-ethnic relations but was also pushing Jaffna incrementally into a corner from which it could not get out.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The mono-ethnic politics, escalating from a claim of one extra seat for Jaffna Tamils in the predominantly Sinhala south (20s’), to “50-50” (30s’), to federalism (40s’) and to separatism (50s’ – 70s’), was spinning out of control and pushing the Vellahla elite out of the democratic mainstream into Vadukoddai violence. The Vellahla elite which shifted from Hindu casteism to secular communalism to consolidate their grip on peninsular politics, was hoisted by their own mono-ethnic petard. The communalism on which they thrived took them irreversibly to the Vadukoddai Resolution — the final expression of their “insane fury (which) longed for more victims”. (p.33 – Yalpanam Vaipava Malai , translated by C. Brito ). After the Vadukoddai Resolution their mono-ethnic fury grew into a monster which even the Jaffna Tamil leaders could not control.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ Though Yalpanam Vaipava Malai is wrapped in mythology its chronicler, Mylvagana, had identified unerringly the “insane fury (which) longed for more victims” as a governing principle in peninsular politics. It was not only accurate in relation to the political trends of the past but also prophetic in predicting the violence that was to explode brutally in the north. The oppressive casteist culture of the Vellahlas and their first born child, Velupillai Prabhakaran, represented every syllable of this phrase. It also encapsulates aptly the intransigent and blood-thirsty strain in Jaffna politics. The peninsular political culture also produced “peninsularity of the mind” (p.8 — Communal Politics Under the Donoughmore Constitution — 1931 – 1947, Jane Russell). This blinkered view that resisted external forces of liberalism, Marxism, multi-culturalism etc., threatening its casteist base, had an overwhelming impact on national politics.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ Except for the brief period in the 20s’ when the Jaffna Youth Congress embraced overarching nationalism, rising above the narrow communalism and casteism of Jaffna, the Vellahla elite, which was in command of the political culture, did not, and could not, in the main, deviate from mono-ethnic extremism and venture out to co-exist and resolve communal differences like the other two Tamil-speaking communities because their ultimate goal was to grab power and land for the Jaffna Tamils alone. Their political agenda, revealed explicitly in the Vadukoddai Resolution, inhibited them from compromising on anything less than acquiring a disproportionate share of power and land. All negotiations and agreements were strategies devised as a mere step-by-step advance towards the ultimate goal of Eelam. This was made amply clear by S. J.V. Chelvanayakam, the father of separatism, when he declared categorically: “Little now and more later.” This meant that the northern leadership led by Chelvanayakam — he had no rival — was committed intransigently to their ultimate goal of Eelam and nothing less. This also meant that peaceful negotiations would not lead to a permanent solution with “little now” but only to a long drawn process to achieve “more later” with certain possibilities for violence . Furthermore, this “little now and more later” policy meant that they would not accept co-existence with the other communities except on their terms, and accept no compromise except the temporary ones that would serve their needs to advance to the next step on their way to Eelam.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ In the forties, on the eve of Independence, the biggest threat was from Marxists who were preparing for the revolution that was coming round the corner, according to them. Running parallel to that was “the insane fury” of northern communal politics gathering momentum within the peninsula. This northern force displaced the radicalism of Marxism that dominated from the 30s to 60s, and emerged as an overpowering force to grab the centre stage. The slow but steady growth of northern communalism peaked in the 70s and continued as a formidable aggressive force until 2009 when the militant carriers of the Vadukoddai ideology were defeated comprehensively in Nandikadal Lagoon.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The trajectory of rising communalism that leapt up from Jaffna and darkened the skies in the post-independence period, starting from the thirties, kept rising throughout the rest of the 20th century, giving false hopes to the Jaffna Tamil leadership who knew that the international community was not for a separate state. Appapillai Amirthalingam, who went round the world with a diplomatic passport issued to him as the then Leader of the Opposition, returned home and told his colleagues that the international community would not support a division of Sri Lanka. But the Tamil leadership did not convey this message to the Jaffna Tamils. Driven by their illusions — not to mention “the insane fury” — they backed “the boys” who eventually turned their guns on the fathers of the Vadukoddai Resolution who planted the seeds and nurtured them in the womb of Jaffna.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The evidence for the origins and the rise of communalism was pointing directly at the “insane fury” of the north that came rolling down like a juggernaut destroying everything in its path. But post-Vadukoddai historiographers turned a blind eye to the internal imperatives of Jaffna that led them inexorably to the futile Vadukoddai War. Their focus was on the south, excluding the north, to make “1956” the starting point. Clearly, the the north-south forces were cutting into each other from the twenties , ever since the north demanded communal representations rejecting territorial representation. So why were the social scientists fixated on “1956” to make the north-south conflict a product of a mono-causal politics of the south? In other words, they were saying in one voice that Yarl Devi only went up north and never came down to the south. The mono-causal view is unscientific, unhistorical and unrealistic. It is like the sound of clap with one hand. But a whole crop of social scientists laboured to blame only Bandaranaike and Sinhala-Buddhism without peeping over the cadjan curtain that bred the most virulent form of communalism.Wasn’t this a deliberate attempt to blame the south exonerating the north? Isn’t it the task of historiography to take a holistic view, as far as possible, rather than a partisan view with selected facts and arbitrary dates to blame one and exonerate the other?

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ This mono-causal view of blaming the south may sound plausible if the starting point of ethnic politics and its concomitant violence are traced to 1956 – the year in which Bandaranaike swept into power and ushered in the revival of Sinhala-Buddhism which was suppressed under colonial rule for nearly 500 years of colonialism. Public memory is also linked to the organized confrontations led by S. J. V. Chelvanayakam to oppose the Sinhala Only Act and the violence that exploded in the wake of those confrontations. Besides, the opposition to Bandaranaike did not come only from the English-educated elite in Jaffna holding commanding positions in the public service and professions. They were joined by the English-educated, Westernized elite drawn from all communities.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The Marxist left and the right-wing UNP too joined in deriding and condemning Bandaranaike for embracing the grass root forces struggling to regain their lost heritage. The combination of the Tamil Vellahla elite in the public service and professions and the Westernized elite in all communities, entrenched in the colonial administration left behind by the departing British, reacted collectively and aggressively to retain the power and privileges vested in them to govern the nation through their skills in the English language.Jointly they constituted a powerful lobby influential in making public opinion. So it is not surprising to find this elite blaming Bandaranaike for causing communal divisions. His role exemplifies the simple principle that leaders who touch the privileges of the elite are condemned to suffer the ignominy of political post-mortems.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ But a closer scrutiny of history will reveal that the starting point of communal violence has a different date. The first Tamil-Sinhala riots occurred in 1939 in Nawalapitiya, long before Bandaranaike gained power in 1956. It happened when G. G. Ponnambalam, proclaiming that he belongs to the superior ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-DravidianƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚ culture, denigrated the Sinhala race, history, and culture.He said: “The great Sinhala kings are Tamils. The Tamil had the unparalleled history and the unequalled traditional culture (whereas) the Sinhalese were a nation from the hybridization of small class of people from the north India. They were a nation of hybrids without history. ” ( p. 148 — Jane Russell.)

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ Not surprisingly, Nawalapitiya went up in flames. It also spread to Passara and Maskeliya. (Ibid – p. 257). In the thirties violence was not confined to streets and villages. It even spread to the State Council. Jane Russell who interviewed Ponnambalam records: :”In March 1938, G. G. Ponnambalam and D. P. R. Gunawardena (Philip was known as the fiery Lion from Borolugoda) came to blows in the corridor outside the chamber.” In a footnote she adds: “The victor of this pugilistic contest was, not surprisingly, D. P. R. Gunawardena”. (Ibid- p.257).

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The build-up to the communal riots in 1939 had been growing in the preceding years and the air was filled with the inflammatory gas of communalism which needed only a spark to ignite the conflagration. Ponnambalam provided the spark needed in Nawalapitiya with his provocative and racist speech denigrating the Sinhalese. This event is the first of the communal clashes, signifying the beginning of communal tensions and violence that escalated in the decades to come. It also marked the beginning of the end of the inter-ethnic harmony that has never been disturbed with violence in the pre-Ponnambalam millennia.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ This event, however, has been played down as having no historical significance as “1956”. Consequently, attention has been diverted to “1956” as the starting point of communal divisions. But 1939 needs to be revisited and placed in its proper context because it is the first of the communal explosions that forecast the coming events. “The year 1939,” wrote Jane Russell “was the nadir of Sinhala-Tamil relations in the pre-independence era. By that year this somewhat overstated, if not mythological view of the ancient history of Ceylon had gained currency in the Northern Province and was being loudly and ubiquitously propagated throughout Ceylon.” (Ibid 148). It was the year in which communalism took a turn for the worse, opening the flood gates for communal violence that ran in rivers blood for the better part of the twentieth century.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The response to mono-ethnic extremism of the north is quite clear: the Sinhalese reacted defensively — and aggressively sporadically — to counter the ferocity of the mono-ethnic extremism that was raising its ugly head under the leadership of Ponnambalam. A clear pointer to the reactive nature of Sinhala politics is the establishment of the Sinhala Maha Jana Sabha by Bandaranaike in 1936 — a time when Ponnambalam’s anti-Sinhala politics had reached a feverish pitch. (Incidentally, the Jaffna Tamils had established the Tamil Maha Jana Sabhai — the first communal organisation in Sri Lankan politics — in 1921.) It was in the thirties that Bandaranaike too emerged as the protagonists from the Sinhala community to oppose Ponnambalam’s “outrageous demands”, as he put it. For his part, Ponnambalam had been leading the anti-Sinhala campaign by vilifying everything that was sacred to the Sinhalese. He pitched his tent in the opposite end of multi-cultural, multi-ethnic co-existence promoted vigorously by the anti-caste, anti-communalist Jaffna Youth Movement of the twenties and fought doggedly in the thirties to preserve casteism and thrive politically on communalism.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The rise of Ponnambalam in the thirties sealed the fate of the Jaffna Tamils. When his inflammatory anti-Sinhala demagoguery led them straight into “the insane fury” of anti-Sinhala communalism he set the tone, the trend and the main thrust of Tamil politics for the rest of the 20th century and even into the 21st century. Chelvanayakam, his successor, who labelled Ponnambalam as “an opportunist:” (p.42) and “a thief” (p.72 — S. J. V. Chelvanayakam and the Crisis of Tamil Nationalism, 1947 – 77, a Political Biography, A. J. Wilson) picked up the anti-Sinhala legacy left behind by Ponnambalam and galloped all the way to Vadukoddai.

The rest, as they say, is history.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ To be continued

23 Responses to “The origins of violent communal politics”

  1. Lorenzo Says:

    We should have had a COUNTER TERRORISM unit in the 1930s to eliminate these racists. Unfortunately British invaders thought otherwise.

    Few simple violent incidents could have turned the course of history to peace.

    A stitch of the mouths, etc. of these racists in time should have saved nine provinces!!

  2. Dham Says:

    HE Lorenzo , the King of Lanka Web,
    We don’t have a “counter terrorism” unit to eleminate TNA even now. What do you say to it ?

  3. Lorenzo Says:

    “We don’t have a “counter terrorism” unit to eleminate TNA even now.”

    Sadly true. But we MUST.

    Chalva’s trouble was cut short thanks to Parkinsons. Imagine what would have happened otherwise?
    Ponnaambalam’s trouble was cut short thanks to him choosing to live in Malaysia. Imagine what would have happened otherwise?
    Amirthaligam’s trouble was cut short thanks to LTTE. Imagine what would have happened otherwise?
    Uma Maheswara’s life was cut short thanks to LTTE. Imagine what would have happened otherwise?
    Thalaivar’s life was cut short thanks to arssess the disease!
    Parliamentary rowdy T Maheswaran’s trouble (and bringing planes for LTTE) was cut short thanks to the LTTE.
    Raviraj was put to rest thanks to LTTE’s mistaken identity. Imagine what would have happened otherwise?

    We cannot always depend on good luck and on others to resolve our problems. We have to take charge of our own destiny. We have to do what mother nature did to help us EARLY.

  4. Ratanapala Says:

    In the long drawn story of the humans, also called history all what we see is human folly. The timely and surgical removal of some undesirable elements would have enabled human history to be written much differently and with much better outcomes. For example if Hitler was taken out early in the rise of Nazism in Germany the history of the world would have been written differently. Also if the Tamil Terrorism was nipped in the bud the history of post independence Sri Lanka would have been different.

    Ponnambalams and Chelvanayakams come to my mind. Their removal from the political landscape and the prohibition of communal politics would have seen Sri Lanka prosper in leaps and bounds. Sri Lanka has paid dearly for entertaining racist politics. Racist Chelvanayakam would not have tried the same in Malaysia from where he came initially.

    Coupled with all the above, Sri Lanka has been too weak in telling the world, the truth about minorities in Sri Lanka – that they are the most privileged, pampered and yet most ungrateful and disgraceful minorities in the world.

    We have enough to learn from our own folly or not choosing intelligent outcomes sometimes due to political expediency and sometimes due to pure hatred. The first kind are found in the Banda – Chelva and later Dudly – Chelva agreements. The undiluted hatred of the very people – the Sinhala Buddhists – who brought them to office of JR Jayawardene and Chandrika Kumaranatunge are cases in point in the latter.

  5. Dham Says:

    HE Lorenzo , the King of Lanka Web,

    What we need is the JR’s mythical society called “Nivahal Dharmishta Samajayak”.

    “Nivahal”
    To make it work we need proper defence. We never had proper defence because all defence thiefs ( not chiefs) resorted to theft than to defence. This includes elimination of “racism”. Elimination does not mean “killing” as you are crying for every day.
    Need not kill people but elimination of wrong doing by criminals should be taken care of by arresting them legally ( with perfectly legitimate Green Van if necessary , and prosecuting them.
    Letting Prabhakaran run his kingdom was our defence in action , not his cleverness.

    “Dharmishta”

    Means good governence, not corrupted, “talk only” politicians.

    FOOLS,
    “Killing hurts the killer , not the killed”. Don’t behave like maniacs. Discuss practical solutions as most people do.

  6. Dham Says:

    Ratnapala,
    “For example if Hitler was taken out early in the rise of Nazism in Germany the history of the world would have been written differently.”
    I am not convinced whether Hitler was a bad guy.
    Even Bandaranayake, who was the only politician did a great justice to Sinhala people has become a bad guy to our unforgiving Sinhalas who could enter University thanks to him.
    Whether he did it for political gains or not, without that step taken, Sinhalas would have been restricted to kitchens of the Demalas, except for the previlaged lot in COlombo 7.

    “We have enough to learn from our own folly or not choosing intelligent outcomes sometimes due to political expediency and sometimes due to pure hatred.” I agree fully.

  7. myopinion24 Says:

    Mr Mahindapala
    What is the point of this mindless continuous rehash of history? Some themes and ideas have been reported and re reported a number of times. Let me propose a radical idea – let’s all accept that whoever according to whomever was/is responsible for where Sri lanka currently sits and move on to some foresighted discussion about what could be done to improve the lot of a common Sri Lankan. In my view this is what really matters, most people are past the process of digging a fester to determine the cause and have moved on to fixing the problem. Let’s also accept the view that a single united Sri Lanka has the highest potential towards carving out a future that is culturally rich, economically sound and has strong capability to integrate into the global economy. Almost all of HLD’s discussions continue to highlight and fan emotional rhetoric on subjects that have become largely irrelevant to the majority of the community in 2012. I say let’s accept HLD’s enlightened conclusions on events and history as good background and context and start promoting and facilitating a future that will position SL as a proud, talented and progressive country. I am not sure that the alternative approach of looking at the historical rubbish dump and mindless rehash of facts and opinions in the hope such analysis by itself will provide Sl with a better future. Can we please move to 2012 and build ideals, principlest, thinking that will help the emerging young generation create a better place

  8. Dham Says:

    Youropinion24,

    But the enemies of your capable Sir Lanka is continuosly digging in to a ” fabricated” history and making use of it to activate their agenda. I you don’t get the history right, fabricated animosity will become starting point.

    It is very important to publish the correct history while moving forward as you said. Cannot allow the lies to rule the world.

  9. Lorenzo Says:

    “I am not convinced whether Hitler was a bad guy.” ?

    Only another maniac like Hitler would say such things.

  10. Lorenzo Says:

    myopinion24,

    It has to be done by ALL parties especially those who talk about FAKE Tamil homelands.

    Until such time counter analyses will continue.

    We should not fear history (or future)!! We should learn from it.

  11. Dham Says:

    HE Lorenzo the king,

    “Hilter is a bad guy” goes with Hiroshima bombing justification. What independent evidence you have , to prove Hitler’s actions ?
    Are we to get convinced by relentless propaganda of the west ?

    In that case, Saddam, Gaddfi, Fidel Castro, Mahinda Rajapakse all are bad guys.

    There is no the maniac than you in Lanka Web.

  12. Dham Says:

    “We can not expect everything from the govt for various reasons. We need to build active groups in order to change the present. So that, the history will be immaterial eventually.”

    AnuD,
    Very true. But Ponseka is not the guy to change the present. He is similar to Idi Amin and Hitler ( if they are really bad guys).

  13. myopinion24 Says:

    Fellow readers , Time alone will synthesise and allow history to be viewed hopefully in the right context , I am confused as to how investigative journalism conducted remotely without collaboration to get the tea leaves lined up right can ever get history right. Anyways let’s move on and accept that it is always better to get history right so that some guy in a dark suit does not use faulty DNA to dial up an irrelevant solution. My point remains how can the continuous weekly rehash of a single theme with a bit of orange here and a dash of red there and a splash of blue make it of value to Sri Lankans?

  14. Lorenzo Says:

    While commemorating the monks, we should not forget another very important event around this same time.

    It was 25 years ago around this time, we launched the Vadamarachchi Operation to wipe out the LTTE leadership from Jaffna.

    A younger Gota leading the Gajaba regiment to victory in Vadamarachchi Operation shoulder to shoulder with Denzil Kobbekaduwa.

    http://groundviews.org/2012/05/28/operation-liberation-25-years-on/

  15. Lorenzo Says:

    Dham,

    “Only another maniac like Hitler would say such things.”

    So I touched a raw nerve of yours! :))
    Truth hurts.

  16. Lorenzo Says:

    myopinion24,

    Whatever dashes, Tamil homeland is Tamil Nadu. Not a trace in SL.

  17. Dham Says:

    HE Lorenzo the king of Lanka Web,

    Thanks for that link. It is heartening to read it. How bloody Indians bullied us.

    Youropinion24,

    One imprtant history not published enough is India’s contribution to ruthless terrorism. Shall we forget about that too?

  18. sena Says:

    Unfortunately those who benefited from SWRD’s policies, sttled in Colombo suburbs, forgot their rural and nationalistic up brings and adopt kalu suddha’s attitudes and played the system to their liking and have not contributed much to the welfare of the country specially economically

  19. nandimitra Says:

    sinhala disunity and the dependance on the politicians to protect their interests is what is fuelling this crisis. A sinhala response to this unfair demands is a must.It is time the sinhalese woke up.

  20. Lorenzo Says:

    Tamils in London have gone mad over the President’s London visit next week.

    Poor DUMBOs think they rule Britain!

  21. Fran Diaz Says:

    HLD keeps harking back to Jaffna Tamil Caste/Cruelty/Separatism to hide Caste politics, because that is a Root Cause of the main problem in Lanka. Kudos to HLD !

  22. Fran Diaz Says:

    Nandimitra & AnuD,

    How about a Centre for Sinhala People called the “Sinhela Centre” – a repository for every book – in Sinhala & other languages, (historical, factual & fiction), films, art & architecture (picture form), facts on the Buddhist culture, food, shelter, clothing, covering the Colonial period too, etc.etc., devoted to every aspect of Sinhala peoples’ lives, presented accurately,

    Also, a research arm attached to this Centre to uplift the Sinhala masses (an NGO), to present facts to the public to influence decision makers, here & abroad, hold Seminars & meetings, etc. and also act in defense of the Sinhala Nation when lies, cheat & deceit perpetrated by any others to take over our homeland. Such a place must be free of all politics and present facts & figures accurately.

    We think this would be fair enough, as it is mostly the Sinhala people who have suffered most in their own country, fought for the integrity of the land and survived under dire conditions of colonisation of some 500 yrs. It is time for Sinhala people to feel secure in their own country once more.

    Ask for Donations, funds and books, films etc. from the public, here and abroad. Ask Prof. Nalin de Silva to head the
    Centre ?

  23. Nalliah Thayabharan Says:

    British Governer Sir Robert Brownrigg and 7 Kandyan chiefs signed the “the Kandyan Convention” agreement in 1815. Six Kandyan chiefs – Ehelepola Maha Nilame, Molligoda Maha Nilame, Kobbekaduwa Maha Nayaka Thero of the Poya Maluwe Maha Vihara, Yatawatte Maha Nayaka Thero of the Asgiri Maha Vihara, Dunuwila Dissawe, Kapuliyadde Adikaram and Ilangakoon Maha Mudaliyar signed in Sinhala while Thambi Mudaliyar – great grandfather of late J. R. Jayewardene signed in Tamil.

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