Mr. Sumanthiram, tear down that federal wall!
Posted on November 5th, 2017

H. L. D. Mahindapala

In an impassioned speech delivered before the Steering Committee of the Parliament M. A. Sumanthiram, the spokesperson for the TNA, argued the case for federalism which is by far the most plausible presentation I have heard on the subject. And I must add that have heard some of the best and the brightest on this subject from the time I was the lobby correspondent of The Observer in the Old Parliament when outstanding political giants from both sides of the House made the inner chamber virtually a brilliant department of political science, worthy of any leading university teaching, researching and informing the public on the key issues of the day. In fact, if I did not know the other side of Sumanthiram’s narrative, particularly the parts he omitted, either deliberately or inadvertently, I could have easily accepted his version as the last word on federalism. He had marshaled the relevant data, dates, reasoning, and selected events and personalities from the 20th century to verbalize his case persuasively. Like all good lawyer he has presented his case with the relevant material to substantiate his cause.

But, as in most cases, his entire case comes apart when the other side of his narrative is pitted against his version.  Predictably, his arguments were all tailored to blame the Sinhala-Buddhists, with S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike featured, once again, as a justification for federalism. Sumanthiram had no case to argue if he did not have the Sinhala-Buddhists to make them his scapegoat as usual.  According to him the Sinhala-Buddhist majority is to be blamed because, he says, they denied the Tamils their rights, dignity, and equality. Anyone who knows anything about Sri Lankan politics will agree that this has been the standard litany of complaints which they had been marketing even before independence, and long before Bandaranaike, their pet hate, and farthest away from 1983”.

The Sampanthan-Sumanthiran (SS) version of federalism is the latest manifestation of the perennial cry for a disproportionate share of power that first began in the 1920s. In the twenties the Tamils demanded one extra seat in the preponderant Sinhala Western Province in addition to the seats given to them in the Northern Province. In the thirties the Tamils escalated their demand to 50 per cent share of power to 11% of Tamils. In the forties the Tamils launched the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi which was loosely termed as federalism in the South though it was marketed as a separate state in the North. In a similar deceptive vein, the S-S federal formula today is not for rights, dignity and equality of the Tamils (as will be shown later) but purely to revive and pursue relentlessly the old claim for a disproportionate share of power and territory for the most privileged minority community in Sri Lanka.

No sane Sinhalese will ever refuse to give the rights, the dignity and equality to the Tamils or the Muslims. With his own life experiences, growing up in the post-Bandaranaike era, Sumanthiram should know this very well. The problem is not in giving rights, dignity and equality. The problem is in giving a disproportionate share of power to one community, depriving the other communities of their right to share every inch of Sri Lanka as their common homeland.

Sumanthiram’s main contention is that the majoritarian rule of the Sinhala-Buddhists has robbed the Tamils of their rights, dignity and equality”. When he said this in Parliament he was exposing himself as a living contradiction of his own accusation. He stood there as the embodiment of a Tamil who has been the recipient of the best of the rights, dignity and equality” bestowed on a citizen by the majoritarian state every step of the way in his career. The proof of it is in the fact that he has never complained so far that he has been discriminated or charged fees at Royal College, his alma mater.  Nor has he complained that he was forced to sit on a lower chair in the classroom to signify his lower status as a Tamil like the way the Vellalar Tamils did to the low-castes Tamils in the North. From Royal College he went to Law College and passed out as a lawyer without paying a cent. No discrimination there either. In Tamil Nadu, the one and only homeland of the Tamils, all university students, except the schedule caste, have to pay fees. I am also sure he would have enjoyed the equal status of a machang” – a term which represents a brotherhood common to all students wherever they may be in Sri Lanka. So where is  the loss of dignity and equality?

Then he practiced law in the Sinhala state” courts without fear or favour. No majoritarian discrimination obstructed his progress there too. But he gets up in Parliament and talks of Tamils not getting their rights, dignity and equality. And he was not joking either. Since he was deadly serious he should have first tested his accusation of not getting his rights, dignity and equality in the South by comparing it with the opportunities / chances he had in the one-man Tamil state of Prabhakaran in the North. As he knows only too well, no Tamil lawyer who respected his rights, dignity and equality ever went to practice in Prabhakaran’s courts – an incontrovertible fact which questions Sumathiram’s ability to honour the truth known to him. The Tamil lawyers shared equal power in the courts of the Sinhala state” with due respect and dignity. Not even the Chief Minister, V. Wigneswsaran, who was a judge in the Sinhala state”, ever complained that he was treated as an inferior judicial officer because he was a Tamil. His rights, dignity and equality” were honoured with great respect on the bench and also in the Sinhala state” and society.

Furthermore, the career paths of the Tamils in public service demonstrate amply that the best period of Tamils was when they shared their lives in the Sinhala state” as equals, despite the most detestable events of 1983” which no sensible Sinhalese would ever endorse. The  historical record states, with unquestionable clarity, that in the last 70 years the Tamils achieved a status which they had never achieved in their feeble attempts to make a history of their own from the 13th century when they settled down permanently, abandoning their traditional role of being itinerant wanderers and explorers with no  abiding  interest in Sri Lanka to call it their home.

The liberation of the oppressed Tamil outcasts from centuries of Vellahla fascism, dating back to the pre-Dutch period, and the final liberation from the fascist rule of Tamil Tiger tyranny are two historical events that confirm the story of the Tamils coming out of their feudal and colonial past with flying colours only in the post-independence era. There were, of course, a few odd individuals that shone in the colonial period. But the Tamils as a whole rose, from all corners of the nation, to great heights only in the post- independence years. For instance, when neither the ruling Vellalar elite nor the liberal British ever went out of their way to lift the oppressed low-castes from their misery it was Bandaranaike who made the very first move in his Prevention of Social Disabilities Act of 1957, to dismantle the dehumanizing Vellalar caste structure. If  the Tamils were so committed  to rights, dignity and equality why didn’t a single Tamil leader, including S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, the self-declared Thanthai (Father) of Tamils, stand up to defend the oppressed Tamils like Gandhi?

The double standards are indefensible. When Sumanthiram stood in Parliament and pontificated on rights, dignity and equality he should have also paused and asked, before he accused the other” : What  the hell did we Tamils do  to liberate our own people from  the oppression and persecution of our  own people down the ages by our own Tamils”? The accusation against the Sinhala state” is only for their acts of commission and omission in the last 70 years. But the Tamils ruled Tamils with an iron fist from the 13th century until the last Tamil fascist went down in Nandikadal in 2009. To be fair and balanced, shouldn’t they have compared the living conditions of the Tamils under centuries of fascist Vellalar rule and the one-man rule of Prabhakaran before they condemn the 70-year-rule of the Sinhala state”? Shouldn’t they first ask : Who gave the Tamils the better deal, if not the best deal ever, in their history?

Before passing severe judgment on the Sinhala state” Sumanthiram should have at least made a cursory glance at the Tamil past to assess the gains and losses of the Tamils under Vellalar-Prabhakaran rule and the Sinhala state”. For instance, he should have asked : How much rights, dignity and equality did he and his leader, R. Sampanthan, get when they went, with cap in hand, before their Thalaivar, bending in two as if Prabhakaran had replaced the discs in their spines with soft jelly? Didn’t they enjoy, at all times, their birth right to stand erect with dignity, respect and equality before another human being only when they came to the South – the region they love to hate? Also what were the chances of Sampanthan ever becoming the Leader of the Opposition in Prabhakaran’s regime? Or what were the chances of Wigneswaran writing a judgment defending the rights of Tamil school girls being forcibly abducted by the Tamil Boko Haram?

Besides, when were the turumbas, the lowest of the low-castes, ever given the right to walk in daylight – a basic right guaranteed to all human being, animals, birds and insects in the south? When were the low-castes given the right to sit side by side at an equal level with the Vellalars in schools, buses or temples? Shouldn’t Sumanthiram squirm in shame for what his leaders did to the oppressed Tamils before he takes the high moral ground about the missteps of the post-independent period which, he would admit, have been corrected? The Sinhala leaders also have apologized, quite rightly, for what happened in 1983”. When have the Tamil leaders apologized to their own Tamil people – forget the Muslims and the Sinhalese! — for breeding and nurturing the boys” that killed more Tamils than all the others put together, eh Mr. Sumanthiram? In what hole did he hide his passionate tongue for rights, dignity and equality when the teenage Tamil girls and boys were forcibly abducted and thrown into a futile war by the Tamil Thalaivar – the leader whom he obeyed so deferentially and obsequiously?

So under which Tamil regime of feudal, colonial and modern times did the Tamils ever enjoy better conditions than those provided by the liberal and open societies of the Sinhalese? In contrast to the welcoming liberalism of the Sinhalese, the land-owning Vellalar Tamils  even imported Tamil slaves from Malabar and reduced them to subhuman outcasts.  Can Sumanthiram now tell the world who was it who denied the Tamils their rights, their dignity and their equality? As a Christian he should know that it is not the fake gods of federalism that will save the Tamils. It is the truth. Only the truth shall set you free. (John 8:32). Until the Tamils learn to coexist in peace with their neighbours, without building federal walls to maintain their separateness and assumed  supremacy, they will never find peace. But first they must find the truth and that could be found only if they revisit their nightmarish  past and study what really happened in  their history, leaving  aside the myths in which they tend to wallow perpetually with smug self-satisfaction.

The first question they must explore is whether there was ever a time for the Tamils in  their history better than the post-independent period when they cooperated with the south and worked for the betterment of all? I can predict the answer Sumanthiram, or his fellow-federalists, will give. Invariably, they will regurgitate the post-Bandaranaike accusations to cover up their horripilating history, and, of course to justify their claim for federalism in pursuance of Chelvanyakam’s objective  of little now and more later”.  That will not feree either Sumanthirams or  his fellow-federalists. That will only drag them into the hell hole of their fascist inhuman past.

A good start for the Tamils to understand their history is to read the greatest piece of Tamil literature that came out of Jaffna. It was written by K. Daniel, a novelist who is a turumban. I don’t want to recapitulate the intense suffering of the Tamil people inflicted on them by Sumanthiram’s ancestors. All that is depicted in graphic detail by the creative pen of Daniel in his novel Mirage. My reference to this novel is purely to focus on the opening line in his preface to his masterpiece. This line contains a hidden story of its own. He wrote: The day I finished this novel was 9th of May 1983…” Every Sri Lankan, particularly the Tamils, knows the significance of July 1983”.

All hell broke loose in July 1983. By the time Daniel put the last full stop to his novel in May 1983 the ethnic tensions, escalating rapidly toward July 1983, had reached near breaking point. Everyone, both at home and abroad, was waiting anxiously wondering what would happen next. Everyone was obsessed with the North-South crisis looming large in the horizon, except Daniel. Despite living in a world of rising ethnic tensions, there isn’t a single word about the North-South conflict in his novel. The most radicalized and intense issue of the Tamils was totally irrelevant to him. It was not the North-South issue that gripped his mind. The critical issue to him was the oppression and the persecution of Tamils by the Tamils. It is the pain and the suffering of the Tamils under Tamil fascism that hurt  him. It is the inhumanity of Tamils against their own kind that made Daniel cry his heart out  in his classic novel.

Invariably, all great historical movements are heralded by creative minds forecasting the coming events. There is nothing like that in Tamil literature to depict the Sinhala-Tamil tensions. Oddly enough, 1983”, a landmark catastrophe in the post-independence era, doesn’t even get a mention in Daniel’s novel. He  brushed aside the extremist peninsular politics of the day and focused precisely on the internal horrors of Tamils oppressing and persecuting Tamils. To him what the Tamils were doing to the Tamils were more important than the overblown  issues of Tamil language, or the Tamil public servants refusing to learn Sinhala etc., — issues that ruled the minds  of the Vellalars. In his realistic dissection of Tamil society  the crisis faced by the Tamils was rooted within its own internal systemic failure.  He raises the identical cry of Sumanthiram about basic rights, dignity and equality. The difference is that Sumanthiram cries to reclaim the power of the privileged caste/class that oppressed the Tamils. Daniel cries for the Tamils who were treated as subhumans by the Vellalar supremacists. There are no bogeymen from South oppressing or persecuting the Tamils. The oppressors and the persecutors are the ruling upper caste. When Sri Lankan was gripped with the deleterious fever of communal extremism, only Daniel had the incisive perception to look inward and grasp the meaning and the impact of the internal dynamics that were driving the Northern political culture into self-made self-destruction.

So if Sumanthiram could read that penetrating novel going deep into the inner layers of the vicious and volatile Vellalar vectors that were driving the peninsular forces into violence against its own people he may be better equipped to deliver a more balanced argument to tear down the ubiquitous cadjan curtain that separates its own people from each other. The cadjan curtains  of the upper caste kept apart perpetually by the brutal  Tamil oppressors who wrote the darkest chapter  in Sri Lanka history. Daniel delineates the dark side of peninsular culture with consummate skill of a cultured novelists who feels for his  helpless people. Though late, the Tamils deserve a new elite who can reject the Vellalar-Prabhakaran fascism that haunted their past and restore to them what they were denied for centuries by the fascist elite of Jaffna —  a new democratic political culture that could lead them to peaceful co-existence for the good of all.

9 Responses to “Mr. Sumanthiram, tear down that federal wall!”

  1. Dilrook Says:

    Sri Lanka is a federal country since 1987. The unitary label is only to keep Sinhalese fooled. Provincial councils have federal powers (powers that cannot be taken over by the parliament easily). Even 2/3 of parliament cannot take back provincial powers as we saw in Divi Neguma, Super Ministry and 20A bills! Sri Lanka is federal.

    What USA, India and Tamils want is a confederated country which is worse than federal.

  2. SA Kumar Says:

    Dilrook
    What USA, India and Tamils want is a confederated country -Agreed as a Tamil agreed We Mother Lankan are not try yet to handle confederal .
    after settling 100,000 Bhuddist Sinhela forces family in Vanni as SF suggested to avoid future indian intevention Confederal is best solution than Thani TE !!!

  3. SenaD Says:

    Dilrook,
    re. Even 2/3 of parliament cannot take back provincial powers as we saw in Divi Neguma, Super Ministry and 20A bills! Sri Lanka is federal: A referendum could have been called to get rid of the 13th A at the at the time. People would have approved it because they are a colossal waste of money and a framework for disintegration of the state. Instead they got rid of the CJ who interpreted the law!

  4. Dilrook Says:

    @SenaD

    Exactly.

    Now I agree with the referendum even for the new constitution. The inherent evils of a referendum is nothing compared to the benefits. The danger of a referendum is the north and east will vote in favour of federalism, separation, etc. for the world to see. This will bring the international community for their assistance. However, this argument has now gone stale. Even the 2005, 2010 and 2015 presidential elections showed this. 2019 presidential election won’t be different. The 1982 referendum showed the same thing. So there is nothing new a referendum can show the world.

    Tamil-only north and Tamil parts of the east want separation. This is a fact. The real deal is the rest. Tamils cannot survive in the north and east without the rest. Sri Lanka on the other hand can survive (better) without the north and Batticaloa district. These are no go zone for Sinhalese anyway. What more is there to lose. When pushed to this choice Tamils will reject separation.

  5. Senerath Says:

    @SenaD
    I too noticed this at that time. There was a huge push to remove 13A. Instead attention was tatally diverted to removal of CJ. I remember Dilrook was the only person against that move that time even here in lankaweb.

    Now a simialr thing is happening. UNP has brought this up suddenly to divert attention away from Big Bond.
    JO is showing a big interest in parliament ( never before ) to divert attention to win elections ( that is both want to win elections) No one is fighting for the country. All fighting for pockets.

    Removal of 13 A is the most urgent thing until it is removed, even if it comes with a new constitution and a referendum.

  6. Indrajith Says:

    පූජ්‍ය මැදගොඩ අභයතිස්‌ස නාහිමිපානන්ගෙන් විශිෂ්ඨ සම්මුඛ සාකඡ්ඡාවක්:-

    මේ මොහොතේ රට රැකගැනීම ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ වගකීමයි
    ===================================

    ශ්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ පාලි හා බෞද්ධ අධ්‍යයන අංශයේ මහාචාර්ය රාජකීය පණ්‌ඩිත මැදගොඩ අභයතිස්‌ස නාහිමි

    abayathisමේ බෙදුම්වාදී ව්‍යවස්‌ථාව පරාජය කර රට රැකගැනීමට හැකි එකම පුද්ගලයා ජනාධිපතිතුමා පමණක්‌ බව පසුගියදා ශ්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ පාලි හා බෞද්ධ අධ්‍යයන අංශයේ මහාචාර්ය, රාජකීය පණ්‌ඩිත මැදගොඩ අභයතිස්‌ස නාහිමියන් ප්‍රකාශ කළා. උන්වහන්සේ එම ප්‍රකාශය සිදුකළේ ජනාධිපතිතුමා පසුගියදා සුනේත්‍රාදේවි මහ පිරිවෙනට පැමිණි අවස්‌ථාවේදීයි. මේ රට බෙදා වෙන්කිරීමට කොටි ත්‍රස්‌තවාදීන් කළ යුද්ධයේදී ජාතිකවාදී බලවේග සමග කෙළින් සිටගත් නායකයකු වන වත්මන් ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ මේ මොහොතේ වගකීම වන්නේ මෙම බෙදුම්වාදී ව්‍යවස්‌ථාව පරාජය කර අනාගත පරපුර වෙනුවෙන් මේ රට සුරක්‌ෂිත කිරීම බව පවසමින් මහාචාර්ය මැදගොඩ අභයතිස්‌ස නාහිමියන් ‘දිවයින ඉරිදා සංග්‍රහය’ සමඟ පැවැත්වූ සාකච්ඡාවයි මේ.

    තමා සිටින තුරු මේ රට බෙදන්නට ඉඩ නොදෙන බව ජනාධිපතිතුමා පසුගියදා ප්‍රකාශ කළා?

    ජනාධිපතිතුමා කිහිප අවස්‌ථාවකම එසේ ප්‍රකාශ කර තිබෙනවා. නමුත් මේවන විට මානව හිමිකම් කණ්‌ඩායම් අපේ රටේ තැන තැන නැවතිලා රණවිරුවන් යුද අපරාධ කළා යන්න තහවුරු කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය රාජකාරී ලිපි ලේඛන සකස්‌ කරමින් සිටිනවා. අපේ රණවිරුවන් රකින බවට ජනාධිපතිතුමා කොහොම කිව්වත් එන්ජීඕ සංවිධාන මුල්වෙලා අපේ රට ඇතුළට මේ කණ්‌ඩායම් ඇවිත් මේ විදිහට තොරතුරු එකතුකරගෙන ඒවා තහවුරු කරන්න පුළුවන් කාරණ විදිහට සකස්‌ කරල ඔවුන් ලෝකයට ඉදිරිපත් කරන විට ජනාධිපතිතුමාට වුණත් කරන්න දෙයක්‌ නැති වෙනවා.

    ජනාධිපතිතුමාට අද අපේ රටේ තිබෙන ප්‍රශ්න විසඳීමට අවශ්‍ය නම් ඒවාට මෙලෙස ඔඩුදිවීමට ඉඩ නොදිය යුතුයි. අපට මතකයි හියුගෝ චාවේස්‌ වෙනිසියුලාවේ ජනාධිපති නව ව්‍යවස්‌ථාවක්‌ ගෙන ඒම සඳහා ජනමත විචාරණ තුනක්‌ පැවැත්තුවා. නව ව්‍යවස්‌ථාවක්‌ රටට අවශ්‍ය ද යනුවෙන් එකක්‌. ඊටපසු එහි ක්‍රමවේදය සහ ඊට සම්බන්ධවන පුද්ගලයන් හඳුන්වා දීල ඔවුන් ගැන ජනතාවගේ අදහස විමසුවා. කෙටුම්පත හැදුවට පස්‌සෙ ඊට ජනතාවගේ කැමැත්ත අකැමැත්ත විමසල තුන්වැනි ජනමත විචාරණය ඔහු පැවැත්තුව.

    ලෝකෙ වෙනත් රටවල් නව ව්‍යවස්‌ථා සම්පාදනය කරන්නෙ එහෙමයි. අපේ රටේ අඩුතරමින් ව්‍යවස්‌ථා සම්පාදනය කිරීම සඳහා සකස්‌ කළ වාර්තාවන් පිළිබඳ කළ විවාදයටවත් ජනතාව අතරට යන්නට ඉඩ නොදී ඉතාමත් රහසිගත සහ වංචාසහගත ලෙස සිදුකරන මේ ක්‍රියාවලිය මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිතුමා නතර කරන්නෙ නැත්නම්, මහානායක මාහිමිපාණන් වහන්සේලාත් රටේ විද්වතුනුත් විරුද්ධ මේ වැඩපිළිවෙළට වැඩෙන්නට දෙමින් මම මේ රට බේරාගන්නවා කියල ජනාධිපතිතුමා කිව්වට ඒක හීනයක්‌ විතරයි.

    මේ ෆෙඩරල් ව්‍යවස්‌ථාව ගෙනඒම ජනාධිපතිතුමාට නතර කළ හැකි බව පසුගියදා ඔබවහන්සේත් ප්‍රකාශ කළා?

    ඔව්. එතුමා අතේ තමයි මේ වෙලාවෙ බලය තියෙන්නෙ. මේ රට ඉදිරියට ගෙන යන රථයේ රියදුරා එතුමා. රථයේ තව දක්‌ෂ රියදුරන් ඉන්න පුළුවන්. නමුත් මේ වෙලාවෙ රියදුරු අසුනේ ඉන්නේ එතුමා. මේ බෙදුම්වාදී ව්‍යවස්‌ථාව වළක්‌වන්නට හැකි එකම පුද්ගලයා එතුමා. මේ බෙදුම්වාදී ව්‍යවස්‌ථාව ගෙන ඒම නතර කරල මේ රට රැකගැනීමට ජනාධිපතිතුමාට පුළුවන් යෑයි කියමින් අප සිහිපත් කරන්නේ එතුමාගේ වගකීමයි.

    එතුමාට මේ වනතෙක්‌ නම් ඒ වගකීම නිසියාකාරව ඉටුකිරීමට හැකියාවක්‌ ලැබී ඇති බවක්‌ අපට පෙනෙන්නට නැහැ. මහ බැංකුවේ ප්‍රධානියා ලෙස මේ රටේ පුරවැසියකු නොවන පුද්ගලයකු අගමැතිවරයා විසින් රැගෙන එන විට ඔහු පත් නොකරන ලෙස දැන්වූ බව එතුමා ප්‍රකාශ කරතත් ඔහු මහ බැංකුවේ අධිපති ලෙස පත්වුණා. මෑත කාලයේ ඇතිකරගත් අණපනත් දෙස බලන විට රටට අහිතකර ඒ අණපනත් සම්මත වෙලා තිබෙනවා. අතුරුදන් වූවන් ගැන සොයාබැලීමේ කාර්යාලය රණවිරුවන් දඩයම් කිරීම පිණිස පිහිටුවන්නක්‌ බව මුළු රටම කියද්දී ඒ දඩයම් මධ්‍යස්‌ථානය බලාත්මක කරන්න අත්සන් කරන්නට ජනාධිපතිතුමාට සිදුවුණා. අතුරුදන්වීම වැළැක්‌වීමේ ජාන්‍යන්තර සම්මුත පනත ඇති කිරීම එතුමා පමාකරමින් ඉන්නවා. එය කල්දැමීම නොවෙයි රටට වුවමනා වන්නේ ඒ ක්‍රියාදාමය මුළුමනින්ම අහෝසි කර දැමීමටයි. එය න්‍යාය පුස්‌තකයෙන් ඉවත් කරල මුළුමනින්ම නිශේධ කර දැමිය යුතුයි. ජනාධිපතිතුමා මේ රට බෙදන්න දෙන්නෙ නැහැ කියමින් ජනතාව ඉදිරියේ රටේ ගැලවුම්කාරයා ලෙස පෙනී සිටියාට රට බෙදීමේ ක්‍රියාදාමය ඉදිරියට යනවා නම් ඒ ප්‍රකාශවලින් රටටත් ජනතාවටවත් පලක්‌ නෑ. ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ ප්‍රකාශ දෙස ජනතාව බලා සිටියදී බෙදුම්වාදීන් තම වැඩපිළිවෙළ ඉදිරියට ක්‍රියාත්මක කරමින් යනවා. දැනට පෙනෙන්නට තිබෙන්නේ එයයි. ජනාධිපතිතුමා ජනතාවගේ කපටි ආරක්‌ෂකයා වෙනවා නම්, ජනාධිපතිතුමා දැනුවත්ව හෝ නොදැනුවත්ව හෝ අගමැතිතුමා ඔහුව යොදාගන්නවා නම් එවිට ජනතාවට කිසිදු හව්හරණක්‌ නෑ.

    මහා සංඝරත්නය ඇතුළු මේ රටේ බොහෝ විද්වතුන් ප්‍රකාශ කරන්නේ නව ව්‍යවස්‌ථා කෙටුම්පත පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී පරාජය කළ යුතු බවයි?

    මේ වෙලාවෙ යූඑන්පී. ඡේවීපී, ටීඑන්ඒ, මුස්‌ලිම් කොංග්‍රස්‌ ඇතුළු සියලු පක්‌ෂ එකට එකතුවෙලා රටට අහිතකර ඕනෑම දේකට අත උස්‌සනව. හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්‌ෂ මහතා සමග ඉන්න පනස්‌ දෙදෙනාට මේ වෙලාවෙ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කිසි දෙයක්‌ කරන්න බෑ. මහින්ද මහත්තයගෙ මූණ පෙන්නල පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ගිහින් අද මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහත්තයගෙ අත්අඩංගුවේ ඉන්න පිරිසත් රටට ජනතාවට ද්‍රෝහී අණපනත්වලට ඒ විදිහටම අත උස්‌සනව. ඩිලාන් පෙරේරා වැනි අය මේ පනත ගේනව ගේනව ගේනවමයි බලය බෙදනව බෙදනව බෙදනවමයි කියනව. මේ අයට මෙහෙම කියන්න ශක්‌තියක්‌ හැකියාවක්‌ ලැබිල තිබෙන්නෙ මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිතුමා රටට තම වගකීම හරිහැටි ඉටු නොකරන නිසා බවයි අපේ අදහස. මේ රට වෙනුවෙන් ජනාධිපතිතුමා තම වගකීම හරිහැටි ඉටුකරයි කියන විශ්වාසය අපට තියාගන්න වෙනව. එය ඉටු නොවුණොත් මේ රට පිළිබඳ කාටවත් විශ්වාසයක්‌ තියා ගන්න පුළුවන්කමක්‌ නෑ. මේ රට නොබෙදී එකම රටක්‌ විදිහට තවදුරටත් තබාගැනීමේ බලය රැඳී තිබෙන්නේ ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ අතේ. මේ පනත් කෙටුම්පත පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී පරාජය වනු දැකීම මේ රටට ආදරය කරන සියලු දෙනාගේම බලාපොරොත්තුවයි. මේ පනත් කෙටුම්පත පාර්ලිමේත්තුවේදී සම්මත වුවහොත් ඒ මහා පාපකර්මයේ වගකීම අගමැතිතුමාට පමණක්‌ නොව ජනාධිපතිතුමාටත් සමසේ හිමිවන බව අපි ජනතාවට සිහිපත් කර දිය යුතුයි.

    මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා බෙදුම්වාදීන්ගෙන් මේ රට රැකගන්නට ජීවිත පරිත්‍යාගයෙන් කටයුතු කළ කෙනෙක්‌. ඔහුගේ ජීවිතය උදුරාගන්නටත් ත්‍රස්‌තවාදීන් කිහිප අවස්‌ථාවකදීම උත්සාහ දැරුවා. ශ්‍රී ලංකා හමුදාව බෙදුම්වාදීන්ගේ යුද්ධය පරාජය කරන මොහොතේ එතුමා මේ රටේ වැඩබලන ආරක්‌ෂක ඇමැති. මේ රට බෙදා වෙන්කිරීමේ මහා පාපකර්මයට එතුමා ඉඩදෙයිද?

    මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතා කියන්නේ මහින්ද රාජපක්‌ෂ මහතා බලයට ගෙනඒම සඳහා චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග මහත්මිය සමග හැප්පුනු කෙනෙක්‌. හතළිස්‌ වසරක්‌ පමණ ශ්‍රීලනිපයේ මහ ලේකම් ලෙස කටයුතු කරමින් පක්‌ෂයේ ජයග්‍රහණය වෙනුවෙන් විශාල මෙහෙවරක්‌ කළ කෙනෙක්‌. මහින්ද රාජපක්‌ෂ මහතාට සහ ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‌ෂ මහතාට අනතුරුව ඉතාමත් බරපතළ ලෙස කොටි තර්ජන තිබුණු කෙනෙක්‌. ඒවගේම එතුමා මේ රටේ ජාතිකවාදී බලවේග තුළ කෙළින් හිටගත්තු නායකයෙක්‌.

    අද මොන ක්‍රමයෙන් හරි එතුමාව බලයට පත්කරගත්තු කණ්‌ඩායම එය කළේ ඔවුන්ගේ වුවමනාවන් ඉටුකරගන්නයි. මේ පිරිස අද මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා යොදාගන්නේ ඔහුගේ පිටට අඩිය තියල උඩට නගින්න විතරයි. මේ රට විනාශ කරන්න ඔවුන්ට පඩිපෙළක්‌ වෙනවද නැතිනම් එතුමා සිටි ජාතිකවාදී පිලට යළි එකතු වී මේ රට රැකගන්නවාද යන්න තීරණය කළ යුත්තේ ජනාධිපතිතුමාමයි. මේ මොහොතේ එතුමා ජාතිකවාදී පිලට නායකත්වය නොදුන්නොත් මේ රටේ අනාගතය අඳුරුවනවා සිකුරුයි. බෙදුම්වාදය වෙනුවෙන් හැමදාම පෙනී සිටි දොන් ජුවන් ධර්මපාල පරපුරෙන් පැවත එන මේ බෙදුම්වාදීන්ගේ න්‍යායපත්‍රය මුළුමනින්ම විසිකර දැමිය යුතු බව පසුගියදා අපේ පන්සලට ජනාධිපතිතුමා පැමිණි අවස්‌ථාවේ අප එතුමාට දන්වා සිටියේ ඒ නිසයි.

    සුළු ජනකොටස්‌වලට යම් අඩුපාඩුවක්‌ සිදුවෙලා තිබෙනව කියල එතුමා හිතනවා නම් ඒ පිළිබඳ සාකච්ඡා කරන්න ඕන. අපි නම් හිතන්නේ මේ රටේ සැබෑ හානිය සිදුවී තිබෙන්නේ සුළු ජාතීන්ට නොවෙයි මහ ජාතීන්ටයි. උතුරු නැගෙනහිර දෙපළාතේ දිස්‌ත්‍රික්‌ක 8 ක්‌ තිබෙනවා. රටේ මුළු ජනගහනයෙන් ඒ දිස්‌ත්‍රික්‌ක අටේ ඉන්නේ සියයට 13 යි. ඉතිරි සියයට 87ම ඉන්නේ අනෙක්‌ උතුර නැගෙනහිරෙන් පිට. උතුර නැගෙනහිර දෙපළාතේ සම්පත් වැඩිදියුණු නොවීමේ ප්‍රශ්නයක්‌ තිබෙනවා. එය විසඳනවා මිස ඒ දෙපළාත බෙදා වෙන්කිරීම විශාල ගැටලුවක්‌. අපේ රටේ මුහුදු සීමාවෙන් තුනෙන් දෙකක්‌ අයිති උතුරු නැගෙනහිරට. ඒ පළාත් පොලිස්‌ බලතල ඉඩම් බලතල සහිතව බෙදා දුන්නට පස්‌සෙ දකුණෙ ධීවරයෙකුවත් ඒ පළාත්වලට යන්න ලැබෙන්නෙ නෑ. අද සියයට 13 ක්‌ වැනි ජනගහන ඝනත්වය අවම මේ දෙපළාත රටෙන් වෙන් කළොත් අනාගතයේ රටේ ජනගහනය වර්ධනය වන විට ඇතිවන මිනී මරාගැනීම්වලට මේ දේශපාලකයින් වගකියයුතුයි. අලුත් ව්‍යවස්‌ථාවක්‌ ගෙනත් මේ රට බෙදුවොත් ඒ සීමාමායිම් කණු විදිහට හිටවන්න වෙන්නෙ මළමිනී. අපේ රට එවැනි මහා ෙ€දවාචකයකට ඇදදැමීමට බෙදුම්වාදීන් දරන මේ උත්සාහය පරාද කර මේ රට රැකගැනීම ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ වගකීමයි. අප එතුමාට සිහිපත් කරන්නේ එයයි.

    සාකච්ඡා කළේ – පාලිත සේනානායක – Iridha Divaina

  7. Fran Diaz Says:

    All concerned Lankans will have to learn a lesson from breakaway Catalonia (Spain).
    Catalonia, a north eastern region of Spain, is a wealthy region with a different language in place as well as their own mini-govt.

    There ought to be NO more Devolution to any region in Sri Lanka.
    Centre governance is quite sufficient for a small country like Sri Lanka.
    Mini-govts in smaller regions are NOT needed in Lanka.

    Let us not waste Lankan lives, funds & property doing more failed ideas/experiments from abroad.

  8. Ratanapala Says:

    Tamil Demands

    The golden question that goes a begging for an answer from the Federalists is how their demands if given going benefit those Tamils who are outside of the North n East. This question has been asked many times but the Southern polity has never insisted for an answer. All that has been happening is Federalists / Eelamists keep on asking and improving on their demands and our idiotic politicians burning the midnight oil to find solutions to appease. This one-way conversation should stop!

    Since Independence, the Racist Tamils have been successful in driving away the Sinhalese from the North, while they themselves have no qualms about settling down in the most lucrative and developed lands in the South including Colombo and other big cities.

    How many years did it take for the July ’83 Tamils to return to Colombo and other cities and settle down as if nothing happened? The clear reason for this is that it is not the Sinhalese that drove them away, but the UNP politicians and their thug armies. On the other hand, all Sinhalese who were displaced due to ethnic strife were never allowed to return to the North nor have the Southern politicians made any positive effort to do so. Even after the successful completion of the Eelamist War it did not happen.

    THERE CAN BE NO SOLUTION TO MINORITIES IF THEY DON’T HAVE LONG RANGING PLANS TO LIVE WITH THE MAJORITY OF THIS COUNTRY – THE SINHALESE. ONLY OTHER SOLUTION IS MORE WARS AND NOTHING ELSE. CURRENTLY, THE EELAMIST PLAN IS TO HAVE EELAM AND KEEP THE SOUTH AS THEIR FEEDING GROUND.

  9. Fran Diaz Says:

    Reasons for Tamil Separatism :

    * Separatism brings the warring Tamil CASTE sections together.

    * Tamil Separatism in Lanka also brings in the earlier Tamil Nadu “Separatist dream” alive again ? This TN dream was cut short by the PM Nehru Anti-Secessionist Law of 1963, strongly applied in INDIA (unlike the 6-A iin Lanka).

    * Cold War foreign players have tied in, enhancing & internationalising the situation.

    All the while people are infighting, the CLIMATE CHANGE DANGERS ARE GROWING.

    Become PATRIOTS/NATIONALISTS OF A UNITARY & UNITED LANKA AND SAVE ALL !

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