Cyclone Ditwah caused extensive physical destruction across all 25 districts of Sri Lanka after striking the island in late November 2025. This assessment, conducted by the World Bank using the Global Rapid Post-Disaster Damage Estimation (GRADE) methodology, estimates the direct physical damage at approximately 4% of the country’s GDP. The disaster affected nearly 2 million people and 500,000 families, marking it as one of the most destructive events in the nation’s recent history.
Key Damage Statistics
Total Direct Damage: US$ 4.1 billion.
Hardest Hit Districts: Kandy leads with US$ 689 million in losses, followed by Puttalam (US$ 486 million) and Badulla (US$ 379 million).
Affected Population: Approximately 2 million individuals and 500,000 families.
Sector-Specific Impacts
Infrastructure (US$ 1.735 billion): Representing 42% of total damage, the cyclone severely impacted roads, bridges, railways, power networks, and telecommunications.
Housing (US$ 985 million): Accounting for 24% of losses, the highest housing destruction occurred in Badulla, Nuwara Eliya, Kandy, Kegalle, and Puttalam.
Agriculture and Fisheries (US$ 814 million): Significant destruction to rice paddies, vegetable crops, and livestock threatens to increase rural poverty and food insecurity.
Non-residential Buildings (US$ 562 million): Schools, hospitals, and industrial factories faced heavy damage, particularly those near major rivers.
Recovery and Methodology
The World Bank mobilised up to US$ 120 million from existing projects to prioritise the restoration of essential services like healthcare, water, and connectivity. The GRADE methodology used for this report provides rapid, remote damage estimates within two weeks of a disaster to guide emergency financing. While the current estimate focuses on physical assets, the total economic impact is expected to rise significantly once indirect losses and “build back better” reconstruction costs are factored in.
If the Tamils’ cry for separatism is given up, the two communities could solve their problems and continue to live in amity and dignity.”
M.C. Sansoni, CJ-(Sessional Paper No. 7 of 1980).
It is interesting to observe the behavior of the young Tamil M.P. Archuna among the other disoriented Sinhala-speaking M.P.s who are wasting taxpayers’ money at the Diyawanna hotel. Of them, 159 are either doormats or Rajan Kadiragamars. The Tamil and Muslim MPs are enjoying the fun of how an inexperienced, incompetent and confused set of JVP-NPP leaders destroying the island’s Sinhala Buddhist civilization, openly and discreetly, treating the Sinhala Buddhist voters as fools who believed the likes of Uganda Kumari, and specially the undeliverable promises given by the candidate and later the president AKD.
It is true that AKD became president due to the defective undemocratic, anti-geographic, electoral system, and the split of votes between the two selfish souls, Sajith and Ranil. He did not have a majority approval and he is doing things not in his mandate. A drastic erosion of his voter base is already clearly visible. The defeated and elected Sinhala MPs and leaders think that the sins and crimes of AKD government give them unexpected hope to come to power again sooner than later. But the opposition parties separately or collectively have failed so far to demonstrate that they are not the same wine in the old bottle and they have a better plan than the failing AKD govt.
One thing is clear. A Marxist group with a history of blood and death since 1971, is unlikely to give up power by way of a bloodless election. It never happened in the history of Totalitarianism in the world. The signs are all over as the Kaduwela mayor Jayalal said, we are prepared to kill even 100,000 people to stay in power.” None of these matter to Tamil and Muslim MPs as long as they can survive with an Eelam and Oluvil-Sharia enclaves that both groups just missed during the Neelan-GL-Jayampathy Package Deal of Mrs. Chandrika in 2000, which Ranil-Sumanthiran-Jayampathy-Lal Wijenaika cabal resurrected again in 2017. That blue print was dead (forgotten?) in the minds of Sinhalayas, but only buried, as far as the Tamils and Muslim leaders are concerned, who are waiting to resurrect it from the grave, when the time is ripe. India and USA-UK do not mind any of these scenarios, as long as they have a firm grip over an adulterated Marxist Regime.
I think Archuna’s recent visit to see the Asgiriya Mahanayaka Thero was a genuine gesture, unlike what Vigneswaran tried to do some years ago. Free of any hidden political agenda, he placed his ideological challenge before the Mahanayaka priest, and it is the duty of the monks who have been the Guardian Angels of this island, and the so called Sinhala Buddhist leaders to educate Archuna why he cannot achieve his goal for a peaceful Sri Lanka as long as he is a direct agent of the global Tamil tigers. Because, Global Tamils want an Eelam country with a UN seat and a flag.
The ACBC pioneered by Prof. G. P. Malalasekara and few others, has failed miserably to defeat the ideological war then after 2009 May, and now in 2025. It was the highly educated, Christian-Marxist Dayan Jayathilaka plus Lalith Weeratunga and P. B. Jayasundara who took MahindaR and later Gotabaya on a jungle path in this regard. The cruelest dead-rope Dayan gave to MR was to let the moderate Tamil Vigneswaran to become the Chief Minister-NP. Colombo YMBA is an NGO (caste conscious?) more anti-Buddhist than Buddhist. Buddhism minister, ministry, department and the Sasana Rakshaka Bala Mandala, are all politicians’ jokes deceiving the innocent Sinhala Buddhists.
The grave mistake made by MR after May 2009 to follow a program to erase the Eelam ideology from the minds of innocent Tamils allowed the separatist Tamil politicians to slowly build a demand for an Eelam via the 13th Amendment. The locals like Sumanthiran with Sinhala daughter-in-law work behind the scene with the Indian RAW in Jaffna. Gajendra Ponnambalam on the other hand desperate to capitalize the Indian-controlled AKD government. He met the Tamilnad CM Stalin to put pressure on Modi to get the police and land powers for the Provincial Councils under the 13A.
Shanakyan Rasamanikkam went further. He was bold or foolish enough to put his neck out compared to Ponnamabalam or Sumanthiran. He has become an ostrich hiding his head in the sand. An M.P. who took an oath to protect the unitary Sri Lanka has given a heroic talk to the Canadian tiger forum that his plan is to achieve an Eelam before his death which is father and grandfather failed to achieve working with SJV Chelvanayagam who handed over the fight to Prbakaran-boys before his death in 1977. But Rasamanikkam knew for sure that he would not face legal action against his statements in Canada under an AKD regimen buried under the Tamil diaspora dollars. His assessment of Sri Lanka’s plight was so pathetic compared to the olive branch some opposition Sinhala politicians offer him.
Archuna is different and unique in his mission to handle the Tamil plight”. He has exposed the older Tamil separatists’ game behind the Indian politicians. And, he has the potential to become a young Kadiragamar in building bridges between the Tamil and Sinhala masses ( at his funeral in 2005, Buddhist monks came from all over the country to conduct Buddhist religious rites treating him a genuine Buddhist who sacrificed his life for national unity).
However, for this service Archuna needs a better understanding of the geography and history (history is past geography) of Sri Lanka. Because, the Global Tamil movement supporting him has the goal of winning a Tamil country with a UN flag, carved out of Sri Lankan land. Archuna does not realize his desire to be the next Chief Minister of the Northern Province is only one step away from a Tamil Eelam in Sri Lankan soil.
AKD planned a brand new concept of a Sri Lankan Day to promote peace and harmony among different ethnic groups while Rasamanikkam was challenging it with support from Canada which allowed tigers to block a public highway! The so called Sri Lanka Day was a waste money given to Samanalie Fonseka to organize it. It was against the Sinhala Buddhist society and some gods took care of it. If at all AKD tries it again it ought to be named the Eelam Day, and following the example given by Anagarika Dharmapala, and on that shameful day people should display white flags as a silent protest. In the 1930s-1940s Anagarika Dharmapala asked people to make a puppet apply white paint on it and keep it in front of his house and hit it in the morning and evening calling it a dirty white man (පර සුද්දා). It was a psychological boost for a nation humiliated and discriminated against by a white rule with the help of local Christian black whites.
Wigneswaran’s two sons married two Sinhala women and so was Sumanthiran’s son. If Hitler had two sons who were married to two Jews men could one say Hitler practiced Genocide? This was exactly what Wigneswaran said about the Sinhala government from which he reaped the best possible benefits before he became a Tamil politician giving up his past alliance with the Marxists LSSPers. Archuna has a Sinhala woman as his wife and hopefully he will not talk about a Tamil genocide in the South.
To this Vellala crowd Arun Siddharth is like acid on a piece of an old iron. A follower of Ambedkar he is working for the upliftment of so called low caste Tamils in Jaffna facing threats of harassments from the Indian Raw, Indian embassy branch in Jaffna and the Vellala vested interests in all over Jaffna. The low castes” perform all the manual and sanitary work and they are the majority in the North. Arun was against Prabakaran, 13th Amendment and Christian provocations against Buddhist temples and archeological sites using innocent Hindu Tamils.
He points out how Vellala politicians organized private tuition for their children to learn Sinhala while opposing poor Tamil children learning Sinhala free in government schools. It was C.W.W. Kannanagara’s free education law in 1945 which helped low caste Hindu Tamils to get even a basic education. More than the 1956 Sinhala only law what offended the Vellala politicians most was the Prevention of Social Disabilities Act, No. 21 of 1957, a law designed to abolish caste-based discrimination.
Chelvanayagam left the increasingly hostile anti-Tamil environment in Malaya, and immigrated to Ceylon via South Indian Christian church in Madras to begin his Kosovo plan by forming the Tamil State Party (Federal Party) in 1949. That was 7 years before the Sinhala only act, which had provisions for the Reasonable Use of Tamil in Ceylon, sabotaged by Sinhala extremists and the UNP leaders JRJ and Dudley. For his project, Chelvanayagam had all the blessings he needed from the LSSP Marxists who supported the Fifty-Fifty demand of G. G. Ponnabalam, which was rejected by the Donoughmore Commission in 1928.
Archuna has wrong facts about the number of Tamil deaths during the 30-year war or the origin of the Tissa Raja Maha Vihara in Jaffna. Apparently, his knowledge and understanding of the so called Tamil struggle revolves around his father’s life and death. In Buddhism, there is no place for a wicked god or an almighty God, which is but an accepted norm (concept) in Hinduism. Thus, the Sinhala Buddhists need not dismiss the role Archuna could play in Sri Lankan politics simply because he identifies Prabakaran as his god (දෙයියෝ). That kind of reaction would push Archuna more into the global Tamil Eelam prison (project).
My experience with Tamils (I lived with Tamil roommates) is that they are innocent people. Just like the Marxists ruined the minds of some Sinhala people with hatred and destruction, Tamil politicians who realized that they are going to loose the benefits of the colonial strategy of divide and rule, especially after the universal franchise in 1931, thought of carving out a separate country for them, away from Colombo, so that they become masters of their own enclave.
I think the desire of Archuna and Arun Siddharth is the empowerment of Tamil people, not the crooked politicians. These two must work together with this common goal. They could easily work with a person like Wijeweera’s son Uvindu who is different from older Sinhala politicians including his father who died in vain.
I hope Archuna respond to this invitation via email.
Comments Off on An invitation extended to M.P Archuna Ramanathan for a dialogue on the Tamilakkam (Tamil state) ideology initiated by Ponnabalam Arunachalam in 1921/23 – Part I
An enigma indeed. National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa’s adroit revelations this week about who secretly visited the then-Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena at midnight on 13 July 2022, detains us once again, as he wipes away the fogs emanating out of the merchant media’s mist machine (see ee Sovereignty, Wimal Weerawansa Divulges Hooker Nona’s Testimony).
Speculations keep overflowing with muddling reportage, as to who was trying to foment a coup to hurry the extra-parliamentary ousting of a popularly elected President Gotabhaya Rajapakse, so as to ease the entry of all-time favored blue-eyed tannic toyboy, Ranil Wickremesinghe. Was it delayed, as such a blatant coup could have sparked a horrific bloodbath on that fateful day? Yet it was Ranil’s unelected accession that was enabled through the fig-leaf of bipartisan parliamentary assent. Still, who was able to deploy the ‘elite’ paramilitary Special Task Force (STF) to surround the Speakers’ Residence? Who promised to call the agitations all off ‘in 45 minutes’ even as the Aragalists were purportedly baying to burn down parliament that night? Was it Julie Chung the always-leaving never-going US envoy (Feb 2022 – ?)? Was it the then-Indian High Commissioner in Colombo, now posted-down-under – Gopal ‘The Cowherd’ Bagalay (May 2022 – Dec 2023)?
Controversy clambered higher than the clouding heavens roiling above, as the former speaker is said to have revealed all to Sunanda Maddumabandara, the Senior Advisor (media) to President Ranil Wickremesinghe (July 2022 – Sept 2024). Maddumabandara’s most recent work, Aragalaye Balaya (The Power of the Aragalaya) fingers Bagalay as having directly interfered in Sri Lanka’s internal affairs. This revelation was reported as contradicting assertions by NFF leader Wimal Weerawansa in his book 9: the Hidden Story and by polemicist Sena Thoradeniya’s tract, Galle Face Protest: System Change or Anarchy? – both of whom had presumably and unfairly dared nail the always-skirting US envoy as the official stirrer of the aragalaya pot. The envoy had merely activated the US embassy’s innumerable little governmental-non-governmental (GNGO) fingers wrapped in dainty dollar bills.
Weerawansa this week presciently pointed out that Maddumbandara’s book does not contradict his assertion that it was indeed the US government quarterbacking the kerfuffle; that the Envoy had merely preceded the Bharati boy. Nor does Weerawansa‘s book deny that this official Indian Bagalay was sent trotting behind to reinforce the US Envoy’s demand, which the speaker is said to have heroically or stoically turned down. Critics point out that Wickremesinghe loyalist Maddumabandara’s media assertions have been frequently found to be numerically challenged and terminologically inexact.
It is no surprise that the UNP leader and his coterie would eagerly seek to whitewash the role the US government has played in undermining elected governments midst their cacophonous bluster about ‘democracy’ and ‘rule of law’. Always-breakdown RW eagerly and patiently awaits his turn, once again, despite his protestations that he has not installed himself as UNP leader-for-life. Given RW’s frequent recent jaunts to India, it appears that the permission to implicate Bagalay has been given the imprimatur by the spooks shadowing Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, former president of Tata Sons’ Global Corporate Affairs Division, and present India Minister of External Affairs. It is also more than clear that India is unable to assert its independence from US foreign policy dibs over the nation of Bharat and the ocean known as Indian, wherein Sri Lanka has always played a crucial role.
*
Japan’s leaders continue to issue dire threats against China, as demanded by their colonial master, the USA. Yet, as Warwick Powell nevertheless cries out, Asia needs to consolidate its economic relationships ‘as the foundations for regional stability & peace’. ee Focus continues Powell’s conversation with Norway’s Glenn Diesen on how ‘Japan Risks Economic Decline & War’. He points out, DPR Korea & China ‘have had a mutual defense arrangement since the 1950s’. He warns: half a million Ukrainians or more have died ‘in the name of the USA’s war’, noting that the USA is not in the Ukraine ‘for the Ukrainians or anyone else. They’re there for the USA.’ Diesen declares that Europe is in deep delusion, apparently ignoring that it is the USA who blew up the NordStream pipeline to ensure Europe’s industrial and economic dependence. Warwick notes, Asia is ‘ultimately… going to need to find a way to a post-US future,’ or like Europe: sink with the Titanic.
*
The USA’s atomic bombing of Japan was the ‘First Act of the Cold War’, recalls Roy Singham, giving thorough evidence of why there was absolutely no need for such a horrific deed. Instead he shows, using the USA’s own evidence, that the nukes were aimed at deterring the USSR to whom Japan was about to surrender. ee Focus continues Singham’s amazing yet unsettling accounts of the ‘80th Anniversary of the Victory in the World Anti-Fascist War (WAFW)’ – subtitled, ‘Understanding Who Saved Humanity: a Restorationist History’. Singham proves how ‘the moment fascism fell, the mask dropped’ and the US decided to commit genocide in Korea, massacring over 20% of their population: ‘No nation in modern history has suffered such concentrated destruction’.
The imperialists then began to attack the socialist countries that had actually made the greatest sacrifices to defeat fascism. The moment Ho Chi Minh declared Vietnam’s independence; the English released & rearmed French troops in Saigon… Capitalism’s so-called victory, has turned out to be Pyrrhic and ruinous to the world….and the innumerable obituaries about communism – somewhat premature….and yes, the US and Europe are rearming fascism again.
*
‘When the chips fall, we will not have the excuse
of saying we were not warned or had been fooled.
In its ambition for world domination, the Trump
administration is neither coy nor understated.’
– Sunity Maharaj (Trinidad)
This week sees the tourism traders in Sri Lanka promoting smuggled Indian ganja on Bentota Beach. They claim to be honoring the Jamaican reggae balladeer Bob Marley. They seek to drown out Marley’s more poignant pointing to the English slavers (‘old pirates’) who sold Africans to the ‘merchant ships.’ Traders have made Marley’s name more an eponym for the banned herb in Lanka, than a lyricist of liberation. Then again, a televised Rastafarianism (a caricature of the Maroonism of escaped and resistant slaves), was promoted to counter the Marxism-Leninism that triumphed in Cuba & Grenada, etc. , and has been either invaded or besieged.
Yet Sri Lanka has received an even more urgent message from the Caribbean (which the BBC keeps calling by its cricketing plantation slave name – the West Indies). We have already noted the installation of doppler radar on Trinidad’s twin island Tobago, that turns out to be not for weather warnings but for military purposes (see ee 06 December 2025). We won’t even ask whatever happened to those innumerable joint military exercises and equipments that promised to protect us against such uncalled-for happenings as took place on that rather evocative date of 27 November.
This week, the Trinidadian scribe Sunity Maharaj details the USA’s latest moves to ‘reassert & enforce’ their 202-year-old Monroe Doctrine on the test of the Americas (note the plural) as it assembles (see ee Focus) a huge military force outside Venezuela, to grab its vast oil reserves, under the pretext of interdicting narcotics. Open warfare there will send the prices of imported fuel sky high, and send Sri Lanka’s import-dependent economy tumbling further even as the US dispatches envoys to prescribe salves. The Monroe Doctrine proclaims that the USA can intervene anywhere & in any country in the Western hemisphere. And not only…
*
‘Take up the White Man’s burden –
Send forth the best ye breed –
Go bind your sons to exile
To serve your captives’ need;
To wait in heavy harness
On fluttered folk & wild –
Your new-caught sullen peoples,
Half devil & half child…’
Last week, ee pointed to the USA’s policy of Manifest Destiny, which invoked divine anointment to extend its dominions to the Pacific (Hawaii, Polynesia, Melanesia), and Asia (Philippines). Monroe Doctrine or Manifest Destiny, all of it is an extension of England’s White Man’s Burden – the title of a poem written by Anglo-Indian Rudyard Kipling to extol the USA’s invasion of the Philippines…
It is important to recall here that Don Trump’s assertions are a continuation of his Democratic Party predecessors like B. Obama & J. Biden, despite all claims to the contrary. Trump has just been more open. In his first term, Trump invoked his genocidal antecedent US President Andrew Jackson (1829-37) who massacred and drove out the original peoples of North America’s southern territories – Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek and Seminole – to make way for the enslaving cotton plantations. In his second term, Trump has rather curiously invoked ‘Tariff King’ US President William McKinley (1897-1901), who invaded the former Spanish colonies, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Hawaii, Philippines, wars led by their veterans of the ‘Indian Wars’ in the US South. A most-mortal McKinley was later assassinated by a purported Polish anarchist, and replaced by the thuggish Theodore Roosevelt, who proclaimed US diplomatic policy, as ‘Speaking Softly, & Carrying a Big Stick’. Trump shrugs off such prevarications, and insists on ranting wildly & brandishing blunt weapons. Cosplaying master, he signals irrationality & contradiction as his right. US rulers’ links to known Nazis are also not surprising, given that prominent European & other Americas’ leaders today such as Canada’s Chrystia Freelander, Germany’s Ursula von der Leyen, Estonia’s Kaja Kallas, and recently elected Chilean President José Antonio Kast – are all the grand/children of devout Nazis. Then again, the USA needs no lessons in fascism. The Nazis always acknowledged the white settlers of the Americas & elsewhere, as their elder siblings, from whom they have learned much…And now after the so-called and much heralded ‘pink wave’ of social democrats who clearly have no way to overcome capitalism, we have to get ready to overcome another assault by their rested and fully financialized born-again avatara….
*
Sri Lanka’s resistance to the more barbarous impulses emanating from the North Atlantic are not new. Our land was invaded by Portugal, 13 years after Spain pounced on Haiti (from the Taino ‘Ayti’) in 1492; and our economy has been captured for almost 200 years by the English system of import-export ‘human resources’ derived from the chattel slavery first practiced in the Americas. Trinidad (T&T), whose plantations added the sugar to an Anglo-fied tea, is considered the most literate land in the western hemisphere (even if we now only hear of the less machete-edged calypsos that cry out, ‘Olay Olay Olay Olay…feelin Hot Hot Hot’). Yet heated is how the entire archipelago feels, as Maharaj describes the moment of truth about the Caribbean’s claims to independence, as the US government sets out to fulfil its latest National Security Strategy 2025, & not just for their part of world. The USA is seeking to impose bilateral pacts to enable US military forces on their soils.
‘You taught me language,
& all I know is how to curse.’
– Caliban’s retort to Prospero
in Shakespeare’s Tempest
*
What was the real reason for the gaping difference between the economy of Sri Lanka, a non-settler colony, and settler colonies such as New Zealand, etc? Was it just because the genocidal settlers brought modern (machine-making) industrial skills from Europe? No way, says SBD de Silva, as we begin Chapter 5 of his classic opus The Political Economy of Underdevelopment. SBD as usual provides innumerable examples from around the world. What matters more turns out to be their severance from the absentee capitalists & expat businessmen of the metropolitan economies (Sri Lanka is still full of them), and their freedom to invest in local manufacturing and food production. The presence of a white working class also pressured the settler governments, who had to provide them subsidized skilled employment in state industrial monopolies. In fact, those settler colonies, like Rhodesia & Kenya, that were unable to fully sever their ties with Europe, were prevented from truly advancing their economies.
SBD also examines the growth of a white caste system of skilled industrial labor, and the deliberate prevention of such skills among the natives; the ‘sharpest’ measures took place in Africa, where Africans, contrary to the broadcast idiocies, showed they were most capable of acquiring acute technical proficiency. SBD provides a very interesting exchange between the English bankers (who refused to hire Ceylonese in executive positions due to orders from London) and the Ceylon Banking Commissioners. He also provides evidence of how the planters had no skills in agriculture save their ‘accident of European birth’. Instead, the English pursued a deliberate education policy of keeping the natives, ‘stupid under the Union Jack’, producing clerks proud of elocuting their non-industrial English skills, while exaggerating the abilities of the whites.
*
Sri Lanka’s economy has been taken hostage by New York’s Wall Street (metonym for financial manipulations), with the present governor of the Central Bank in Sri Lanka eager to display his ‘independence’ from the country’s best interests, by preventing investment in our modern advance. He hopes to acquire some later pensionable posting in Manhattan or London. ee is now almost at the end of the excerpts of Gustavus Myers’ 1917 History of Tammany Hall, which shows how, despite the constant show trials against corruption, New York offered the most magnificent examples of financial malfeasance & skulduggery, displaying the foremost examples in the world of capitalism’s private capture of legislatures through their control of the latest transport & communication technologies. Here we learn of the ‘pretended political warfare’ between the capitalist political parties and their ‘secret understandings’. He shows how the Republicans came to be ‘the preferred instrument through which the powerful financial, industrial, utility, commercial & other corporations operated to get the legislation that they wanted’. More significantly, we learn of the capture of trade unions by gangsters and the protection of such gangs by the capitalist state through their ‘full control of the criminal machinery of the law’.
Geneva, 22 December: Expressing serious concern over the current volatile situation in Bangladesh erupted after the murder of a young leader, the global media safety and rights body Press Emblem Campaign (PEC) urges the caretaker government in Dhaka to ensure safety & security to the media fraternity across the south Asian country. Condemning the incidents, where a digital media editor Imdadul Haque Milon (45) was killed and an unruly mob attacked two newspaper-offices (Prothom Alo and The Daily Star) in the capital city on Thursday night, the PEC also slams the physical abusers of New Age editor Nurul Kabir, who along with some media professionals tried to prevent the vandals.
Milon, who used to work for online news portal Bartaman Somoy was targeted by four motorcycle-born armed men at Shalua market on 18 December evening. Seriously injured Milon was rushed to Khulna medical college hospital, where the Shalua Press Club office bearer was declared brought dead by the attending doctors. He is the 163rd journo-victims globally and fifth casualty in Bangladesh after Assaduzzaman Tuhin, Bibhuranjan Sarkar, Wahed-uz-Zaman Bulu and Khandahar Shah Alam till date this year.
“We condemn the shooting down of journalist Imdadul Haque Milon. Moreover, the midnight vandalism and arson attacks on Dhaka-based prominent Bengali daily Prothom Alo and acclaimed English newspaper The Daily Star, when many employees including journalists were still working, is horrible and it deserves to be denounced with strongest words. Both the dailies even couldn’t publish the Friday edition,” said Blaise Lempen, president of PEC (pressemblem.ch), adding that it should be termed as an assault on freedom of the press, which needs to be protected by the government as the Muslim majority nation prepares for the general election on 12 February 2026.
PEC’s south and southeast Asian representative Nava Thakuria informed that an unprecedented violence broke out in the country soon after the interim government chief Professor Muhammad Yunus confirmed the demise of Inquilab Mancha spokesperson Sharif Osman Hadi in Singapore, where he was airlifted for advanced treatment following a bullet injury in Dhaka. Hadi came to public notice during the student-led mass uprising last year which ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina compelling the Awami League leader to flee to neighboring India for shelter. Meanwhile, Prof Yunus talked to both the editors and assured support & security assistance.
Comments Off on PEC condemns murder of scribe, attacks on Bangladesh newspapers
by Garvin Karunaratne . Ph.D (Michigan State University)
The recovery for the Ditwah Disaster will require billions. It is a bigger task than fixing all our irrigation tanks and financing the resettlement of people in the Dry Zone, a task well done in recent times.
How is this task to be financed. Already foreign money is pouring in as donations. The IMF itself has approved SDR 150.5 million equal to $ 206 million under the Rapid Financing Instrument (Daily Mirror 19/12/25). Donations are also forthcoming in $ from various sources.
The Disaster caused will require an immense sum of money. The recovery of the Peradeniya Gardens, one of the petty tasks to be done will itself cost Rs 120 millions.
How is the recovery to be financed.
In this connection it is important to note that till 1978 all local expenditure in entire Sri Lanka was done with local Printed Rupees.
It is my opinion that in handling the recovery for this Disaster we have to make an estimate of the cost to be incurred locally as opposed to the funds required in foreign funds The funds required for all local expenses should be made in printed rupees while the expenses required for financing the import of machinery etc. should be done in foreign funds.
Till 1978, when our finances came under the control of the IMF, all expenses were divided into two categories- local expenses and foreign expenses. The local expenses were met with locally printed Rupees while imports were met with our foreign funds.
It is my humble request to the present Government to kindly consider this fact, when handling this recovery.
I also enclose my earlier writing to further support.
Garvin Karunaratne,
former G.A. Matara
Our increasing Foreign Debt
Sri Lanka did not have any foreign debt when Premier Sirimavo handed over the country to President Jayawardena in 1977. Since 1977 our foreign debt has increased. In my own words:
Running the country on loans and not repaying them was the method that President Jayawardena accepted and ,,, the Foreign Debt of the country kept mounting through out the rule of President Jayawardena and reached SDR 5.5 billion by the end of 1993 and $ 6 billion by the end of 1994 when the rule of the UNP ended.”(From :How the IMF’s Structural Adjustment Programme Destroyed Sri Lanka(2021)
What really happened was that during the period of 17years, from 1977 to 1993, the economy of Sri Lanka was also totally changed from a produce , consume and sell economy, where we lived within our means to a neoliberal import and live economy where loans were obtained and repaying the loans were never envisaged and the release of foreign funds(obtained on loan) for foreign travel foreign education- an economy that inevitably led to debt. The IMF approved the scheme, gave loans initially,effectively made the country indebted and backed out later, leaving the country to face the music of having to face a foreign debt, which tied it down for ever to the IMF
Sri Lanka managed its foreign expenses till 1977. This was done with great care. Foreign Exchange was strictly controlled and utilized for essentials. No foreign exchange was allowed for foreign travel unless that travel was necessary for Sri Lanka. No foreign exchange was allowed for foreign study. An exception was an allocation of foreign exchange for Chandrika and Sunethra Bandaranaike for study abroad and I had the opportunity to ask the Prime Minister Mr Dudley Senanayake as to why he allowed it. I got the reply that it was the only request made by a former Prime Minister of the country and he felt like obliging her. Local industrialists were allocated foreign exchange to import what was required for their manufactures. In 1970 I was in charge of making allocations of foreign exchange to small industrialists. This was done with great care after an inspection of the machinery and also ensuring that what was imported was required to make something that the country required.
The management of foreign exchange was done with great care. In the early Seventies the oil sheiks increased the price of oil three fold and yet Sri Lanka managed its foreign expenses within its means.
In 1977 the control of foreign exchange was relaxed by President Jayawardena. Import restrictions were done away with foreign exchange was made readily available to all persons for anything including foreign travel and when the foreign exchange available was inadequate, foreign exchange was obtained on loan. Initially the IMF gave loans but gradually backed out and the indebted country had to obtain loans in the open market. It was this liberalized process of handling foreign exchange introduced to the countries that led the countries to have an economy that was indebted.
Garvin Karunaratne
Comments Off on Handling the Recovery for the Ditwah Disaster
It is crucial that we understand how a private sexual behavior that has lasted centuries suddenly became converted into a global political tool to reshape society, education, policy, medicine and population outcome.
STEP 1 — Reclassification (to create Legitimacy)
· International medical bodies removed homosexuality from psychiatric classifications in which it had previously appeared, without new biological, genetic, or clinical evidence demonstrating a change in etiology.
· A condition previously classified as a mental disorder (within psychiatric diagnostic frameworks) was reframed from a diagnosable condition into a fixed personal identity”, showcasing a fundamental conceptual shift rather than a scientific discovery.
· After reclassifying homosexual mental disorder as an identity, questioning, or criticizing became a discrimination”, discouraging open scientific and public debate.
· As a result, existing laws, religious doctrines, cultural norms, and societal frameworks that historically regulated public behaviour were labelled outdated,” regressive,” or unscientific”, despite long-standing social and legal foundations.
· Scientific discourse was replaced with selected experts presented as representing new consensus, despite the absence of evidence-based validation.
· A privately conducted sexual behaviour, formerly a clinical classification, was converted into a protected identity category, forming the basis for later legal, political, and institutional claims including human rights”.
· The American Psychiatric Association (APA) removed homosexuality from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Second Edition (DSM-II) in 1973, replacing it with sexual orientation disturbance,” later termed ego-dystonic homosexuality.” This too was removed in DSM-III-R (1987).
· The World Health Organization (WHO) removed homosexuality from the Mental and Behavioural Disorders chapter of the International Classification of Diseases, Tenth Revision (ICD-10) in 1990.
This decision was not based on new biological or genetic discoveries, but reflected prevailing social and political attitudes within Western psychiatric and academic institutions.
· WHO retained ego-dystonic sexual orientation” as a residual diagnostic category in ICD-10; however, this too was removed entirely in ICD-11 (adopted in 2019).
· Philanthropic foundations and donors with financial interests across pharmaceuticals, media, academia, and international institutions played a significant role in funding, advocacy, and institutional alignment that supported this reclassification.
STEP 2 — Rights Framing (to create Legal Pressure)
· A private sexual behaviour, once reframed as “identity”, became repositioned as a human rights issue, shifting it from the private sphere into the domain of international law and state obligation.
· Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (SOGI) terminology began to be introduced into UN reports, guidance documents, policy frameworks, and committee outputs, without formal amendment of ratified treaties and often disregarding existing treaty language and limitations.
· UN agencies and treaty-monitoring committees initiated expansive reinterpretations of existing conventions, advancing SOGI-based readings that were not included in treaty texts but influenced by ideological and donor influence.
· These committee recommendations and general comments, which carry no binding legal force, were nevertheless presented to governments as authoritative or obligatory.
· Governments were informed-formally and informally-that compliance was necessary to meet international expectations, maintain diplomatic standing, obtain loans, or avoid reputational and political consequences.
· As a result, national legislatures were bypassed, with pressure placed on:
o Public Servants
o Politicians & Ministries
o Regulatory bodies
· to introduce policy and legal changes without public consultation or electoral mandate.
· Courts and administrative bodies were encouraged or pressured to apply these reinterpretations, despite the absence of parliamentary approval or domestic legal incorporation using loopholes while also ignoring the existing legal provisions.
· Consequently, policy shifts were implemented quietly through administrative action, regulatory changes, or judicial interpretation, rather than through transparent democratic debate.
· Thus, a privately conducted sexual behaviour-reclassified as an “identity”-was transformed into a perceived state obligation under international pressure.
STEP 3 — Using Aid & Diplomacy as Leverage (Forcing Compliance)
The insidious nature of the project is clear when its international roll out is tied to
· Entities that claim to honor national sovereignty is arm-twisting & forcing nations to compromise their sovereignty
· National governments choose to adopt policies to avoid punishment & remain in power even though citizens disagree.
This is how diplomatic & economic pressure replaces democratic consent.
STEP 4 — Cultural Normalisation (Disarming Resistance)
· Having forced national governments to adopt by any means the next step is to spread it amongst the population. For this, numerous modes of media channels and their owners and activists are lined up.
· Media, films, teledramas, columnists/articles, talk shows, panel discussions, sponsoring ads, celebrities, and social platforms are used to promote LGBTQIA as:
o Progressive
o Fashionable
o Inevitable
o With openings for jobs, promotions, scholarships, and even refugee/asylum applications.
· Media is used as repetition conditions perception and repetitions through multiple platforms & methods creates the desired effect (public conditioning)
· Dissent is labelled hate” or ignorance”.
· Social pressure replaces rational discussion.
· Alternate views and warnings are not entertained or given any opportunity to reach out to the people.
· Parents, teachers, and religious leaders who foresee the dangers are forced to voluntarily create their own programs for awareness
· Public debate collapses as government & top private sector corporates & their heads have been co-opted into the project.
With little or no awareness of dangerous consequences, people end up accepting change before understanding its dangers.
STEP 5 — Venturing to Education (Capturing the Next Generation – the most dangerous step with adverse long-term consequences)
Concepts are being lined up to be introduced in schools under:
· Inclusion
· Safety
· Anti-bullying
Teacher training and curricula are externally influenced and taking place secretly via UN partnered programs. Same training is taking place to public sector & police as well.
· Children lack cognitive maturity to evaluate ideology. This reality is a reason for attempting to embed the ideology as part of school curriculum.
· Parents are sidelined – totally unaware of what their children are being taught and the ideology being indoctrinated to their young minds.
· Eventually, if allowed Identity” fixation replaces age-appropriate development.
· Confusion among children is normalised as discovery”
· Childhood becomes sexualized – sexual fantasies are encouraged to be practiced.
Sexualized beliefs take precedence over critical and analytical thinking necessary for their adult life.
STEP 6 — Medicalisation (Creating Lifetime Dependency on Medication)
· Distress and non-conformity are medicalized by hired experts”
· Gender-Affirmation pathways are prioritised.
· experts” recommend hormones and surgeries and ongoing treatment.
· Reversibility is limited or impossible.
· The cost of such to parents of below 21 children is unimaginable on top of the already rising cost of living.
· Children suffer permanent fertility loss which experts rarely inform prior to surgeries.
· Children must bear lifelong medical costs – for a male who thinks he is a she has to take medicines to look like a she though inside he remains a he. Similarly, a female who thinks she is a he has to take medicines to look like a he though inside she remains a she.
· One can imagine the mental and physical complications and trauma that goes on inside a child.
· Every child encouraged to opt for surgeries becomes a New long-term patient for pharma systems.
Identity has now become a commercial market for profits.
Children are a source of income for the pharma & medical industry.
STEP 7 — Adult Social Outcomes (Weakening a Nation’s Society)
· Progress to adulthood with educational guidance is hampered by the introduction of sexualized curriculum directing children’s attention away from studies & equipping themselves necessary qualifications to steer their lives once entering the world of work.
· The LGBTQIA ideology discourages biological marriages & promotes same-sex marriage
· Reduction in biological marriages results in less children born globally. How will this impact Sri Lanka – the Sinhala & Tamil populations especially who are already being subject to various contraception advice and discouraged from having children.
· It also increases mental health burden on not only individuals, but their families & to the nation as well.
· Family structures weaken – children & parents are distanced, expectations of parents are dashed, a child’s natural talents get compromised by venturing into sexualized lifestyles which includes excessive use of substance abuse (drugs, alcohol, smoking etc)
· Individual Productivity declines which extends to national productivity as well.
· Healthcare costs rise – unnecessary burden on the taxpayers to fund unnatural sexual lifestyles & the health consequences arising if legalized.
· Social fragmentation increases.
An identity framed as Individual freedom” produces collective instability to the Nation.
STEP 8 — Population & National Impact (Strategic Outcome of LGBTQIA ideology)
· Below-replacement fertility (western nations response is to encourage migrants – for developing nations such options will create major demographic/social problems)
· Aging population.
· Shrinking workforce – poor productivity
· Higher dependency ratios.
· Economic fragility.
· Greater foreign dependence.
· Weakened national resilience with the younger generation’s nationalistic temperament directed elsewhere.
· Loss of long-term sovereignty.
What looks like rights policy becomes demographic damage.
How the LGBTQIA ideology evolved
Reclassification from a mental disorder to a gender identity” ↓ Rights framing ↓ Legal & aid pressure ↓ Cultural normalization ↓ Education capture ↓ Medicalization ↓ Social breakdown ↓ Population decline & national weakening
If this were organic, such extensive institutional international pressure would not be necessary.
The scale, coordination, and persistence of enforcement reveal that this is not a spontaneous social evolution, but a managed policy project.
The reliance on treaties, funding, education systems, media, and medicine to enforce acceptance exposes it as a top-down ideological project with long-term societal consequences & goals.
When an idea requires sustained pressure on laws, education systems, families, and children, it ceases to be a matter of rights but should become a concern for a Nation. The pressure itself is the evidence.
This is what we must all realize.
Shenali D Waduge
Comments Off on How LGBTQIA was turned into a global Geopolitical tool
By Dr Sarath Obeysekera Chairman .Advisory Board fir EDB to develop Marine and Offshore Industry
1. Purpose
Sri Lanka is currently facing a severe shortage of foreign currencycreating hardships to the people in the country .Conventional foreign income generating avenues such as tourism,export of garments ,coconut products ,export of teas and spices are not performing .
Earlier, a few decades ago, casinos were not that common and casino cruises were negligible. In order to find a casino, a person would have to travel to that location where they were legal. But now the gambling scenario has changed altogether and several countries have taken the initiative to legalize gambling around the world.
It is timely identify unconventional methods of generating much needed foreign currency by way of inviting foreign investors to enter into agreements with the Tourism Ministry and affiliated government institutions to entice more foreign visitors to Sri Lanka on Casino Tours
2. Responsibility
Newly appointed minister of Investment Promotion shall be entrusted to initiate a program to fast track the tourist traffic from China and India by creating certain entertainment venue for the tourists to spend few days in cities of Galle and Colombo in addition to visiting historical locations within the country,with the support of Sri Lanka Tourism Board ,Sri Lanka Ports Authority and Sri Lanka Navy.
3. Methodoly
”Star Cruises is a subsidiary of Genting Hong Kong which is a leading global leisure, entertainment, and hospitality company. It is a huge company in the Asia Pacific cruise industry and it has been operating its fleet since 1993. It is known to take the bold initiative of growing the region as an international cruise destination offering a large fleet of six vessels including SuperStar Virgo, SuperStar Aquarius, SuperStar Libra, SuperStar Gemini, Star Pisces and, The Taipan.
Star Cruises’ dedication to offering world-class services and facilities can be witnessed in a host of recognitions and accolades received over the past few years. These include its induction into the prestigious Travel Trade Gazette’s Travel Hall of Fame” for a ninth year in 2016 in recognition of bagging Best Cruise Operator in the Asia-Pacific” for 10 consecutive years. This cruise has recently been voted Asia’s Leading Cruise Line” at the World Travel Awards for the fifth year in a row in 2016.
The cyclone reshaped large swathes of the upcountry. The devastation is so great that remapping is necessary. More than half of all landslides occurred in the districts of Badulla, Kandy, and Matale. Experts need high-quality close-up images, with essential assistance from international organisations and agencies.
Colombo (AsiaNews) – Cyclone Ditwah has transformed the topography of some inland parts of the island nation, the Survey Department reported recently, after strong winds and torrential rains altered its features. As a result, the land use map must be revised.
The department has reported that large parts of the upcountry have been eroded and battered, displacing huge boulders, washing away roads and railways, and devastating entire villages and towns.
More than half of all landslides occurred in the districts of Badulla, Kandy, and Matale, prompting experts to request new, high-resolution satellite images from space stations orbiting Sri Lanka to support a thorough remapping of the land.
This work is all the more urgent since a new map of the entire country was already in progress, making it necessary to assess the impact of recent events. The new images will help identify the areas affected by the landslides and assess the damage to river basins, land, and agricultural areas.
Landslides have physically altered parts of the hinterland, forcing authorities to rethink land use, resettlement, and national mapping priorities, necessitating a review of the material currently in use. The damage is mainly to the geological landscape.
Although basic satellite imagery is freely available, “high-quality close-up images require significant funding,” experts explain. Currently, the Survey Department has collected low-resolution images from disaster affected provinces and has begun preliminary assessments.”
The latter plans to request international assistance to obtain advanced satellite imagery, particularly from India, China, Japan, the United States, and Russia.
Beijing has already provided several close-ups, primarily highlighting areas affected by floods and landslides, although further imagery collection may be delayed due to current, still unstable weather conditions.
Australia-based geologists Mayantha Samarasinghe and Devinda Amarakoon told AsiaNews that satellite imagery is being used to monitor and assess landslides and flooding” in the wake of the devastating Cyclone Ditwah.
The initiative involves several entities, including the department itself, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the European Space Agency (ESA), and NASA, which “use data from the Sentinel and Planet Labs satellites” to map the affected areas and assist “response efforts.”
“These images provide crucial before-and-after insights to understand the extent of the devastation, identify risk zones, and assist with relief and reconstruction efforts. However, access to high-resolution data can sometimes be delayed by adverse weather conditions or resource limitations.”
For the researchers, “The lack of comprehensive landslide inventories has hindered the development of effective risk analysis and simulation systems,” forcing the government to “rely primarily on models developed abroad.”
According to the latest report from the National Audit Office (NAO), more than 84,000 homes, shops, schools, and religious buildings are in high-risk areas. However, the National Building Research Organisation (NBRO) has left a significant portion of the high-risk areas unmapped.
The audit report revealed that out of the 25,649 square kilometres selected for detailed mapping at a 1:10,000 scale, only 10,560 had been surveyed when the audit was conducted.
Thus, some 15,089 square kilometres have not been assessed, with thousands of structures in a potentially vulnerable situation; once the work is completed, the landscape of the upcountry could reveal further changes.
According to researchers Pradeepa Gunasinghe and Ajantha Mendis, “preparing landslide-prone area maps at a scale of 1:10,000 requires a large amount of field data, as well as significant financial resources and time.”
Unlike 1:50,000-scale maps, detailed mapping is labour-intensive and requires “more time and money than what Sri Lanka can currently sustain.” But Once completed, the topography and landscape of Sri Lanka’s upcountry will change significantly.”
Comments Off on After Ditwah altered the landscape, Sri Lanka must remake its maps
Colombo, Dec. 21 (Daily Mirror) – The Indian pharmaceutical company Maan Pharmaceutical (Pvt) Ltd., has informed Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Health that it is willing to bear the full cost of testing the withdrawn batches of the Ondansetron injection at an internationally recognised laboratory.
In a letter addressed to the Ministry, the company requested that the relevant batches be referred for independent testing and stated that ensuring the injection samples were stored under proper conditions prior to testing is the responsibility of the Sri Lankan health authorities.
The National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA) on December 13 ordered the immediate withdrawal of four batches of the Ondansetron injection manufactured by Maan Pharmaceutical from use in both state and private hospitals.
The decision followed suspicions of possible contamination in the drug, which allegedly led to the deaths of two patients. It has been confirmed that the drug in question had been administered during their course of treatment.
Nevertheless, investigations are currently underway to determine whether the deaths are linked to the injection.
In its letter, Maan Pharmaceutical reiterated its request for the immediate referral of the withdrawn batches for international testing and reaffirmed its readiness to cover all related costs, while emphasising the importance of verifying that the samples had been stored in compliance with required quality standards.
Comments Off on Indian company seeks international testing of drug in question, says ready to bear cost
Dr Channa Jayasumana, former State Minister of Health, Courtesy Daily Mirror
Rural and underprivileged children will bear the heaviest burden, while the privileged few will secure alternatives through private and foreign systems
Decisions that affect the future of an entire nation cannot be entrusted to incompetence, arrogance, or ideological fixation
Dr Channa Jayasumana, former State Minister of Health
The proposed education reforms currently being pushed by the government must be stopped immediately.
Their implementation without broad consultation, empirical evidence, or national consensus amounts to a reckless experiment imposed on the children of Sri Lanka. Education policy determines the intellectual, cultural, and economic future of the nation, and such far-reaching reforms cannot be rushed through based on ideological preferences or external prescriptions.
Sri Lanka’s free education system is one of the greatest achievements of the modern state. These reforms directly threaten its survival by weakening examinations, diluting academic accountability, and paving the way for inequality and privatisation. Once the structured framework of free education is dismantled, it will never be restored. Rural and underprivileged children will bear the heaviest burden, while the privileged few will secure alternatives through private and foreign systems.
The proposal to abolish or marginalise examinations is educationally disastrous. Examinations provide structure, discipline, and motivation. Removing them may appear compassionate, but in reality, it is cruel. It gives temporary relief to students who struggle, while permanently damaging their future prospects. Without clear standards, students will drift away from the curriculum, teachers will lose accountability, and the overall quality of education will collapse.
Attempts to justify these reforms by citing Scandinavian education models are fundamentally flawed. Sri Lanka does not share the socio-economic conditions, institutional capacity, classroom sizes, or welfare support systems of those countries. Blindly importing foreign models without contextual adaptation reflects policy incompetence and an alarming disconnect from national realities.
Even more disturbing is the deliberate curtailment of history education and the systematic weakening of Sri Lanka’s civilizational consciousness. History is being sidelined to serve third-party agendas that seek to erase national identity. Sri Lanka’s civilisation is deeply rooted in Buddhist values, which have shaped its moral, social, and cultural framework for over two millennia. There is a clear and intentional effort to divert schoolchildren from these values and replace clarity with confusion.
Teaching other religions must remain strictly optional. Imposing alternative religious beliefs under the pretext of inclusivity violates the fundamental rights of Buddhist schoolchildren and undermines constitutional safeguards. Respect for diversity cannot be achieved by eroding the cultural and religious foundation of the majority. Given the magnitude and irreversible consequences of these reforms, their implementation must be suspended with immediate effect. A comprehensive national dialogue must be initiated involving all stakeholders: teachers, university academics, educationists, parents, students, religious leaders, and professional bodies. No reform has legitimacy without informed public consent.
If these reforms are pushed through without such consultation, the entire responsibility will lie squarely with Dr Harini Amarasuriya, Minister of Education. At present, the Minister has demonstrated neither the academic depth, administrative experience, nor the intellectual capacity required to introduce reforms of this scale and consequence. Decisions that affect the future of an entire nation cannot be entrusted to incompetence, arrogance, or ideological fixation.
Sri Lanka does not need rushed experiments or externally driven agendas. It needs a stable, rigorous, culturally grounded education system developed through wisdom, experience, and national consensus. Until such conditions are met, these reforms must not proceed—even by a single step.
Comments Off on Halt the Education Reforms Now: A reckless experiment endangering the nation’s future
Colombo, Dec. 21 (Daily Mirror) – The Kolonna Police Station in Embilipitiya has launched an investigation following allegations that a group, including Ratnapura District National People’s Power (NPP) MP Shantha Padmakumara, had attacked a police officer while he was returning home after completing his duty.
The officer, attached to the Suriyakanda Police Station, is currently receiving treatment at the Embilipitiya Hospital for injuries reportedly sustained in the attack on Saturday night (20).
According to reports, the officer had recently participated in a cannabis raid conducted by the Suriyakanda Police on a land belonging to the MP’s father-in-law.
The officer claimed that the MP and others had arrived in a vehicle, threatened and attacked him.
He lodged a complaint with the Kolonna Police and investigations are underway under the direction of the Officer-in-Charge of the Embilipitiya Division.
Comments Off on Probe launched after police officer allegedly attacked by group including NPP MP
Torrential rains lashed the southern coastal belt yesterday evening (20), leaving several major roads in Galle and Weligama underwater and causing significant disruption to commuters.
In Galle, the flooding was particularly severe on several critical routes, including the Galle – Matara main road, the Galle – Baddegama main road, Galle Main Street and several internal roads within the historic Galle Fort.
Local residents have expressed frustration, pointing out that the flooding isn’t just a “natural” disaster.
They cite the authorities’ failure to clean the city’s drainage systems and the proliferation of unauthorised constructions over canals as the primary reasons why even moderate rainfall now leads to inundated streets.
The situation was mirrored in Weligama, where persistent heavy downpours have similarly left multiple town roads submerged.
As the Northeast Monsoon continues to settle in, these coastal towns remain vulnerable to further flash flooding if the infrastructure isn’t addressed—and quickly.
Comments Off on Heavy rains submerge key roads in Galle and Weligama
The Department of Irrigation says that 89 reservoirs under its management are continuing to overflow due to the prevailing rainy weather.
Director of the Hydrology and Disaster Management Division of the Irrigation Department, L. S. Sooriyabandara, stated that the Mahaweli River remains at a minor flood level in the Manampitiya area.
Comments Off on 89 tanks spilling across Sri Lanka
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has approved an immediate disbursement of approximately USD 206 million under the Rapid Financing Instrument (RFI) to assist Sri Lanka in the wake of the catastrophic Cyclone Ditwah.
Speaking shortly after the Executive Board’s decision, IMF Senior Mission Chief for Sri Lanka, Evan Papageorgiou, emphasised that while the funds are provided without the typical conditionalities of an Extended Fund Facility (EFF), the government must maintain strict fiscal discipline.
Transparency and accountability in emergency spending
Papageorgiou stressed that emergency funds must be managed with high standards of transparency to ensure they reach the intended recovery efforts.
“All emergency spending should be executed in full compliance with the Public Financial Management Act and supported by enhanced monitoring and regular public reporting in line with transparency and accountability standards. The Central Bank of Sri Lanka should continue to refrain from monetary financing of the budget.”
He further noted that public investment management reforms will be vital to “prioritise reconstruction projects and ensure value for money.”
The nature of the RFI vs EFF
Unlike the ongoing Extended Fund Facility, the RFI is a one-time injection of liquidity designed for urgent needs.
“RFI is a single disbursement. So today’s board meeting is just for that. There are no other purchases or disbursements after this. As such, there is also no review of on-programme conditionality, unlike the EFF, which is an ongoing, long-standing engagement with the country.”
Catalytic effect and debt sustainability
The IMF believes this disbursement will act as a signal to other international donors to provide further support.
“This 206 million USD disbursement from the rapid financing instrument will not undermine Sri Lanka’s good progress toward its sustainability. It will increase Sri Lanka’s IMF credit commitment by a relatively small amount… I would instead point to the catalytic effect that this access can have because this ensures that the authorities’ response can be augmented, and there is quick access to additional financing, not only from the IMF but also from other development partners, as well as bilateral donors.”
Repayment terms and interest rates
Papageorgiou clarified that the RFI offers more favourable terms than borrowing from the primary market or issuing domestic bonds.
“The repayment of the RFI has a grace period of three and a quarter years, and it starts to get repaid up to five years after that… The basic rate of charge right now, for the week of December 15th to 21st, is 3.274%. Even with [potential] surcharges, the cost of borrowing from the RFI is lower than the country borrowing in the primary market.”
Economic outlook following the disaster
The IMF has adjusted its short-term projections for Sri Lanka, citing supply chain disruptions and infrastructure damage.
·Inflation is expected to rise in the short term due to food shortages.
·Current Account is likely to widen over the next 6–12 months due to increased imports for construction and food.
·A potential reduction in agricultural exports and tourism earnings is anticipated.
Next steps: Renegotiating the EFF
With the fifth review of the EFF delayed by the cyclone, an IMF team is slated to visit Sri Lanka early next year.
“A significant natural disaster and significant events such as Cyclone Ditwah and ensuing damages require a very careful understanding of all these effects on programme parameters, on economic policies, and how the reforms that have already been planned for the EFF… fit into the next phase of the programme”
Comments Off on IMF urges CBSL to continue to refrain from monetary financing
The Medical Supplies Division of the Health Ministry reveals that 93 types of medicines used in government hospitals failed quality assurance tests so far this year.
Among these substandard items, 42 originate from India, marking the highest contribution from a single source.
The remaining failed samples include 25 locally manufactured drugs, along with products from China, Pakistan, Japan, and Bangladesh.
The Health Ministry took immediate action to withdraw, temporarily suspend, or completely halt the use of several batches identified as poor quality.
Significant concern surrounds the ‘Ondansetron’ injection, used to control vomiting, following the deaths of two patients.
Scientific investigations are currently underway to confirm if these fatalities resulted from complications related to the drug.
Health Ministry records show 600 instances of drug quality failure in the country since 2017.
The highest number of failures occurred in 2019 with 96 cases, while 2024 saw 83 reported incidents.
The National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA) continues to tighten inspection protocols to prevent substandard medication from endangering patient lives.
Comments Off on Number of hospital drugs fail quality tests
The leader of the United National Party, Ranil Wickremesinghe, has chaired a high-level meeting at his Flower Road office to discuss his impending departure from the party leadership.
Representatives from several political parties gathered in Colombo yesterday (18) for the special session.
The primary focus of the deliberations was Wickremesinghe’s decision to step down as the head of the United National Party (UNP).
The meeting served as a platform to navigate the transition of power and address the future trajectory of the party following his exit.
Comments Off on Ranil Wickremesinghe discusses leadership exit
The International Monetary Fund Executive Board has approved an immediate disbursement of approximately US$206 million to Sri Lanka to help the nation navigate the aftermath of the catastrophic Cyclone Ditwah. This emergency support is provided through the Rapid Financing Instrument and is equivalent to 26 percent of the country’s quota. The funding arrives at a critical juncture as the nation faces urgent balance-of-payments needs and significant fiscal pressures resulting from the natural disaster that struck on November 28.
The impact of Cyclone Ditwah has been described as devastating, claiming more than 600 lives and affecting millions of citizens across the island. Heavy flooding and widespread landslides have displaced over 100,000 people and destroyed critical infrastructure, creating a massive humanitarian and reconstruction challenge. The IMF noted that these unforeseen circumstances necessitated immediate financial intervention to preserve macroeconomic stability while the government begins the difficult task of rebuilding livelihoods.
Because of the scale of the disaster, the IMF and Sri Lankan authorities have agreed to defer the Fifth Review under the existing Extended Fund Facility. This pause allows the government and the Fund necessary time to conduct a comprehensive assessment of the cyclone’s economic impact. By deferring the review until early 2026, both parties can ensure that the ongoing recovery and reconstruction efforts are integrated into the broader IMF-supported reform program without compromising long-term policy objectives or debt sustainability.
Deputy Managing Director Kenji Okamura commended the Sri Lankan government for its swift response to the crisis, noting that the relief measures were supported by strong fiscal performance earlier in 2025. He emphasized that while reconstruction needs will be substantial, the authorities remain dedicated to fiscal prudence. To ensure accountability, all emergency spending is expected to be executed in full compliance with the Public Financial Management Act, supported by enhanced monitoring and regular public reporting to maintain transparency.
While the Sri Lankan economy is still emerging from a deep economic crisis, the IMF highlighted that the current reform agenda has already led to a robust economic recovery and price stability. However, the economy remains vulnerable as GDP has not yet returned to pre-crisis levels. The IMF reaffirmed its commitment to the people of Sri Lanka, stating that close engagement will continue until the mission team returns in early 2026 to resume formal discussions on the long-term reform program.
Comments Off on IMF approves $206M emergency lifeline for Sri Lanka
Fifteen days after Cyclone Ditwah tore through the country, the floodwaters have receded and the immediate shock has given way to reflection. As of December 14, 2025, the bodies recovered from landslides have been laid to rest, survivors, whose homes were wiped out, are sheltered in Suraksha centres, and daily life has begun to inch forward. Roads, nearly 80 percent of them, have been reopened, power and water restored, and communities, through individual resolve and collective effort, have cleared homes and roads, even as heaps of damaged belongings still line the roadsides. Now, as the initial dust settles, the nation stands at a critical moment: beyond recovery, it is time to confront the deeper structural weaknesses laid bare by Ditwah.
Cyclone Ditwah has emerged as a defining test for Sri Lanka, both for the newly elected NPP government, facing its first major natural disaster, and for a nation still recovering from the economic collapse of 2022 and navigating the constraints of an IMF bailout programme. The storm not only challenged the country’s disaster-response machinery but also revealed the resilience of its people, the strengths of its leadership, and the gaps that must be urgently addressed as climate-related catastrophes become increasingly frequent.
Presidential Leadership in Times of National Crisis
From the earliest hours of the cyclone’s impact, President Anura Kumara Dissanayakatook an active and visible role in directing the government machinery. His rapid mobilisation of state institutions, technical agencies, and the Armed Forces helped Sri Lanka confront a multi-layered and complex emergency that spanned damaged roads, disrupted power lines, unsafe water supplies, landslides, and widespread displacement. The administration’s coordination, during these initial hours, set the tone for what became one of the most intensive emergency-response efforts in recent years. Mobilising and coordinating government institutions solely through presidential initiative is not an ideal administrative practice. A resilient state must, instead, ensure that its institutions are structurally prepared to act seamlessly when disaster strikes, closing the systemic gaps exposed by Cyclone Ditwah.
The President’s visits to all affected districts strengthened on-the-ground coordination by bringing together district coordinating committees, public officials, political representatives, and community organisations to align relief and reconstruction with local realities, while also helping to identify bottlenecks and clarify institutional responsibilities. However, these same district-level meetings exposed serious shortcomings in disaster governance: weak inter-agency communication, unclear response mandates, gaps in early-warning systems, and uneven political leadership at the local level. In several instances, critical information failed to reach the right actors in time, and some elected representatives were slow to engage, prompting the President to direct provincial governors to personally assess landslide-prone areas—underscoring the urgent need for a more robust, integrated disaster-management framework and stronger local political participation during crises.
Cyclone Ditwah serves as a powerful reminder that Sri Lanka must prepare better, long before the next storm arrives. Effective disaster response depends not only on the commitment of the central government and security forces but also on pre-trained communities and seamless cooperation between agencies at every administrative tier. This article seeks to contribute to a constructive national conversation on the lessons learned from Cyclone Ditwah. The intention is not to assign blame but to highlight the insights necessary to build a more resilient, better-coordinated system capable of protecting lives and livelihoods in the face of future disasters.
Equally notable was the spontaneous civic mobilisation that unfolded across the country. Communities self-organised to clear debris, distribute food, assist vulnerable families, and provide temporary shelter, demonstrating a deep social solidarity that often surfaces during national crises. In many affected districts, local volunteers were the first to reach remote or isolated areas, complementing government and military operations.
Rethinking Responses to Recurrent Climate Emergencies
Sri Lanka is no stranger to weather-related disasters, and Cyclone Ditwah is neither the first nor the last event the nation will confront. Over the past decade alone, the country has endured floods, landslides, droughts, and cyclones of varying intensity. These recurring emergencies underscore an undeniable truth: climate-related shocks are now a structural part of Sri Lanka’s future, demanding a disaster-management system that is agile, integrated, and continuously updated.
After the devastation of the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, Sri Lanka invested significant effort in building its institutional infrastructure for disaster risk reduction. Agencies were established, frameworks were drafted, and early-warning mechanisms were introduced with the hope of preventing a repeat of such a tragedy. Yet the experience of Cyclone Ditwah has revealed that many of these institutions have become moribund—functioning in isolation, following outdated protocols, and lacking the coordination needed for an effective national response. While the systems technically exist, they are not fully aligned with the mission they were created to serve. Too many agencies operate within narrowly defined mandates and fail to communicate or integrate their work with related entities. This siloed approach weakens the overall national response and limits the ability of institutions to mobilise collectively when disaster strikes.
Once again Ditwah highlighted the need for reliable early-warning system that requires constant technological upgrading. A robust interface between technologyand institutional networks is essential. Advanced and accessible communication technologies—early-warning systems, mobile alerts, satellite data, and community-level dissemination platforms— should play a crucial role in transforming timely information into effective action. Timely alerts, data-sharing mechanisms, communication networks, and community-level outreach must keep pace with global standards and evolving climatic threats. The gaps observed during Cyclone Ditwah indicate that Sri Lanka’s early warning systems need stronger digital infrastructure, better interoperability, and clearer channels for dissemination to all communities, especially those in vulnerable zones. Disaster risk management cannot rely solely on community participation.
Building a Disaster Management Architecture
Sri Lanka gained independence in 1948 in the aftermath of the devastating island-wide floods in 1947. Since then, the country has repeatedly faced severe natural disasters—particularly windstorms and floods—in 1957, 1964, 1969, 1976, 1986, and 1989. Yet, despite this long and painful history, no single, dedicated institutional mechanism existed, within the state, to manage disaster-related activities, until the mid-1990s. Responsibility for disaster response remained fragmented across multiple agencies, largely operating under the broad and limited mandate of social services.
A decisive institutional shift began in 1994 with the establishment of the National Disaster Management Centre (NDMC) by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, under the Ministry of Social Welfare. The NDMC was tasked with coordinating disaster preparedness, mitigation, emergency response, recovery, and long-term rehabilitation and development. It also initiated the development of a comprehensive legal and policy framework for disaster management. By 2000, the NDMC had completed draft versions of the Disaster Management Bill and the National Disaster Management Plan. However, these initiatives stalled and were never formally adopted following the change of government in 2001.
The catastrophic human, economic, and social consequences of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami starkly exposed the limitations of this incomplete framework and underscored the urgent need for a systematic and comprehensive approach to disaster management. In response, disaster preparedness was elevated to a national priority, and on 10 February, 2005, a bipartisan Parliamentary Select Committee was appointed. Its mandate was to examine gaps in preparedness revealed by the Tsunami of 26 December, 2004, assess the absence of effective early-warning mechanisms, and recommend measures to strengthen institutional readiness and reduce the impact of future natural disasters.
The Parliamentary Select Committee met 28 times and produced a wide-ranging report within a short span, marking a decisive policy moment in Sri Lanka’s approach to disaster management. Its findings laid bare deep structural weaknesses in hazard mapping and risk assessment, preparedness, early-warning systems, mitigation, emergency response, and public awareness. Acting on these recommendations, Parliament enacted the Sri Lanka Disaster Management Act, No. 13 of 2005—finally providing a legal foundation for coordinated disaster governance.
The Disaster Management Act of 2005 brought forward significant changes in the institutional framework for disaster management. It created the National Council for Disaster Management (NCDM), a high-level political body, chaired by the President, with the Prime Minister as Vice Chair, and established the Disaster Management Centre (DMC) as the country’s lead implementing agency. The DMC was mandated to coordinate disaster risk reduction at national and sub-national levels, supported by Disaster Management Committees at district and divisional levels. A dedicated Cabinet Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights followed in 2006, later streamlined as the Ministry of Disaster Management in 2010. On paper, this architecture promised coherence, authority, and reach.
Parallel to the setting up of new institutional framework for disaster management, the process of disaster management policy planning and policy formulation has taken a new turn. ‘The Disaster Management Policy of 2010’, prepared by DMC, in 2010, was adopted as the main policy line for disaster management. Furthermore, DMC developed ‘The National Disaster Management Plan of 2013-2017’(NDMP) in 2014 as the overall guiding document covering intended activities of the major phases–mitigation, preparedness, emergency operations and post disaster activities, such as relief, recovery and reconstruction. Training, public awareness and education are also covered in the above phases. It envisaged a multi-sector approach in which involvement of NGOs and CBOs are expected to translate policies into tangible action. Further, in 2014, NCDM approved the Sri Lanka Comprehensive Disaster Management Programme (SLCDMP) for 2014-2018 to reduce disaster and climate risks by minimising impacts on people, properties, and the economy. SLCDMP also presented a comprehensive roadmap to improve capacity of local level operators by institutionalising local level support in its planning. It was prepared by the National Disaster Management Coordinating Committee (NDMCC), a multi-stakeholder national platform, established in November 2007 who also plays a key role in implementing disaster risk reduction strategies in the country. This is a clear manifestation of confusion and duplication of disaster management work.
Technological and informational capacities improved with the establishment of a Disaster Information System in 2008, supported by UNDP, and the gradual rollout of nationwide early-warning systems. Responsibility for hazard monitoring was formally vested in the Meteorological Department and the Geological Survey and Mines Bureau, operating through the Disaster Management Centre’s Emergency Operations Centre. While these developments marked genuine progress, their effectiveness has remained uneven in practice. International partners, such as UNDP, have produced extensive analyses and recommendations, but ultimate responsibility of implementation rests with domestic institutions. The core problem lies not in the absence of information, but in weak implementation, limited inter-agency cooperation, and persistent administrative inaction.
Fragmented Institutions and the Cost of Poor Coordination
At the heart of these shortcomings are deeper features of Sri Lanka’s political and administrative culture. Disaster management has frequently been treated as a politically advantageous domain—offering visibility and access to state resources—resulting in its fragmentation across multiple ministries and agencies. This dispersion undermines integrated planning, weakens accountability, and hampers coordination precisely when speed and clarity are most critical. The consequences of inadequate preparedness, poor inter-agency coordination, and inconsistent public messaging have repeatedly emerged during major crises. This was evident in the MV X-Press Pearl disaster in May 2021, where information on hazardous cargo damage was not shared across agencies. Similarly, the lack of inter-agency communication was a prominent issue during Cyclone Ditwah in December 2025.
Technological and informational capacities improved with the establishment of a Disaster Information System in 2008, supported by UNDP, and the gradual rollout of nationwide early-warning systems. Responsibility for hazard monitoring was formally vested in the Meteorological Department and the Geological Survey and Mines Bureau, operating through the Disaster Management Centre’s Emergency Operations Centre. However, their effectiveness has remained uneven in practice.
International partners, such as UNDP and other multi-lateral agencies, have produced extensive analyses and recommendations, but ultimate responsibility of implementation rests with domestic institutions. The core problem lies not in the absence of information and recommendations , but in weak implementation, limited inter-agency cooperation, and persistent administrative inaction.
NGOs: Critical Actors with Structural Limits
Another critical dimension of Sri Lanka’s disaster-management landscape is the prominent role played by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and, to a lesser extent, private-sector institutions across almost every phase of the disaster-management cycle. Their contribution is especially visible at the community level, where state reach is often limited. It is, however, important to distinguish between spontaneous voluntary community action and the more structured, project-driven modes of operation, typical of NGOs. This distinction does not diminish the importance of NGOs; rather, it helps clarify both their strengths and their limitations within a national disaster-management framework.
NGO engagement is particularly valuable in Community-Based Disaster Risk Management (CBDRM), where sustained local participation is essential. Through CBDRM initiatives, NGOs help Disaster-Risk Communities identify, analyse, and monitor risks, develop locally appropriate mitigation strategies, and strengthen coping capacities. Many international humanitarian organisations coordinate their work through the UN Humanitarian Country Team, while several local initiatives demonstrate the transformative potential of community-centred action. The Community Tsunami Early-Warning Centre (CTEC) in Peraliya, established with the support of two foreign donors and a Sri Lankan medical doctor, is a notable example. Equipped with round-the-clock internet-linked computers receiving real-time alerts from the US Geological Survey, CTEC has built a network of 30 focal points across the Galle District, each comprising 10 village representatives—illustrating how informed communities can play a frontline role in risk mitigation.
The Sarvodaya Community Disaster Risk Management Centre in Moratuwa further underscores the constructive role NGOs can play. Sarvodaya has worked to establish disaster-management committees linked with government district-level officers, strengthening coordination between communities and the state. In partnership with LIRNEasia, it has also developed early-warning systems designed to deliver alerts directly to households. With more than 50,000 community-based organisations, Sri Lanka possesses a potentially powerful grassroots network capable of making a decisive impact on disaster preparedness, response, and recovery. These organisations have been tasked with identifying vulnerable groups within their communities and ensuring their protection during emergencies—a role they performed actively in the aftermath of the 2004 Tsunami.
Yet, despite this potential, Sri Lankan NGOs, as a sector, suffer from persistent structural weaknesses. Many remain heavily dependent on international donor funding and tend to become inactive once external financing diminishes. Over time, this has led to cycles of intense activity during high-profile disasters, followed by organisational stagnation and decline. Unless NGO engagement is better integrated into long-term national planning, supported by stronger domestic institutional linkages and sustainable funding mechanisms, their contribution will remain episodic rather than transformative.
Early Warning Systems: From Forecasting to Community Action
The recent experience of Cyclone Ditwah has once again underscored the critical importance of effective early warning systems in mitigating the impact of natural disasters. Sri Lanka’s vulnerability to such events was starkly evident during the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami. The first tsunami waves hit the eastern coast of Sri Lanka at approximately 6.40 a.m. on 26th December, about one hour and forty minutes after the earthquake. A secondary wave struck approximately 20 minutes later. The western coastal area was hit by the tsunami waves much later. The tsunami hit the southern coastal city of Hambantota at about 9.10 a.m. and Peraliya on the south-western coast, where the train tragedy took place, at 10.10 a.m., three and a half hours after the first wave, the tsunami hit the eastern coast of Sri Lanka. If an emergency disaster early-warning communication system were in place, at least a part of the human disaster on the Western coast could have been avoided. More than two decades later, Ditwah revealed that preparedness remains inadequate, and simply issuing statements from government agencies is insufficient. Early warnings must be actively communicated to communities, accompanied by clear action plans implemented by relevant authorities, to ensure people are informed, prepared, and able to respond effectively to impending disasters.
A landslide
Cultural and Ethnic Sensitivity in Disaster Response
One of the most important lessons highlighted by Cyclone Ditwah is the critical need for inclusivity and sensitivity in a multi-ethnic, post-conflict society like Sri Lanka. Emerging from the ashes of a devastating ethnic conflict, the country must ensure that national unity and ethnic harmony remain central to every policy and action, especially during crises. Ditwah revealed that some state institutions are not yet fully equipped to operate effectively in a multi-ethnic, multi-linguistic environment. Crucial notices and statements were, at times, released solely in Sinhala, in violation of the language policy enshrined in the Constitution. While practical administrative challenges may exist, it is the responsibility of political leadership to ensure that these requirements are addressed proactively. When vital information fails to reach communities in their own languages during emergencies, those communities would experience alienation and discrimination, with potentially grave consequences. In a multi-ethnic, post-conflict society, sensitivity to ethno-political dynamics is not optional—it is imperative across all phases of disaster management: preparedness, emergency response, and post-disaster recovery.
The real challenge begins now, and Sri Lanka cannot afford complacency. Resettling displaced and vulnerable communities is a formidable task that demands more than community goodwill—government institutions must bear the brunt of these responsibilities. Piles of spoiled food and debris left unattended in cities can quickly create serious public health hazards, underscoring the need for swift and organised action. With the North-Eastern Monsoon approaching, the country must be prepared for any eventuality.
Foreign Humanitarian Assistance and Its Geopolitical Dimensions
Sri Lanka did not stand alone in the wake of Ditwah. The country received substantial international assistance—not only in emergency humanitarian relief, but also in expertise, equipment, and resources for recovery and reconstruction. This support reflects the goodwill Sri Lanka continues to command globally, while also underscoring the need for credible and efficient domestic systems capable of coordinating effectively with foreign partners. At the same time, emergency relief is never geopolitically neutral. Sri Lanka must therefore approach foreign disaster assistance with a clear understanding of its national interests—without retreating into a besieged mentality. Instead, the challenge is to manage geopolitical competition to our advantage through an approach of omni-enmeshment: engaging all major powers simultaneously through dense networks of cooperation, institutions, and partnerships, creating mutual stakes and reducing the likelihood of strategic pressure or conflict.
Rethinking Development Strategies under Climate Stress
Beyond immediate relief, Cyclone Ditwah forces us to rethink the development model we are pursuing. Decades of deforestation and unplanned urban expansion have amplified the country’s vulnerability: between 1990 and 2010, Sri Lanka lost an average of 24,500 hectares of forest per year, totaling nearly 21 percent of its forest cover (Sri Lanka Forest Information and Data, The Rainforest S.). Forests once absorbed and regulated rainwater, but their loss has accelerated floods, triggered landslides, and intensified droughts, while impervious urban surfaces exacerbate flash flooding. The country is now paying the price for these environmental and planning failures, making comprehensive, forward-looking strategies a matter of urgent necessity.
Lessons from Ditwah and the Path Forward
Cyclone Ditwah is more than a weather event—it is a wake-up call that Sri Lanka must strengthen its resilience against future disasters. Fragmented responsibility, weak inter-agency coordination, and inconsistent communication are vulnerabilities that put lives and livelihoods at risk. We are compelled to face the challenges posed by extreme weather events repeatedly in the future. Learning and applying the lessons of Cyclone Ditwah is crucial for political leaders, state institutions, NGOs, and communities alike. Only by building a culture of preparedness, accountability, and coordination can the nation shift crisis response from reactive improvisation to proactive, life-saving action.
Prof. Gamini Kerawella can be accessed through keerawellag@gmail.com
by Prof. Gamini Keerawella
Comments Off on A wake-up call for stronger preparedness and coordination
