SepalAmarasinghe

Shenali D Waduge

Transnational corporations control essential resources.
Unelected global bodies control the rules, access, legitimacy, and penalties.
Together, they constrain sovereign choice. 

Elected leaders and governments operate within this system as pawns – they must subscribe to above or face elimination (assassination, economic, financial, diplomatic, reputational punishments)

Every budget, subsidy removal, privatization, digital rollout, education reform, or emergency law passed in your country is either first recommended or passed by this global control layer — or it will be blocked, punished, or reversed.

This does not mean all leaders are weak or corrupt — it means the system limits how far even well-intentioned leaders can act. The fate of those who don’t comply is understood by plenty of examples.

This is not about secret rule — it is about a system deliberately designed to preserve power for a concentrated global elite.

As public resistance grows, new governance layers are introduced to retain control — the newest measures are Digital ID systems, cashless economies, algorithmic governance, and smart city” infrastructure, presented as progress, efficiency, and inevitability.

1. The Division of Power  

A. Who Controls the Resources (Holds Economic Power)

These entities own or dominate the systems that modern societies depend on:

·      Food systems

·      Water utilities and natural resources

·      Energy supply chains (fossil, renewable, grid infrastructure)

·      Pharmaceuticals and medical supply chains, medical journals, think tanks

·      Data and digital infrastructure, cloud infrastructure

·      Capital flows and global finance

·      Media/Communications

·      Arms / Weapons / Intel services

·      Education – curriculum design, school-university-models

They are:

·      Transnational

·      Profit-driven

·      Shareholder-governed

·      Largely protected from democratic accountability

·      Ideological oriented

They control what societies need to survive — but do not own, govern or control directly.

B. Who Controls the Rules (Unelected Global Bodies hold Governance & Power)

These entities:

·      Do not own resources

·      Do not pass national laws

·      Do not face voters

·      Do not bear responsibility for social consequences (which they create)

But they:

·      Set global frameworks

·      Define compliance and best practice”

·      Control access to finance, markets and dictate legitimacy

·      Trigger punishment – economic or reputational

They function as the operating system through which corporate power is protected and expanded globally.

2. Degree of Control Over Essential Systems  

Unelected global bodies exert influence because key resources are already concentrated in the hands of a few transnational corporations. These corporations are profit-driven, transnational, largely untaxed locally, and control systems critical to national survival.

2.1 Food Systems (What People Eat)

·      ~70–90% of global grain trade controlled by ADM, Bunge, Cargill, Louis Dreyfus (ABCD group)

·      ~60%+ of global commercial seeds controlled by Bayer-Monsanto, Corteva, Syngenta, Limagrain

·      ~70%+ of agrochemicals/pesticides controlled by Bayer, Syngenta, Corteva, BASF

Result:
Food prices, farmer survival, and national food security respond to corporate trading strategies — not local needs.

Impact: Prices, farmer survival, and national food security respond to corporate trading decisions. Profits are held in low-tax jurisdictions.

2.2 Water & Natural Resources

·      Urban and industrial water utilities increasingly operated through Veolia, Suez, American Water, private equity funds, and PPPs

·      Key natural resources (minerals, forests, rare earths) dominated by BHP, Rio Tinto, Glencore, Vale

Impact: Pricing, access, and land use shaped by financial and contractual leverage not public mandate.

2.3 Energy

·      Oil, gas, and electricity supply dominated by ExxonMobil, Shell, BP, TotalEnergies, Chevron

·      Renewable energy supply chains increasingly controlled by large industrial players: Vestas, Siemens Gamesa, First Solar

Impact: Energy Pricing, subsidy removal, and energy transition tied to global capital and ESG compliance.

2.4 Pharmaceuticals & Health

·      ~70–75% of global pharmaceutical profits captured by Pfizer, Johnson & Johnson, Roche, Novartis, Merck, GSK, Sanofi, AbbVie, Bayer, AstraZeneca

·      Intellectual property (IP) and pricing power are highly centralized

·      Medical journals and research platforms often owned by Elsevier, Springer Nature, Wiley

Impact: WHO standards and emergency frameworks favor patent holders structurally over national affordability or production.

2.5 Finance & Capital Flows

·      Global capital flows dominated by BlackRock, Vanguard, State Street, JPMorgan Chase, Goldman Sachs

·      Hedge funds and private equity such as Bridgewater, Carlyle, KKR exert additional influence

Impact: IMF programs, credit ratings, and capital flight enforce policy compliance.

2.6 Digital Infrastructure & Data

·      Big Tech companies controlling global data: Google, Microsoft, Meta (Facebook), Amazon, Apple, Alibaba, Tencent

Impact: Digital dependence reduces regulatory and narrative sovereignty – governance becomes algorithmic and externally influenced.

2.7 Media / Communications

Global news and entertainment concentrated in Disney, Comcast, Warner Bros Discovery, News Corp, ViacomCBS, Bertelsmann

Media plays a key role in dictating the narrative & spreading it globally.

Media enables the controllers to align people to their goals. 

2.8 Arms / Weapons / Intel services

·      Major arms manufacturers: Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Raytheon, Northrop Grumman, BAE Systems, Thales, Rheinmetall

·      Private intelligence and security contractors: G4S, Academi (formerly Blackwater), DynCorp, Control Risks

2.9 Education & Curriculum Influence

·      UNEP, UNESCO, and UN-affiliated education frameworks attempt to standardize curricula globally

·      Western-centric, liberal education models increasingly promoted, often ignoring local or Eastern civilizational values

·      Standardized programs influence ideological framing, social values, and policy outlook in future generations

Impact:
Education becomes a tool for shaping societal norms aligned with global frameworks rather than local cultural, civilizational, or societal needs.

We are seeing how the UN is attempting to influence national curriculum through packaged one-size fitting educational syllabus that are western centric and ignores the eastern civilizational cultural upbringing. These models of liberal thinking ideologically influence entire world.

When essential systems are concentrated in the hands of a few, unelected global bodies translate that concentration into frameworks, standards, and conditionality — creating compliance pressure without elections.

Transnational corporations cannot legally or openly force sovereign governments to change laws or policies.

That would constitute direct political interference.

Instead, these outcomes are achieved through unelected global bodies that apply conditionality, standards, access control, and legitimacy pressure — presented as neutral, technical, or unavoidable.

3. Corporations + Unelected Global Bodies (The Indirect Control Mechanism)

Transnational corporations cannot legally or openly force sovereign governments to change laws or policies.

That would constitute direct political interference.

Instead, these outcomes are achieved through unelected global bodies that apply conditionality, standards, access control, and legitimacy pressure — presented as neutral, technical, or unavoidable.

3.1 Privatization of Water & Public Utilities

Corporate interest:

·      Private ownership and long-term concession control of water, electricity, transport

Indirect leverage via unelected bodies:

·      World Bank / IFC – promotes Public–Private Partnerships (PPPs)

·      Regional Development Banks – infrastructure loans tied to privatization models

·      Climate finance mechanisms – link funding to efficiency” and cost recovery”

Result:
Governments privatize utilities as a loan or funding condition, not as a voter mandate.

3.2 Removal of Subsidies (Food, Fuel, Electricity)

Corporate interest:

·      Market pricing

·      Profit protection

·      Removal of state competition

Indirect leverage via unelected bodies:

·      IMF – structural adjustment & fiscal consolidation programs

·      World Bank – subsidy reform conditions

·      Credit rating agencies – downgrade risk if deficits remain

Result:
Subsidies are removed under macroeconomic necessity,” even when electorates oppose it.

3.3 Changes to Land Laws & Resource Access

Corporate interest:

·       Land acquisition

·       Resource extraction

·       Secure long-term contracts with tax concessions & investor” incentive to take back profits without being questioned

Indirect leverage via unelected bodies:

·       World Bank land reform frameworks

·       Investment treaty regimes (ISDS)

·       Climate & conservation financing models

Result:
Land becomes commodified; traditional or communal ownership is weakened.

3.4 Alteration of Labour Laws & Social Protections

Corporate interest:

·       Flexible labour – hire & fire / almost zero accountability for foreign investors

·       Lower wage floors

·       Reduced union power

Indirect leverage via unelected bodies:

·       IMF / World Bank – labour market flexibility” reforms

·       OECD benchmarks – competitiveness indicators

·       Trade agreements – labour harmonization clauses

Result:
Labour protections are reframed as rigidities” that must be reformed.

3.5 Protection of Intellectual Property (IP)

Corporate interest:

·       Patent monopolies

·       Long-term revenue extraction

·       Market exclusivity

Indirect leverage via unelected bodies:

·       WTO (TRIPS Agreement) – enforces IP protection globally

·       WHO frameworks – procurement and treatment standards

·       Trade agreements – extended patent protections

Result:
National manufacturing and affordability are subordinated to global patent regimes.

3.6 Opening of Markets to Foreign Capital

Corporate interest:

·       Market access

·       Capital mobility

·       Profit repatriation

Indirect leverage via unelected bodies:

·       WTO – trade liberalization rules

·       IMF – capital account liberalization

·       Credit rating agencies – punish protectionist policies

Result:
Local industries are exposed to global competition before they are resilient.

3.7 Digital ID, Cashless Systems & Data Governance

Corporate interest:

·       Data extraction

·       Platform dependence

·       Surveillance-compatible infrastructure (to keep locals in check & controlled)

Indirect leverage via unelected bodies:

·       WEF – digital governance models

·       World Bank / UNDP – digital ID funding

·       OECD – data interoperability standards

Result:
Digital systems become mandatory gateways to services and economic participation.

3.8 ESG, Climate & Environmental Compliance

Corporate interest:

·       Control of energy transition

·       Carbon markets

·       Green finance dominance

Indirect leverage via unelected bodies:

·       UNFCCC / COP frameworks

·       ESG standards bodies

·       Multilateral development banks

Result:
Financing is conditional on ESG alignment, regardless of national development stage.

·       Corporations define economic needs.

·       Unelected global bodies translate those needs into technical rules, standards, and conditions.

·       Governments comply to retain access, capital, legitimacy, and stability — not because citizens voted for it.

Corporations hold the assets.
Unelected global bodies hold the levers.
Governments face the pressure.
Citizens absorb the consequences

4. Key Unelected Entities & Their Functional Role

IMF / World Bank / Regional Development Banks

Role: Economic Enforcers

Named entities:

·       International Monetary Fund (IMF)

·       World Bank Group

o   International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD)

o   International Development Association (IDA)

o   International Finance Corporation (IFC)

·       Regional Development Banks

o   Asian Development Bank (ADB)

o   African Development Bank (AfDB)

o   Inter-American Development Bank (IDB)

o   European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD)

Functions:

·       Attach conditions to loans often unrelated to the loan purpose
(loans repaid with interest in foreign currency; conditions are irreversible)

·       Mandate:

o   Privatization of state assets

o   Market pricing of essentials

o   Subsidy removal

o   Legal and regulatory reforms

·       Restructure economies to be:

o   Investor-friendly

o   Open to foreign capital

Result:
Sectors dominated by transnational corporations become legally protected, financially entrenched, and politically difficult to reverse, regardless of electoral change.

WTO / Global Trade Frameworks

Role: Market Access Controllers

Named entities & agreements:

·       World Trade Organization (WTO)

·       TRIPS Agreement (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights)

·       GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade)

·       Bilateral & Multilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTAs)

Functions:

·       Enforce trade liberalization

·       Protect corporate intellectual property

·       Restrict domestic subsidies and protections

·       Penalize trade barriers” through dispute mechanisms

Result:
Local food production, medicine manufacturing, and domestic industries are displaced by global suppliers with scale and capital advantages.

WHO / Global Health Architecture

Role: Health Policy Standard-Setters

Named entities:

·      World Health Organization (WHO)

·      WHO Emergency Committees

·      Global Health Security Agenda (GHSA)

·      COVAX / Gavi / CEPI (public–private health alliances)

Functions:

·       Define global health best practices”

·       Influence national procurement standards

·       Shape emergency and pandemic responses

·       Promote centralized global health frameworks

·       Frequently overlook:

o   Indigenous medicine

o   Traditional health systems

o   Cultural and heritage-based health alternatives

Result:
Pharmaceutical supply chains and patent holders gain structural advantage over national affordability, sovereignty, and local medical traditions.

WEF / OECD / Global Policy Forums

Role: Policy Designers

Named entities:

·       World Economic Forum (WEF)

·       Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)

·       Global policy task forces & public–private councils

·       Elite leadership training programs (Young Global Leaders, etc.)

Functions:

·       Draft best practice” governance models

·       Train technocrats, regulators, and policymakers

·       Normalize:

o   ESG frameworks

o   Digital ID systems

o   Cashless economies

o   Climate and carbon reporting

·       Shape elite consensus before national debate occurs

Result:
National policies converge toward pre-designed global frameworks aligned with capital mobility and corporate scalability.

WEF does not govern — it pre-aligns decision-makers to its agenda.

 

UN Bodies (UNHRC, OHCHR, Special Rapporteurs)

Role: Legitimacy & Pressure Mechanism

Named entities:

·       UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC)

·       Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)

·       UN Special Rapporteurs

·       UN Fact-Finding Missions / Panels of Experts

Functions:

·       Issue reports and recommendations” that are formally non-binding

·       Define:

o   Compliance”

o   Violation”

·       Apply pressure through:

o   Naming and shaming

o   Selective scrutiny

o   Diplomatic signaling

·       Exploit weak points of national leadership via international exposure

Outputs are used by:

·       Donor governments

·       Sanctions regimes

·       Aid agencies

·       International media narratives

Result:
Governments resisting externally driven reforms face diplomatic isolation, legal exposure, economic pressure, and reputational damage.

Credit Rating Agencies & Global Indices

Role: Market Punishers

Named entities:

·       Standard & Poor’s (S&P Global)

·       Moody’s Investors Service

·       Fitch Ratings

·       Governance & perception indices:

o   Transparency International

o   World Governance Indicators

o   Doing Business–style benchmarks

Functions:

·       Downgrade sovereign credit ratings

·       Increase borrowing costs

·       Trigger capital flight and investor withdrawal

Result:
Governments comply rapidly to stabilize markets even when policies directly contradict public mandates or electoral promises.

These entities do not own resources and do not pass national laws, yet through conditional finance, trade rules, standards, ratings, legitimacy signaling, and narrative pressure, they function as unelected enforcement layers that discipline governments and protect concentrated corporate power globally.

5. The Pawn–Controller Relationship (How control operates in practice)

Unelected global bodies are not the ultimate owners of resources.

They are the gatekeepers of the global system.

They function as:

a) Rule-Setters

·       Define best practice,” standards,” and compliance”

·       Convert corporate requirements into technical frameworks

·       Establish norms that later harden into expectations

b) Access-Granters

·       Control access to:

o   Loans

o   Aid

o   Trade markets

o   Capital flows

o   Global legitimacy

·       Access is conditional, not automatic

c) Risk-Labelers

·       Assign labels such as:

o   High risk”

o   Non-compliant”

o   Unstable”

·       These labels determine:

o   Investor behavior

o   Insurance costs

o   Trade confidence

d) Legitimacy Distributors

·       Confer or withdraw international credibility

·       Influence:

o   Diplomatic standing

o   Aid eligibility

o   Media framing

·       Governments are judged externally, not by their electorate

e) Punishment Signalers

·       Signal when a country is to be:

o   Downgraded

o   Isolated

o   Sanctioned

o   Pressured

o   Regime changed/ousted

·       Enforcement follows through markets, not armies

This structure allows:

·       Corporate resource holders to operate across borders under protected legal and financial conditions

·       Investors to extract profits with minimal political or sovereign risk

·        Governments to be disciplined through:

o   Financial pressure

o   Narrative pressure

o   Legal exposure
without coups, invasions, or overt coercion

Power today is exercised not through ownership or elections, but through control of access, standards, legitimacy, and risk perception.

Elected leaders remain in office only as long as they remain compliant.
Deviation triggers pressure until alignment is restored.

6. Direct Connection to Resource Control

Resource	Corporate Control	Global Entity Enablement
Food	ABCD traders, seed giants	WTO rules, IMF subsidy removal
Water	Utilities, infrastructure funds	World Bank PPPs, climate finance
Energy	Multinationals, traders	IMF pricing reforms, ESG rules
Pharma	Patent holders	WHO standards, IP protection
Finance	Asset managers, banks	IMF programs, ratings agencies
Data	Big Tech	Global digital governance norms

The unelected bodies do not own the assets — they ensure the system protects those who do.

7. Why this is not Democratic Governance

·       No elections

·       No public consent

·       No national accountability

·       No appeal mechanisms

·       No liability for social consequences

Yet:

·       Decisions affect food prices, water access, health policy, employment, currency stability, social unrest

Global governance today operates through a dual structure:

·       Concentrated corporate ownership of essential resources

·       Unelected international bodies that standardize, legitimize, and enforce policy environments favorable to that ownership

While neither formally rules states, together they exercise decisive influence over national policy space — without electoral mandate or democratic accountability.

How the Link Actually Operates

Step 1: Corporate Requirements

Transnational corporations require:

·       Market access

·       Price liberalization

·       IP protection

·       Resource privatization

·       Legal predictability

·       Profit repatriation

They cannot demand these directly from sovereign states.

Step 2: Translation into Global Frameworks

Unelected bodies convert these needs into:

·       IMF structural reforms”

·       World Bank project conditions

·       WTO trade obligations

·       WHO health standards

·       OECD governance benchmarks

·       ESG and climate compliance frameworks

Presented as: technical, best practice, neutral, inevitable.

Step 3: Enforcement through Access Control

Compliance enforced via access:

·       Loans, aid, markets, capital, legitimacy

Non-compliance triggers:

·       Loan suspension

·       Downgrades

·       Narrative pressure

·       Investor withdrawal

·       Sanctions groundwork

·       Regime change/ousting

Step 4: Corporate Benefit

Once reforms implemented:

·       Assets become purchasable

·       Prices float

·       IP is protected

·       Contracts enforceable

·       Profits repatriated

·       Tax exposure minimized

Corporate Interest	Global Body Mechanism	National Outcome
Cheap food sourcing	IMF subsidy removal	Farmer exposure
Water access	World Bank PPPs	Utility privatization
Drug pricing	WHO standards	Patent protection
Market access	WTO rules	Local industry loss
Capital mobility	Ratings agencies	Policy discipline
Data extraction	Global digital norms	Weak data sovereignty

Unelected global bodies do not act on behalf of corporations by mandate, but their frameworks, conditions, and enforcement mechanisms consistently restructure national systems in ways that align with concentrated corporate interests — making resistance economically and diplomatically costly.

WHAT CITIZENS MUST UNDERSTAND — AND WHAT THEY MUST DEMAND OF THEIR NATIONAL LEADERS

This document exposes a structural reality, not a theory and not a temporary condition.

Modern governance no longer operates primarily through elections or visible authority.
It operates through control of access.

Whoever controls access to:

·      Food

·      Energy

·      Finance

·      Health systems

·      Data

·      Markets

·      International legitimacy

controls the choices governments can make — regardless of who is elected.

Elections still occur, but policy space is increasingly pre-conditioned before leaders take office.

What Citizens MUST NOW Understand

·      Governments today operate inside externally enforced constraints.

·      Many reforms” are not voter-driven but condition-driven.

·      Economic crises, austerity, privatization, subsidy removal, digital surveillance systems, and loss of sovereignty are designed outcomes, not isolated failures.

·      Unelected global entities do not need to govern countries when they can discipline them through access, ratings, funding, and legitimacy.

This system does not announce itself.
It operates quietly, legally, and continuously.

What Citizens Must Expect — and Demand — From Aspiring Leaders

Citizens must stop voting on personalities, slogans, or promises detached from global reality.

Instead, every aspiring leader must be pressed to answer clearly:

·      What external commitments bind the country?

·      What IMF, World Bank, WTO, WHO, UN, ESG, or digital governance obligations will they accept or reject?

·      What assets, resources, and policy areas are non-negotiable?

·      Where will they comply — and where will they resist?

·      What pressures are they prepared to withstand to protect sovereignty?

Silence is not neutrality. Silence is consent.

Leaders who refuse to disclose constraints are not protecting citizens — they are protecting the system that keeps them in power so long as they comply.

What Citizens Must Actively Demand

Citizens must demand:

1.    Full transparency on all international agreements, loans, and conditionalities

2.    Parliamentary and public oversight of global commitments

3.    Non-negotiable protection of food, water, health, land, education, and data

4.    Accountability for social harm caused by externally imposed reforms

5.    Clear red lines that cannot be crossed for access or approval

A leader who willingly surrenders control over essentials via secret agreements is not representing the people, regardless of how popular they appear.

The Central Wake-Up Call

The greatest danger today is not dictatorship.

It is managed and staged democracy — where citizens vote, but do not decide.

A system where:

·      Ownership is private (already the WEF is promoting notion own nothing & be happy” while they own everything)

·      Rules are global (already private sector are stating water is not a human right)

·      Accountability is absent

·      Consequences are national

Unless citizens understand this structure, political change will remain cosmetic.

The Final Takeaway

Control today does not operate through ownership or elections — it operates through conditional access.

Whoever controls access controls policy.

Whoever accepts those conditions governs on behalf of the system — not the people.

This is why every Govt trying to nationalize” ends up facing ragime change.

Sovereignty survives only where:

·      Citizens understand the ground reality

·      Leaders are forced to disclose constraints

·      And nations refuse to surrender control quietly

Awareness is the first act of resistance.
Demand is the second.

By Rohana R. Wasala

Continued from December 9, 2025

During his rousing speech, Harin Fernando anticipated SLPP national organiser Namal Rajapaksa’s straightforward declaration of his resolve to end the JVP/NPP regime as soon as possible. The latter’s battle cry might have sounded premature even to some of his less attentive fellow members of the SLPP who failed to catch his meaning. It is possible that Harin delivered a preemptive strike at what he felt was Namal Rajapaksa’s overweening presidential ambition (by making a facial gesture, before leaving the speaker stand, that suggested contempt at the latter’s goal). What Namal Rajapaksa expressed was his desire and determination to bring down a poor-performing government that, he believed, was causing great harm to the country through the ignorance, inexperience, and arrogance of the men and women who were running it.

Don’t we remember how Harin Fernando was criticised in Parliament by Wimal Weerawansa MP, in February 2024 during Ranil Wickremasinghe’s presidency, for having casually stated during an interview with an Indian TV channel, as newly appointed Tourism minister then, that Sri Lanka was a part of India! Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha’s recent remark at the Colombo YMBA’s ‘Light of Asia’ Centenary Celebrations (December 6, 2025)  that ….India and Sri Lanka are connected not just by geography but by deeper bonds of culture…..” could be read as a matter of fact allusion to a sinister assumption that Harin Fernando’s ‘casual’ statement probably purposefully expressed. It is also significant that Harin Fernando was appointed by the UNP as its Deputy Secretary General of Political Mobilization with immediate effect on October 21, 2025. His new responsibilities include uniting all political parties in the country and engaging them in a common programme, in addition to which he will be coordinating the many meetings that are to be organized by the UNP. Harin’s new post seems to match Namal Rajapaksa’s position as the national organizer of the SLPP. 

Actually, the very idea of holding a series of such massive protest rallies (one thousand of them, in fact!) across the country is Ranil Wickremasinghe’s brainchild (I hope my aging memory is not failing me). If he and Mahinda Rajapaksa have masterminded the Maha Jana Handa protest rally campaign initiated on November 21, 2025, they have all the reason and the moral  right as well as the inherent obligation to do so. They ought to get involved in actively mentoring the next generation of rulers at this crucial moment of unprecedented national emergency caused by the recent cyclonic disaster of apocalyptic proportions. They both share between them a significant amount of responsibility for the current situation due to their own past strengths and weaknesses of leadership as senior politicians, in their characteristic egoistic ways, though. 

Mahinda Rajapaksa, a follower of the watersheds of 1956 and 1972 in the political history of post-independence Sri Lanka, inadvertently turned the 2009 victory over terrorism, which he was largely instrumental in creating through his own brave political leadership, into a sort of pyrrhic victory. That is, he let his success become the cause of his own downfall and the country’s regress; this was basically as a consequence of his shameless indulgence in ‘family bandyism’  or nepotism. As for Ranil Wickremasinghe, an admirer of the 1978 introduction of the open market economic system and the institution of the executive presidency (by his uncle, UNP leader J.R. Jayawardane), acts as if he wants to erase from national memory the two previous epochal events (of 1956 and 1972) that his rival is guided by; this makes him look least sensitive towards Sinhalese Buddhist majority’s legitimate aspirations.

Ranil Wickremasinghe and Mahinda Rajapaksa, each tried and tested in the rough and tumble of parliamentary politics for over half a century, have always been political rivals, but both have also been robust defenders of parliamentary democracy. Those who are old enough or adult enough may remember how, not long ago, the Parliament chamber reverberated with their raised voices denouncing each other with shouts of kauda hora? Mahinda hora ….. Ranil hora banku hora”, etc. Despite this mutual hostility in politics, they have together profoundly influenced the most tumultuous course of the island’s political history of the last two decades (2005-25). At the Maha Jana Handa, Harin Fernando expressed his views on the complementary roles the two senior leaders played during that period in the service of the Sri Lankan people. While praising Ranil Wickremasinghe for  saving Sri Lanka from total economic collapse in 2022, and for having made similar  contributions in the past for the uplift of the country and its people. Harin paid unqualified encomiums to Mahinda Rajapaksa for having eliminated the scourge of Tamil separatist terrorism through his unique abilities of political direction and diplomacy. Harin’s explicit acknowledgement of the  historic achievement of the leader (Mahinda Rajapaksa) of the SLFP (the major partner of the UPFA, now the SLPP) signifies a sea change in the UNP’s traditional attitude towards that victorious nationalist  triumph over the evil of armed Tamil separatist violence.

So, Wickremasinghe and Rajapaksa represent respectively the UNP and the SLFP, which, though now almost defunct, are still alive and well in their new manifestations. The UNP is probably on the verge of being made whole with the return of its breakaway group the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) led by Sajith Premadasa, with or without his consent; it should not be forgotten that the SJB, with its 40 MPs, forms the main Opposition. There will most likely be a similar reunion between the SLFP and the SLPP. The cooperation between the two oldest  national parties at this crucial juncture is imperative for the survival of our historic sovereign unitary state of Sri Lanka/Ceylon/Sihale, which is what the British left us in 1948. If Sri Lanka’s unitary status must be ended for some untoward reason beyond the country’s capacity to deal with such as global or regional geostrategic pressure (which is, of course, unlikely, because the Eastern bloc countries Russia and China, with comparable military and economic power also have stakes in the region), it should be done through Parliament, not otherwise. 

The rescue of parliamentary democracy after the ouster  of the 7th Executive President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022 amidst the so-called Aragalaya (Struggle) protest, which was turning violent, was the joint achievement of Ranil Wickremasinghe and Mahinda Rajapaksa (though it was cynically bruited about the social media that Wickremasinghe played an opportunistic ‘run with the hares and hunt with the hounds’ strategy exploiting the Aragalaya, begun peacefully, but later hijacked by violent extremist elements including members of the JVP/NPP. Representatives of certain regional communal parties, and coercive religious extremists hiding among them, were there too. These elements seem to be lying low now in sinister silence.

On December 5, 2025 President Anura Kumara Dissanayake made a special statement in parliament  which took almost one hour and forty minutes. He dwelt on the devastation being caused by Cyclone Ditwa that had by then raged for about a week already and what his government was doing and was planning to do in the future to bring relief to the hapless thousands affected. Two things out of the many matters that he touched on, I feel like mentioning here: 

1) He made some commendatory remarks about the triforces members and the police, while paying tribute to Wing Commander Nirmal  Siyambalapitiya of the Air Force, who died in a helicopter accident during a rescue operation in the flood-hit Wennappuwa area, and to the five Navy personnel who went missing (presumed dead) engaged in widening a waterway in the Chundikulam lagoon in Chalai in order to control the flood situation there. This is something that suggests an implicit acknowledgement made (belatedly, though) by the president of the vital importance of the defense forces whose selfless dedication to the service of the nation should never be underestimated.That is a salutary attitudinal change on his part, comparable to the aforementioned volt-face of the UNP regarding Mahinda Rajapaksa-led victory over separatist terrorism. 

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake had stopped calling the security forces members ‘ranaviruwo’ or ‘war heros’, perhaps under pressure from the small section of the Tamil diaspora enjoying the patronage of the meddling powers. This year President Dissanayake marked the May 2009 victory over terrorism a day later than the due date, that too grudgingly. The vociferous Archuna Ramanathan, independent MP from Jaffna, who calls the dead Prabhakaran his ‘god’, and claims that he receives funds from the Tamil diaspora (which may be true), taunts the President and his Sinhalese MPs for failing to call the members of the Sri Lanka Army ‘war heros’! While president Anura Kumara Dissanayake denounces ‘Nationalism’ consciously misconceiving (ala Americans) it as ‘jativadaya’ (Racism) or ‘warga vadaya’ (Communalism), he allows the rump of the banned LTTE to commemorate the dead terrorist leader as a national hero. Illegal Mahaveerar Naal celebrations were held in the north in the last week of November. MP Archuna Ramanadan, it was reported, thanked the Sri Lanka Navy personnel for saving him from the flood waters while returning from one of those celebrations!

 2) While paying a passionate tribute to the security forces members, President Dissanayake made a gratingly incongruent gratuitous reference to the submerged Gampola area as ‘a place largely populated by Muslims’: No room should be left for them to feel isolated or discriminated against”. What a stupid racist/communalistic remark! Clearly, he meant to curry favour with the Muslim community of the place. Don’t we, the 90% non-Muslim population, always treat them the same way as we treat all other affected Sri Lankan citizens across the country, irrespective of their ethnicity?  Isn’t the JVP/NPP leader the one who should be charged with stoking racism or communalism? Yet, we can understand what is behind his sham concern for a particular community. He is probably already trying to promote himself among the Muslim community in preparation for re-election in 2029! 

During the Derana 360” programme hosted by Kalindu Karunaratne about a month ago, Minister of Justice and National Integration Harshana Nanayakkara, NPP MP, probably inadvertently, revealed that they had to give in to certain Tamil demands in the North (which might seem unreasonable and extremist to the majority community) in order not to spoil their chances of winning support at the next election.

SJB leader Sajith Premadasa, in his capacity as the Leader of the Opposition, was on an official visit to New Delhi in early November, 2025, which focused on strengthening India-Sri Lanka bonds. (But his egotistic utterances degraded his Indian visit into a private one.) He had meetings with senior Indian leaders including External Affairs minister Subramanyam Jaishankar and Corporate Affairs minister Nirmala Sitharaman. He was given the honour to address the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA). Sajith Premadasa talked about Sri Lanka’s commitment to its special strategic relationship with India, stressing the need for implementing the 13th Amendment for Sri Lanka’s stability”. It is impossible that he is unaware of the fact that the 13th Amendment was externally imposed on Sri Lanka in 1987 by India and has not been fully implemented by any president to date for good reasons. 

The National Joint Committee, a leading civil society organization committed to the defence of Sri Lanka’s unitary state status, independent sovereignty, and its ancient Sinhalese Buddhist cultural identity, has strongly condemned Sajith Premadasa’s ‘recent declaration in New Delhi that he would fully implement the 13th Amendment to the Constitution’ (The Island/November 14, 2025) 

The National Joint Committee (NJC) has issued a statement condemning SJB and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa’s recent declaration in New Delhi (during his ‘private visit’ there) that he would fully implement the controversial 13th Amendment to the Constitution when elected to power. Co-Presidents of the NJC, Lt.Gen. Jagath Dias (Rtd) and Dr Anula Wijesundara expressed shock, dismay, disappointment and disgust over it. They have described Premadasa’s uncalled-for undertaking given to India as unbecoming of him as the leader of the main opposition; it is a disdainful betrayal of the nation. The NJC views the 13th Amendment, introduced under duress, as obsolete as India did not fulfil its part of the contract to disarm the LTTE, leading to a disastrous three decade military conflict.

What I have delineated above is a hexagonal simulacrum of the chaotic political situation of the country, as I perceive it, for what it is worth, with MR and RW poised at opposite points equidistant from the square formed in the middle by AKD and SP facing each other and HF confronting NR.

Concluded

By Palitha Ariyarathna  

Kandy, Sri Lanka, is facing a disturbing labour rights crisis that goes far beyond ordinary workplace grievances. Women employees in several shops and private businesses are being compelled to work late into the night, often until 10 pm or beyond, without safe transport or fair wages. Investigations and worker testimonies reveal unsafe commuting conditions, twelve‑hour continuous duties, untimely salary payments, and pressure to resign — all of which undermine the dignity and safety of women workers.  

The situation is worsened by the lack of public transport after 10 pm in Kandy town. With bus services ending early, women are left stranded, vulnerable to harassment, or forced to rely on costly private transport. Employers who schedule women for late shifts without providing safe commuting arrangements are not only violating labour law but also exposing their staff to immediate danger.  

One of the most heartbreaking cases involves a woman who is not only an internationally recognized Asian Medley medal holder but is now working as a security guard due to economic hardship. She has been forced into longer shifts and, with no transport available, must walk home on foot in bad weather conditions. During the last government‑declared red alert disaster days, she was still walking home alone, braving dangerous conditions simply to reach her family. Her suffering is compounded by the emotional pain of questions from her own guardians: Why are you doing sports if no one gives you money?” Such remarks cut deeply, undermining the pride of her achievements and exposing the harsh reality that women athletes, despite bringing international recognition to Sri Lanka, are left unsupported in their economic lives.  

Most of the time, these violations are visible in clothing stores and other retail outlets along Peradeniya Road, where shops openly operate until late at night to boost purchasing activities. Many of these establishments align their operations with twelve‑hour shifts, forcing women into extended duty hours. Disturbingly, several of these shops are directly related to sports clothing retail, profiting from the very culture of athletics while exploiting women workers — including an athlete who once brought medals home to Sri Lanka. This contradiction is a national shame, as it mirrors exploitative labour conditions seen in Gulf countries where women are trapped in long domestic duties without dignity or fair treatment.  

Adding to this injustice, some shops provide day facilities such as changing rooms located dangerously close to high‑power generator areas. Men and women are forced to change their clothes together in consecutive cages, exposing them to indignity and unsafe conditions. These cramped and poorly designed spaces demand urgent inspection. The Labour Deputy General should investigate the narrow facilities provided under dog‑eyes” supervision and review the building design that disregards basic standards of privacy and safety.  

Shop owners have also shown bias against women with graded qualifications, preferring to exploit vulnerable workers rather than recognize or reward skill and achievement. This discrimination reflects a wider failure in valuing women’s contributions — whether in sports, education, or professional life.  

Sri Lanka’s Shop and Office Employees Act and Wages Board Ordinance guarantee fair working hours, timely wages, and safe conditions. Forcing women into unsafe night shifts without transport violates these protections. Moreover, Sri Lanka’s commitments under international conventions such as CEDAW demand that women’s dignity and safety be upheld.  

This is not only a labour dispute but a human rights crisis in daylight. When even internationally recognized athletes face exploitation, it signals a systemic failure to protect women’s dignity. Therefore, it is strongly urged that all women workers who have been forced into unsafe night shifts or excessive hours submit their cases to the Women’s Affairs Division in the relevant department. Such submissions will ensure that violations are formally recorded, investigated, and acted upon.  

This article is written in multiple awareness states — as a warning to the community, as a call to employers, and as a demand to government. It must proceed beyond Kandy and reach the attention of the Ministry level. Highlighting labour issues in the private sector can raise the standard of women’s rights across both government and private institutions. Following up with shops, companies, and even multimillion‑rupee businesses will transform individual grievances into national reform, ensuring that Sri Lanka protects the dignity of its women workers.  

Authored by:  

A Human Resources Director with more than 20 years of experience in the highest category of HR cluster leadership, bringing professional expertise and credibility to this call for reform.  

By Palitha Ariyarathna  

 Chandre Dharmawardana,  Courtesy The Island

The Malimawa government has been in power only for about one year. So, we cannot say that they are not competent or able to develop the country, or that they are corrupt or less corrupt compared to the Yahapalanaya” or the Rajapaksa Regimes whose records within their initial years were not dissimilar”. 

The Yahapalanaya Govt., and the Rajapakasa government in their initial years (and in fact through out) had to face various natural and other disasters.

In 2005 Rajapaksas were still dealing with the December 2004 Tsunami, and the onslaught of the LTTE, attempted assassinations of Fonseka and Gota, followed by the Mavil Ara sluice-gate closure and the launching of the Eelam -IV war.  Key natural disasters during their period included the following.

2006 Floods: Sri Lanka experienced floods during both the first inter-monsoon season and the second inter-monsoon season.

2008 Floods: More flood events were recorded, particularly in November, affecting thousands of people.

2010 Floods: Heavy monsoon rains in May caused flash floods, high winds, and landslides across 13 districts.

January 2011 Floods: This was a major event where heavy monsoon rains affected an estimated 1.8 million people and destroyed vast amounts of agricultural land, including rice fields.  President Rajapaksa could not visit the affected areas due to the severity of the floods.

2012 Drought and Floods: A drought starting in late 2011 and lasting through 2012 dried water reservoirs and safe drinking water availability for around 1.8 million people. This was followed by floods.

2013 and 2014 Landslides and Floods: These years saw more heavy rainfall, floods and landslides killing dozens of people due to early-warning system failures. A major landslide in October 2014 in the Meeriyabedda. This was also a period when Ven. Ratana, Channa Jayasumana and others were becoming very active in undermining the agricultural sector with their hair-brained ideas.

 The government established the Disaster Management Act of 2005, No. 13.  It helped to better prepare for such events, although implementation faced challenges.

When Yahapanaya came to power, the tropical Storm Roanu brought heavy monsoon rains and caused the worst flooding in Sri Lanka in 25 years. The disasters resulted in over 100 deaths, left many missing, affected nearly half a million people, and damaged over 58,000 houses. The economic damage was substantial, particularly to agriculture and infrastructure. Then the

A second major disaster occurred in May 2017, worsened by the precursor to Cyclone Mora. This disaster affected 15 districts, killed over 200 people, and displaced hundreds of thousands. 

So, climate disasters hitting Sri Lanka has become the new normal at least since 2005, and no government can excuse itself saying, “we didn’t expect it”.

Today, the country is in dire straits after the Ditwah cyclone. Curiously enough, the Malimawa faced with Ditwah did not implement the Disaster management mechanism (2005, Act.13) set up in 2005.

Today the Malimawa hands are tied down by the IMF agreements that they have been forced to accept (and here there was no other option as no country came forward to provide an over-arching loan). So, Sri Lanka is like a log caught by the forces of international trade and carried along by the current, with no independent strength of its own (because of JRJ’s open economy which boosted the wealth, but at the same time squashed the rise of local industries).

A significant worry is that the Malimawa government has not launched or even proposed any long-term development projects of any consequence, except for mere cursory statements at the manifesto level. This is the worrying thing that Sri Lankans need to look at. 

However, it could be argues that the current government SHOULD be encouraged to stay in power (instead of pulling it down) because elections are very costly, disruptive, and even if a new government comes in, they still have to follow the IMF and World-Bank dictated policies that hit Sri Lanka after the declaration of bankruptcy during Gotabhaya’s time.

It could also be argued that if the Malimaawa continues to govern, then if will mess up things even more. If that be so, it may ensure their doom in the next round of elections. 

A new government at any time will take another year or even more to learn the ropes, and one may ask if the country could afford that. Public opinion seems to hold that the old leaders (of the UNP, SLFP, or Pohottuwa) are now like spend tea, rotten, useless, and cannot and should not be brought back, even though the strong corruption charges leveled at them by the Malimawa leaders during the election have not led to court cases. The leaders in waiting, like Sajith or Namal, are not yet seen to be inspiring the public in any significant way.

People who can influence the government should try to help it launch some long-term projects that could fall into place as the IMF-controlled period wanes. This is true, irrespective of which government is in power, given the current circumstances facing Sri Lanka.

That is, there are things that the private sector alone cannot do, that only a government can do.

For instance, (i) Planning to achieve self-sufficiency in energy by developing alternative energies, biofuels etc. (ii) Planning to achieve self-sufficiency in basic food stuffs, establishing an infrastructure for their distribution and sale. (iii) Exploitation of critical minerals available in the country but requiring significant capital investments and overcoming complex environmental issues. (iv) Re-development of infrastructure (power grid, roads, high-speed railways instead of the old snail rails of the British era), taking account of the fact that the country must be ready for future weather disasters of much higher magnitude than Ditwah. This last need is presumably being considered by the government right now, and one may say it will take months to do new land surveys of the damage and create new plans. Finding the money may take longer. However, the plans must come before the funding.

Is the Malimava government capable of rising to the occasion, or has it lost the compass and drifting in the doldrums, is a question that one cannot easily answer. Unfortunately, the general levels of optimism and enthusiasm of the public towards the government seem to have decreased significantly and the government must wake up to the reality.

 Chandre Dharmawardana 

National Development Bank PLC

National Development Bank PLC (NDB) has entered into a landmark Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Toyota Lanka, reinforcing the Bank’s commitment to offering customers convenient, flexible, and affordable leasing solutions for some of the world’s most trusted vehicles.

This partnership brings together two institutions known for their unwavering focus on service excellence, NDB as a leading financial solutions provider and Toyota Lanka as the exclusive dealer and distributor of Toyota and HINO vehicles in Sri Lanka. Through this collaboration, customers will benefit from attractive leasing facilities designed to make vehicle ownership easier and more accessible, supported by NDB’s expertise in personalised financial advisory and Toyota’s reputation for quality, durability, and innovation.

Under the MoU, NDB will extend a range of customised leasing options for Toyota vehicles, ensuring customers enjoy competitive rates, faster processing, and a seamless financing experience. The partnership also strengthens NDB’s growing portfolio of mobility-focused financial offerings, aligning with the Bank’s long-term strategy of empowering individuals, professionals, and businesses with practical and future-ready solutions.

Commenting on the partnership, Sanjaya Perera – Senior Vice President Personal Banking & Customer Experience stated. at NDB, our focus has always been to empower customers with meaningful financial solutions that elevate their lifestyles while ensuring long-term value. Our partnership with Toyota Lanka strengthens this commitment by enabling individuals and businesses to access trusted mobility solutions through flexible and customer-centric leasing facilities. Together, we look forward to supporting Sri Lanka’s mobility ecosystem with greater affordability, convenience, and confidence.”

Reflecting his sentiments Manohara Atukorala – Managing Director / Chief Executive Officer of Toyota Lanka, stated, At Toyota Lanka, we are committed to enriching lives through sustainable mobility. Our partnership with NDB strengthens this mission by enabling more customers to experience the quality and reliability of Toyota vehicles with greater ease. Together, we strive to advance our shared vision of promoting safer, smarter, and more accessible mobility for all Sri Lankans.”

Toyota Lanka, established in 1995, is a fully owned subsidiary of Toyota Tsusho Corporation (TTC), Japan, and a key member of the globally respected Toyota Group. As the pioneer of the ‘one-stop-shop’ automobile model in Sri Lanka, the company continues to set industry benchmarks by providing integrated mobility solutions—from passenger cars and SUVs to commercial vehicles, trucks, and advanced material handling equipment.

Through this partnership, NDB reinforces its commitment to empowering customers with meaningful financial solutions that enhance convenience, reliability, and long-term value. As mobility evolves, NDB remains dedicated to enabling access to trusted global brands, supporting both individual and business aspirations across the country.

NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Digital Bank for SMEs at the Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2025 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising its capital market subsidiaries, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank continues to empower the nation through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by modern digital banking solutions.

NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Digital Bank for SMEs at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2025 and was awarded awards Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Islamic Banking Initiative of the Year – Sri Lanka at the Asian Banking & Finance Retail Banking Awards 2025. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.

Source: Al Hakam, London.

The streets are glowing with Christmas decorations; the familiar colours of the season spread across shop windows and city centres. Joy and smiles fill people’s faces, and of course, you can’t ignore the Christmas sales and advertisements. A single visit to Central London, or any busy London street, makes it clear that Christmas has arrived. 

But what is Christmas? What exactly is being celebrated? Do Muslims celebrate it, and if not, why?

Full Text  https://www.alhakam.org/what-is-christmas-why-dont-muslims-celebrate-it/

KELUM BANDARA Courtesy The Daily Mirror

---

Ms Shruti Lakhtakia

Arvind Nair

One million Sri Lankans will enter the job market in the next decade

Poverty has increased, public servants real incomes dropped

Since spending is capped at 13% of nominal GDP, growth becomes absolutely critical

The government now has a spending cap that it must stick to

Sri Lanka stands out compared to its South Asian peers in its ability to deliver health and education services

Revenue collection a tough balance

World Bank Lead Economist for Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka, Arvind Nair and Country Economist for Sri Lanka, Ms Shruti Lakhtakia, shared their views on the status of the economy in an interview with Daily Mirror.  However, the interview was taken in the pre-disaster context, and slightly modified after. Excerpts

QDo you agree with the government’s view that the economy has stabilised? What does that mean for growth going forward? 

Shruti: We broadly agree with that assessment. Since the crisis in 2022, things have settled quite a bit. There have been improvements on both the fiscal and external fronts, which we see as a good sign. And really, for any kind of growth, that’s the first step – we need stability before we can think about achieving higher and more sustained growth, and before the private sector can invest. 

We also need to make sure that stability continues. That means staying on the fiscal path and making sure the exchange rate adjustments continue. 

When it comes to growth, though, it’s important to recognise the need for much higher growth. At the moment, both the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank project growth at around 3 to 4 per cent. That’s enough to keep debt sustainable — if we define debt sustainability as reaching a debt to GDP target of 95 per cent by 2032, as outlined under the IMF programme. In fact, you can technically reach that target even with 3 per cent growth.

But that level of growth is not enough to achieve the aspirations of the Sri Lankan people. And achieving those debt targets with only 3 per cent growth means the government has to maintain a very high level of fiscal austerity. That kind of austerity, as we know, is hard to sustain for a long period. The government also needs room to respond to unanticipated shocks, like the devastating natural disaster that we just experienced with Cyclone Ditwah.

So if we want to ease the pressure on the government—and on the people—we really do need higher growth, at least 5 per cent and above.  

Arvind: Just to add a bit more colour there on the jobs side—we’ve said before that about a million Sri Lankans will enter the workforce over the next decade. And if growth rates continue the way they are, the number of new jobs created will be significantly lower than the million needed. So we are looking at a real jobs gap if growth remains slow. That’s why we need the private sector to invest and create jobs.

There’s also the issue of welfare. If you look at poverty, the rate has basically doubled since the crisis.  And to reverse that, growth is a prerequisite. So growth becomes essential—not just from the angle of fiscal, but also for jobs and improving people’s living standards. 

That’s why it’s absolutely critical that growth goes up towards the 7 per cent target.  

QCould you elaborate a bit more on this fiscal austerity that is needed to stimulate growth? 

Shruti: So there are many things that the government can do to support growth—some require resources, and some do not—and all of it needs to be done in a way that still allows the debt targets to be met.  

For context, we need to remember that in the past, the government spent beyond its means. For example, a lot of the borrowing was at high interest rates, which contributed to the crisis. So we can’t completely reverse track on fiscal discipline. We need to be careful about when and where we expand fiscal spending. 

This has three implications for how the government can support growth. 

First, even though the government needs to do more to boost growth, that doesn’t mean that the government can simply spend more. Indeed, under the new Public Financial Management Law, the government spending is capped at 13 per cent of GDP. That’s a very tight ceiling, so there isn’t much room to increase spending overall. 

Second, because the budget is limited, the real question is how the government can spend more efficiently. For example, over the last decade, there were a lot of public investment projects where the returns were not clear, even though a lot of money was spent. So improving the quality of spending is crucial. The Sri Lanka Development Update we released in October has a special chapter called ‘Better Spending for All,’ which has many ideas on how to improve the quality of the spending on wages, welfare programmes, public investment, and more.

Third, there are a lot of structural reforms that can help growth and don’t require extra fiscal spending. For example, reforms in trade, investment, and SOE governance, as well as steps to improve the overall investment climate. These reforms don’t cost the budget money. Of course, they have other kinds of costs which we need to be mindful of.

Arvind: Just to add to that—on public investment, fiscal space is very limited.

While efficient spending is important, we also need to crowd in private investment where possible. We know there is an ongoing discussion around a Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) law, and having a transparent, clear framework for PPPs will be important as fiscal space tightens.   

As for structural reforms, these don’t necessarily have fiscal implications, but they do have significant growth benefits. These are reforms aimed at boosting private sector growth. Many of these reforms were also touched upon in the budget speech: on the trade side, on investments, as well as improving the management of State Owned Enterprises (SOEs).  

QThere’s been some concern that spending allocations announced in the last budget haven’t really moved. How do you view this situation? 

Shruti: Coming out of a crisis, there’s a lot of pressure on the government to spend more. For example, poverty has increased, creating an urgent need to support people who are struggling. Many public servants have also seen the real value of their incomes decline over time—once you factor in inflation, their real wages are actually lower than they used to be. This means the government has to invest in public sector wages.

At the same time, because of past fiscal issues, the government now has a spending cap that it must stick to. So, it’s a very delicate balance to strike. 

The government has to manage spending very carefully going forward—whether it’s increasing salaries or looking at pensions, the question is how to do it in a way that doesn’t create longer-term pressure on the budget.  

On service delivery, Sri Lanka stands out compared to its South Asian peers in its ability to deliver health and education services. But the crisis saw a lot of skilled workers leaving, who were essential to delivering these services. The challenge now is how to maintain the quality of health and education with fewer workers.

Overall, it’s really about the right allocation and the right quality of spending. Are we putting enough into health and education rather than expensive infrastructure? We have seen good signs in this budget on that front. 

The second part is the quality of spending. When we do a project, are we able to realise its benefits adequately? For wages, improving quality means establishing a pay commission to review and rationalise pay structures and modernising payroll systems to improve efficiency and transparency. For public investment, it means focusing on projects that fill real infrastructure gaps, addressing stalled projects, and strengthening investment management in line with the new Public Financial Management Act. And for transfers and subsidies, it means better-targeted support—aligning eligibility with real deprivation, expanding the social registry, enhancing administrative data quality, and, over time, moving away from universal subsidies, particularly for fertiliser and water. 

So, as we mentioned before, we hope the focus on the right allocation and quality of spending continues.

Arvind: And to add to that, since spending is capped at 13% of nominal GDP, growth becomes absolutely critical. Higher growth means a slightly bigger spending envelope without breaking the cap.  

On allocations, one area we highlight in our report is the maintenance of existing public assets. Sri Lanka has historically under-invested in maintenance, just 0.05% of GDP—much lower than peer countries and far below what is needed to maintain the actual capital stock. Current levels are about 13 times lower than recommended.

So, prioritising maintenance over building new expensive assets is critical. It’s a way of making sure we get the most out of what we already have. 

QThe government’s revenue collection has improved. It is going to be 16 per cent this year, even better than the target. But much of this is coming from import duties, which also drain foreign reserves. How do you see this trade-off? 

Shruti: Honestly, it’s a tough balance. The government needed quick wins on revenue—and this has been done well. But when you tax trade heavily, you make Sri Lankan goods more expensive abroad. That hurts competitiveness. 

And that’s the trade-off. 

So while the revenue numbers look good, their sustainability is not guaranteed, because they rely on measures that may not hold over time. That’s why we recommend shifting to a more sustainable revenue mix. 

Our (World Bank’s) Public Finance Review from September highlights three priorities, 

First, move away from indirect taxes like VAT and import duties to direct taxes like income and corporate taxes. Because indirect taxes fall heavily on households and reduce consumption and spending. 

Second, improve tax administration. Make compliance easier, strengthen IRD systems and make processes fairer. The government has started working on this, but there’s a long road ahead.

Third, improve tax morale. People are paying more taxes at a time when poverty is higher, so every rupee matters to households.  

On trade, again, the government can do a lot more to reduce its reliance on trade tariffs, including the para tariffs that discourage trade and make it more costly. The global environment in terms of trade is also quite uncertain right now. Any steps that the government can take to diversify trading partners, put in place bilateral or multilateral trade agreements, and facilitate exports would also help revenue.

Ultimately, Sri Lanka needs to think beyond year-to-year fixes and move toward a more stable three-to-five-year revenue strategy. A more medium-term, sustainable approach is what we recommend.

QThe government, in the budget, proposes to lower the VAT threshold.  What impact will that have, especially on the cost of living and small businesses? 

Arvind: I think there’s always a balancing act. We know that in the budget, there was a target for moving towards more direct taxes over the medium term. But in the short term, it’s harder to rely on direct taxes alone, so measures like lowering the VAT threshold are brought in.   

As more small businesses are brought into the VAT system, it’s crucial that compliance processes are simple and efficient and that administrative costs are low.

In the medium term, it is still important for Sri Lanka to shift toward more direct taxes. One key area is improving the corporate income taxes, as Sri Lanka’s corporate tax revenue as a share of GDP is low compared to peers. 

Improving corporate tax collections requires actions to enhance compliance among existing corporate taxpayers. It also calls for a new approach to providing tax incentives. We have seen some positive changes, particularly in reducing the number of channels through which incentives can be provided. But going forward, a comprehensive tax incentives framework would be helpful. Such a framework can clearly and transparently balance the fiscal costs of these incentives with the benefits they provide. Both the costs and benefits need to be made much more transparent. 

Shruti: Just to add a bit of context, Sri Lanka had very low tax thresholds for a long time. When the thresholds were raised in 2019, a large number of taxpayers were lost from the tax base. And even after the tax changes in 2022-23, the number of registered taxpayers is still below to pre-2019 levels. So, part of the challenge is bringing those taxpayers back into the net, and importantly, thresholds today are already comparable to other countries. 

Q The World Bank has repeatedly said that Sri Lanka has an untapped export potential of about US $10 billion. How have you assessed it?   

Arvind: When we did this analysis, the export potential was calculated by looking at the existing export basket and the actual versus potential exports within that basket, based on characteristics of Sri Lanka and its trading partners, such as size, distance, etc. 

But there is a gap between actual and potential. If we look at actual exports as a share of GDP, Sri Lanka has seen a large decline—from 39% in 2000 to about 20% in 2024. That’s a sharp drop over a 20-25 year period and reflects declining competitiveness driven by rising tariffs and less openness.

Improving competitiveness will allow Sri Lanka to close the gap and reach the country’s full potential. And get the country closer to achieving the export target of $36bn by 2030 and create more jobs. 

QHow can Sri Lanka improve its export competitiveness? 

First is more openness. The new national tariff policy is encouraging. Implementing it is a key signal of openness. It will lower costs for exporters, who are also importing intermediate goods and raw materials.

Second is customs reforms and trade facilitation. Reducing the cost and time involved in trade makes a big difference for growth.

Third is modernising the legal and institutional framework for investments. We’ve talked about this in our report as well. This will enable the country to increase investment, boost FDI flows, which are also critical for technology and knowledge transfer. 

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Dec. 16 (Daily Mirror) – The National People’s Power (NPP) will take disciplinary action against former Speaker Ashoka Ranwala if he has cheated on his doctorate, Health Minister Nalinda Jayatissa said.

He said during a talk show on a private TV channel that the party has not decided what action to be taken against him in such an eventuality.

The Minister said people who voted and not voted for the NPP have talked about the matter and said that their opinion must be considered when taking action.

Jayatissa said MP Ranwala had promised the party that he would submit the certificate soon, but he had not done it so far.

“I once told the Cabinet briefing that Ranwala would submit the certificate soon. I said what Ranwala had told the party at that time. However, he has not submitted it so far,” he said.

Courtesy Adaderana

The Japanese government decided to extend an emergency grant of $2.5 million to cyclone-hit Sri Lanka, Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi said Tuesday.

The emergency grant will be used to provide humanitarian assistance through international aid agencies, including food and other daily necessities. 

Landslides and floods caused by a cyclone that hit the island nation in late November have killed more than 600 people.

Motegi told a press conference that Japan intends to continue providing seamless support to our long-time friend, Sri Lanka, to ensure the earliest possible recovery and reconstruction of the affected areas.”

The minister also said a disaster relief medical team returned from Sri Lanka earlier Tuesday after handling 1,250 treatments in about two weeks.

Source: KYODO NEWS

–Agencies

e-Con e-News

blog: eesrilanka.wordpress.com

‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

400^th Weekly Edition

e-Con e-News 7-13 December 2025

Who offered to suddenly call off ‘in 45 minutes’ the self-styled aragalaya, which the merchant media had been pumping up, which had been spouting hot air for months, and was now at the gates of parliament in July 2022? Who offered to crown a mere parliamentary speaker as Executive President? Is it the forever-leaving-but-never going US envoy Julie Chung or long-gone-but-forever-haunting Indian envoy Gopal Baglay? Is the former Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena a gallant, for refusing such a poisoned chalice, and upholding parliamentary decorum? Or was Abeywardena, a ‘grotesque mediocrity’ playing ‘a hero’s part’? Yet, does it matter who took on the role of undiplomatic peon delivering the instructions of their controllers in Washington &/or Delhi?

     The merchants’ media can’t seem to make up their mind if it was one or the other or both, or if it matters. Whoever it was, seemed to be able to deploy both the paramilitary Special Task Force (STF) at the Speaker’s residence (to threaten or protect him, we are not told), or to assure the Speaker that such a grab for power would gain acceptance by the ‘strugglers’ (merchants, moneylenders, GNGOs, church, anarchists, nihilists, etc), a nod by the wielders of the state monopoly of violence (private & public), and thumbs up by the state monopoly of consent (the media, private & public).

‘The Moving Finger writes; &, having writ,

Moves on: nor all thy Piety nor Wit

Shall lure it back to cancel half a Line,

Nor all thy Tears wash out a Word of it.’

– Omar Khayyám

The question of who wore the outer raiment of the rainmakers on that fateful day July 13 in 2022 was given new life with the publication of a book by the then-soon-to-be-next ‘unelected’ President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s media advisor Sunanda Maddumabandara. The author appears to be a hand who writes, and yet his hand is moved by other hands. (Incidentally, this week saw the US embassy’s Chamber of Commerce (AmCham SL), sit together with Wijeya Newspapers and Unilever’s Chartered Institute of Public Relations (CIPR), to ‘Narrate Sri Lanka’s Story’,see ee Who’s Who) Maddumabandara, as unreliable a narrator as ‘media advisors’ tend to be, claims the Speaker himself has told him it was the Indian envoy, Baglay. Maddumabandara’s master Ranil Wickremesinghe, the recovering Anglican, has been flying in all directions (except Moscow & Beijing), visiting Red Forts & diverse Hindu temples. Wickremesinghe too is heroically portrayed as having refused a poisoned chalice and upheld parliamentary decorum, and attended the book launch, though the ousted President Gotabhaya Rajapakse did not, and has chosen not to comment on the matter in his biography.

     The JVP appears to have been the main (temporary) beneficiary of the aragalaya’s strivings, and was also baying at the gates of parliament that day. They were apparently not the first choice of the imperialist conspirators, though they now seem to be following the Wickremesinghe script. Wickremesinghe’s writ, which appears to echo the demands of the imperialist hegemon, sees his will being done, even if by remote control. The Island’s Shamindra Ferdinando (see ee Focus) highlights the claim made by nationalist analysts that it was the US Envoy who secretly made such demands. Ferdinando wonders who deceived the nationalists into claiming it was only the US Envoy, though all agree the ouster of a democratically elected President was a joint US-India project. The version in the Sinhala Divaina of the Ferdinando essay omits his assertion that the nationalist analysts were deceived. Anyway, such speculations ultimately appear to be diversions.

     After over 500 years of imperialist invasion & intrigue, it is more than time to shed illusions. The wars in Asia (West, East, North & South), and in Africa (again, in all its compass directions) are being led and coordinated by the USA. The wars in the Ukraine & on Palestine are led by the USA, with all their running dogs in tow and on cue. The USA is now the conductor of the Concert of Europe, with its white settler territories seeking to spread their ‘occupying’ tentacles.

     While much is being made of Russian President V Putin’s visit to India, the situation is fluid. While there are forces that seek a newer & better world, India was the largest English department in the world, and there are powerful interests, legacies of colonial vintage, in all our countries, who serve the imperialist hegemon’s desire for manifest destiny, as presumably ordained by their white god (see ee Quotes). The US in order to assert its dominance as the sole superpower is stalking & striding the world, seeking belligerent allies (Europe, Japan), suicidal proxies (Ukraine, Israel), fake enemies & asymmetrical foes, threatening confrontation and, when thwarted, unfurling chaos through their ‘grey channels’. 

*

‘Technology is developed in the world that by using such technology,

one can predict which areas get the highest rainfall & which areas

will be prone to floods. Enough & more data can be gathered using

such technology, but till today we have failed to use this…

In our country we are still looking up at the sky & saying it’s

about to rain or, after it rains, saying the rainfall has been heavy.’

– then-opposition JVP MP Anura Kumara Dissanayake (2016),

Now President (ee Agriculture, Who sowed the cyclonic wind…?)

*

Sri Lanka’s tea industry not impacted by Ditwah, traders’ body says

– see ee Agriculture

While media argues back & forth about whether early warnings about the flooding (including from India, BBC, Al Jazeera etc, always sure to send mixed messages) and conspiracy theorists (divine & secular) abound regarding extra-special seedings of clouds, by imperialists in Asia, the tea trader chose to declare their deforested plantations were untouched, even as plantation workers insist that they too suffered inundation.

     In Sri Lanka, the US & Indian militaries bearing ‘gifts’ (which inevitably have to be paid back with exorbitant interest) have stomped their boots on the ground, while proclaiming to bring relief to the country. The best relief or the best aid these tax-avoiding philanthropists could give, as former PM Sirimavo Bandaranaike once quipped, is to leave the country alone. For what is given by one hand is usually taken by innumerable other hands.

     While Indian companies have been handed the production of electronic ID cards, the US’ Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT aka Murder Inc) claims to have developed an information system to collect Ditwar-related data ‘free of charge’. US’ Microsoft will provide ‘the necessary technical support’; and another US Embassy outfit called GeoAI, combining AI & Geographic Information Systems (GIS) promises ‘to strengthen early warning systems, improve emergency response and enhance long-term planning.’ This is the same USA that has openly opposed (via their World Bank, and innumerable economists) and quietly subverted long-term economic planning by the Sri Lankan state (see ee Random Notes). What has happened to the numerous equipments installed in the country to supposedly early-warn us, even as they appear to be dual-use, collecting information on us & the seas around us? (see ee Who’s Who, Japan’s Doppler)

*

The new Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, packaged as a heavy-metal head-banging rock&roller, shows where she obtains her real cultural & political tunes from, by threatening to deploy even heavier metals – missiles in Taiwan against China. Warwick Powell discusses the backdrop: the paranoia (see ee Focus) the US exhibits against any North Asian alliance between Japan, China, Russia & Korea, and Japan’s purported anxieties of an ageing population, midst rising food & energy insecurity (this is what prompts their need for Sri Lankan workers in labor-intensive operations). Warwick also describe the manoeuvres of US & Europe speeding into overdrive to prevent any coming together of India, Africa, China, Russia, which they seek to blockade & strangle, like what they are doing in Cuba & Venezuela etc. Warwick doubts any major nuclear confrontation:

*

‘What’s the likelihood that

Washington will sacrifice Washington,

or put at risk Washington, New York,

Boston, Los Angeles, San Francisco,

Miami, & every other city in between,

in the name of defending Tokyo, or Seoul,

or Taipei, or Manila for that matter?‘

Warwick wonders if Japan is ready to take on the role of an Asian Ukraine, ‘to go & fight & die for the USA’. And while the USA’s vassals in Europe, Africa & Asia seek to somehow become honorary whites or equals at least, the US plan seems to be to carve out ‘geo-economic blocks’, demanding their allies ‘cut themselves off from important centers of power like China and to commit themselves solely to the USA.’

*

Should Japan have invaded Sri Lanka first, rather than attack the USA in Hawaii’s Pearl Harbor? is the subject of an extended dissertation in the LankaWeb (see ee Quotes). The Sri Lankan author Senaka Weeraratna laments, ‘Day after day we are constantly bombarded with propaganda against the Japanese & the Germans despite the end of the war 80 years ago’. The argument for Japan invading Sri Lanka first is based on the work of a Japanese militarist & prolific author of such books as How China Started the 2^nd Sino-Japanese War: Why Should Japan Apologize to China? There is no mention of Japan’s colonization of China, Taiwan, or Korea, or of the massacres of 100,000s in Nanjing, etc. Weeraratna mentions DS Senanayake, Dudley Senanayake & JR Jayawardene (Ceylon) as friends & admirers of Japan. JR is credited with foregoing demands for reparations from Japan at the infamous Treaty of San Francisco in 1951, which turned Japan into a colonial US military base, with the US inscribing its constitution. JR curiously stated:

‘We in Ceylon were fortunate that we were not invaded,

but the damage caused by air raids, by the stationing of

enormous armies under the SE Asia Command,

& by the slaughter-tapping of one of our main commodities,

rubber, when we were the only producer of natural rubber for

the Allies, entitles us to ask that the damage so caused should

be repaired. We do not intend to do so, for we

believe in the words of the Great Teacher [Buddha]…’

The USA’s 1951 San Francisco Treaty, opposed by the USSR because China was excluded from the Conference & it violated China’s sovereignty over Taiwan, studiously gave no guarantees against theUSA’s revival of militarism in Japan, now on full display.

*

This week’s ee continues examining how socialism defeated fascism, even as the English & US hedged their bets, hoping the USSR with China & Germany with Japan would all destroy each other. It was the Red Armies of the USSR & China that held off & vanquished the brunt of the fascist attacks. Again, Roy Singham delivers incredible statistics on the sacrifice made. The Nazi Yellow Stars that Jews were later forced to wear were preceded by forcing Communists to wear Red Triangles:

*

‘Before fascism turned outward to conquer nations,

it perfected mass murder at home. Fascism’s first

victims were domestic communists from 1931-45’

It was communists arrested in the 1,000s who filled the first concentration camps. Here in this ee Focus you can read of the love affair between the USA’s Henry Ford & the Nazi leader Adolf Hitler: ‘Western leaders did not just know – they applauded’. US media praised Hitler’s anti-communist violence as ‘necessary housekeeping’, revealing ‘capitalism’s preference for fascism over socialism.’ Again, fascism itself had its roots in the colonization of much of the world, and particularly in the practices of the settler colonies.

*

The development pattern of the white settler colonies is the focus of Chapter 4 of SBD de Silva’s classic The Political Economy of Underdevelopment. This ee Focus concludes this chapter, which seeks to also explain the seeming exceptions in the Congo & IndoChina (Vietnam), to SBD’s division of the world into settler & non-settler colonies. While exhibiting certain advanced features, the Congo & IndoChina’s basically colonial status prevented their advance into the ranks of developed countries. The settler colonies focused on their home markets & developed their societies, while non-settler colonies are constantly told to focus on exports, giving over our home markets to multinational corporations (MNCs) like England’s Unilever in Sri Lanka. The settler colonies fought major battles with their European governments even as they repressed the indigenous peoples.

     This ee discusses more fully the example of Vietnam’s economy, which was subject to genocidal wars waged by the Japanese, French & US governments. SBD discussed how industrial development took place in Indochina before WW2, due to ‘adventitious factors’ such as being far from France, and a ‘balcony on the Far East’. Large numbers were employed in a range of industries. SBD de Silva, however, examines what ‘made the French Parliament & industrialists willing to finance Ferry’s conquest of Tonkin’. He also detailed the 3 devices France used ‘to pre-empt the Indochinese market’. He noted how Indochina’s exports to France were regulated, while ‘French goods could enter Indochina freely’.

*

ee Focus also continues Gustavus Myers’ 1917 History of Tammany Hall. Here Myers, even as he drearily narrates the system of organized bribery in New York involving the monopolies – traction, railroad, telephone, electric lighting, industrial & other financial interests – finally highlights the criticism by US socialists, of so-called ‘anti-corruption campaigns’:

‘The political ‘bosses’ were only the tools of the great financial

& industrial magnates; & that where the political ‘bosses’

gathered in their millions, the magnates accumulated their 10s

or 100s of millions of dollars as their individual fortunes.

Why, queried the Socialists, concentrate attention on the instruments?

Why not, said they, attack the power of the whole social, political

& industrial system of which the political ‘boss’ was merely one

expression?  This system, according to the Socialist party, was the

capitalist system for the overthrow of which they declared & agitated.’

*

––––––––

Contents:

The USA Seeks a Suicidal Ukraine in Asia: Can Japan or Sri Lanka Help?

By Dr. Gamini Padmaperuma

It makes most of us inquisitive to know, how the routine use of AI would impact the way the learners go about their learning process, acquire necessary cognitive skills, etc. A new report published by Oxford University Press says that AI makes students gain speed but lose depth in thinking.

Many students say that the AI helps them think faster and solve difficult problems. However, the experts in the field say that this fluency comes at a cost. Further, the authors say that the students are now getting used to think alongside machines and gain fluency and speed in processing data but losing the depth that comes from pausing, questioning, and thinking independently.

This situation reminds us of the case where the ability of mental math, which many in the older generations used to hold as a valuable skill, faded away with the introduction of the calculators. Did we lose anything in this major technological shift? While calculators bring efficiency and accuracy, this technological shift has led to a trade-off where some of the fundamental cognitive skills and intuitive understanding of mathematics are less developed in newer generations. Similar trade-offs are inevitable with the introduction of AI too.

The authors of the above report added that, “The true challenge ahead is not mastering technology but safeguarding the depth of human thought in an age of synthetic cognition and artificial intelligence.”

What is ‘synthetic cognition’?  Before trying to understand what ‘synthetic cognition’ is, let us examine the meaning of ‘cognition’. Cognition is defined as  the mental action or process of acquiring knowledge and understanding through thought, experience, and the senses. As one would appreciate the emphasis here is on thinking, experiencing and sensing. These are deliberate actions to be undertaken by the learners. However, the ‘synthetic cognition’, as Oxford researchers call it, reflects a new kind of thinking emerging among what they dub as the “AI-native generation” — teenagers who have grown up learning side by side with algorithms. Algorithms are known as processes or sets of rules to be followed in calculations or other problem-solving operations, especially by a computer. In summary, the cognition which is generally understood as a deliberate effort by the learner is now relegated to a process that is dependent on rules that are set for and by a computer (synthetic cognition).

Artificial intelligence (AI) has become an integral part of daily life, streamlining everything from search queries to complex decision-making. While AI tools offer convenience and efficiency, they also raise concerns about cognitive offloading—the process of delegating cognitive tasks to external aids. As reliance on AI grows, experts warn that it could diminish critical-thinking skills and alter fundamental cognitive processes. It is not about avoiding its use entirely; the incorporation of AI is essential for the advancement of our societies. However, it is advisable to learn how to use it properly and in a balanced manner.

INFLUENCE OF AI ON critical thinking

Recent studies investigating how the use of AI influences cognitive abilities bring several important issues to light. Studies observed a negative link between frequent AI use and critical-thinking skills, indicating that people who depend heavily on automated systems may find it harder to think independently. One reason for this is cognitive offloading. This means regular AI users tend to engage less in deep, analytical thought and instead opt for quick answers produced by AI.

The studies also looked at how age and education affected reliance on AI. Younger participants showed greater dependence on AI tools and performed worse on critical-thinking tests than older individuals. In contrast, those with higher levels of education maintained stronger reasoning skills even when exposed to AI. Moreover, greater trust in AI-generated material lowered the likelihood that users would verify information themselves, contributing to a drop in healthy skepticism.

A further concern raised in the studies involve algorithmic bias and how it shapes the information users encounter. AI systems often present content based on past user behavior, which can reinforce existing beliefs and reduce access to differing viewpoints. Notably, the studies report a non-linear connection between AI use and cognitive effects—moderate use did not significantly weaken critical-thinking abilities, but overreliance resulted in declining cognitive performance.

EFFECTS ON education and decision-making

Research findings raise important concerns about how AI influences both education and professional decision-making. In classrooms, AI tools can make learning more efficient, but they may also reduce students’ motivation to practice problem-solving and analytical thinking. When learners rely on AI-generated answers instead of working through challenges themselves, their cognitive flexibility and ability to evaluate information may decline.

Educational researchers highlight the above issue, noting that essential intellectual skills must be cultivated from early childhood—particularly during adolescence. They emphasize that educators have a responsibility to ensure that young people actively engage in meaningful cognitive effort.

In professional environments, excessive dependence on AI can similarly weaken analytical skills. The problem is compounded by algorithmic biases, which can lead users to accept AI-generated recommendations without questioning the assumptions behind them. A careful balance is needed between leveraging AI tools and maintaining strong human judgment.

(Dr. Gamini Padmaperuma is a Chartered Professional Engineer, Honorary Fellow Member of the IESL, former Director, Academic Affairs at Saegis Campus and Senior Lecturer at OUSL. He holds a PhD in Instructional Design for Computer-Based Learning from the University of Canterbury, New Zealand and can be contacted at gamini_pad@hotmail.com)

goodnewsnetwork

The first successful human implant of a 3D-printed cornea made from human eye cells cultured in a laboratory has restored a patient’s sight.

The North Carolina-based company that developed the cornea described the procedure as a ‘world first’—and a major milestone toward its goal of alleviating the lack of available donor tissue and long wait-times for people seeking transplants.

According to Precise Bio, its robotic bio-fabrication approach could potentially turn a single donated cornea into hundreds of lab-grown grafts, at a time when there’s currently only one available for an estimated 70 patients who need one to see.

This achievement marks a turning point for regenerative ophthalmology—a moment of real hope for millions living with corneal blindness,” Aryeh Batt, Precise Bio’s co-founder and CEO, said in a statement.

Full Report

First Human Cornea Transplant Using 3D Printed, Lab-Grown Tissue Restores Sight in a ‘Game Changer’ for Millions Who are Blind

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D.

 Episode Summary

What a privilege it was to connect with Dr. Ruwan M. Jayatunge, M.D. PhD. We spoke about the nature of suffering, Buddhism, happiness, Dostoyevsky, Tolstoy, Nietzsche, and his work across the globe, treating patients with PTSD. I promise you that if you listen to this conversation with an open mind and with good intentions, you will walk away a better person. I hope you enjoy today’s episode of the Max Depth Podcast.

Max Potter, NY, USA

Listen to the interview – LINK: https://max-depth.simplecast.com/episodes/ptsd-and-deep-psychotherapy-w-dr-ruwan-m-jayatunge-md-phd-lBU3Bbf3

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

පිිවිතුරු හෙළ උරුමය පක්‍ෂ මූලස්ථානයේ පැවැති මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ දී පක්ෂ නායක නීතිඥ උදය ගම්මන්පිල මහතා මෙම අදහස් පල කරන ලදී.

නිවාඩ් කබ්රාල් මහතා මහ බැංකු අධිපති ලෙස සිටි සමයේ ග්‍රීක බැඳුම්කරවල ආයෝජනය කරලා රටට පාඩුවක් කලා කියලා ඒ මහතාට එරෙහිව පදනම් විරහිත නඩුවක් අල්ලස් කොමිසම විසින් මහාධිකරණයේ පැවරුවා.  මේ නඩුවේ පදනම් විරහිත භාවය පෙන්වලා මේ නඩුව ඉල්ලා අස්කර ගන්න කියලා කබ්රාල් මහතාගේ නීතිඥයෝ අල්ලස් කොමිසමේ අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල්වරයාගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටියා.  දූෂණ විරෝධි පනතේ 67 වගන්තිය අනුව කොමිසම අවසර දෙනවා නම් අධිකරණය අවසර දෙනවා නම් අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල්වරයාට එහෙම නඩුව අස්කර ගන්න පුළුවන්.  නීතිඥයෝ ඒ ඉල්ලීම කලේ රුපියල් මිලියන 1,843ක් ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුවට ගෙවීමේ කොන්දේසිය මත නොවේ.  තමන් කිසිම වරදක් කරලා නැති නිසා නඩුව ඉවත් කර ගන්න කියන පදනම මත.  හැබැයි අල්ලස් කොමිසමේ අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල්වරයා අධිකරණයට කිව්වේ මොකක්ද?

අල්ලස් කොමිසම මේ අධිචෝදනා පත්‍රය ඉල්ලා අස්කර ගන්නේ රුපියල් මිලියන 1,843ක් ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුවට ගෙවීමේ කොන්දේසිය මතයි කියලා අධිකරණයට කියනවා.  එතකොට කබ්රාල් මහතාගේ නීතිඥයා මොකද කිව්වේ? අපි කිසිම වරදක් කරලා නෑ.  අයථා විධියට උපයා ගත් මුදලක් අපි ලඟ නෑ.  ඒ නිසා අපි මුදල් ගෙවීමේ කොන්දේසියට එකඟ වෙන්නේ නෑ. එහෙම කිව්වාට පස්සේ එසේ නම් අපි නඩුව ඉල්ලා අස්කර ගන්නේ නෑ කියලා අල්ලස් කොමිසම අධිකරණයට දැනුම් දෙන්න ඕනි.  මොකද අල්ලස් කොමිසම දාන කොන්දේසිය ඉටු කරන්න චුදිතයාට හැකියාව නැතිනම් හරි කැමැත්ත නැතිනම් හරි ඒ කොන්දේසිය ඉටු වෙන්නේ නෑ.  මිලියන 1,843ක් කියන්නේ කෝටිපතියෙකුට වුණත් සුළුපටු මුදලක් නොවේ.  ඒ මුදල ගෙවන්න හැකියාව සහ කැමැත්ත තිබෙනවා ද කියන එක චුදිතයාගෙන් අහන්නේ නැතිව ඒ කොන්දේසියට යටත්ව නඩුව ඉවත් කර ගන්නා බවට අධිකරණයට දැනුම් දීම හරහා අධිකරණය නොමග යැවීමක් අල්ලස් කොමිසම විසින් කර තිබෙනවා.

අධිකරණ නියෝගයේ ප්‍රධාන දුර්වලතා දෙකක් අපි දකිනවා.  අල්ලස් කොමිසමේ කොන්දේසියට අපි එකඟ නෑ කියලා පළමු චුදිත අධිකරණයට දැනුම් දී තිබිය දී ඒ කොන්දේසියට යටත්ව නඩුව ඉල්ලා අස්කර ගැනීමට අධිකරණයෙන් අවසර ලබා දීම මේ නඩු තීන්දුවේ තිබෙන පළමු දුර්වලතාවය.  දෙවන දුර්වලතාවය වෙන්නේ නඩුව ඉවත් කර ගැනීමේ කොන්දේසිය නිශ්චිතව නියෝගයේ සටහන් නොවීමයි.  නියෝගයේ සඳහන් වෙන්නේ පැමිණිල්ලෙන් නියම කර ඇති කොන්දේසි වලට යටත්ව නඩුව ඉල්ලා අස්කර ගැනීමට අවසර දෙමි කියලා මිස කොන්දේසිය මොකක්ද කියන එක නොවේ.  නමුත් එදින අධිකරණ වාර්තාවේ පැමිණිල්ල විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කළ කොන්දේසිය නිශ්චිතව සඳහන් වන නිසා ඒක ලොකු ගැටළුවක් නොවේ කියලා පැමිණිල්ල තර්ක කරන්න පුළුවන්.

කොන්දේසියේ කියන්නේ මාස තුනක් ඇතුලත රුපියල් මිලියන 1,843ක් පළමු චුදිත විසින් ගෙවිය යුතුයි කියන එක.  නමුත් කබ්රාල් මහතා ඉතාම නිශ්චිතව කියනවා මම වරදක් කරලා නැති නිසා මම ගෙවන්නේ නෑ කියලා.  එහෙම නම් ඉදිරියේ දී සිදු විය හැකි විකල්ප තුනක් තිබෙනවා.  පළමු විකල්පය වෙන්නේ 67(5) වගන්තිය යටතේ තමන් වරදක් කර නොමැති නිසා වන්දි මුදල ගෙවීම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කිරීම සාධාරණ හේතුවක් ලෙස කොමිසම විසින් භාර ගැනීමයි.  මොකද 67(5) වගන්තියේ කියන්නේ සාධාරණ හේතුවකින් තොරව ලබා දුන් කාලය තුල කොන්දේසි ඉටු කිරීමට චුදිත අපොහොසත් වුණොත් නැවත අධිචෝදනා ගොනු කළ යුතුයි කියලා.  තමන් වරදක් නොකළ නිසා වන්දි මුදල නොගෙවන බවට කබ්රාල් මහතා කරන දැනුම් දීම සාධාරණ හේතුවක් ලෙස භාර ගැනීමෙන් මේ කතන්දරේ ඉවර කරන්න කොමිසමට පුළුවන්.  දෙවන විකල්පය තමයි ඒක සාධාරණ හේතුවක් ලෙස පිලිනොගෙන මාස තුන ගෙවුණාම නැවත නඩු පවරන්න කොමිසමට පුළුවන්.  එහෙම කළොත් කොමිසම සමාජය ඉදිරියේ විහිළුවක් බවට පත් වෙනවා.  තුන්වන විකල්පය තමයි කොමිසම නඩු පැවරුවොත් ඒක කබ්රාල් මහතා අභියෝගයට ලක් කිරීම.  නියෝගය තුල අධිචෝදනා ඉවත් කර ගැනීමේ කොන්දේසි නිශ්චිතව සඳහන් නොවන නිසා කොන්දේසි ඉටු නොකළ බවට යලි නඩු පවරන්න බෑ කියා තර්ක කිරීමේ හැකියාව තිබෙනවා.  ඒ නිසා මේ නඩුවේ ඉදිරි ක්‍රියාමාර්ග අතිශයින්ම ව්‍යාකූල වී තිබෙනවා.

අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් කියන විධියට කබ්රාල් මහතා වන්දි මුදල් නොගෙවූ නිසා කොමිසම විසින් යළි නඩු පවරනවා නම් ඒක විකාරයක්නෙ.  කබ්රාල් මහතා විසින් කොමිසමට ඉදිරිපත් කළ ඉල්ලීමේ කිසිම කොන්දේසියකට යටත් වීමට එකඟ වී නෑ.  එහෙම නම් නඩුව ඉවත් කර ගන්න අධිකරණයේ අවසර පතන්න කලින් මේ මුදල ගෙවිය හැකි ද? ගෙවීමට එකඟ ද? කියන ප්‍රශ්න දෙක කොමිසම විසින් කබ්රාල් මහතාගෙන් ඇසිය යුතුව තිබුණා.  දැන් වෙලා තිබෙන්නේ අධිකරණයේත් කොමිසමේත් කාලය නාස්ති කරලා මහජන මුදල් නාස්ති කරලා කොමිසම රට ඉදිරියේ විහිළුවක් බවට පත් කිරීමට අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් කටයුතු කිරීමයි.

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

පිිවිතුරු හෙළ උරුමය මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ දී පක්ෂ නායක නීතිඥ උදය ගම්මන්පිල මහතා එම පක්‍ෂ මූලස්ථානයේදී අද පල කල අදහස් මෙහි දැක්වෙයි.

 සමාජ මාධ්‍යවල තොරතුරු පැතිරෙන විධියට සුළි සුළඟෙන් වැසි ලැබුණාටත් වඩා ජනාධිපතිගේ පිනෙන් විදෙස් ආධාර ලැබිලා. නමුත් තිත්ත ඇත්ත නම් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ වියදම් ඇස්තමේන්තුවෙන් විදේශාධාර ලෙස තවමත් ලැබිලා තිබෙන්නේ 0.17%යි.

අත්‍යාවශ්‍ය සේවා කොමසාරිස් ප්‍රභාත් චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති මහතා ප්‍රකාශ කළ විධියට දිත්වා කුනාටුව සිදු කළ විනාශය ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණය කිරීමට ඩොලර් බිලියන 6ක් සහ 7ක් අතර ගණනක් යාවි.  අපි ඩොලර් බිලියන 6.5ක් කියමු.  භාණ්ඩාගාර ලේකම් ආචාර්ය හර්ෂණ සූරියප්පෙරුම ප්‍රකාශ කරන විධියට දෙස් විදෙස් සියළු ආධාර දෙසැම්බර් 13 දිනට ලැබිලා තිබුණේ ඩොලර් මිලියන 11යි.  අපි දෙස් විදෙස් ආධාර කියන එක අමතක කරලා මේ සියල්ලම විදේශාධාර කියලා ගත්තොත් විදේශාධාර ඩොලර් මිලියන 11යි.  එතකොට ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ වියදම ඩොලර් මිලියන 6,500ක් වුණත් ඇත්තටම ලැබිලා තිබෙන්නේ ඒකෙන් 0.17%යි.

මේ තත්වය අපි සංසන්දනය කරමු සුනාමි ආපදාවේ දී අපේ රටට ලැබුණු ආධාර එක්ක.  2004 සුනාමි ආපදාවෙන් සිදු වුණු විනාශය ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණය සඳහා යන වියදම ලෙස ඇස්තමේන්තු කලේ ඩොලර් බිලියන 1.5යි.  එයින් ඩොලර් බිලියන 1.3ක් විදේශාධාර විධියට ලැබුණා.  ඒ කියන්නේ ඇස්තමේන්තුවෙන් 87%ක් විදේශාධාර ලෙස ලැබෙනවා.  නමුත් දැන් ලැබෙන්නේ 0.17%යි.  මේක එසේ මෙසේ පල්ලම් බැසිල්ලක් නොවේ. බරපතල පල්ලම් බැසිල්ලක්.  විදේශාධාර නායයෑම කඳුකරය නායයෑමටත් වඩා දරුණුව සිද්ධ වෙලා කියලා මේකෙන් පේනවා.

එදා විදේශ ඇමති ලක්ෂ්මන් කදිරගාමර් මැතිතුමා.  මෙදා විදේශ ඇමති ලක්ෂ්මන් කදිරගාමර් මැතිතුමාගේ පුනරුත්පත්තිය ලෙස වටගල ඇමතිතුමා කියූ විජිත හේරත් මැතිතුමා.  හැබැයි දෙන්නාගේ හැසිරීම නම් අහසයි පොලවයි වගේ වෙනස්.  එදා විදේශ ඇමතිතුමා ලෝක ප්‍රජාවගෙන් පෞද්ගලිකවම කතා කරලා උදව් ඉල්ලුවා.  ලෝක ප්‍රජාව තුල කම්පනයක් ප්‍රකම්පනයක් ඇති කරන්න ජාත්‍යන්තර මාධ්‍ය වලට ලංකාවට ඇවිත් විපත පිළිබඳ ආවරණය කරන්න කියා ඉල්ලුවා. විජිත හේරත් මැතිතුමා ප්‍රකම්පනයක් කියන එක දන්නවද කියලත් අපිට සාධාරන සැකයක් ඇතිවෙනා.ව  එහි ප්‍රතිඵලයක් විධියට සමස්ත ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ වියදමෙන් 87%ක් විදේශාධාර විධියට ලැබුණා.

අපි ලිඛිතව ඉල්ලීම් කරලත් ජාත්‍යන්තර ආධාර සමුළුවක් කැඳෙව්වේ නෑ. මේ විනාශයේ බරපතලකම ජාත්‍යන්තර මාධ්‍ය හරහා ලෝකයට පෙන්වා ලෝක ප්‍රජාව තුල කම්පනයක්,  ඇති කලෙත් නෑ.  එහි ප්‍රතිඵලය වුණේ වියදම් ඇස්තමේන්තුවෙන් 1%ක්වත් විදේශාධාර ලෙස සොයා ගන්න මේ ආණ්ඩුව අසමත් වීමයි.  පසුගිය වසර කිහිපය තුල සංචාරකයින්ගේ ආකර්ෂණය දිනා ගැනීමට ලංකාව සමත් වුණු නිසා ලංකාව ගැන ලෝක ප්‍රජාවේ වෙන කවදාවත් නොතිබුණු උනන්දුවක් තිබෙනවා.  කදිරගාමර්ලා වෙනුවට වැඩ බැරි ගාමර්ලා රටේ පාලනය භාරගෙන සිටින නිසායි විදෙස් ආධාර බරපතල නායයෑමකට ලක් වුනේ.

දැන් ඔන්න ප්‍රශ්නයක් මතු වෙනවා.  ඇත්තටම ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ වියදම් ඇස්තමේන්තුවෙන් 1%ක්වත් විදේශාධාර ලෙස ලැබිලා නැතිනම් මේ දවස්වල ප්‍රවෘත්ති වලට පෙන්වන ගුවන් යානා වලින් ගොඩ බාන බඩු මොනවාද?  ඇත්තෙන්ම ආපදාවක දී මුල් අවස්ථාවේ දී ලැබෙන්නේ සහන ආධාර නැතිනම් රිලීෆ් ඒඩ්ස්.  ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ ආධාර ලැබෙන්නේ ඊට පසුව.  සහන ආධාර කියන්නේ වින්දිතයින් මුදවා ගැනීමේ මෙහෙයුම්, මුදවා ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය උපකරණ, ඖෂධ, ඇඳුම් සහ ආහාර වැනි දේවල් ලබා දීමයි.  සහනාධාර ලෙස ලැබෙන ආධාර පවා සුනාමියේ දී ලැබුණු ආධාර වලට වඩා ගොඩක් අඩුයි.  උදාහරණයක් ගත්තොත් සහනාධාර ලෙස සුනාමි වෙලාවේ චීනය යුආන් මිලියන 50ක් වටිනා භාණ්ඩ එව්වා.  නමුත් සුළිසුළං ආපදාවට එව්වේ යුආන් මිලියන 10ක් වටිනා භාණ්ඩයි.  ඒ වගේම ඇමෙරිකාවත් සුනාමිය වෙලාවේ ඩොලර් මිලියන 134ක ආධාර ලබා දුන්නත් සුළිසුළං ආපදාවට ලබා දුන්නේ ඩොලර් මිලියන 2 ආධාර පමණයි.

එහෙම බැලුම ඇමරිකාවත් චීනයත් කියන ලෝක බලවතුන් දෙන්නම ලංකාව අත් හැරලා, ලංකා ආණ්ඩුවේ ක්‍රියාකලාපය නිසා ලංකාව ජාත්‍යාන්තර අනාතයෙක් වෙලයි කියලයි මේ තොරතුරු වලින් කියවෙන්නේ.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Dec. 15 (Daily Mirror) – Sri Lanka could face an economic crisis by the Sinhala New Year 2026, fueled by Cyclone Ditwah as it has been predicted by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, United National Party (UNP) Deputy General Secretary Harin Fernando said today.

Sri Lanka is moving towards a forex crisis. Remember what I said today (December 15 2025) and you will understand it on April 15 2026,” the UNP Deputy General Secretary said.

Courtesy Adaderana

Red landslide warnings have been issued by the National Building Research Organisation (NBRO) to residents of several Divisional Secretariat divisions in the Kandy District.

The warning issued by the NBRO will remain in effect until 4:00 p.m. tomorrow (16).

Accordingly, red landslide warnings remain in effect for Udadumbara, Dolosbage, Minipe, Medadumbara and Ganga Ihala Korale Divisional Secretariat divisions in the Kandy District.

Additionally, the National Building Research Organisation has issued level two landslide warnings for several other divisional secretariat divisions.

Courtesy Adaderana

A total of 640 schools in the Uva, Central and North Western provinces will not reopen tomorrow, the Secretary to the Ministry of Education, Nalaka Kaluwewe has announced.

Schools that were closed due to the disaster situation caused by Cyclone Ditwah are scheduled to reopen island-wide tomorrow (16).

Accordingly, the Ministry of Education convened principals, teachers, and non-academic staff today (15) to undertake necessary preparations for the reopening of schools.

Secretary Nalaka Kaluwewe noted that 640 schools affected by the disaster in three provinces will be unable to resume academic activities tomorrow.

A total of 524 schools in the Uva Province, 111 schools in the Central Province and five schools in the North Western Province will remain closed.

The Ministry of Education further announced that a relaxed policy will be implemented with regard to school uniforms for students, as well as academic and non-academic staff, in areas affected by the disaster.

Courtesy Hiru News

As a result of the ‘Ditwah’ disaster, 6,164 houses have been completely destroyed, and another 112,110 houses have been partially damaged.

Meanwhile, as of December 14, 72,911 individuals are residing in 796 safe locations.

Furthermore, 15,000 houses have been identified as being located in current high-risk zones.

These figures were revealed yesterday (15) during a meeting of the National Council for Disaster Management, chaired by the President.

During the meeting, a Cabinet memorandum was presented regarding the establishment of a National Integrated Disaster Management Mechanism and proposed amendments to the Sri Lanka Disaster Management Act, No. 13 of 2005.

Courtesy Hiru News

COLOMBO, December 15, 2025: The World Bank Group has expressed deep sorrow over the devastation caused by Cyclone Ditwah in Sri Lanka.

In response to the Government’s request, the Bank is making up to US$120 million in emergency support available by repurposing funds from ongoing projects. This assistance will help restore essential services and infrastructure—including healthcare, water, education, agriculture and connectivity—in the areas most severely affected.

The International Finance Corporation (IFC), the private sector arm of the World Bank Group, will continue strengthening the private sector through advisory support and strategic investments in key sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing and logistics, including support for MSMEs, to create jobs and drive economic recovery.

To guide recovery efforts, a Global Rapid Post-Disaster Damage Estimation (GRADE) assessment is already underway in partnership with the Global Facility for Disaster Risk Reduction (GFDRR). This rapid assessment will provide credible estimates of disaster impacts to inform early decisions and better target response and recovery efforts.

The Bank is also working closely with the Government as it prepares broader recovery measures, including the Rebuilding Sri Lanka” Fund and the next phase of post-disaster needs assessments.

Our hearts go out to every Sri Lankan affected by Cyclone Ditwah. We are inspired by how communities across the country have come together to support each other during this difficult time,” said Gevorg Sargsyan, World Bank Group Country Manager for Sri Lanka and Maldives. The World Bank Group is committed to helping Sri Lanka restore livelihoods, accelerate economic recovery and rebuild stronger, safer and more resilient communities.”

Looking ahead, the World Bank Group stands ready to work with the Government to mobilise additional resources based on GRADE assessment findings and the financing needs for recovery and resilient reconstruction. We will also make necessary adjustments in our future programs to accommodate the impacts of this crisis.”

The World Bank Group emphasised that support will be delivered quickly, transparently and effectively, with strong oversight mechanisms in place alongside implementing agencies and local authorities.

By Sanjeewa Jayaweera Courtesy The Island

Eighteen Years of Delay:

Cyclone Ditwah has come and gone, leaving a trail of extensive damage to the country’s infrastructure, including buildings, roads, bridges, and 70% of the railway network. Thousands of hectares of farming land have been destroyed. Last but not least, nearly 1,000 people have lost their lives, and more than two million people have been displaced. The visuals uploaded to social media platforms graphically convey the widespread destruction Cyclone Ditwah has caused in our country.

The purpose of my article is to highlight, for the benefit of readers and the general public, how a project to establish a Doppler Weather Radar system, conceived in 2007, remains incomplete after 18 years. Despite multiple governments, shifting national priorities, and repeated natural disasters, the project remains incomplete.

Over the years, the National Audit Office, the Committee on Public Accounts (COPA), and several print and electronic media outlets have highlighted this failure. The last was an excellent five-minute broadcast by Maharaja Television Network on their News First broadcast in October 2024 under a series What Happened to Sri Lanka”

The Agreement Between the Government of Sri Lanka and the World Meteorological Organisation in 2007.

The first formal attempt to establish a Doppler Radar system dates back to a Trust Fund agreement signed on 24 May 2007 between the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO). This agreement intended to modernize Sri Lanka’s meteorological infrastructure and bring the country on par with global early-warning standards.

The World Meteorological Organisation (WMO) is a specialized agency of the United Nations established on March 23, 1950. There are 193 member countries of the WMO, including Sri Lanka. Its primary role is to promote the establishment of a worldwide meteorological observation system and to serve as the authoritative voice on the state and behaviour of the Earth’s atmosphere, its interaction with the oceans, and the resulting climate and water resources.

According to the 2018 Performance Audit Report compiled by the National Audit Office, the GoSL entered into a trust fund agreement with the WMO to install a Doppler Radar System. The report states that USD 2,884,274 was deposited into the WMO bank account in Geneva, from which the Department of Metrology received USD 95,108 and an additional USD 113,046 in deposit interest. There is no mention as to who actually provided the funds. Based on available information, WMO does not fund projects of this magnitude.

The WMO was responsible for procuring the radar equipment, which it awarded on 18^th June 2009 to an American company for USD 1,681,017. According to the audit report, a copy of the purchase contract was not available.

Monitoring the agreement’s implementation was assigned to the Ministry of Disaster Management, a signatory to the trust fund agreement. The audit report details the members of the steering committee appointed by designation to oversee the project. It consisted of personnel from the Ministry of Disaster Management, the Departments of Metrology, National Budget, External Resources and the Disaster Management Centre.

The Audit Report highlights failures in the core responsibilities that can be summarized as follows:

· Procurement irregularities—including flawed tender processes and inadequate technical evaluations.

· Poor site selection

—proposed radar sites did not meet elevation or clearance requirements.

· Civil works delays

—towers were incomplete or structurally unsuitable.

· Equipment left unused

—in some cases for years, exposing sensitive components to deterioration.

· Lack of inter-agency coordination

—between the Meteorology Department, Disaster Management Centre, and line ministries.

Some of the mistakes highlighted are incomprehensible. There is a mention that no soil test was carried out before the commencement of the construction of the tower. This led to construction halting after poor soil conditions were identified, requiring a shift of 10 to 15 meters from the original site. This resulted in further delays and cost overruns.

The equipment supplier had identified that construction work undertaken by a local contractor was not of acceptable quality for housing sensitive electronic equipment. No action had been taken to rectify these deficiencies. The audit report states, It was observed that the delay in constructing the tower and the lack of proper quality were one of the main reasons for the failure of the project”.

In October 2012, when the supplier commenced installation, the work was soon abandoned after the vehicle carrying the heavy crane required to lift the radar equipment crashed down the mountain. The next attempt was made in October 2013, one year later. Although the equipment was installed, the system could not be operationalised because electronic connectivity was not provided (as stated in the audit report).

In 2015, following a UNOPS (United Nations Office for Project Services) inspection, it was determined that the equipment needed to be returned to the supplier because some sensitive electronic devices had been damaged due to long-term disuse, and a further 1.5 years had elapsed by 2017, when the equipment was finally returned to the supplier. In March 2018, the estimated repair cost was USD 1,095,935, which was deemed excessive, and the project was abandoned.

COPA proceedings

The Committee on Public Accounts (COPA) discussed the radar project on August 10, 2023, and several press reports state that the GOSL incurred a loss of Rs. 78 million due to the project’s failure. This, I believe, is the cost of constructing the Tower. It is mentioned that Rs. 402 million had been spent on the radar system, of which Rs. 323 million was drawn from the trust fund established with WMO. It was also highlighted that approximately Rs. 8 million worth of equipment had been stolen and that the Police and the Bribery and Corruption Commission were investigating the matter.

JICA support and project stagnation

Despite the project’s failure with WMO, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) entered into an agreement with GOSL on June 30, 2017 to install two Doppler Radar Systems in Puttalam and Pottuvil. JICA has pledged 2.5 billion Japanese yen (LKR 3.4 billion at the time) as a grant. It was envisaged that the project would be completed in 2021.

Once again, the perennial delays that afflict the GOSL and bureaucracy have resulted in the groundbreaking ceremony being held only in December 2024. The delay is attributed to the COVID-19 pandemic and Sri Lanka’s economic crisis.

The seven-year delay between the signing of the agreement and project commencement has led to significant cost increases, forcing JICA to limit the project to installing only one Doppler Radar system in Puttalam.

Impact of the missing radar during Ditwah

As I am not a meteorologist and do not wish to make a judgment on this, I have decided to include the statement issued by JICA after the groundbreaking ceremony on December 24, 2024.

In partnership with the Department of Meteorology (DoM), JICA is spearheading the establishment of the Doppler Weather Radar Network in the Puttalam district, which can realize accurate weather observation and weather prediction based on the collected data by the radar. This initiative is a significant step in strengthening Sri Lanka’s improving its climate resilience including not only reducing risks of floods, landslides, and drought but also agriculture and fishery.

Based on online research, a Doppler Weather Radar system is designed to observe weather systems in real time. While the technical details are complex, the system essentially provides localized, uptotheminute information on rainfall patterns, storm movements, and approaching severe weather. Countries worldwide rely on such systems to issue timely alerts for monsoons, tropical depressions, and cyclones. It is reported that India has invested in 30 Doppler radar systems, which have helped minimize the loss of life.

Without radar, Sri Lanka must rely primarily on satellite imagery and foreign meteorological centres, which cannot capture the finescale, rapidly changing weather patterns that often cause localized disasters here.

The general consensus is that, while no single system can prevent natural disasters, an operational Doppler Radar almost certainly would have strengthened Sri Lanka’s preparedness and reduced the extent of damage and loss.

Conclusion

Sri Lanka’s inability to commission a Doppler Radar system, despite nearly two decades of attempts, represents one of the most significant governance failures in the country’s disastermanagement history.

Audit findings, parliamentary oversight proceedings, and donor records all confirm the same troubling truth: Sri Lanka has spent public money, signed international agreements, received foreign assistance, and still has no operational radar. This raises a critical question: should those responsible for this prolonged failure be held legally accountable?

Now may not be the time to determine the extent to which the current government and bureaucrats failed the people. I believe an independent commission comprising foreign experts in disaster management from India and Japan should be appointed, maybe in six months, to identify failures in managing Cyclone Ditwah.

However, those who governed the country from 2007 to 2024 should be held accountable for their failures, and legal action should be pursued against the politicians and bureaucrats responsible for disaster management for their failure to implement the 2007 project with the WMO successfully.

Sri Lanka cannot afford another 18 years of delay. The time for action, transparency, and responsibility has arrived.

(The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the policy or position of any organization or institution with which the author is affiliated).

By Sanjeewa Jayaweera

AI Overview

The Most Venerable Denmark Meththawihari Thero, born as Jacub Jacobson, a pioneering figure in digital Buddhism and education, passed away on Sunday night, December 7, 2025, at the age of 80. 

The  Venerable Monk had been receiving treatment for cancer in Denmark while under the care of his sister at his home in Denmark. His passing is regarded as a significant loss to the global Buddhist community, particularly in Sri Lanka, where he spent much of his monastic life. 

Funeral and Memorial Services

• Final Rites: According to the Dharmavahini Foundation, his final rites and funeral ceremonies will be conducted in Denmark.
• Sri Lanka Memorial: A memorial Paṁsukūla (merit-sharing) offering was held on Monday, December 8, 2025, at the Narada Buddhist Center in Colombo 7, organized by the Ajahn Brahm Society of Sri Lanka. 

Legacy and Contributions

Originally born as Jacub Jacobson in Denmark, he was a successful businessman for nearly two decades before being drawn to the teachings of the Four Noble Truths and ordaining as a monk. He is best known for revolutionizing the dissemination of the Dhamma through modern technology: 

• Digital Buddhism: He founded metta.lk, one of the world’s first online Buddhist databases, which digitized the Tripitaka (Buddhist scriptures) in three languages.
• Media Foundations: He was the founder of the Dharmavahini Channel, Sri Lanka’s first Buddhist television channel, and served as an advisor to the Saddhammavahini Channel.
• Educational Impact: In response to the 2004 tsunami’s impact on education, he launched LearnTV, a 24-hour educational channel developed in collaboration with the Sri Lankan Ministry of Education to support rural students.
• Cultural Support: He was a dedicated supporter of the Light of Asia Foundation, advising on projects like the Siddhartha movie and the establishment of the Sakya Kingdom. 

Despite his extensive service to Sri Lanka, it was noted by associates that his application for distinguished citizenship had been rejected during his lifetime; however, he continued his work with humility until his final days. 

AI Overview

https://share.google/aimode/ijaQS9aiYMTUKUxaY

German Dharmaduta Society

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

The Core Problem: Fragmented & Weak Oil Spill Response

Sri Lanka’s marine pollution control today suffers from:

•  No dedicated national oil spill recovery fleet
•  Dependence on ad-hoc chartered tugs and foreign assistance
•  Weak spilled oil reception, storage, and separation capacity
•  Poor coordination between MEPA, Ports Authority, Navy, Coast Guard
•  Slow approvals that discourage serious foreign investors

Oil spill response is still treated as an emergency event, not as a permanent national infrastructure requirement.

Why the Spliced Oil Collection System” Is the Missing Link

What you correctly identify is the absence of an integrated oil spill chain, namely:

1. Detection & rapid containment
2. High-capacity pumping & skimming vessels
3. Onboard oil–water separation
4. Shore-based reception & treatment
5. Safe disposal / recycling of recovered oil

Sri Lanka has bits and pieces, but no spliced (end-to-end) system.

Without this:

• Collected oil becomes waste with nowhere to go
• Response vessels remain idle or under-utilised
• Environmental damage escalates exponentially

---

Modera Harbour & Walkers Colombo Shipyard – A Strategic Opportunity Missed

Your proposal to repurpose the idling Walkers Colombo Shipyard at Modera is strategically sound.

Why Modera is ideal:

• Close to Colombo anchorage & shipping lanes
• Existing marine industrial footprint
• Suitable for:
  • Oil spill response vessels
  • Pollution control barges
  • Skimmers, pumps, separators
  • Emergency response hub for west & south coasts

Instead of debating Modera endlessly, Sri Lanka should declare it a:

National Marine Pollution Control & Emergency Response Base

---

Foreign Investors Are Ready – The State Is Not

This is the most 

This aligns with global trends:

• PPP-based oil spill response fleets
• Port-funded emergency services
• IMO-compliant pollution control operators

Yet Sri Lanka delays because of:

• Bureaucratic fear of foreign control”
• Absence of a clear PPP framework
• No single empowered authority to approve projects
• Policy paralysis disguised as further study required”

Environmental protection delayed is environmental protection denied.

---

Blue Economy: Words Without Infrastructure Are Empty

A Sustainable Blue Economy is not conferences and strategy documents.

It requires:

•  Pollution response vessels
•  Oil recovery & treatment plants
• Industrial marine yards
• Trained response crews
• Enforceable liability & insurance mechanisms

Without pollution control capability:

• Ports lose credibility
• Insurance premiums rise
• Transshipment business is at risk
• Fisheries and tourism suffer irreversible harm

---

X-Press Pearl: A National Wake-Up Call Ignored

Sri Lanka learned—painfully—that:

• Hours matter, not days
• Waiting for foreign help is too late
• Environmental damage costs far exceed prevention costs
• Accountability without capacity is meaningless

To your question:

Are we going to let that happen again?

If nothing changes  Yes, we will.

Not because we want to—but because the system remains unchanged.

---

 What Should Be Done – Immediately

(A) Declare Marine Pollution Control a National Strategic Infrastructure

Similar to ports, power, and water

Establish a 

National Oil Spill Response Authority

• Single command
• Clear legal mandate
• Fast-track approvals

Convert Modera / Walkers Yard into:

Sri Lanka Marine Pollution Control Hub

• PPP operated
• Foreign technology, local workforce
• Revenue from port dues & response contracts

Mandate Oil Spill Response Coverage

• For all vessels calling at Sri Lankan ports
• Funded via a small environmental lev

Environmental disasters are not accidents — they are policy failures

Sri Lanka still has time to correct course, but the window is closing as vessel traffic increases and ship sizes 

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Dark Room

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Clandestine visit to Speaker’s residence:

Finally, former Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena has set the record straight with regard to a controversial but never properly investigated bid to swear in him as interim President. Abeywardena has disclosed the circumstances leading to the proposal made by external powers on the morning of 13 July, 2022, amidst a large scale staged protest outside the Speaker’s official residence, situated close to Parliament.

Lastly, the former parliamentarian has revealed that it was then Indian High Commissioner, in Colombo, Gopal Baglay (May 2022 to December 2023) who asked him to accept the presidency immediately. Professor Sunanda Maddumabandara, who served as Senior Advisor (media) to President Ranil Wickremesinghe (July 2022 to September 2024), disclosed Baglay’s direct intervention in his latest work, titled ‘Aragalaye Balaya’ (Power of Aragalaya).

Prof. Maddumabandara quoted Abeywardena as having received a startling assurance that if he agreed to accept the country’s leadership, the situation would be brought under control, within 45 minutes. Baglay had assured Abeywardena that there is absolutely no harm in him succeeding President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in view of the developing situation.

The author told the writer that only a person who had direct control over the violent protest campaign could have given such an assurance at a time when the whole country was in a flux.

One-time Vice Chancellor of the Kelaniya University, Prof. Maddumabandara, launched ‘Aragalaye Balaya’ at the Sri Lanka Foundation on 20 November. In spite of an invitation extended to former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the ousted leader hadn’t attended the event, though UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe was there. Maybe Gotabaya felt the futility of trying to expose the truth against evil forces ranged against them, who still continue to control the despicable agenda.

Obviously, the author has received the blessings of Abeywardena and Wickremesinghe to disclose a key aspect in the overall project that exploited the growing resentment of the people to engineer change of Sri Lankan leadership.

The declaration of Baglay’s intervention has contradicted claims by National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa (Nine: The hidden story) and award-winning writer Sena Thoradeniya (Galle Face Protest: System change for anarchy) alleged that US Ambassador Julie Chung made that scandalous proposal to Speaker Abeywardena. Weerawansa and Thoradeniya launched their books on 25 April and 05 July, 2023, at the Sri Lanka Foundation and the National Library and Documentation Services Board, Independence Square, respectively. Both slipped in accusing Ambassador Chung of making an abortive bid to replace Gotabaya Rajapaksa with Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena.

Ambassador Chung categorically denied Weerawansa’s allegation soon after the launch of ‘Nine: The hidden story’ but stopped short of indicating that the proposal was made by someone else. Chung had no option but to keep quiet as she couldn’t, in response to Weerawansa’s claim, have disclosed Baglay’s intervention, under any circumstances, as India was then a full collaborator with Western designs here for its share of spoils. Weerawansa, Thoradeniya and Maddumabandara agree that Aragalaya had been a joint US-Indian project and it couldn’t have succeeded without their intervention. Let me reproduce the US Ambassador’s response to Weerawansa, who, at the time of the launch, served as an SLPP lawmaker, having contested the 2020 August parliamentary election on the SLPP ticket.

I am disappointed that an MP has made baseless allegations and spread outright lies in a book that should be labelled ‘fiction’. For 75 years, the US [and Sri Lanka] have shared commitments to democracy, sovereignty, and prosperity – a partnership and future we continue to build together,” Chung tweeted Wednesday 26 April, evening, 24 hours after Weerawansa’s book launch.

Interestingly, Gotabaya Rajapaksa has been silent on the issue in his memoirs ‘The Conspiracy to oust me from Presidency,’ launched on 07 March, 2024.

What must be noted is that our fake Marxists, now entrenched in power, were all part and parcel of Aragalaya.

A clandestine meeting

Abeywardena should receive the appreciation of all for refusing to accept the offer made by Baglay, on behalf of India and the US. He had the courage to tell Baglay that he couldn’t accept the presidency as such a move violated the Constitution. In our post-independence history, no other politician received such an offer from foreign powers. When Baglay stepped up pressure, Abeywardena explained that he wouldn’t change his decision.

Maddumabandara, based on the observations made by Abeywardena, referred to the Indian High Commissioner entering the Speaker’s Official residence, unannounced, at a time protesters blocked the road leading to the compound. The author raised the possibility of Baglay having been in direct touch with those spearheading the high profile political project.

Clearly Abeywardena hadn’t held back anything. The former Speaker appeared to have responded to those who found fault with him for not responding to allegations, directed at him, by revealing everything to Maddumabandara, whom he described in his address, at the book launch, as a friend for over five decades.

At the time, soon after Baglay’s departure from the Speaker’s official residence, alleged co-conspirators Ven. Omalpe Sobitha, accompanied by Senior Professor of the Sinhala Faculty at the Colombo University, Ven. Agalakada Sirisumana, health sector trade union leader Ravi Kumudesh, and several Catholic priests, arrived at the Speaker’s residence where they repeated the Indian High Commissioner’s offer. Abeywardena repeated his previous response despite Sobitha Thera acting in a threatening manner towards him to accept their dirty offer. Shouldn’t they all be investigated in line with a comprehensive probe?

Ex-President Wickremesinghe with a copy of Aragalaye Balaya he received from its author, Prof. Professor Sunanda Maddumabandara, at the Sri Lanka Foundation recently (pic by Nishan S Priyantha)

On the basis of what Abeywardena had disclosed to him, Maddumabanadara also questioned the circumstances of the deployment of the elite Special Task Force (STF) contingent at the compound. The author asked whether that deployment, without the knowledge of the Speaker, took place with the intervention of Baglay.

Aragalaye Balaya

is a must read for those who are genuinely interested in knowing the unvarnished truth. Whatever the deficiencies and inadequacies on the part of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration, external powers had engineered a change of government. The writer discussed the issues that had been raised by Prof. Maddumabandara and, in response to one specific query, the author asserted that in spite of India offering support to Gotabaya Rajapaksa earlier to get Ranil Wickremesinghe elected as the President by Parliament to succeed him , the latter didn’t agree with the move. Then both the US and India agreed to bring in the Speaker as the Head of State, at least for an interim period.

If Speaker Abeywardena accepted the offer made by India, on behalf of those backing the dastardly US backed project, the country could have experienced far reaching changes and the last presidential election may not have been held in September, 2004.

After the conclusion of his extraordinary assignment in Colombo, Baglay received appointment as New Delhi’s HC in Canberra. Before Colombo, Baglay served in Indian missions in Ukraine, Russia, the United Kingdom, Nepal and Pakistan (as Deputy High Commissioner).

Baglay served in New Delhi, in the office of the Prime Minister of India, and in the Ministry of External Affairs as its spokesperson, and in various other positions related to India’s ties with her neighbours, Europe and multilateral organisations.

Wouldn’t it be interesting to examine who deceived Weerawansa and Thoradeniya who identified US Ambassador Chung as the secret visitor to the Speaker’s residence. Her high-profile role in support of the project throughout the period 31 March to end of July, 2022, obviously made her an attractive target but the fact remains it was Baglay who brought pressure on the then Speaker. Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena’s clarification has given a new twist to Aragalaya’ and India’s diabolical role.

Absence of investigations

Sri Lanka never really wanted to probe the foreign backed political plot to seize power by extra-parliamentary means. Although some incidents had been investigated, the powers that be ensured that the overall project remained uninvestigated. In fact, Baglay’s name was never mentioned regarding the developments, directly or indirectly, linked to the devious political project. If not for Prof. Maddumabandara taking trouble to deal with the contentious issue of regime change, Baglay’s role may never have come to light. Ambassador Chung would have remained the target of all those who found fault with US interventions. Let me be clear, the revelation of Baglay’s clandestine meeting with the Speaker didn’t dilute the role played by the US in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s removal.

If Prof. Maddumabandara propagated lies, both the author and Abeywardana should be appropriately dealt with. Aragalaye Balaya failed to receive the desired or anticipated public attention. Those who issue media statements at the drop of a hat conveniently refrained from commenting on the Indian role. Even Abeywardena remained silent though he could have at least set the record straight after Ambassador Chung was accused of secretly meeting the Speaker. Abeywardena could have leaked the information through media close to him. Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe, too, could have done the same but all decided against revealing the truth.

A proper investigation should cover the period beginning with the declaration made by Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s government, in April 2022, regarding the unilateral decision to suspend debt repayment. But attention should be paid to the failure on the part of the government to decide against seeking assistance from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to overcome the crisis. Those who pushed Gotabaya Rajapaksa to adopt, what they called, a domestic solution to the crisis created the environment for the ultimate collapse that paved the way for external interventions. Quite large and generous Indian assistance provided to Sri Lanka at that time should be examined against the backdrop of a larger frightening picture. In other words, India was literally running with the sheep while hunting with the hounds. Whatever the criticism directed at India over its role in regime change operation, prompt, massive and unprecedented post-Cyclone Ditwah assistance, provided by New Delhi, saved Sri Lanka. Rapid Indian response made a huge impact on Sri Lanka’s overall response after having failed to act on a specific 12 November weather alert.

It would be pertinent to mention that all governments, and the useless Parliament, never wanted the public to know the truth regarding regime change project. Prof. Maddumabandara discussed the role played by vital sections of the armed forces, lawyers and the media in the overall project that facilitated external operations to force Gotabaya Rajapaksa out of office. The author failed to question Wickremesinghe’s failure to launch a comprehensive investigation, with the backing of the SLPP, immediately after he received appointment as the President. There seems to be a tacit understanding between Wickremesinghe and the SLPP that elected him as the President not to initiate an investigation. Ideally, political parties represented in Parliament should have formed a Special Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to investigate the developments during 2019 to the end of 2022. Those who had moved court against the destruction of their property, during the May 2022 violence directed at the SLPP, quietly withdrew that case on the promise of a fresh comprehensive investigation. This assurance given by the Wickremesinghe government was meant to bring an end to the judicial process.

When the writer raised the need to investigate external interventions, the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) sidestepped the issue. Shame on the so-called independent commission, which shows it is anything but independent.

Sumanthiran’s proposal

Since the eradication of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009, the now defunct Tamil National Alliance’s (TNA) priority had been convincing successive governments to withdraw the armed forces/ substantially reduce their strength in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. The Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK)-led TNA, as well as other Tamil political parties, Western powers, civil society, Tamil groups, based overseas, wanted the armed forces out of the N and E regions.

Abeywardena also revealed how the then ITAK lawmaker, M.A. Sumanthiran, during a tense meeting chaired by him, in Parliament, also on 13 July, 2022, proposed the withdrawal of the armed forces from the N and E for redeployment in Colombo. The author, without hesitation, alleged that the lawmaker was taking advantage of the situation to achieve their longstanding wish. The then Speaker also disclosed that Chief Opposition Whip Lakshman Kiriella and other party leaders leaving the meeting as soon as the armed forces reported the protesters smashing the first line of defence established to protect the Parliament. However, leaders of minority parties had remained unruffled as the situation continued to deteriorate and external powers stepped up efforts to get rid of both Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe to pave the way for an administration loyal and subservient to them. Foreign powers seemed to have been convinced that Speaker Abeywardena was the best person to run the country, the way they wanted, or till the Aragalaya mob captured the House.

The Author referred to the role played by the media, including social media platforms, to promote Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s successor. Maddumamabandara referred to the Hindustan Times coverage to emphasise the despicable role played by a section of the media to manipulate the rapid developments that were taking place. The author also dealt with the role played by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in the project with the focus on how that party intensified its actions immediately after Gotabaya Rajapaksa stepped down.

Disputed assessment

The Author identified Ministers Bimal Rathnayaka, Sunil Handunetti and K.D. Lal Kantha as the persons who spearheaded the JVP bid to seize control of Parliament. Maddumabanda unflinchingly compared the operation, mounted against Gotabaya Rajapaksa, with the regime change operations carried out in Iraq, Libya, Egypt and Ukraine. Asserting that governments loyal to the US-led Western block had been installed in those countries, the author seemed to have wrongly assumed that external powers failed to succeed in Sri Lanka (pages 109 and 110). That assertion is utterly wrong. Perhaps, the author for some unexplained reasons accepted what took place here. Nothing can be further from the truth than the regime change operation failed (page 110) due to the actions of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Mahinda Yapa Abeywardana and Ranil Wickremesinghe. In case, the author goes for a second print, he should seriously consider making appropriate corrections as the current dispensation pursues an agenda in consultation with the US and India.

The signing of seven Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) with India, including one on defence, and growing political-defence-economic ties with the US, have underscored that the JVP-led National People’s Power (NPP) may not have been the first choice of the US-India combine but it is certainly acceptable to them now.

The bottom line is that a democratically elected President, and government, had been ousted through unconstitutional means and Sri Lanka meekly accepted that situation without protest. In retrospect, the political party system here has been subverted and changed to such an extent, irreparable damage has been caused to public confidence. External powers have proved that Sri Lanka can be influenced at every level, without exception, and the 2022 ‘Aragalaya’ is a case in point. The country is in such a pathetic state, political parties represented in Parliament and those waiting for an opportunity to enter the House somehow at any cost remain vulnerable to external designs and influence.

Cyclone Ditwah has worsened the situation. The country has been further weakened with no hope of early recovery. Although the death toll is much smaller compared to that of the 2004 tsunami, economic devastation is massive and possibly irreversible and irreparable.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Senaka Weeraratna

The German Dharmaduta Society (GDS) recently held a book donation event for the children of Udaragama Primary School, a remote school located in the Medirigiriya District of Polonnaruwa. The donation included exercise books and CR books, essential for the students’ education.

The event was spearheaded by Ven. Pelane Dhamma Kusala Thera, the Chief Monk of Das Buddhistische Haus (Berlin Maha Viharaya) in Germany, with funding collected from his international donors, known as dayakayas. This marks the second annual book distribution event initiated by Ven. Dhamma Kusala Thera, with the first taking place at a different school in Polonnaruwa in December 2023.

The distribution event was coordinated by Keminda Silva, the long-serving Administration Secretary of the GDS. The guests at the ceremony included Senaka Weeraratna (Secretary, GDS), Priyanka Denukedeniya (Principal, Udaragama Primary School), WAS Wejarthna (Principal, Mahinda Maha Vidyalaya, Medirigiriya), Peggy Moeller (German National and Buddhist Social Worker), Wickrama Jayawickrema (TV and YouTube Programme Producer), S Dhammika Silva (wife of Keminda Silva), and the Members of the Udaragama Primary School teaching staff.

As part of the welcoming ceremony, the school children performed several musical items. Refreshments, including a traditional plant-based vegetarian lunch, were served to all attendees.

During the event, Senaka Weeraratna delivered a speech and donated copies of the recently published book 100 Years Das Buddhistische Haus,” which commemorates the centenary of the founding of Das Buddhistische Haus (1924–2024), to the Principals of Udaragama Primary School and Mahinda Maha Vidyalaya, Medirigiriya.

A large number of students and parents were present to witness the occasion. A group photograph captured the officials of the German Dharmaduta Society alongside the staff of Udaragama Primary School.

Courtesy Hiru News

The Ministry of Industries and Enterprise Development has announced that a total of 13,698 businesses across the country have been affected by the recent emergency disaster situation.

Information regarding these affected enterprises has been received by the Industry Disaster Support Centre (IDSC).

Of the 13,698 businesses impacted, 5,639 are micro-scale, 4,636 are small-scale, 2,986 are medium-scale, and 437 are large-scale enterprises.

The Ministry is urging all affected industrialists to submit their details to the data system as quickly as possible. The deadline for submitting this information is 2:00 p.m. on December 16.

Information can be entered via the Ministry’s website at www.industry.gov.lk.

To facilitate the process, the Ministry has introduced the telephone number 0712666660 for industrialists to provide information regarding their affected industries.

Support can also be obtained from the relevant Ministry officials at the Divisional Secretariat and District Secretariat levels where the business is located.