Geethanjana Kudaligamage

Rajapakse, regional politics, ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-Eurocentric DevelopmentalismƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚ and the western hegemony (Part 15-C)(Continued from part 15-B)

People do not trust institutions anymore for another reason. In the face of massive purchasing power of global capital, virtually there is nothing left behind without being trapped into the complex web of its influence and its culture of commoditification assigning exchange value for anything and everything. Human right is not an exception. In countries like ours, HR gets the highest bid. Under that situation, words like ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”independenceƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ or ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”freedomƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ becomes mere jokes, because they also have lost their very meaning and have become mere commodities for sale. The NGOs sell ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”freedomƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ in the exchange of subjugation for us. They pretend like asking for freedom to deliverƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚  a larger form of suppression to us.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ People ask, ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-Who are the independent individuals going to run these institutions independently to safeguard our freedoms in a world in which intellectual honesty, independence and even status of eminence has been sold out to the highest bid? They ask, ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-can we expect the decisions of these individuals are never been compromised under the purchasing power and the sweet heart deals of the ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”fourth dimensionƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ active in our national politics?ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ Formally we only had three dimensions in our politics, the administration, the opposition and the people. They were the three dimensions traditionally active in our polity. Now we have another dimension financed by global capital, the benefiters are the NGOs and HR block.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ Contemporary critique of the 18^th amendment mainly based on human rights which carries the popular catchphrase ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”freedomƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ that has become a clichƒÆ’†’ƒ”š‚© in national and international politics losing its genuine meaning. When a word like freedom is uttered by an NGO in exchange value for their clientele, we must realize that the word ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”freedomƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ necessarily does not mean ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”freedomƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ for the client but it is just a substitute for ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”subjugationƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ for the price he pays for it. We mustnƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢t take such utterances of NGOs more seriously than their expressions such as ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”I fight for your freedom from the bottom of my heartƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢, knowing very well that they have no such organ called ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”heartƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢. Even they had, still cannot have their bottoms. In such background of lost of ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”realƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ in which everything become fake and hollow, people are reluctant to rely on these terms like ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”freedomƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢. The reason is because words are like names of people.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ Words are like names of people

When a name with a particular meaning is given to a wrong bearer, the word loses its very meaning, and then the word more or less might reflect the characteristic of the person who bearing it, if not it may carry no meaning at all. For example, Wickramasinghe means a ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”Lion of gallantryƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢. But if this name is given to a callous, idiotic character, the meaning of Wickramasinghe connotes something like ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”Hyena of callousnessƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢. The word ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”FreedomƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ is something like that. For Sri Lankans, when they heard the utterances of the word ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”freedomƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ by NGOs, it means not only ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”deathƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ for them; but also ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”deceptionƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ backstabbing, and betrayal. The Sri Lankan example of freedom fight is one of the most complex situations of all similar situations, because, the prescribed road to our freedom is going down via the demise of our freedom. Along this path, gaining one form of freedom has been prerequisite to lose another form of our freedom. We are in an unusual trouble, unexplainable by conventional critical tools. That is the exact situation that paved the path for 18^th amendment. Sri Lanka needed a specific individual to maneuver the system with enough powers toward progress.

They have trusted a man after considering his record of trustworthiness in his capacity to deliver things. That is how they are reasoning their faith, although the ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”faithƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ more sounds like superstitious. That is the reason why at the beginning of the part 15A I said thatƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-I think that is the complex situation in Sri Lankan polity now. When the ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”reasonƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ doesnƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢t help man to comprehend many things around him, man can go only either violent or religious. Since Sri Lankans had gone through enough violence, now it seems they are willing to go ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”religiousƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢. People rely on ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”faithƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ on individuals, because they have lost their ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”faithƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ in institutions and their ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”ReasonƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢.ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚

In addition, they want to prove that peripheral Lanka can deliver something substantial than the uncreative Colombo ruling class. They want to utilize this unexpectedly obtained marginalizing constitutional device of executive presidency for the advancement of the majority of masses. Although the 1978 constitution qualitatively meant to marginalize them all, still however suddenly it has fallen into their lap for the first time in the modern history of Sri Lanka. After the victory of 2005 election, the native has begun to view executive power as if they have it in their hand. At least they know that power shifted from Colombian hand to the hand of ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”OtherƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ Lanka. Now it is not Colombo calling shots, but peripheral Lanka calling shots. They do not want to lose such opportunity until many things put in proper order. Such a ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”new national orderƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ conversely will never be favorable to Colombian order. That is why it must be called national order, because to be a nation, there are so many things there to be fixed. One such thing is dismantling the structure of Colombian exclusivity.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ For that reason Sri Lankan public has discarded all those romantic prescriptions of democracy from mothers of democracies just by their common sense, without even reading international news in daily basis to know that there are no ideal democracies as such in the world. The war has enlightened the people of Sri Lanka to take decisions through their common sense. What they are silently telling the concerned external parties is that, ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”let us take care of ourselves. The greatest help you can do to us is taking your hands off from Sri Lanka. ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ…-Hands Off period!!!!ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”š‚

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ The problem of the debate of 18^th amendment on the other hand was the simplification of the issue into a binary between authoritarian presidency and its opposition of freedom fighters. This is not the true picture. It is much complex than it appear. However still the fact remains as to that Rajapaksa is a creation of the nation. Nation aspired something and then Rajapaksa sprung out of this aspiration. Leaders emerge in crisis situations and guide nations to get out of calamities. President Rajapaksa came forward to deliver something people wanted to see happening.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ Now nation aspire another thing in the name of progress, president Rajapaksa accepted the challenge under the condition of strengthening his hands. People backed off a little bit at the beginning, and then practically analyzed the situation and realized that, due to the permanent presence of the above said ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”fourth dimensionƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ and the ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”snakeƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢, the best option they had was to remain in the ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”cageƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ for some time and then they approved the presidentƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s request.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ Before the Rajapaksa era, people were living under constant fear and threat. At least now people are not dying on roadside like animals. This doesnƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢t mean that we have perfect condition right now. When I ask this question from others what they say is that the current conditions are much better than the conditions we had before.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ However under all current odds, people are still hopeful. The greatest service Rajapaksa did was bringing hope to a society where ƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ”¹…”hopeƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢ had been lost out of trace. It is president RajapaksaƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s responsibility not letting them down because people are still optimistic and remain within their hope and faith.

People have invested their trust on president Rajapaksa to deliver specific targets such as liberating them out of this cycle of poverty, rescuing our system out of the curse of corruption, and finally ensuring their democratic freedom by creating a lawful society of equality, justice and fairness. According to the deal between the president and the people, people have fulfilled their part of responsibility by strengthening executive presidency, now it is presidentƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s turn to deliver his part of the deal. I believe it is a reasonable deal, and we must give him a chance to work. He has proved that he can do things that widely considered as impossible. People trust him for that reason. But the ideal model of freedom is still in the horizon. People are expecting to achieve suitable model of freedom in due time, because people desperately desired freedom and nothing can stop it.

ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ But we must realize that empowering native cannot be achieved by empowering the center along. The only road to empower native is to decolonize Sri Lanka and immediately undoing all despicable colonial structures. Demolishing this marginalizing structure is the only path to nationƒÆ’‚¢ƒ¢-¡‚¬ƒ¢-¾‚¢s emancipation and progress. We hope president Rajapaksa will do that revolution to avoid further bloodshed of revolutions in our troubled society. I am waiting in patience until that day dawns to hear that president Rajapaksa addressing the nation to announce that he has begun the historic process of decolonization of Sri Lanka. We born without freedom, at least we deserved to die free. ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ ƒÆ’-¡ƒ”š‚ 

(Part 15 Concluded)