Vellalas — the missing link in Sri Lankan politics        
Posted on May 15th, 2017

H. L. D. Mahindapala

The stark contrast in the approach to the long-running North-South crisis, plagued with political and military confrontations, is seen clearly in the S.J.V. Chelvanayakam Memorial lecture” delivered by Dr. Rajitha Senaratne, Minister of Health, on 26th April 2017. In it he lauds Chelva”, the Father of Tamil separatism, to stratospheric heights as if he was the God-granted saviour of the Tamils and, by extension, the nation as well. His objective undoubtedly is to win Tamil votes and keep the TNA within the UNP fold. But the persistent counter moves pursued by V. Wigneswaran to demonise the Sinhala leaders has undermined the goodwill that Dr. Senaratne hopes to achieve. Wiggs” has been using his official position as Chief Minister of the Northern Province to generate hate against the Sinhalese by denigrating and condemning all Sinhala leaders,  from D. S. Senanayake to Mahinda Rajapakse, as genocidal exterminators of Tamils. It would have enhanced his image if his accusations were based on historical realities. But then, as the informed community is aware, writing political fiction to demonise the Sinhala-Buddhists has been the permanent occupation of Tamil leaders and their agents in the South from colonial days.

The hostile reaction of Wiggs” is in keeping with the Tamil tradition of demonising the Sinhala South at every turn. From the Northern perspective, anti-Sinhala-Buddhist politics has always enabled the Vellala leaders to pose as the defenders of Tamil rights, protecting them from the Sinhala enemies.” But there is a hidden agenda to this anti-Sinhala-Buddhist politics of the Vellalas – the dominant masters of Jaffna who invariably determined the course of Tamil politics. It was they who defined, programmed and implemented peninsular politics at all times. And their strategy was to define the Sinhala-Buddhists as their bogeyman. Their calculated strategy of accusing the Sinhala majority of discriminating against the minority has succeeded not because it is true but because it has been repeated ad nauseam over the years..

Demonising the Sinhala south gave them political mileage which the most advanced advertising agency could not program. With that they managed to gain global political sympathy as victims of majoritarianism. But there is a contradiction in this. Available statistic prove that they have been the most privileged community in Sri Lanka when  they were claiming  to be the victims of discrimination by the majority. This cry was first raised by G. G. Ponnambalam in his ten-hour  lecture to the Soulbury Commission in the late thirties. The Commissioners dismissed it as unsubstantiated propaganda. Later, of course, there were missteps which contributed to worsening  of the North-South relations. Despite the infirmities which affected all three communities – Tamils, Muslims and Indian Tamils – only the Jaffna Tamils took to violence. Why? If the majority Sinhalese were that bad against the Tamil-speaking minorities how did the Tamil-speaking Muslims and Indian Tamils manage to co-exist peacefully with the majority? The accusations against the majority by the Tamil minority evaporate when only they refused to co-exist peacefully. If two of the minorities could resolve their difference non-violently, within the democratic framework, why did only the Vellala Tamils of North fail?  Obviously, the Vellala Tamil agenda would have gone way beyond that of the other two communities who  did  not  resort to violence.

The failure to rope in all the Tamil-speaking  people  into  the Vellala agenda was a deadly blow to their claims of victimology. Besides, they had to swallow their  pride when their strategy eventually boomeranged on them. The very forces they unleashed to beat the Sinhalese turned against  them. First, the anti-Sinhala-Buddhist campaigns painted the Vellalas into a corner from  which they couldn’t get out. The more they demonised the Sinhala-Buddhist the more they were forced to withdraw into the extreme end of aggressive politics. And finally when they unleashed the Vadukoddian boys” to beat the Sinhalese, they turned against the Vellalas and annihilated the leadership that fathered the Vadukoddai Resolution. The plus factor to the Vellalas, however, was that the more they took to the extreme racism the more they were able to tighten the grip on Jaffna as the saviours of Tamils. This, in short, is the history of post-independent era. It a history that flowed from provocative and arrogant politics of G. G. Ponnambalam, and his successor S. J. Chelvanayakam. They were the two decisive figures who laid the foundations for peninsular politics and both of them took Jaffna, in stages, to the extreme end of the racist spectrum.

But their roles, as Vellala leaders, were portrayed as defenders of Tamil nationalism”— a fiction which popped up  in the minds of Tamils in the late fifties when they were looking for an  excuse to justify Tamil extremism. For instance, both shot  into the limelight raising cries of discrimination” and not  nationalism”. The thirties and the forties were the years when massive tidal waves of anti-imperialistic passions were sweeping  the globe. Neither of the Tamil leaders raised a nationalistic cry then. GG” cried for 50 – 50” in the thirties and SJV” cried for federalism in the forties. Both rose to power and held power in Jaffna on the support of the English-speaking Vellalas, mainly in  government  service, who dominated peninsular politics. On the whole,” wrote Prof. A. J. Wilson, son-in law of S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, the Tamil vellalas have dominated government service and the  professions, with the occasional member from minority castes,” (p. 140 — S. J. V. Chelvanayakam and the Crisis of Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism, 1947 – 1977, A political Biography, A. J. Wilson, Lake House Bookshop, 1993). Both leaders banked  on  this group of  Vellala public servants to launch and promote their Jaffna-centric politics. They were also dependent on the Vellala villagers who dominated the electorates in Jaffna..Besides, both leaders represented Vellala interests and not that of all the Tamils, most of whom were excluded as pariahs. The omission of  the critical role played by the Vellalas has distorted the main  perspectives of national politics, leading to a one-eyed view of blaming only the Sinhala south. It resulted in a mono-causal view which exonerated the Vellalas from any responsibilities of directing Jaffna politics into the  hell-hole in Nandikadal.

Consequently, national politics has been projected as if  there was only one-way traffic with Yal Devi going up North and never coming down to the South. The unrelenting flow of Northern forces coming down to bedevil national politics was hardly drawn to explain the division of the nation into two hostile camps. It was, as if the Vellalas, the over-determining force in Northern politics, were non-existent, or only a negligible factor. They were hiding behind the mask of being Tamils to  claim the status of a minority oppressed by the majority Sinhalese. Furthermore, their upbringing and their casteist environment made them prisoners of Vellala interests only. Their arrogance and superiority complex also  provided no space for anything  other than Vellalaism in Jaffna.

The  grim  realities, as depicted by K. Daniel in his classic  novel, Kanal, confirm that the  sole factor that  determined Jaffna culture was Vellalaism. Daniel dramatically exposed how the Vellalas lived their  separate lives, keeping  the  other half away from  the temples, schools, farms, churches, buses, etc. The Vellalas even dictated to the low-castes how they should conduct their weddings and funerals. If they violated the Vellala customs and laws they were beaten,sometimes to death. They would not share a drop of water with the low-castes or allow them to walk in daylight in case they polluted the pure eyes of the Vellalas. With the Vellalas suppressing and excluding the other” there was no  space for  the other half  to play a role in  peninsular politics.  The Jaffna culture was structured from feudal times to hand over supremacy only to the Vellalas. Consequently, there was only one player in peninsular politics : the Vellalas.It was the Vellala factor that steered peninsular and national politics.

Yet this over-determining factor is missing in the analyses of Northern political landscape. Sweeping  the critical role played by the Vellalas under the carpet gave the upper  hand to the Vellalas to hide their obscene casteist politics. They needed ideological masks because they could not operate, either  inside Jaffna or  outside, as a casteist force. Not in  modern times. They could win  respectability and integrity only if they shifted to a more acceptable and broader brand name  known as the Tamils. They were, of  course, proud to be Vellalas in  feudal and colonial times. But they could not survive as Vellalas in modern times. They were equally proud to proclaim their status as Vellalas inside Jaffna. But when they came out  of the peninsular and moved  into the civilised world they declared themselves to be Tamils. They played the roles of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hide craftily depending  on which face would help them to extract the maximum political advantage to retain / expand their power and privileges. So from time to time they changed their masks. For instance in London they could not claim to be Vellalas, except among themselves, because the English would have no sympathy for oppressive caste-masters. In London they would pose as Tamils oppressed by the Sinhalese. When they come  to Jaffna they would resume their Vellala status to regain all the power and privileges available only inside the closed society. In short, their geographical location determined their identity. This explains why the Vellalas have been operating under the smokescreen  of Tamils which has no relevance to the realities of Jaffna politics.

The Vellalas and the Tamils were two different communities put together by force of circumstances in the gulag  of Jaffna. The absence of  this factor is the fundamental flaw in the political analyses of Sri Lankan politics. Their critical role has been disguised and passed off as Tamils though they would not  have bar of being one with the Tamils living  outside their caste fence. The fact is that there was no Tamils politics, encompassing all layers of Jaffna society. There was only Vellala politics. And it was their politics that dragged Jaffna all the way from the first communal  riots provoked by GG” in Navalapitiya in 1939 to Battekotte (Vadukoddai in Tamil) Resolution in 1976 and then finally to Nandikadal. It was the Vellalas who determined the destiny of Jaffna every step of the way, from feudal and colonial times to the end of their boys”, led by Velupillai Prabhakaran, the first-born child  of the Vellala Battekotte Resolution.

Yes, of course, the Vellalas were Tamils at birth but as adults were the Vellalas for the Tamils whom they oppressed during feudal and colonial times? Throughout their history they fought the low-castes tooth and nail to maintain their supremacy by oppressing their fellow-Tamils. The caste factor was so ingrained in their genes that at one stage they were willing to join hands with the Sinhala Goigamas  to maintain their  supremacy over the low-caste Tamils. Their hatred of the Tamil low-castes was so great that they held talks with the Sinhala Goigamas (the equivalent of Vellalas of the north) to form political alliances. In fact,” wrote Wilson, during these years (1920s) there was discussion in certain influential Tamil circles about the possibility of a political alliance between the Sinhalese Goyigama and their Ceylon Tamil vellala counterparts. Such a view was seriously put forward at a closed meeting of Ceylon Tamils held  at the Colombo town Hall in 1954. These Ceylon Tamils hoped to  trade on the contempt that some of the influential Goyigama politicians had for the Karawas. / There continued vague prospects of Goyigama – Vellala partnership when sections of the Ceylon Tamil political elites, after independence , cooperated with the Goyigama-oriented United National Party governments (1948 – 1956). Ceylon Tamils held important portfolios relating to trade commerce, industries, industrial research and fisheries and housing in these governments.(pp. 466 – 467 – Race, Religion, Language and Caste in the Subnationalisms of Sri Lanka, A Jeyaratnam Wilson in Collective Identities Nationalism and Protest in Modern Sri Lanka, Marga Institute, 1979). Clearly, the Vellalas were a serious threat to the Tamils as well as the other communities.

This omission of the critical role played by the Vellalas has been the missing link in analysing national politics. It is their self-serving, aggressive politics that pushed the national agenda too. In short, national politics would not have been pushed into military confrontations if there were only Tamils, as seen in the case of the other two communities, the Muslims and the Indian Tamils. It is the Vellalas who manufactured anti-Sinhala-Buddhist venom, in the name of protecting the Tamils, to poison the Jaffna  landscape. The other two communities managed to resolve their  difference without violent confrontations. So why did only the Jaffna fail to co-exist  peacefully, despite resolving the major grievances” with which they launched their anti-Sinhala-Buddhist campaigns? Historical records establish that it is the provocative Vellala leadership that intransigently and implacably dragged Jaffna in the pre-and-post independent era to military confrontations. And they paid for their folly with the annihilation of the Vellala fathers who passed the Battekotte Resolution.

Throughout their post-independent campaigns they cunningly manipulated their propaganda to present themselves as the saviours of the Tamils. The international community too was made to believe that at the  core of the North-South conflict was a majority-minority issue. There was no concerted or intelligent campaign to challenge the myths of the Vellalas – the most privileged community in Sri Lanka – posing as the oppressed minority. The Vellalas still survive globally on this myth of victimology. If the fiction of discriminating against  minorities is such a dominant and deeply divisive factor how come the other two communities refused to join the Vellalas? In fact, SJV” launched his iyakkam (movement) of the Thamil Payasoom Makkal ( Tamil-speaking people) to  form  a common front but it failed to take off the ground. Why? Obviously, there was no common agreement  about discrimination” by the Sinhala state” among  the Tamil-speaking people. Consequently, only one minority – i.e. the Vellala Tamils – refused to co-exist with the majority on the grounds of discrimination”? And they got away with their myth of victimology, mainly because our so-called intellectuals refused / failed to analyse the underlying issues objectively. Our intellectual and academic  mytho-maniacs too joined the bandwagon to promote and substantiate the Vellala fictions of  victimology.

The result was to project the Vellalas oppressors as the saviours of the Tamils. This Cyclopian view  distorted the main  perspectives of national politics, leading to the one-eyed  accusation of blaming only the Sinhala south. It resulted in a mono-causal view which exonerated the Vellalas who consistently drove Northern  politics to mono-ethnic extremism by demonising the Sinhala-Buddhists as their implacable enemies.

P.S. : Please note that this  article is based on Tamil sources all of whom are respected authorities on peninsular politics. Critics should argue against them if they disagree.

To be continued

7 Responses to “Vellalas — the missing link in Sri Lankan politics        ”

  1. SA Kumar Says:

    H. L. D. Mahindapala

    FYI, Our Self declared Thesiya Thalaivar VP is VVT Karayan (Fishing caste).

    Vellalas oppressors ????

    Live & let’s live in United Sinhala Lanka (Chignkala Theevu) until Eelam war V ( need to keep this jilmal talk otherwise you will start your 1956 to 1983 Demila Baila ).

    Velu where are you?

  2. Christie Says:

    Mahinda Vellars are High Caste Tamils from the Malabar Coast who came to the island with the British to Administer the island for the British. There are some who may have come to work for the Dutch in Tobacco farms.

    It Indian imperialists who claim they are the victims wherever they are.

  3. Christie Says:

    Mahinda Vellars are High Caste Tamils from the Malabar Coast who came to the island with the British to Administer the island for the British. There are some who may have come to work for the Dutch in Tobacco farms.

    It Indian imperialists who claim they are the victims wherever they are.

  4. Lorenzo Says:

    The MOST FOOLISH cabinet reshuffle!! Mangala to FINANCE MINISTRY and Karunkaya to FOREIGN MINISTRY!!


    Sirisena knows COMMUNISTS like Vasu and even SLFPers have respect for BERNARD ZOYSA who’s the GRANDFATHER of Mangala. Sira hopes to USE their respect for Bernard towards Mangala.

    Mangala knows nothing about FINANCE and Karinkaya knows nothing about FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

  5. Cerberus Says:
    For other uses, see Vellalar (disambiguation).
    Classification Feudal lords, Landlords, Scholars, Farmers
    Religions Saiva Siddhantam, Hinduism, Christianity
    Languages Tamil
    Gounder ‡ — Kongu Nadu
    Mudaliar ‡ — Thondai Nadu
    Pillai ‡ — Pandya Nadu, Chola Nadu
    Related groups Tamil people
    ‡ Shared by other groups
    Vellalars (also, Velalars, Vellalas) were, originally an elite caste of Tamil agricultural landlords in Tamil Nadu, Kerala states in India and in neighbouring Sri Lanka; they were the aristocracy of the ancient Tamil order (Chera/Chola/Pandya/Sangam era)[1] and had close relations with the different royal dynasties. The Vellalar were during ancient and medieval period landlords and part of the elite caste who were major patrons of literature.[2][3][4] During the Chola period, the Vellalar community was the dominant secular aristocratic caste, providing the courtiers, most of the army officers, the lower ranks of the bureaucracy and the upper layer of the peasantry.[5]


    There are different theories concerning the meaning of the word ‘Vellalar’. One theory postulates it is derived from Vellam (meaning flood in Tamil) and alar (ruler or controller), so Vellalar means “Lord of the floods”.[6] The Journal of Indian History, Vol VII, explains that Vellalars, the controllers of the flood, irrigated their fields when the rivers were in flood and raised the rice-crop on damp rice-fields; while the Karalars were controllers of the rain, who looked up to the sky for watering their fields and stored rainwater in tanks.[7] The Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol 14, says the etymological interpretations connecting Vellalar with Velir are unconvincing.[8] It suggests that the word Vellalar comes from the root Vellam for flood, which gave rise to various rights of land; and it is because of the acquisition of land rights that the Vellalar got their name. Rangaswamy and Araṅkacāmi say the Vellālars are probably the descendants of the Vēlir; but the words Veļļālar, Vēļāņmai, Vēļālar, are derived from their art of irrigation and cultivation rather than from their original chieftainship.[9][10]


    Vellālars worshipping lingam, snake-stones, and Ganēsa from Castes and Tribes of Southern India (1909).
    The Vellalars have a long cultural history that goes back to over two millennia in southern India.[11] They were the ruling and land-owning community of South India.[12][13]

    The Vellalar tribes are described as a landed gentry who irrigated the wetlands and the Karalar were the landed gentry in the dry lands.[14][15] Numerous poems in the ancient Sangam literature extol these chieftains’ charity and truthfulness. Among the most prominent were those known as the ‘seven patrons’ (kadaiyezhu vallal); Vel-Pari, Malayaman Thirumudi Kaari, Ori, Adigaman, Began, Nalli and Ay Kandiran.[16]

    They had close associations and held high positions of office with the three main Tamil dynasties, Chera, Chola and Pandya.[15] Some of them had marital relations; Ilamcetcenni, the king known for his fleet of warships, married a Velir princess, and his son Karikala Chola also married a Velir princess from Nangur.[17][full citation needed]

    Cultivation in South Asia was spread by force, people would move out into the virgin land, which was used by hunter-gatherer or tribal people for slash and burn agriculture or for hunting and convert into prime agricultural land.[18] This was an honorific title of select few people who would organize such raids and settlements like chiefs who were also called as Vel. Today everybody uses it but once it was restricted to village headman or founding chief’s lineage.[18]

    The Vellalars who were land owners and tillers of the soil and held offices pertaining to land were ranked as Sat-Sudra in the 1901 census; with the Government of Madras recognizing that the 4-fold division did not describe the South Indian or Dravidian, society adequately.[19] It was pointed out that land-based communities quite distinct from the Vellala have claimed Vellala status and in course of time have gained acceptance and intermarried with older Vellalar families.[citation needed] In Post-Independent India too, it was noted that families regarded as pure Vellalar caste (Saiva Vellalars) were reluctant to question the bona fides of those pretending to be Vellalar, since the line between them was noted to be very thin indeed; with the former occasionally drawing partners for marriage from the ranks of the latter.[20]

    Major divisions

    Main article: List of Vellalar sub-castes
    There are numerous sub castes which claim Vellalar roots and identity. Some subdivisions might intermarry, while others will not.

    In Kerala and Sri Lanka

    The Vellalars of Sri Lanka have been chronicled clearly in the Yalpana Vaipava Malai and other historical texts of Jaffna kingdom. These Vellalar chiefs claim descent from traditional minor kings and chiefs of Tamil Nadu. They have been commanders of Chola and Pandya armies as well as respected ministers and administrators.[citation needed] From the 13th century when migration of Vellalar chiefs to Jaffna took place, Tamil Nadu has seen a decline in the traditional power of Vellalars except in Kongu Nadu.[21][dead link]

    Cultural evolution and assimilation of other castes

    Most subcastes of Vellalar, in general, are believed to be the first of the group of Tamils to be Sanskritised.[citation needed]

    Following the arrival of Dutch missionaries in the early 18th century, some Vellalar converted to Christianity.[22]

    See also

    the Ponnambalam-Coomaraswamy Family
    List of Vellalars

    ^ Sen, Sailendrda Nath. Ancient Indian History and Civilization (2nd ed.). pp. 205, 207. … the Vellalars were the aristocratic classe and were held in high esteem…
    ^ The New Cambridge History of India: Vijayanagara by Burton Stein p.134
    ^ The Trading World of the Tamil Merchant: Evolution of Merchant Capitalism in the Coromandel by Kanakalatha Mukund p.166
    ^ Al-Hind, the Making of the Indo-Islamic World: Early Medieval India and the making of the Indo-Islamic World by André Wink p.321
    ^ Rural Society in Southeast India by Kathleen Gough p.29 Cambridge University Press ISBN 978-0-521-23889-2
    ^ Journal of the Ceylon branch of the Royal Asiatic Society By Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Ceylon Branch, Colombo: “‘Vellalar’ is also said to be a contract form of ‘Vella-Alar’, meaning ‘the lords of the Vellam’, flood…”[1]
    ^ Journal of Indian History, Vol VII, 1928 states: “To proceed from Mullai to Marudam ; in the lowermost reaches of the rivers lived the farmers, of whom there were two classes, (1) the Vellalar, the controllers of the flood, who irrigated their fields when the rivers were in flood, and raised the rice-crop on damp rice-fields with the extraordinary patience and industry which only the Indian peasant is capable of; (2) the Karalar, controllers of the rain, who looked up to the sky for watering their fields, who stored the rainwater in tanks and ponds and dug wells and lifted the water by means of water lifts of different kinds..” [2]
    ^ The Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol 14, p.6-7: “Also some modern scholars have tried to equate them with the Vellalar caste. However, such etymological interpretations to connect Vellalar with Velir appear unconvincing”.
    ^ The surnames of the Caṅkam age: literary & tribal, by M. A. Dorai Rangaswamy, Mor̲appākkam Appācāmi Turai Araṅkacāmi, p.151-155: “The commentators on Tolkappiyam speak of two kinds of cultivators the Melvaramdars and the Kilvaramdars, relying upon like ‘Kutipurantarunar param ompi’ (Patir 13, line 24), ‘safeguarding the burden of those who protect the cultivators’, – and of some cutrams in Akatinnai Iyal (24, 29, 30) and the Marapiyal (80, 81, 84)…Tolkappiyar is not concerned with the codification of the actual habits and social conditions of the castes as contrasted with the literary tradition. Therefore one is tempted to look upon these as interpolations of a later age. Therefore the attempt at confusing the velir with vellalar and at identifying the Vellalar with the Sudras of the Smritis, is misleading. The word Vellalar comes from the root Vellam, the flood of the water which the Vellālar directed into proper channels; the name Kārālar is an exact equivalent of this word. But this does not mean the Vellālars may not be the descendants of the Vēlir; probably they are; but the words Veļļālar, Vēļāņmai, Vēļālar, are derived from their art of irrigation and cultivation rather than from their original chieftainship..”
    ^ Madras journal of literature and science, Volume 13 By Madras Literary Society and Auxiliary of the Royal Asiatic Society, p.41
    ^ Meluhha and Agastya : Alpha and Omega of the Indus Script By Iravatham Mahadevan pages 16: “The Ventar-Velir-Velalar groups constituted the ruling and land-owning classes in the Tamil country since the beginning of recorded history”[3]
    ^ Al-Hind: Early medieval India and the expansion of Islam, 7th-11th centuries By André Wink pages 321: “Not only were the Vellalas the landowning communities of South India,…”[4]
    ^ Rural Society in Southeast India By Kathleen Gough pages 29: “The Vellalar were the dominant secular aristocratic caste…”[5]
    ^ Tamil studies: essays on the history of the Tamil people, language, religion and literature By Muttusvami Srinivasa Aiyangar pages 63: “No traces of the Tamil kings are to be found at present in this country, and it is highly probable that they should have merged in the pure Vellala caste.”[6]
    ^ a b Racial Synthesis in Hindu Culture by S.V. Viswanatha page 156: “The Tamil kings (…) in spite of their connexion with the ancient velir or vellala tribes…”
    ^ The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago — Page 113 by V. Kanakasabhai — Tamil (Indic people) – 1904 – 240 pages
    ^ K.A.N. Sastri, The Colas p 49
    ^ a b Spectres of Agrarian Territory by David Ludden
    ^ Kingship and political practice in colonial India, by Pamela G. Price, p.61: “…when government census officers placed Vellalar in the Sat-Sudra or Good Sudra category in its 1901 census, Vellalar caste men petitioned this designation, protesting this designation.
    ^ Encyclopaedia of the Theoretical Sociology (3 Vols. Set), by A.P. Thakur, p.182: “Even families who might be regarded as of ‘pure’ Vellalar caste are reluctant to question the bona fides of the Vellalar ‘pretenders’ since the line between them is very thin indeed [7].”
    ^ Yalpana Vaipava Malai
    ^ Etherington, Norman, ed. (2005). Missions and Empire. Oxford University Press. p. 112. ISBN 978-0-19153-106-4.
    Further reading

    Lucassen, Jan; Lucassen, Leo (2014). Globalizing Migration History: The Eurasian Experience. BRILL. ISBN 978-9-00427-136-4.

  6. Fran Diaz Says:

    Our thanks to HLD for this article.
    We agree with his views here.


    In addition :

    The above Wikipedia note sent in by Cerberus, states that ” …. it is because of the acquisition of land rights that the Vellalars got their name”. Thus the demand for LAND through Separatism / Eelam ?
    Are they doing the same ‘land acquisition’ thing in Lanka via demand for Separatism / Eelam ?
    What has Mr Modi to say about this ?

    What is there to be proud about CASTE WARS in Lanka which has given rise indirectly to the rise of terrorism through the LTTE ?
    The LTTE terrorism of nearly 30 yrs has caused many thousands to die in Lanka, mostly from the Sinhala rural people and Tamils and others too, funds & property lost running to many billions of rupees, once a good reputation in Lanka lost …. who is going to pay for such losses ?

    This is the reason why cheap labor ought never to be imported into Lanka – they bring their homeland problems with them to this small island which cannot accommodate or deal with such heavy problems such as CASTE WARS from Tamil Nadu.

    The current Tamil folk in so called refugee camps in Tamil Nadu ought to be given INDIAN citizenship as requested by the Tamil Nadu leadership. At present, as they are not citizens of INDIA, they cannot own property there, and as well have certain other rights denied to them.

    Earlier South Indian Separatism from North India led by Tamil Nadu was stopped through the Nehru Anti-Secessionist Law of 1963. It appears that the same Separatism was transplanted in Lanka with the Vadukoddai Resolution of 1976 (Eelam through violence), which Resolution is still yet not officially revoked.

    It is possible that Cold War politics played a large role in Tamil leaders thinking, both in Lanka and Tamil Nadu. Now the Cold War is over, and it is high time matters re Tamil Separatism were brought to closure.

    Question : Why is the V’koddai Resolution not yet revoked officially ?

  7. Susantha Wijesinghe Says:


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