Alon Ben-Meir

– Jan 20, 2026

Since the 2016 coup attempt, Erdoğan has built a regime in which power is centralized, freedoms are curtailed, and dissent is met with an iron fist. Now that there is a historic opportunity to end the conflict with the Kurds, Erdogan is seeking surrender rather than a dignified, sustainable solution

The Turkish Kurds: Erdoğan’s Folly On Full Display

Nearly a decade after Turkey’s failed coup attempt of July 2016, the political landscape of the country has been transformed beyond recognition. What began as a night of dreadful uncertainty for the Turkish state has become the long day of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s consolidation of power—an authoritarian restructuring that has reshaped institutions, narrowed civil liberties, and placed entire communities, particularly Kurds, under intensified repression and persecution.

The Persecution of the Kurds

Perhaps nowhere has Erdoğan’s nationalist authoritarian shift been more devastating than in his treatment of Turkey’s Kurdish population. In the early 2010s, Erdoğan surprised observers by launching a peace process with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). For the first time in decades, there was the prospect of a negotiated solution to the entrenched conflict. Kurdish language, culture, and political expression seemed poised to enter mainstream legitimacy. But by 2015, the peace process collapsed spectacularly at Erdogan’s design.

Since then, Erdoğan intensified repression to a degree unmatched in the post-1980 era. The pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), which emerged as a major parliamentary force in 2015, has been relentlessly targeted. Thousands of its members have been arrested, and dozens of HDP-run municipalities have been seized—a de facto dismantling of Kurdish political representation through legal and administrative means. Kurdish identity itself became suspicious, and Kurdish political engagement is equated with terrorism.

One particularly egregious example is the siege of the town of Cizre from December 2015 to February 2016 during a conflict between Turkish security forces and Kurdish militants. Civilians were trapped without food, water, or medical care, which was a horrific case of collective punishment. In the Kurdish-majority city of Diyarbakir, elected Kurdish mayors were removed and replaced by government appointees, grossly undermining the political rights of the Kurdish community.

A Renewed Effort Towards Peace

Following the historic call of Abdullah Öcalan, the imprisoned leader of the PKK, for his organization to disarm in February 2025 and dissolve, the dialogue between the Turkish government and Turkish Kurds has entered a fragile new phase marked by conditional reciprocity and unresolved political demands.

The PKK has taken concrete steps: it announced a ceasefire in March 2025, renounced armed struggle in May, staged a symbolic weapons-burning ceremony in July, and announced a complete withdrawal from Turkish soil in October 2025. However, senior PKK commanders now state they have fulfilled all measures set by Öcalan and will take no further actions until Ankara reciprocates first.

The Kurdish side’s core demands are clear: unconditional release of Öcalan and constitutional recognition of Kurdish identity and political rights (not independence) within Turkey. The PKK commanders explicitly warn that peace will halt without these steps, arguing that as long as the leadership is inside [prison], the Kurdish people cannot be free.”

The Turkish government, while welcoming Ocalan’s disarmament call as a historic step” that could tear down the wall of terror,” frames the process as a surrender rather than a negotiated settlement. Ankara has publicly refused direct negotiations with the PKK leadership in exile and insists any reconciliation must occur on Turkey’s terms.

Erdoğan and his far-right MHP ally Devlet Bahçeli initiated the process primarily for domestic political calculations—seeking Kurdish parliamentary support for constitutional changes and improved regional standing—rather than as a comprehensive initiative to end the more than four decades of bloody conflict.

The pro-Kurdish DEM Party actively facilitates dialogue, but the process remains vulnerable. Öcalan warns of coup mechanics” that sabotaged past peace efforts, while the government has not yet outlined concrete political reforms, legal guarantees, or a roadmap for democratic rights beyond expecting the PKK’s dissolution.

After 41 years of violent conflict that claimed the lives of over 40,000 on both sides, the dialogue stands at an impasse. Even though the Kurdish side has forsaken its armed resistance, Ankara still refuses to reciprocate with the institutional changes necessary to secure an enduring political settlement and grant the Kurds in Turkey the human and civil rights they are entitled to.

Although the Kurds are not seeking independence, Erdoğan still refuses to accept the principle that they are an ethnic group that has the inherent right to live their lives as they see fit—speak their language, practice their culture, music, dance, and ritual—as long as they fully abide by the rules and laws of their country to which they have fully committed.

Erdogan must remember that nearly 15 percent of the Turkish population— approximately 16 million—are ethnic Kurds. They will never rest until their human and ethnic rights are recognized. But leave it to the blind nationalist Erdoğan to miss yet another historic opportunity, demonstrating his folly, even when facing a real prospect of ending the most debilitating domestic conflict in modern Turkey.

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Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU. He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

alon@alonben-meir.com                                                                                                               Web: www.alonben-meir.com

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Jan 21 (Daily Mirror) – UNP MP Ravi Karunanayake raised serious concerns in Parliament over what he described as a growing disconnect between Sri Lanka’s record tourist arrivals and the weak flow of foreign exchange into the country’s official financial system.

Speaking in Parliament, Karunanayake noted that Sri Lanka recorded more than 2.36 million tourist arrivals in 2025, yet total tourism earnings rose only marginally to about USD 3.22 billion. He pointed out that average spending per tourist had declined by nearly 12 percent year-on-year, even as arrivals surged, raising questions about the quality and sustainability of tourism growth.

He also said that tourism-related foreign exchange inflows reflected in the reserves of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) had not increased in line with the rise in arrivals, suggesting possible revenue leakages, offshore settlements and weak regulatory enforcement in the sector.

The MP further drew attention to the fact that around 40,000 hotel and accommodation entities operating in Sri Lanka remain unregistered, allowing a large segment of tourism activity to take place outside formal regulatory and banking systems.

Karunanayake sought clarification from the Government on the structural reasons behind the decline in per-capita tourist earnings, including changes in source markets, length of stay and pricing practices. 

He also asked how much tourism-related foreign exchange was actually converted through licensed commercial banks and reflected in CBSL reserves in 2025, and how that figure compares with the total earnings reported by the Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority.

Furthermore, he questioned whether the Government had assessed foreign exchange leakages arising from offshore settlement of payments by international online booking platforms and overseas credit card usage, where invoicing and settlement often take place outside Sri Lanka, thereby bypassing domestic taxation and the local banking system.

The MP further asked what proportion of tourism activity is estimated to be carried out by unregistered accommodation providers and informal operators, and whether the Government accepts that a significant share of tourism-generated foreign exchange is not strengthening official reserves.

Karunanayake also queried why enforcement of mandatory registration, banking-channel settlement and foreign exchange repatriation requirements has remained weak despite existing legal powers, and when the Government plans to present to Parliament a comprehensive tourism policy linked to earnings, foreign exchange inflows and reserve accumulation rather than just headline arrival numbers.

He warned that unless these structural and regulatory gaps are addressed, Sri Lanka risks losing a substantial portion of the economic benefits of its tourism boom, despite the impressive growth in visitor numbers.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

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වෙරළ කලාපය තුළ අනවසර ඉදිකිරීමක් කර බුදුපිළිමයක් තැන්පත් කිරීමෙන් වෙරළ සම්පත් පනත කඩකිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් රක්ෂිත බන්ධනාගාර ගත කර සිටින බළන්ගොඩ කස්සප හිමියන් ඇතුළු සැකකරුවන් දස දෙනා සම්බන්ධ සිද්ධියේ සම්පූර්ණ නඩු වාර්තාව සැකකාර පාර්ශ්වයගේ නිතීඥවරයාට ලබා දෙන ලෙස ත්‍රිකුණාමලය මහේස්ත්‍රාත් එම්.එස්.එම්. සම්සුදීන් අධිකරණ රෙජිස්ට්‍රාර්වරයාට අද (21) නියෝග කළා.

මෙම සිද්ධියට අදාලව සැකකාර පාර්ශ්වය වෙනුවෙන් මෝසමක් ගොනු කරමින් නීතිඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන කළ ඉල්ලීමක් සැලකිල්ලට ගත් අධිකරණය මෙම නියෝගය නිකුත් කළා.

මෙම මෝසම අධිකරණය හමුවේ කැඳවූ අවස්ථාවේදී නිතීඥවරයා අධිකරණයට කරුණු දක්වමින් කියා සිටියේ මෙම නඩුවේ සැකකරුවන්ට එරෙහිව පවතින එක් චෝදනාවක් ඉවත් කර ගැනීමට නීතිපතිවරයා අභියාචනාධිකරණයේදී එකඟතාවයක් පළ කර ඇති බවයි.

මෙම නඩුව ඉකුත් 19 වන දින ත්‍රිකුණාමලය මහේස්ත්‍රාත් අධිකරණය හමුවේ කැඳවූ අවස්ථාවේදී නීතිපතිවරයා වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි රජයේ නීතීඥවරයා අදාල එකගතාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් අධිකරණයට දැනුම් දුන් බව ද නිතීඥවරයා අධිකරණයට සඳහන් කළා.

එදින පැමිණිල්ල වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි ත්‍රිකුණාමලය ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ පොලිස් අධිකාරීවරයා ඇතුළු නිලධාරීන් නීතිපතිවරයාගේ එම ස්ථාවරයට පටහැනිව යමින් විරෝධය පළ කළ බව ද නීතිඥවරයා අධිකරණයට දැනුම් දුන්නා.

ඒ බව ඉකුත් 19 වන දින මෙම නඩුව කැඳවීමට අදාලව ඉකුත් 20 දින ජාතික පුවත්පත්වල පළ වූ ප්‍රවෘත්ති මගින් හෙළිදරව් කර ඇති බවද නීතිඥවරයා අධිකරණයට දැනුම් දුන්නා.

ත්‍රිකුණාමලය ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ පොලිස් අධිකාරීවරයා ඇතුළු පොලිස් නිලධාරීන් ක්‍රියා කළ ආකාරය අධිකරණයට විනිශ්චය අධිකාරියකට හෝ ආයතනයකට අපහාස කිරීමේ 2024 අංක 8 දරණ පනත, අධිකරණ සංවිධාන පනතේ 55 වගන්තිය , දණ්ඩ නීති සංග්‍රහයේ 289 වගන්තිය යටතේ චෝදනා ගොනු කළ යුතු තත්ත්වයක් පැන නැගී ඇති බවට මෙහිදී නීතිඥවරයා අධිකරණයට කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කළා.

ඒ අනුව ත්‍රිකුණාමලය ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ පොලිස් අධිකාරීවරයා ඇතුළු නිලධාරීන්ට එරෙහිව අධිකරණයට අපහාස කිරීම යටතේ නඩු පැවරීමට අවශ්‍ය නීතිමය කටයුතු සූදානම් කරමින් පවතින බව සඳහන් කළ නීතිඥවරයා ඒ සඳහා මෙම නඩුවේ සම්පූර්ණ වාර්තාවක් තමන්ට ලබා දෙන ලෙසට ඉල්ලීය.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

අපේ රටේ ජනතාව අවස්ථාවාදීව සිතා පාලකයින් පත්කර ගන්නා බව කෝට්ටේ ශ්‍රී කල්‍යාණි සාමග්‍රී ධර්ම මහා සංඝ සභාවේ අනුනායක මහාචාර්ය පූජ්‍ය කොටපිටියේ රාහුල හිමියන් ප්‍රකාශ කරනවා.

උන්වහන්සේ මේ බව පැවසුවේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ දේශපාලඥයෙකු වූ අභාවප්‍රාප්ත නන්දන ගුණතිලක මහතාගේ දේහය පිළිබද අවසන් කටයුතු අද (21)දින සිදුකෙරුණු අවස්ථාවේදී අනුශාසනාවක් කරමින්.

එහිදී වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක්වූ පූජ්‍ය කොටපිටියේ රාහුල හිමියන් මෙසේද පැවසුවා.

අපේ රටේ ජනතාව මට හිතෙනවා එක වෙලාවකට ටිකක් මෝඩද කියලා.

බොරු පොරොන්දුවලට පොඩි පොඩි සිල්ලර පොරොන්දුවලට අපේ රටේ ජනතාව බොහෝවිට පාලකයින් පත්කර ගන්නවා.

පාලකයින්ගේ ගැඹුර, රටට තියෙන ආදරය, රටට තියෙන ගෞරවය ගැන ඒගොල්ලන් හිතන්නේ නැහැ. අවස්ථාවාදීව හිතලා පාලකයින් පත්කරගන්නවා.

අපේ රටේ පාලකයෝත් අවස්ථාවාදීව කටයුතු කරනවා. අපේ රටේ පාලකයෝ අපේ සංස්කෘතිය වෙනුවෙන් ලබාදෙන තැන මොකක්ද කියලා අපිට පේනවා.

අපේ රටේ පාලකයෝ අපේ ආගමට ලබාදෙන තැන පැහැදිලියි.

අපේ රටේ පාලකයෝ අපේ ජාතියට ලබාදෙන තැන පැහැදිලියි.

ඒවා ගැන අමුතුවෙන් විවරණය කරන්න දෙයක් නැහැ.

Sarath Wijesinghe President’s Counsel, Solicitor in England and Wales, former Chairman Consumer Affairs Authority Former Ambassador UAE and Israel and President Ambassador’s Forum.

World consumer day falls on 15^th March every year celebrated by the Consumer International the main body for consumer – and others world over as the Consumers Day world over in order to show strength and be with citizens to air the needs and grievances of the consumer in a friendly atmosphere supposed to include all citizens as any average citizen is a consumer at any stage of the life from birth to death. For example, when a child is born parents become consumers in purchasing consumer items for the child and the process goes till his death and maturity and it is a need of every citizen to be a consumer at every moment of life circle. Consumer is defined in various ways simply professionally and academically as it is an important word and subject to the citizen during the complicated life circle. The main legal instrument in Sri Lanka ( in addition to the civil and other laws connected to consumerism) is the Consumers Affairs Authority act no 9 of 2003 defines Consumer as S 75 as any actual or potential user of any goods or services made available for a consideration of trader or manufacture for the purpose of legislation when Oxford Dictionary defines consumer as a person who buys or uses goods or services. In academic and professional caraculs, it is defended in advanced forms but the consumer he needs quality consumer items at an affordable price maintaining good standards. Every citizen is a consumer and it is this group that needs redress and satisfaction that is in the hands of the trader and manufacture whose prime motive is profit making when the differences emerge among trader, consumer, manufacturer and the regulator-that is the government. The issues and challenges are common in any jurisdiction and this concept known as consumerism is universal issue common of developed mankind.

Historical significance

Consumerism as a concept goes back to long historical legacies especially in UK and west when the trade and commerce is in hay days with naval powers and world trade with colonies, trade law developed in the west with writers and great thinkers who mastered the principals and concepts  of consumerism that gave foundation to the modern trade and commercial law with series of case law in England that spread to the commonwealth and the west. Today EU, USA, and UK lead the operation of the legal process followed by west and commonwealth of Nations. EU directions are effective and covers UK and EU nations.

Is the consumer powerful or has been given the due place in the society?

They say consumer is a king as he can kneel down the trader and the public when organized. Unfortunately, the consumer was not organized and lived under the iron shoes of the trader and industrialist until recently when some concerned activists and leaders gave leadership to consumer as an aggrieved group needing assistance. It is President who stated in 1960, that consumer is a group not organized and weak left unnoticed as an aggrieved section of the society that needs to be promoted and helped formation of the consumer international an the world consumer day celebrated world over organizing and promoting advanced consumer regimes selecting different hems that needs promotions such as junk food defective consumer items that let the UN guidelines for consumerism to be implemented. In the west the consumer movement is powerful with media support and with the network of consumer organizations. The situation in Sri Lanka and less developed countries is underdeveloped due to the powerful trader and manufacturer who are financially and socially powerful. In UK when powerful Coco Kola used water from river Thames it is media who came forward with the consumer to kneel down the company to use purified water, though still cola has continued to be unhealthy yet flourish world over with the power  of media money and strength. Consumer International that promotes world consumer day is an voluntary international organization assisting thr consumer to organize themselves and taking the side of the consumer for their rights for consumer items of quality for a reasonable prize. In Sri Lanka the consumer is suppressed neglected and cheated by the errant trader and it is time the governance intervenes and the consumer organized. CAA is expected to assist promote and set up consumer organizations but there are few or no consumer organizations in Sri Lanka and the governance, and public is equally blamed for not asserting their own rights misused and exploited by trader and those in power. In the United Kingdom the consumer is adequately protected by law and organizations whilst the trader is rich protected and organized therebetween is balance of power struggle.

Theme of the year 2026

Product Safety and satisfied consumer is the theme of this year, when many countroes all over the world uses this date to organize the consumer to improve the quality of life and fight against exploration by the trader and allies. It is noted that on 15^th March 2016 a seminar is scheduled at the organization of professionals association with inauguration of a onsumer text book with 1000 pages to the nation with a detaild information to be used by the public, student and professional in  a country consumerism is less developed with a weak and inactive regulator CAA which needs changes as no changes or improvements have not taken since the introduction in year 2003 despite drastic  changes on consumerism in the door steps of the Artificial Interglacial era.

Consumer transections

Any consumer transection is not simple. Consumer buying a loaf of bread from the corner shop comes under bread ordinance, Consumer regulation, price regulation and the local authority regulations. This applies to any compleacated transection on e- commerce and international platforms in our country today with 110% penetration of mobile phones and IT with educated society with modern knowledge on the finger tips, credit to our consumers.

Why WCD What are they going to achieve

It is an exercise to educate and organize consumer is a cordial and friendly atmosphere with no confrontation. May mini or major wars static shortages prices and the lust of the citizen that can be resolved on discussion and separating the rights and duties of parties concerned. It is the duty of the citizen to understand the realities in life and co-exist with the trader, regulate and other parties in q a cordial atmosphere for o existence with no major rivalries. Sarath Wijesinghe PC Solicitor in England and Wales wijesinghe sarath05@gmail.com

Dr. Sarath Obeysekera Investor & Project Promoter

Open Letter to Ministry of Investment Promotion, Chairman – UDA, Director General – BOI, President’s office Director of office of digitisation 

Dear Sir / Madam,

Sri Lanka urgently needs to exert far greater pressure on the digitisation and streamlining of statutory approvals for investment projects, particularly those involving skills development and vocational training.

I write this with deep frustration and disappointment, based on my personal experience over the past year in attempting to obtain approvals to establish a welding training institute in Galle.

The Urban Development Authority (UDA) office in Galle has required us to obtain concurrences from multiple agencies including the NBRO, Municipal Council, Fire Services Department, Central Environmental Authority, Coast Conservation Department, and the Road Development Authority. These approvals are not processed in parallel, nor coordinated by a single authority.

As a result, when one institution delays its response, approvals obtained earlier from other agencies expire. We are then compelled to reapply, repay fees, and obtain new approval letters—sometimes for the second or third time—for the same project and the same scope of work.

Even after full compliance, new requirements are introduced at the last moment. For example, although our training institute already includes three toilets and shower facilities, the UDA demanded additional sanitary facilities at a very late stage, causing further delay and redesign. Such moving goalposts severely undermine investor confidence.

I have been an investor and project promoter for over 20 years and have faced similar issues repeatedly. Despite successive governments speaking of ease of doing business” and investment-friendly reforms,” the reality on the ground remains unchanged. The absence of digitisation, fixed timelines, accountability, and inter-agency coordination has made statutory approvals one of the biggest deterrents to genuine investment.

It is high time the Government of Sri Lanka implements:

• A fully digitised, single-window approval system
• Parallel processing of statutory clearances
• Clearly defined timelines with deemed approvals where delays occur
• Validity extensions when delays are caused by government agencies
• Standardised requirements that cannot be altered arbitrarily at late stages

If Sri Lanka is serious about attracting and retaining investors—especially in critical areas such as vocational training, youth employment, and industrial skills—this system must be urgently reformed.

At present, many genuine local investors are not encouraged but exhausted, dismayed, and discouraged.

I trust this concern will be given the serious attention it deserves.

Yours faithfully,

Dr. Sarath Obeysekera

Investor & Project Promoter

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

හෙලයේ මහා ගත්කරැ මාර්ටින් වික්‍රමසිංහයන් හට නිගරු වන අන්දමින් අමතර පන්ති මෙහෙයවන ගුරුවරයෙකු කළ ප්‍රකාශයක් ඇතුළත් දර්ශන පෙළක් මේ දිනවල අන්තර්ජාලය ඔස්සේ දැඩි කතාබහට ලක්ව තිබේ. 

එහිදී එම ගුරුවරයා විසින් වික්‍රමසිංහයන් “මෝඩයෙකු” ලෙස හඳුන්වමින් තම ශිෂ්‍ය ප්‍රජාවට කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කරනු දක්නට ලැබේ.

භාෂා ශාස්ත්‍රයට පමණක් සීමා නොවී විද්‍යාත්මක පර්යේෂණ, මානව විද්‍යාව සහ පරිණාමවාදී සිද්ධාන්ත පිළිබඳ ගැඹුරු බුද්ධිමය මෙහෙවරක නිරත වූ මෙම අසහාය විද්වතා සම්බන්ධයෙන් කළ අදූරදර්ශී ප්‍රකාශය පිළිබඳව විද්වත් සමාජය සිය දැඩි පිළිකුල සහ මවිතය පළ කර සිටිති. 

“අර ගම්පෙරළිය ලියපු මෝඩයා,මොකාද උගේ නම ,මාර්ටින් වික්‍රමසිංහ.දැන් උඹලා ආසයිද ගම්පෙරලිය කියවන්න.එහෙනම් ඇයි ඌට හෙළයේ මහා ගත්කරු කියන්නේ.මොකක්ද හේතුව, මට තේරෙන්නේ නෑ.

තේරුම් ගනිල්ලා තොපි කොච්චර ගෙංද කියලා.අච්චු පොතේ හරි නැත්නම් ඉස්කෝලේ උගන්නපු ගුරා හරි කියනවා කවුද හෙළයේ මහා ගත්කරු වික්‍රමසිංහ කියලා.

දැන් ලියනවා මේක විභාගයට.උඹලට ෆීල් වෙන්නෙ නෑ.ඌ මහ ගත්කරුද? මොන ගත්කරුද කියලා.

උගේ පොතක් කියවන්න හිතෙන්නෙ නෑ.හිතෙනවද?මට නං හිතෙන්නෙ නෑ.

ඊලඟට තොපිට සිංහල සාහිත්‍යයට මොනවද රෙද්දවල් ටිකක් ඉගැන්නුවානේ.මොකටද ඒවා. අදටත් මම කල්පනා කරනවා මොකටද ඒවා කියලා”

ගුරැවරයා සැළලිහිණි සංදේශයේ කවියකට අසභ්‍ය වචන යොදා සිසුන් ඉදිරියේ කවියක් කියා පෙන්වයි.

Courtesy Hiru News

Most Venerable Thibbatuwawe Sri Sumangala Mahanayake Thera of the Malwatta Chapter questioned why there is a push to implement education reforms that the government has already admitted contain errors.

These remarks follow a meeting today (20) with a representative body of parents of Grade 6 students, who submitted a memorandum requesting the reforms proceed within this year.

The Mahanayake Thera noted that the Prime Minister acknowledged flaws in the process, resulting in the suspension of several officials and the postponement of the Grade 6 reforms by one year.

He highlighted the conflict between groups opposing the reforms as harmful and those demanding their immediate start, suggesting that the government should instead involve a broad range of senior professors and scholars to refine the system properly.

In contrast, the parents’ association argued that traditional education methods are outdated and that the new modular system is essential for preparing children for a technology-driven future.

They claimed that minor errors should not be used as an excuse to derail the entire reform process.

The group also met with Most Venerable Warakagoda Sri Gnanarathana Mahanayake Thera of the Asgiri Chapter, who emphasised the need for all stakeholders to reach a consensus that prioritises the children’s well-being.

Speaking to the media, Janani Tellamure, a member of the association, appealed to all media outlets not to support efforts to disrupt the reforms and insisted that the new system should be implemented without further delay.

උපුටාගැණීම මුහුනුපොත

පසුගිය දින දෙක තුන පුරාවට මේ පිළිඹඳ ලිපි බොහෝ ප්‍රමාණයක් මා විසින් කියවූවත් එය ඒ ඒ පුද්ගලයින් විසින් අල්ලාගත් තැන පිළිඹඳ මා හට ගැටළුවක් මතු විය.

ජනාධිපතිවරයා යාපනයේදී කළ ප්‍රකාශය, හුදෙක් දේශපාලන කතාවක් නොව, සාමකාමීව වන්දනාවේ යන සමස්ත සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජනතාවගේම චේතනාව සහ ආත්මගෞරවය ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ ප්‍රශ්න කිරීමකි. සිංහල ජනතාව දෙස වෛරයෙන් බලන ලෙස උතුරේදී මෙවැනි පණිවිඩයක් ලබා දීම හරහා ඔහු උත්සාහ කරන්නේ යුද්ධයෙන් පසු අප අමාරුවෙන් ගොඩනැගූ ජාතික සමගිය ඔවුන්ගේ දේශපාලනය වෙනුවෙන් පාවා දීම බව පැහැදිලිව පෙනේ.

ජනාධිපතිවරයා “අනුරාධපුරය පසුකර යාපනයට සිල් ගන්න යන්නේ වෛරයෙන්” යැයි පවසන විට, එයින් ගම්‍ය වන්නේ සිංහල බෞද්ධයන්ගේ ආගමික වතාවත් පිටුපස ඇත්තේ වෛරී සහ ආක්‍රමණශීලී චේතනාවක් බවයි. එය, එවැනි චේතනාවක් සිහිනයකින් හෝ නොසිතා වන්දනාවේ හෝ විනෝද චාරිකා යන හෝ සිල් ගැනීමට යන බහුතරයක් සිංහල ජනතාවට කල මහත්වූ අපහාසයකි.

ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ කතාව එවෙලේම පරිවර්තනය කෙරුණි. එනම් ශ්‍රී ලංකික දෙමල ජනතාවට ඉතා පහසුවෙන් එම පණිවිඩය යන්නට ඇත. මෙය සාමාන්‍ය දෙමළ වැසියා සහ සිංහල වැසියා අතර ඇති සුහදතාවය ආපසු හැරවීමක් වන අතර මේ කතාවෙන් පසු ඔවුන් සිතනු ඇත්තේ සිංහල මිනිසුන් යාපනයට පැමිණෙන්නේ පන්සල් වලට අයිතිවාසිකම් කීමට බවය. ඔවුන් සිතනු ඇත්තේ සිල් ගන්නවා යනු දේශපාලන කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් බවය.

නායකයෙකු මෙවැනි කතා කියන විට විට, අන්තවාදී අදහස් දරන පිරිස් වලට එයින් අනුබලයක් ලැබේ. පන්සල් අපේ යන පටු අයිතිවාසිකම් අරගලයක් ආගම්වාදී අදහස් ඇති ජනතාව අතර ඇති කිරීමට මෙවැනි කතා උත්තේජනයක් සපයනු ඇත.

කුරුන්දි විහාරය, තිස්ස විහාරය හෝ තිරියාය වැනි ඓතිහාසික ස්ථාන සම්බන්ධයෙන් පවතින ගැටලු සාකච්ඡා මාර්ගයෙන් විසඳා ගන්නවා වෙනුවට, ඒවා වෛරය පතුරවන ස්ථාන ලෙස හඳුන්වා දීමෙන් සිදුවන්නේ ප්‍රශ්නය තවත් උග්‍ර වීමය. මෙය දෙමළ ජනතාව තුළ බෞද්ධ උරුමයන් කෙරෙහි අනවශ්‍ය බියක් ඇති කිරීමට හේතු වනු ඇත.

සමහරවිට ජනාධිපති තුමා පවසන අදහසින් සුළු පිරිසක් එසේ සිල් ගන්නට ඇත. එහෙත් එය ඒ අයුරින් ප්‍රකාශ නොකර එය සමස්ත දකුණේ ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් සාමන්‍ය්කරණය කිරීම ඔහු විසින් කරන ලද විශාල වරදකි.

දකුණේ මිනිසුන් යාපනයට යන්නේ නාගදීපය හෝ වෙනත් සිද්ධස්ථාන වන්දනා කිරීමට පමණක් නොවේ. ඔවුන් එහිදී දෙමළ ජනතාවගේ කඩසාප්පුවලින් බඩු මිලදී ගනිති, ඔවුන්ගේ හෝටල්වල නවාතැන් ගනිති. ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ ප්‍රකාශයෙන් මේ සැබෑ මානුෂීය ගනුදෙනුව අමතක කර, සියල්ල වෛරී දේශපාලනයක් ලෙස හුවා දක්වා ඇත.

අප අද භුක්ති විඳින මේ සාමය නිකම්ම ලැබුණු දෙයක් නොවේ. එය වසර තිහක සාපලත් යුද්ධයක නිමාවකි. ඒ වෙනුවෙන් අපේ රටේ රණවිරුවන් දහස් ගණනක් සිය ජීවිත පූජා කළහ. එමෙන්ම, මියගිය ඒ සෑම මිනිසෙකුම ඔහු රණවිරුවෙකු වේවා, සිවිල් වැසියෙකු වේවා, අවසානයේ නොමඟ ගිය LTTE තරුණයෙකු වේවා ඔවුන් සියල්ලෝම මේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා මාතාවගේ දරුවන්ය.

මීට වසර පහළොවකට පෙර යාපනයට යනවා තබා දකුණේ බස් රථයකට, කෝච්චියකට නැගීමට පවා අප බියෙන් ගැහෙමින් සිටි අයුරු. පාරක් පාරක් ගානේ තිබුණු චෙක්පොයින්ට්, ඕනෑම මොහොතක ඇසෙන්නට ඉඩ තිබුණු බෝම්බ හඬවල් සහ මරණ බිය එදා උතුරටත් දකුණටත් පොදු විය. එදා දෙමළ මවක් තමන්ගේ දරුවා ගැන බිය වූවා සේම, සිංහල මවක්ද තම දරුවා ගැන බියෙන් පසුවිය.

අද ඒ කළු අඳුරු යුගය නිමවී ඇත. අද කොළඹ මිනිසා යාපනයටත්, යාපනයේ මිනිසා කොළඹටත් යන්නේ කිසිදු බියකින් හෝ සැකයකින් තොරවය. ඒ ගමන පිටුපස ඇත්තේ වෛරය නොව, දශක තුනක් තිස්සේ මගහැරුණු එකම රටක සහෝදරත්වයේ බැඳීමයි. යාපනයේ වෙළඳසැලකින් බඩු ගන්නා සිංහල මිනිසා හෝ දකුණේ රෝහලකින් ප්‍රතිකාර ගන්නා දෙමළ මිනිසා අතර ඇත්තේ මිනිස්කම මිස ආක්‍රමණශීලී චේතනාවක් නොවේ.

කෝටි ප්‍රකෝටි ගණනක ජාතික ධනය අළු දූවිලි කරමින්, පරම්පරා ගණනාවක කඳුළින් සහ ලෙයින් ලබාගත් මේ නිදහස, ජනාධිපතිවරයා අද සතයකටවත් මායිම් නොකරන බවක් පෙනේ. යාපනයට යන සිංහල මිනිසා තුළ වෛරය දැකීමෙන් ඔහු කරන්නේ අතීතයේ මියගිය ඒ දහස් සංඛ්‍යාත ජීවිතවල කැපකිරීමට අපහාස කිරීමකි.

අපට අවශ්‍ය වී ඇත්තේ මළගියවුන්ගේ අළු මත නැවත වෛරයේ ගිනිදැල් අවුලුවන නායකයින් නොව, ඒ සොහොන් කොත් මත සාමයේ මල් පීදීමට ඉඩහළ හැකි නායකත්වයකි. ඡන්දය වෙනුවෙන් මිනිසුන්ගේ හදවත් තුළට විෂ පොවනවා වෙනුවට, සියල්ලෝම ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයෝය යන හැඟීම ඇති කිරීම පාලකයෙකුගේ පරම වගකීම නොවන්නේද?

අවසානයේ මියගියේත්, දුක් වින්දේත් මේ රටේ මිනිසුන්ය. ඔවුන්ට අවශ්‍යව ඇත්තේ වෛරය පෑරීම නොව, සාමකාමීව එකට ජීවත් වීමට ඉඩක් ලබා දීමයි. දේශපාලන වාසි තකා ජාතීන් අතර සැකය වපුරන ඕනෑම නායකයෙකුට අප එක හඬින් පැවසිය යුත්තේ එකම දෙයකි

‘අපේ සාමය ඔබේ ඡන්ද ගුලියක් කර නොගන්න!’

ප්‍රසංග අල්විස්

e-Con e-News

blog: https://eesrilanka.wordpress.com

‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

e-Con e-News 11-17 January 2026

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‘Sovereign countries don’t get sovereignty

if the US wants their resources.’

– Stephen Miller, US President Don Trump’s

Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy & Homeland

Security Adviser (see ee Industry)

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‘Other actions that we are witnessing in the international arena testify

not even to an attempt, but to the policy of our US colleagues to break

the entire system that has been created for many years with their direct

participation. I am referring not only to the UN agencies, but also to the

principles of the globalisation model, which the US introduced, appealing

to such slogans as freedom of market forces, fair competition, inviolability

of property & many other slogans, which have now gone down the drain,

as they say. Instead of globalization, we are witnessing the fragmentation

of the world economy.’ – Sergei Lavrov, Russian Foreign Minister

(see ee Sovereignty, Lavrov’s First Presser of 2026)

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‘Barbados probably has the biggest logistics hub for tourism.

So, you now begin to understand why I speak & why I have

been speaking in the terms that I have without necessarily

getting into matters that are too high for us.’ – Mia Mottley

(see ee Sovereignty, PM of Barbados, Jan 3)

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She surfs! The ‘Southern Coast’ is the ‘best’. Sri Lanka is ‘magic’ – such are the departing headlines the media in Sri Lanka has been bribed to pronounce about the retreating US envoy Julie Chung. Magic for what? Best for whom? Is it also ‘too high’ for the media to ask about what happened to all her gnawing sermons about ‘free & open’ oceans, ‘freedom of navigation’, ‘rule of law’? Why was a surfboard coyly hiding her lower loins & providing a free ad for a surfboard logo? Does she have a tail? Was the splashing about the ocean to announce the USA’s latest (actually, very old) policy of piracy on the high seas, so far from the Potomac (or the Thames). Was it to divert from the eastern Uva seas, where under this receding envoy’s watch, Zionist synagogues & settlements have oozed up on the sands, like a bleeding oil well in the Orinoco?

     Is it also ‘too high’ for the media to dare ask the envoy about the ‘gender rights’ or ‘human rights’ of the recently kidnapped Venezuelan1^st Companera Cilia Flores, now imprisoned in the wintry dungeons of Mr Exxon Rockefeller’s other New York hotel (a cell minus a view)? Maybe we should ask Rockfeller’s eminent representative in Sri Lanka, Milinda Moragoda, or his feminist wife? The media claims there is a dispute between Exxon & Trump, but Trump is a mere dummy for Exxon’s ventriloquism. And for all this US regime’s ‘anti-woke’ drivel, they had to promote an African-American soldier to escort the kidnapped Venezuelan President Nicholas Maduro in handcuffs into the carceral USA!

     All the nonsense about a US attack on Greenland (already a European colony) is a diversion from their escalating invasion of Venezuela & their possible Gaza-type bloodbath there? It maybe also too high for the media to ask such discomfiting questions from the new US envoy Eric Meyer, even if they (is this the appropriate pronoun?) appear in a bikini or a skirt, or tattoo the map of Sri Lanka or the entire Western Hemisphere on their wrinkling butt.

     And what on earth has happened to all the propaganda – from the US & other imperialist embassy mouthpieces, not just their blabbering lipstick like EconomyNext, but also their thinktanks, the Advocatas & the Verités – about ‘free trade, etc?  Is it too high for them too? Where in the heavens has all that vaporous blathering gone? Has it slurped through that gaping now-mythical hole in the ozone layer, perhaps? Gaza & Venezuela are lessons to be learned. Global warming is over & global warring is back in the headlines, not just heating up the planet, but also beating up on its more defenceless inhabitants! And how!

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So, how much money do the US & English German governments pay to bribe the slavish media in Sri Lanka? Is it paid in cold cash, under the table, off the books, in envelopes, by wire transfers or through the pre-capitalist peasant barter system, but now in visas, in junkets & jaunts abroad, in invitations to banquets & cocktails. Or is it paid in the ads placed by the numerous PR & ‘marketing’ agencies of their multinationals, for soaps & detergents (ahem!). A more appropriate question for ee, would be to ask, how much has been dished out to forestall any attempt at establishing a modern industrial economy? Is this too, too high to ask?  

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• This ee Focus reproduces a ‘Missing Pillar in Sri Lanka’s Recovery: a New Public Development Bank’, by Suhaina Razaq, which appeared in this week’s FT. Razaq provides a valuable yet truncated history of the fate of development banks in Sri Lanka. Razaq notes how development banks have enabled countries to navigate disasters like the pandemic, noting there are now over 500 development banks worldwide. But not in Sri Lanka. She notes that eponymous ‘development’ banks like the Development Finance Corporation of Ceylon (DFCC) and the National Development Bank (NDB) were ‘commercialized’ for short-term profits instead. We recall that an IMF official once told a local economist that the privatization of the DFCC & NDB were necessary, because they could not allow any investment in industry anymore! They had learned their lesson with the so-called NICs – Newly Industrialized Countries (Hong Kong, South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan) of East & Southeast Asia!

Nevertheless, Razaq sees a development bank as offering a safeguard to the global market volatility that the country has been exposed to since ‘the late 1970s’, which has added to the erosion of our ‘productive base’. What exactly is that? The garment racket that does not make a pin or thread? ? And is the Western Province really more advanced ‘industrially’ than other provinces? It steals natural and ‘human’ resources and barters them to the ‘West’.

Razaq curiously proclaims an affiliation with Ahilan Kadirgamar in this FT essay. Well then, Kadirgamar is on the board of directors of the People’s Bank, and is in an eminent position to describe what has been preventing the Bank of Ceylon & the People’s Bank (from their very birth) from functioning as ‘development banks’ on behalf of the country, let alone on behalf of the ‘people’.

As with other economists, Razaq fails to explore the conscious & consistent sabotage of attempts to set up banks that would enable long-term investment in industrialization. Nor does she note that development banks already operate in Sri Lanka! It is just that they are foreign development banks hiding behind local finance companies, loansharking to sell their countries industrial products, as fronts for their exporters: the Belgian Investment Company for Developing Countries, the Netherlands’ Dutch Development Bank (FMO), and Switzerland’s Blue Orchard Microfinance Fund, to name a few, that operate through local finance companies, LOLC, Citizens Development Business Finance (CDB), Commercial Leasing & Finance (CLC), etc. Those who focus on how they rip off women, miss the imported bus (or tractor, or fridge or washing machine) completely. We should not forget to mention that the USA’s World Bank’s International Finance Corporation, and the USA’s & Japan’s Asian Development Bank, also operate through the private commercial banks to divert the country’s surpluses.  

Rather ironically, in an essay also published in the FT (& also in the new year, in 2021), the then Central Bank Governor WD Lakshman had declared (just before that orchestrated meltdown) that a ‘National Development Banking Corporation is ‘to be’ established by merging 3 state banks’ (see ee 09 Jan 2021). Exactly one year before that, the CB Governor, then newly appointed, called for a development bank: ‘The absence of dedicated development finance institutions is felt strongly’ (see ee 5-11 Jan 2020).One year later, it was given a name. But what exactly is a development bank? ee then asked why ‘development banks’ are so ‘strongly opposed by the import mafia & their monopoly media? And what does it have to do or not do with the scandal of microfinance? We know what happened to Lakshman (let alone SWRD Bandaranaike after his goverment proposed such a bank). Razaq & others (who depend on NGO largesse) better watch out.

ee then also noted: ‘The microfinance & SME scam as practiced on us, involves no such industrial investment. It ensures there’s no monetization & commercialization of the rural economy. They wish to retain their capture of the home market & prevent investment in rural industry!’

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• In the Conception or in the Cradle? – The whole concept of ‘minority rights’ has had to do with the protection of the minority white interests in those countries they colonized, and yet was a ‘holding action’ until they were able to decimate the larger populations of those countries. Even more, it turns out that one of the prime aims of colonization is to strangle ‘in the cradle or perhaps in the conception’, the development of an indigenous bourgeoisie, and more acurately, the emergence of an industrial proletariat. The current foofaraw over education reforms has been happily diverted into matters better left to the bedrooms rather than the classrooms of the nation.

     ee Focus therefore continues SBD de Silva’s The Political Economy of Underdevelopment, beginning Chapter 6 – ‘Settler Growth & the Repression of Indigenous Interests’. Here, de Silva compares countries who with ‘a critical mass of white settlers’ showed a greater internal dynamism than ‘the nonsettler colonies which were made into ‘producers of primary products for the metropolitan economy’.

     He compares the conditions of the Africans in Rhodesia or South Africa, which were the exact opposite of the so-called ‘independent’ nonsettler colonies like Sri Lanka. The size of their populations prevented their genocide, as occured in the USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, etc. This ee Focus examines how ‘the structure of race relations’ was varied in different colonial situations, and linked to economic activity. De Silva also notes how the development of an industrial bourgeoisie in the non-settler colonies such as Sri Lanka was strangled ‘in the cradle or perhaps in the conception’.

     In this excerpt, de Silva also compares the nature of the native bourgeoisie that was developed in Nigeria under the English, and in the Philippines under the USA, which became ‘the most industrialized country in Southeast Asia’. Meanwhile, it is in the settler colonies, ‘that the domination of the Europeans found its sharpest expression’, denying all education to the natives, while in the non-settler colonies like Sri Lanka education was diverted into nonsense, as evident in recent debates on its reform. SBD de Silva also examines the different types of segregation practised on the Africans & migrant Indians in East Africa. Finally, he also examines the role played by white women, both in their absence as well as in their entry into the settler colonies, and how their ‘jealousies’ were manipulated to shape settler policy.

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•With a Li’l Help from Bots – A column in the Wijeya Group’s Financial Times this week ended with the author making a rare confession, honestly declaring at the end, in parentheses: ‘(The article was written with research & review by Chat GPT)’. While this FT columnist in particular usually writes well-argued expositions (see ‘SL must prepare & act before the next floods’, ee Agriculture), many columns these days, especially those signed with a presumably real name plus numerous academic degrees attached (so many doctors, yet so many agues!), appear almost unnaturally smooth & silken, even as they ooze vacuity, and pass through the reader’s eyes & entrails as does a super laxative, yet imparting nothing (merely adding to the impacted bull). Many of them can indeed be written by bots. Most items broadcast the imperialist imprimatur (Export! Export! Stick with the IMF! Pay the Debt! The Debt! etc). As for the news items, many are simply ‘cut&paste jobs’, photocopies of emailed press-releases, prepared by their Public Relations departments or the PR agencies set up by the large multinational corporations (MNCs) that dominate the media.

The most popular media word for 2025 turns out to be ‘resilient’. Add that to ‘steady’, ‘stable’ & ‘sustainable’ – and ask how many wars it is going to take to ensure such adjectival resonance for capitalism?

     Take these following news items, one issued by the so-called Ceylon Chamber of Commerce (see ee Industry), & the other by the UN Development Program (UNDP) (see ee Economists). Both news items are faithfully reproduced, actually ‘stenographed’ in all the ‘business’ media, with little variation in their verbiage:

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Industry bodies flag gaps, urge overhaul

of Draft National Electricity Policy…

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UNDP calls for inclusive access to recovery financing

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• The UNDP press release has some variation in its prioritization of what they feel has been damaged by the storms, but it is written in the most clog-footed prose. Each item of course repeats the name of the ‘UNDP Resident Representative Azusa Kubota’ lamenting MSMEs & the ‘informal economy’. Now why do they need to advertise their largesse? The overweening concern that the governments of US, England, the EU (a front for Nazi Germany) & Japan, have for ‘MSMEs’ & the ‘informal’ deserves its own detailed expose. We could argue that most of these ‘enterprises’ actually are either outsourced fronts for these imperialists’ MNCs, or purvey their goods.

     The  ‘photocopy’ of the Chamber of Commerce press release lists their ‘allies’ which includes the US Chamber (which perhaps makes the Ceylon Chamber, an English Chamber pot!), and all the other ‘exporters’ (who are really ‘importers’ in drag).

     Since this import-export merchant media salivate & froth so loudly about ‘corruption’, shouldn’t they state how much they are paid to reproduce these items verbatim? These ‘news’ items carry absolutely no critical comments by the media, and should qualify as advertisements, listed under paid commercials or infomercials. And pay taxes! What says the Internal Revenue Department? And how much did the envoy & her propagandists evade in the end?

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• Does our modern history begin in 1948 or 1977, 1505 or 1796? It’s a Rorschach test, where different people are taught to see & regurgitate processed ideologies, rather than learn to mould reality. From the very beginning our invaders have first attacked our granaries & industrial workshops. They have driven our most dedicated artisans to addictions & madness, suicide or flight. And yet it is they who still seem to hold our future in their hands. Our merchants & moneylenders only seek quick & easy money. Only a state led by the skilled class of peasants & workers can liberate us, arming us to deal with ‘matters too high for us’.

     While the media focuses on the programmed ranting of the US President, it is important to emphasize that the time of princes is long past, and political literacy & true sovereignty requires we understand that that what comes out of a leader’s mouth is mostly what goes into his (or her or their or our) ears. The Prince has long been a committee, either of the bourgeoisie or, more importantly, the politbureau of a rising proletariat.

     The latest attack on Iran has been defeated through the taking down of imperialist media infiltration (via illegal Starlink terminals smuggled in by the US, see ee Quotes). Yet it is also vital to teach our children how to decipher the onslaught of such media (see ee Random Notes). Many videos are AI fakes, and people can learn how a normal voice is very human. Most media commentators & analysts – themselves easily replaceable by bots because they cannot challenge the reigning orthodoxy – appear to take the characters on stage & screen at their word. Any US President’s words are not his own words; he’s a ventriloquist’s dummy, as much as all such leaders are, representing the interplay of the ruling forces & relations of production. It is time we learned, as the Iranians have, to not just learn to use & make the bots, but to spook the bots! 

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Contents:

The Miseducation & Strangling of an Industrial Class in Sri Lanka

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi alleges that the United States and Israel orchestrated recent unrest in Iran by directing armed cells to open fire during protests to raise casualties and trigger foreign intervention, citing purported audio messages, documents, and detainee confessions as evidence. He says large cash payments were offered for attacks on police stations, government vehicles, markets, ambulances, and dozens of mosques, describes the January 8–10 violence as an externally planned extension of the 12‑day war,” and warns that Iran will seek justice for all those killed.

Shenali D Waduge

To:
The Chairman and Members
Election Commission of Sri Lanka

Subject: Objection to Calling for Premature Suggestions on Overseas Voting and Opposition to Granting Online Voting Rights to Sri Lankan Citizens Residing Abroad

1. Preliminary Objection – Process and Authority

This is to formally object to the public advertisement issued calling for views and suggestions on formulating a mechanism to grant voting rights to Sri Lankan citizens abroad.” …using taxpayers’ money, the cost of which should be disclosed.

It is also unclear who, if anyone, has formally requested to grant overseas or online voting rights. 

A public advertisement for suggestions, in the absence of identifying the source of the demand or legislative mandate, raises serious public concerns with the exercise being a pre-emptive attempt to normalise a non-existent right.

No voting rights presently exist in law for Sri Lankan citizens residing overseas, nor has Parliament debated, approved, or enacted any constitutional or statutory provision creating such rights.

In the absence of Parliamentary approval, there is no legal necessity, authority, or constitutional basis for the Election Commission to invite public submissions on implementation mechanisms relating to a right that does not exist utilizing tax payers money (how much did this advert cost)

2. Presumption of a Non-Existent Right

The language used in the advertisement repeatedly refers to enabling Sri Lankan citizens living abroad to exercise their voting rights.”

This wording is legally inaccurate and constitutionally improper, as it presumes the existence of a right that has not been created by law.

The Election Commission’s constitutional mandate is to administer elections in accordance with existing law, not to:

·      anticipate legislative outcomes,

·      normalise unapproved policy directions, or

·      create an impression of inevitability regarding the expansion of the franchise.

Such premature consultation reverses the constitutional order, where Parliament must first determine whether a right should exist, before administrative bodies consider how it might be implemented.

3. Democratic Threshold Question Ignored

Notably, the public has not been invited to submit views on the most fundamental question:

·      Should Sri Lankan citizens residing abroad be granted voting rights at all from overseas – there is nothing preventing Sri Lankan citizens from arriving in Sri Lanka and voting in elections, provided their name is on the electoral list.

Instead, submissions are confined to operational matters such as registration, campaigning, voting procedures, and counting of votes—thereby excluding democratic debate on the principle of allowing online voting from overseas itself.

This framing indicates a policy pre-commitment and premature preparation of citizens for such an inevitability, rather than a neutral consultative exercise.

4. Substantive Objection – Why Overseas Voting Should NOT Be Permitted

Sri Lankan citizens permanently or long-term resident abroad should not be given voting rights from overseas/online, for the following reasons:

 

4.1 Absence of Direct Stake in Daily Governance

Voting is not an abstract entitlement; it is a civic responsibility exercised by those who:

·      live under the laws enacted,

·      bear the immediate consequences of policy decisions,

·      are subject to taxation, public services, security risks, and economic conditions.

Citizens residing abroad do not experience:

·      local cost-of-living pressures,

·      public transport failures,

·      education system outcomes,

·      healthcare shortages,

·      security threats,

·      or economic instability in real time.

Granting equal electoral influence to non-resident citizens dilutes the political voice of residents who must live with the consequences of electoral outcomes.

 

4.2 Distortion of National Electoral Will

Sri Lanka has a significant overseas population concentrated in a small number of host countries, often influenced by:

·      foreign political climates,

·      anti-Sri Lanka activism disconnected from local realities,

·      external lobbying and ideological agendas.

Allowing overseas voting risks:

·      skewing domestic elections based on external narratives,

·      amplifying polarisation without accountability,

·      importing foreign pressures into sovereign decision-making,

·      enabling foreign election campaigns to supersede local campaigning.

International Examples:

·      France: French citizens overseas can vote, but the system is carefully limited and supervised to prevent lobbying influence; even then, debates persist on whether it skews domestic politics.

·      Canada: Canada allows overseas voting only under strict conditions, with concerns repeatedly raised about ballot security and external influence.

·      India: Despite having millions of NRIs, India has not fully implemented online or extensive overseas voting due to fears of manipulation, verification difficulties, and foreign influence.

·      United States: While absentee voting exists, online overseas voting is explicitly avoided because of cybersecurity threats and foreign interference risks.

These concerns are very much relevant for Sri Lanka as well.

4.3 National Security, Electoral Integrity, and Overseas Voting Risks

Overseas voting introduces serious vulnerabilities and challenges, including:

·       Identity verification and fraud: verifying non-resident voters abroad is extremely difficult. Simply being born in Sri Lanka is insufficient to confirm eligibility, especially for citizens who may have lost residency or are dual nationals.

·       Coercion and manipulation: anti-Sri Lankan communities living overseas may campaign with objectives misaligned with domestic interests, often supported by foreign political lobbies or diaspora groups.

·       Vote harvesting and foreign influence: there is a credible risk of foreign governments or organisations attempting to direct voting campaigns to influence Sri Lanka’s domestic politics. Overseas voting can allow external narratives to override domestic priorities, creating policy disconnects.

·       Cybersecurity and digital vulnerabilities: online voting systems are highly susceptible to hacking, malware, and data breaches. Even technologically advanced democracies (e.g., US, Estonia) face credible cybersecurity threats that can undermine election integrity.

·       Asylum and accountability loopholes: granting voting rights to citizens residing abroad could allow individuals who have renounced or claimed asylum for legal protection — or those evading criminal prosecution (including drug offenses, financial crimes, or other serious criminal activity) — to exercise influence over domestic politics without accountability or contribution to the country, raising sovereignty, legal, and security concerns.

·       Political funding opacity: overseas campaigning may receive undisclosed or foreign financial support, bypassing domestic election regulations and compromising fairness.

·       Unequal influence and civic imbalance: overseas voters are not directly affected by Sri Lanka’s daily governance, public services, or economic conditions, yet could wield disproportionate electoral influence, diluting the political voice of residents who are accountable to domestic laws.

Even advanced liberal democracies struggle to safeguard overseas voting from manipulation. Sri Lanka, with limited verification infrastructure abroad, would face heightened vulnerability on multiple fronts — legal, security, electoral, and ethical.

 

4.4 Unequal Obligations, Equal Power

Sri Lankan citizens residing abroad:

·       are not subject to compulsory civic duties,

·       are not directly affected by governance failures,

·       may not contribute economically or socially to the State in proportion to their electoral influence.

Democracy requires a balance between rights and obligations. Overseas voting grants political power without corresponding civic exposure or accountability.

 

4.5 Constitutional and Democratic Precedent

The Sri Lankan franchise has historically been territorially grounded, linked to residence and registration within the country.

Altering this principle is not a technical adjustment but a fundamental transformation of the electorate, requiring:

·       explicit Parliamentary debate,

·       national consensus,

·       and potentially a constitutional mandate.

Such a change cannot be initiated through administrative consultation alone.

5. Formal Requests to the Election Commission

In light of the above, the Election Commission must publicly:

1.     Clarify that overseas voting rights do not presently exist in law.

2.     Confirm that submissions received through this consultation have no legal force and do not bind Parliament.

3.     Refrain from representing this exercise as evidence of public consent or inevitability.

4.     Suspend or reframe the consultation until Parliament has first determined whether online overseas voting rights should exist at all.

5.     Evaluate potential loopholes, including asylum claims, dual citizenship complications, and anti-Sri Lanka lobbying, that may undermine electoral integrity if overseas voting is prematurely implemented.

6.     Consider international precedents and lessons from France, Canada, India, and the United States regarding overseas voting limitations, security, and foreign influence.

The Election Commission’s credibility rests on strict neutrality and constitutional restraint.

The current consultation represents a sneaky attempt to normalise a right that does not exist, testing public reaction and pre-conditioning citizens for an outcome that Parliament has not approved. 

Any citizen who is legally registered is more than welcome to return to Sri Lanka and vote in person. However, granting online voting rights from overseas cannot and should not be allowed, as it bypasses constitutional safeguards, risks electoral integrity, and exposes the country to security, criminal, and foreign influence concerns.

The Government, Opposition, and all stakeholders must take note of these risks before any discussion of overseas voting is entertained. Failing to do so would compromise democracy, public confidence, and national sovereignty.

We trust the Commission will give due consideration to this objection in the interest of constitutional propriety, democratic integrity, and national security.

Shenali D Waduge

Nava Thakuria

For millions of fans and followers of Zubeen Garg, who faced an unexplained death in Singapore on 19 September last year, unpleasant news broke out from the island nation, as its police department made it clear that the iconic Assamese singer died in an intoxicated status while swimming in sea water without wearing a mandatory life jacket. The Straits Time, a mainstream newspaper of the southeast Asian country, reported on 14  January last that Zubeen, 53,  consumed alcohol and refused a life vest before jumping off a yacht and finally  drowned in waters near Lazarus Island on the fateful day. Quoting the version of David Lim (a Singapore police investigator), who was testifying in front of a coroner’s inquiry into Zubeen’s death, the influential English daily also reported that as his friends tried to convince Zubeen to swim back to the yacht, he suddenly ‘became motionless and began floating face down’.

The investigator with  Police Coast Guard also informed the court that Zubeen was soon pulled back to the yacht where ‘efforts were made to resuscitate him’, but later he was pronounced dead in Singapore General Hospital at 5.15 pm (Singaporean time). The cause of his death was drowning, reiterated the officer while adding that   Zubeen arrived in Singapore to perform in the 4th North East India Festival (NEIF), a spectacular event organised at Suntec Convention & Exhibition Centre in Singapore, on 20 September. Asserting that the ace singer did not have any suicidal tendencies and ‘was not subjected to duress or coercion before his death’, the officer also stated that Zubeen  ‘did not wear a life jacket, despite repeated reminders by the yacht captain to wear one’.

Zubeen had 333 milligram of alcohol per 100 millilitre of blood in his system, which an autopsy report revealed and it might have  impacted his coordination. Singapore has the  current drink driving limit  at 80 mg of alcohol per 100 ml of blood. The yacht captain while testifying informed the court that around 15 individuals  boarded the vessel at Marina in Keppel Bay and many of them (mostly members of the Assam Association Singapore) along with Zubeen were already  drunk. ‘The singer was so unsteady, his friends had to hold on to his arms as he boarded the vessel’, reported the newspaper while quoting versions of the captain. It also added that Zubeen was not forced by anyone ‘to drink alcohol or enter the water’ and importantly, ‘the singer and his entourage were briefed while on the yacht that they ought to don life jackets before swimming’.

The Singapore event (on  19, 20, 21 September 2025),  inspired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Act East vision,  marked 60th anniversary of India-Singapore diplomatic ties and India-ASEAN year of tourism. According to PTI, a trusted news agency of India, the 4th NEIF  was organised by Trend MMS with supports from  Singapore-based Indian High Commission, foreign ministry and State governments of north-eastern region along with Assam as well as North East India Association in Singapore. NEIF was earlier organised  in Bangkok (2019, 2022) and Ho Chi Minh (2023) attracting  significant audiences. A good number of performers from north-east India were  invited for the festival, where  Zubeen was seen in a promo video (https://www.instagram.com/p/DOq2U7ZgvKY/) prior to the event.

The Singapore police may not find any foul play in Zubeen’s death, but it became a colossal issue in Assam as he was the singing sensation after music maestro Bhupen Hazarika, and the government was forced to constitute a special investigation team of Assam Police to probe into Zubeen’s death in Singapore. The SIT even arrested seven persons (including the NE festival organizer Shyamkanu Mahanta, Siddharatha Sharma, Zubeen’s manager, Shekharjyoti Goswami and Amritprava Mahanta, the artiste’s  musician partners, Sandipan Garg, one of his cousins, with two personal security officers) and a team visited Singapore to gather relevant information relating to the probe. A charge-sheet  with over 2,500 pages was also submitted on 12 December and the trial has already begun. Due to security concerns, all the accused individuals have been produced  virtually in the Kamrup (metropolitan) district sessions court from their respective jails.

Soon after the disagreeable news surfaced from Singapore, Zubeen’s wife Garima Saikia Garg appealed to the Assam government as well as the Union government in New Delhi  ‘to closely monitor the court proceedings in Singapore’ so that necessary diplomatic and legal intervention can be pursued. She also insisted on a fast-track trial under a special bench in the court.  Otherwise, she argued, it will take a lot of time to  listen to over 300 witnesses in the sensational case. Taking advantage of the situation, opposition Congress leader    Gaurav Gogoi criticized Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma-who claimed that Zubeen was murdered following a conspiracy  hatched in the home ground- for his unjustified comments.  The State Congress chief  raised a serious question, whom the people of Assam will now believe  over Zubeen’s untimely demise, as the Singaporean authorities repeatedly claimed that his death was not unnatural.

Reacting to the opposition’s criticism, CM Sarma maintained his stand that the Assam police probe was independent of that one  done in Singapore.  He lauded the State police for conducting  a better investigation into the fateful incident. The Singaporean investigation agency could not find any foul play over  Zubeen’s unnatural demise, but the Assam police team slapped murder charges on four accused. Sarma however asserted that as the matter remains in the court, the politicians should not make unnecessary comments. Meanwhile, talking to this writer,  a Delhi-based legal practitioner argued that the murder case has little possibility of standing in the court. Once the verdict of Singapore court comes out (probably ahead of Indian judicial processes), it may negatively impact and finally may demoralize the Zubeen fans, millions of who wept for days and hit the streets demanding justice. Nonetheless, Zubeen’s murder/death case will seemingly be exploited by the political parties, ahead of the State legislative assembly election, putting hundreds of thousands of Zubeen sympathizers in disheartenment.

Shenali D. Waduge

When people in one’s own town are in trouble and need to be saved from brutal torture and being burnt at the stake (a common practice of the Catholic Inquisition), it is morally indefensible for a supposedly public-spirited padre to travel to another region or country to save people in trouble there, while at the same time ignoring the plight of his own town folk.” – Shenali D. Waduge

Joseph Vaz (21 April 1651, Benaulim, Goa – 16 January 1711, Kandy, Sri Lanka) was a Catholic  Oratorian priest from Goa. He is called the ‘Apostle of Ceylon’ by the Catholic Church. On 21 January 1995, he was beatified by Pope John Paul II in Colombo.

Father Joseph Vaz smuggled himself to Ceylon incognito in 1687 (145 years after Francis Xavier travelled to Goa to carry out the Inquisition under the direction of his Jesuit leader Ignatius Loyola and 182 years after the Portuguese had first set foot in Ceylon).

Joseph Vaz came to Sri Lanka ostensibly to save the local Catholics from Dutch Calvinist persecution. It was also a period when the Goa Inquisition was at its peak. Hindus, Muslims, Jews and even some local Christians were subject to it.

Joseph Vaz who is hailed as Asia’s greatest Christian missionary in respect of whom even Portugal had issued a commemorative postage stamp on the 300th anniversary of his birthday could not have been unaware of the unrelenting Portuguese persecution of non-Christians and the inhumane practices of the Portuguese Inquisition in Goa.

The well-known aphorism ‘Charity begins at home’ applies to Joseph Vaz as well. Why did he not remain in his home town Goa to save his fellow Goans from the persecution of his Portuguese co-religionists instead of coming to Ceylon to save the converted Sinhalese and Tamil Catholics from alleged Dutch Calvinist persecution?

Was he a passive spectator of these crimes or accomplice to the Portuguese Inquisition of the innocent Goan people who were not prepared to submit to Portuguese pressure to change religion or become Rice Christians. This tendency to embrace another religion purely for inducements  was a well-known practice in Sri Lanka and many other Asian countries that were subject to Western Christian colonial rule and it carried the derogatory epithet ‘Rice Christianity’.

In the interest of historical truth and probity, this is a valid question and honest answers must be supplied by those who hero-worship Joseph Vaz.

When people in one’s own town are in trouble and need to be saved from brutal torture and being burnt at the stake (a common practice of the Catholic Inquisition), it is morally indefensible for a supposedly public-spirited padre to travel to another region or country to save people in trouble there, while at the same time ignoring the plight of his own town folk.

There are three possible answers to explain the conduct of Joseph Vaz vis-a-vis the Goa Inquisition:

1) He knew of the abominable crimes being committed (like the manner in which the Germans are being accused of their failure to stop Nazi abuses under the Third Reich) but lacked the interest or moral courage to speak out against such crimes, or

2) He was complicit in these crimes directly or indirectly, or

3) He was fanatically loyal to his Catholic faith and any abuses committed in the name of the Holy Church and Jesus Christ did not register in his mind as unlawful or unacceptable.

The French philosopher Voltaire said:

Goa is sadly famous for its Inquisition, equally contrary to humanity and commerce. The Portuguese monks made us believe that the people worshiped the devil, and it is they who have served him.

Did Joseph Vaz visit Ceylon in a state of mental delusion thinking that the Portuguese Inquisition in Goa being carried out by his co-religionists was appropriate and just and that the Pope and the Catholic Church were infallible and can do no wrong?

In Sri Lanka the jury is still out on Joseph Vaz. – Onlanka News, 14 January 2014

› Shenali Waduge is a Sri Lankan civil society writer concerned about fair play in all matters that concern citizens of her country as well as the world at large.

Roshni Sengupta

The Western narrative on Hindus and episodes of mass violence affecting Hindu communities globally has often been marked by selective visibility, conceptual ambiguity, and ideological discomfort with recognising Hindus as victims of genocide or ethnic cleansing. While Western media, academia, and human-rights institutions readily deploy the language of genocide for atrocities against certain groups, mainly Muslims, comparable frameworks are rarely applied to cases involving Hindus, even when violence is systematic, targeted, and driven by religious or civilisational hostility. – Dr. Roshni Sengupta

The abject hypocrisy of the West on the atrocities against minority Hindus in Bangladesh must not only be called out—it should be underscored for what it really is: a colossal failure and a tame surrender to the forces of radical, fundamentalist Islam, unlike all the big talk, virtue-signalling, and sermonising coming India’s way from the epitomes of democracy in the West.

The blood boils when the UNHCR puts out a one-sided, whitewashed statement condemning the killing of the anti-India hate-peddler Sharif Osman bin Hadi, choosing to remain completely silent on the gruesome public lynching of Dipu Chandra Das on mere allegations of blasphemy. But is this silence and erasure a deliberate Mummers’ Farce or a pantomime of useful idiocy cloaked in the garb of universalism, globalism, postcolonial secularism, and religious tolerance? Events as they have unfolded over the past year—and those gone by—have established quite clearly where the sympathies of the West lie, and they certainly do not give a dime for certain kinds of religious groups, Hindus being the most prominent among them.

The role of the Western media—and the 0.5 segment in India—in cementing false narratives and aiding and abetting the erasure of the plight of Hindus in Bangladesh remains second to none. Let us consider the half-cooked, perfunctory, badly researched stories platforms like the BBC and Al Jazeera produced following days of speculation about the silence of the West on the Dipu Das lynching incident. Equating the communally charged, genocidal public execution of Das by a frenzied mob chanting Nara-e-Takbir and Allahu Akbar with what the reports described as similar incidents of mob lynching of minorities in Hindu-majoritarian India” is not only libellous slander; it smacks of contextual ignorance, gratuitous ambivalence, and an almost laughable effort at establishing a false equivalence where none exists.

The intention of the BBC and other powerful Western media platforms remains clear—to deflect the blame for the Hindu genocide taking place in Bangladesh on to India—thereby extending a helpful push to the anti-India narrative put in place by the Jamaat-Yunus-BNP-Razakar-madrassah-educated fanatic youth combine that threw Sheikh Hasina out of power in 2024.

Consider the prerogatives of the BBC in this scenario for a moment. The national broadcaster of the UK has, over the past decades, exhibited a structural and narrative bias that remains clearly sympathetic to the Pakistani-Islamist position, particularly on issues such as Kashmir, terrorism, minority rights, India’s domestic politics, and its position in the subcontinent. The BBC’s South Asia coverage has, over time, come to reflect the perspectives of journalists, editors, and commentators of Pakistani origin, or those socialised within Pakistan-centric intellectual and journalistic networks that are increasingly Islamist and partisan in the UK. It is important to note that this has emerged as more than just a perception advanced by critics. A cursory glance at the identities of the reporters writing and commenting on the region and on India would perhaps establish this as an empirically settled fact.

Historically, the BBC has drawn heavily on diasporic communities in Britain for linguistic expertise, regional familiarity, and access to subcontinental societies. Within this ecosystem, Pakistani-origin journalists have been highly visible in South Asia desks, Urdu services, and conflict reporting related to Kashmir and terrorism. Whether this is by design or coincidence is anybody’s guess. It is pertinent to note here that the Pakistani and Pakistani-origin population in the UK has seen substantial growth since the 1950s, clocked at a rather enormous 1.6 million in 2021.

The lukewarm coverage it gave to the Pakistani rape-gang revelations and the ongoing investigation into the role of powerful Pakistani-Islamists in the UK provides sufficient grounds to argue that the conflation of South Asian narratives with the Pakistani voice has coincided with a tendency to foreground Pakistani-Islamist state narratives—such as framing Kashmir primarily as disputed territory”, emphasising allegations against India while downplaying Pakistan’s role in cross-border terrorism, or presenting Islamist violence in Kashmir as an insurgency” rather than externally sponsored militancy.

This bias is reinforced by the BBC’s broader ideological orientation: a postcolonial liberal, heavily anti-India worldview that is sceptical, even dismissive, of nationalism and civilisational, political assertion. As India increasingly articulates itself as a civilisational state with strategic autonomy, the BBC’s editorial instincts—shaped by Western human-rights discourse, motivated NGO reports, and largely Western academic frameworks—often align more comfortably with Pakistani-Islamist diplomatic and advocacy narratives that portray India as the dominant or coercive power in the subcontinent.

Furthermore, the Western narrative on Hindus and episodes of mass violence affecting Hindu communities globally has often been marked by selective visibility, conceptual ambiguity, and ideological discomfort with recognising Hindus—such as Dipu Das—as victims of genocide or ethnic cleansing. While Western media, academia, and human-rights institutions readily deploy the language of genocide for atrocities against certain groups, mainly Muslims, comparable frameworks are rarely applied to cases involving Hindus, even when violence is systematic, targeted, and driven by religious or civilisational hostility.

One explanation lies in dominant postcolonial and liberal paradigms that ignorantly position Hindus primarily as members of a majority” faith in India and therefore as structural oppressors rather than potential victims. This framing makes it analytically difficult within Western discourse to acknowledge Hindu suffering in contexts such as the ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits, mass killings during the Partition of India, the persecution of Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh, or targeted violence against Hindu minorities in Afghanistan. As a result, these events are frequently described in euphemistic terms such as riots”, communal clashes”, or migration”, obscuring intent, asymmetry, and long-term consequences.

Additionally, Western narratives have been shaped by Cold War geopolitics and subsequent strategic alignments in which Pakistan was often viewed as a frontline ally state, while India was deliberately framed as a hegemonic regional power. Within this lens, violence against Hindus in Pakistan or Kashmir has tended to be downplayed, relativised, or subsumed under broader discussions of conflict, rather than examined as ideologically driven persecution. Islamist violence was often contextualised as political grievance, whereas Hindu victimhood was rendered devoid of a comparable moral vocabulary.

Another factor is the misplaced discomfort within Western academia and media with civilisational or religious explanations for violence when they challenge secular or universalist assumptions. Acknowledging genocide against Hindus risks unsettling entrenched binaries of majority versus minority and complicates prevailing critiques of what they perceive as majoritarian Hindu nationalism by introducing historical and transnational patterns of Hindu vulnerability.

As a result, the Western narrative does not outright deny Hindu suffering but marginalises it through silence, misclassification, asymmetrical moral scrutiny, and false equivalence. This narrative gap has irrevocably underlined Western discourse as selective, politicised, and insufficiently attentive to Hindu historical experiences of mass violence and displacement. This Western paradigm is then conveniently adopted by Indian academia and media—primarily fifth columnists—to further their agenda of misrepresentation and, in some cases, abject denial of ideological violence targeting Hindus, whether in Kashmir, the North-East, or against minority Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh.

This woke cabal, fronted by the likes of Dhruv Rathee and Arfa Khanum Sherwani, is amply aided and abetted by useful idiots from the entertainment industry—culturally influential, albeit—crying All Eyes on Rafah” for events unfolding halfway across the globe, but choosing deafening silence when Dipu Das and Amrit Mandal are butchered by Islamists just across India’s eastern border. Hence, as Hindus continue to be targeted, their lives destroyed and their homes reduced to ashes, the blatant face of this farce continues its grotesque globalist, universalist narrative. – News18, 30 December 2025

› Dr. Roshni Sengupta is an author, political commentator, and Professor of Politics and Media at IILM University, Gurugram.

The West’s moral failure in safeguarding Hindus in Bangladesh – Roshni Sengupta

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge

Angola is a large Southern African country that was under Portuguese colonial rule for more than 400 years before achieving independence on November 11, 1975. The country ranks among Africa’s leading producers of crude oil and diamonds, which are crucial to its export economy and government finances. Portuguese remains the official language, reflecting its colonial past. The population is made up of various Bantu ethnic groups, such as the Ovimbundu, Kimbundu, and Bakongo, each possessing unique languages and cultural practices.

Despite Angola’s considerable oil wealth and recent economic advancements, poverty remains a pressing challenge, with many citizens experiencing significant deprivation. As a schoolboy, I recall reading a newspaper article on Agostinho Neto, who is recognized as the “Father of Modern Angola” and served as the nation’s first president. He died in 1979 in Moscow.

During my time at the medical faculty, I encountered several students from Angola, one of whom was Beatris. I first met her at a party organized by African students, where the atmosphere was filled with vibrant African music and dance. This event marked my initial exposure to the rhythmic and fast-paced sounds from Angola, Congo, and Nigeria, which captivated the attendees as they danced energetically. After dancing together for a while, Beatris and I took a break in a quiet corner to chat. She spoke Portuguese fluently and had a basic understanding of English and Russian. Our own grasp of Russian was limited, as we were part of the preparatory faculty. Consequently, our conversation was a blend of Portuguese, English, and Russian, creating a unique and enjoyable exchange.

I informed Beatris that Sri Lanka experienced an invasion by the Portuguese, who occupied the island for nearly 153 years without successfully subjugating it. Also mentioned that the influence of this prolonged presence is evident in the Sri Lankan dialect, which incorporates numerous Portuguese words as a result of the invasion. I mentioned several words, such as Kerakoppuva, Kanthoruwa, and Almariya, along with names like Perera, Fonseka, and Pinnye, which she recognized as having Portuguese origins. She also noted that there are individuals in Angola with names like Fonseka, Alponso, and Metthayes, highlighting the linguistic connections that persist across cultures.

After our initial meeting, we had several encounters at the preparatory faculty during Russian language classes. She was of petite stature, radiating a natural beauty characteristic of her African heritage. We shared coffee on multiple occasions, enjoying each other’s company. Upon completing our studies at the preparatory faculty, she moved to Khmelnytskyi, a city in western Ukraine, and we went our separate ways. Unfortunately, we never crossed paths again after that.

I was acquainted with Carlos Mangera Dasonthus, a tall student from Luanda, Angola, who attended the same preparatory language faculty as I did. Occasionally, he would visit my room to engage in casual conversation. One afternoon, while I was preparing mashed potatoes on a hot plate, he stopped by.

Although our hostel prohibited the use of hot plates for cooking in individual rooms for safety reasons, we often resorted to this practice due to the frequent queues at the communal kitchen, which was equipped with six burners. To avoid detection by the hostel commandant, aka warden, we took extra precautions to conceal our cooking activities. During the winter months, the hotplates proved to be quite beneficial. While the hostel rooms were equipped with central heating, there were times when we required extra warmth, prompting us to use the hotplate to heat a pot of water, which helped maintain a comfortable temperature. However, we had to carry out this activity discreetly, careful to avoid the watchful eyes of the hostel’s warden.

When Carlos Mangera Dasonthus entered my room, he noticed I was cooking something and remarked that we also have a similar dish in Angola, referring to it with a Portuguese term akin to “Manniyok.” In that moment, I realized he mistakenly believed I was preparing Manniyok instead of potatoes. I also considered that he might think I had brought Manniyok from Sri Lanka. To clarify, I informed him that I was making mashed potatoes. We then enjoyed a meal of fried fish accompanied by mashed potatoes.

Carlos Mangera Dasonthus had a stutter that produced a peculiar sound when he spoke Russian, often eliciting laughter from some students. While it was entirely inappropriate to mock someone for a speech impediment, the youthful inclination to find humour in any situation led to this unfortunate response. On one occasion, as Carlos struggled to express his ideas, his efforts appeared amusing, prompting laughter from the students. I was nearby and found it difficult to suppress my own laughter, which visibly upset him. Following that incident, he became distant and rarely engaged with me. Recognizing my mistake, I made a conscious effort to avoid him, understanding the impact of my actions on his feelings.

After completing the preparatory faculty, I enrolled in the medical institute, where Carlos was assigned to my subgroup. However, he deliberately kept his distance from me, and feeling guilty, I reciprocated by avoiding him as well. It became evident that he was harbouring a desire for revenge. We shared a political history class, where the instructor frequently posed questions about current political events, often attempting to frame them through a Marxist lens. This led to spirited debates among us. During one lecture, the teacher mentioned the high unemployment rate in the UK, to which I responded that, despite the unemployment, individuals received government assistance known as UB 40 (Unemployment Benefit Attendance Card). Carlos, coming from a socialist background, reacted incredulously, accusing me of lying and personally attacking me. It was at that moment that I recognized the underlying resentment he held towards me.

Carlos intentionally mocked me in front of the teacher and classmates, leaving me puzzled about his lingering resentment over an incident from more than a year ago. Fortunately, a student from Ghana, who had previously lived in England, came to my defence and clarified my statement. Following the incident, I found myself harbouring some resentment towards Carlos, and we ceased all communication.

In our hostel, I became friends with Zarla, a girl from Mali who spoke French and shared my interest in horror films. She was particularly captivated by the Omen trilogy, which I owned, and would often visit my room on Saturday evenings to watch the series. To help her grasp the plot, I translated some of the dialogue into Russian. Zarla was especially fascinated by the character Damien Thorn and enjoyed our movie nights, which also included films like Nightmare on Elm Street and various Satanic horror movies.

One Saturday evening, after a few weeks had passed, Zarla visited my room to watch “Children of the Corn.” During the film, Carlos unexpectedly entered my room and yelled at me. He created a very uncomfortable atmosphere. It became clear that his possessiveness and jealousy had led him to keep tabs on Zarla. Disturbed by the confrontation, she decided to leave the room to avoid further conflict. Several weeks later, I encountered her at the Stolovaya, the student restaurant, where she expressed her apologies for the distress caused by Carlos’s actions.

I completed my medical degree in August 1993, culminating in a graduation ceremony followed by a celebratory event. During this occasion, all the students exchanged greetings and bid farewell to one another. I encountered Carlos Mangera Dasonthus, but he did not engage with me and appeared visibly angry.

As I reflect on my life after many years, I find myself contemplating the journey that has led me to write my memoirs. My thoughts often drift to Carlos Mangera Dasonthus, who has grown into a doctor in Angola. I am curious about his current perception of me, believing that any remnants of anger or resentment have likely dissipated with time. It would be a pleasure to reconnect, share a beer, and reminisce about our past, acknowledging the foolishness of our younger selves while enjoying each other’s company.

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

හයවන ශ්‍රේණියට අදාළ ඉගෙනුම් මොඩියුලයන්හි මතු වූ මතභේදාත්මක තත්ත්වය පදනම් කරගනිමින්, ජාතික අධ්‍යාපන ආයතනයේ නියෝජ්‍ය අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් දර්ශන සමරවීර මහතාව අනිවාර්ය නිවාඩු ගැන්වීමට බලධාරීන් පියවර ගෙන ඇත.

මීට අමතරව, අදාළ සිදුවීමට සෘජු සම්බන්ධයක් ඇති බවට හඳුනාගත් එම ආයතනයේම සේවය කරන තවත් නිලධාරිනියන් දෙපළකගේ සේවය වහාම ක්‍රියාත්මක වන පරිදි අත්හිටුවා ඇති බවද දැනගන්නට ලැබේ.

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

පාසල් දරුවන්ගේ දිවා ආහාරය වෙනුවෙන් වෙන් කළ මුදල් අවභාවිත කරමින් තම සැමියාගේ උපන්දින සාදය පැවැත්වූ බවට එල්ල වූ චෝදනාවලට මැදිරිගිරිය ප්‍රදේශයේ පාසලක විදුහල්පතිනියක වරදකරු වී ඇති බව උතුරු මැද පළාත් ප්‍රධාන ලේකම්වරයා තහවුරු කරයි.

මෙම සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ලංකා ගුරු සංගමයේ ප්‍රධාන ලේකම් ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රනාන්දු මහතා කරුණු අනාවරණය කරමින් කියා සිටියේ, අදාළ දූෂණ චෝදනා සම්බන්ධයෙන් විමර්ශන පවතින අතරතුරදීම මෙම විදුහල්පතිනිය අධ්‍යාපන පරිපාලන සේවයට උසස්වීමක්ද ලබාගෙන ඇති බවයි.

2022 වසරේ රජයේ තීරණයකට අනුව පාසල් දරුවන්ගේ දිවා ආහාර වේලක් සඳහා එක් අයෙකුට රුපියල් 100 බැගින් වෙන් කර තිබුණි. මැදිරිගිරිය ප්‍රදේශයේ පිහිටි මෙම ප්‍රාථමික පාසලේ සිසුන් 720 දෙනෙකුට දිවා ආහාරය සැපයීමට වෙන් කළ රුපියල් 72,000 ක මුදලක් මෙලෙස වංචා කර ඇති බවට මවුපියන් විසින් පළාත් අධ්‍යාපන කාර්යාලයට ලිඛිත පැමිණිල්ලක් ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබුණි.

එම පැමිණිල්ලට අනුව සිදුකළ විමර්ශනවලදී අනාවරණය වී ඇත්තේ, පාසලට දිවා ආහාර සපයන පුද්ගලයා ලවාම විදුහල්පතිනියගේ සැමියාගේ උපන්දින සාදය වෙනුවෙන් කිරිබත් සහ කැවිලි වර්ග සාදවාගෙන ඇති බවයි. ඒ සඳහා දරුවන්ගේ එක් දිනක ආහාර මුදල සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම යොදවා තිබේ.

ගුරු සංගමය චෝදනා කරන්නේ මෙම වංචාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් විමර්ශන ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙමින් පවතින පසුබිමක, ඇය අධ්‍යාපන පරිපාලන නිලධාරිනියක ලෙස උසස්වීම් ලබා ඇති බවයි. 

එම පත්වීම් ලිපිය ඇය විසින් ලබාගෙන ඇත්තේ අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය සහ අධ්‍යාපන අමාත්‍ය හරිනි අමරසූරිය මහත්මිය අතින් බවද ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රනාන්දු මහතා පෙන්වා දෙයි.

වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක්වූ ඒ මහතා සඳහන් කළේ, අදාළ විදුහල්පතිනියගේ සැමියා ආණ්ඩු පක්ෂයේ ප්‍රබල දේශපාලන ක්‍රියාකාරිකයෙකු බවත්, එවැනි පසුබිමක් තුළ විමර්ශන පවතිද්දී උසස්වීම් ලබාදීම බරපතළ ගැටලුවක් බවත්ය. 

මේ වන විට ඇයට එල්ල වූ දුෂණ චෝදනා හයක විමර්ශනවලින් සනාථ වී ඇති බව උතුරු මැද පළාත් බලධාරීන් තහවුරු කර ඇත.

Courtesy Daily Mirror

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Last week, the Daily Mirror exclusively reported of yet another foreign investor pulling out of Sri Lanka citing regulatory obstruction and arbitrary state action.

China based Amber Adventures Private Limited, the country’s first cable car venture said it had officially pulled out of the Ambuluwawa Cable Car Project due to arbitrary and unlawful actions by state authorities including the suspension of construction by the Central Environmental Authority (CEA) based on complaints circulating on social media, despite clearance from technical agencies.

The most surprising part is the company had already invested US $ 3.5 million of the US $ 12.75 million and is now considering legal action to recover losses.

This is yet another story of foreign investors pulling out due to harassment by state officials and is yet another wake up call that despite governments changing, Sri Lanka’s bureaucratic system is corrupt to its roots and needs a through clean up.

Somehow our minds are now immune to foreign investors coming in and then pulling out months later. How can anyone survive when the system doesn’t allow them to?

It is a shame to even write this especially after knowing that Sri Lanka has the potential and could have been far ahead in terms of development and infrastructure but is yet stuck at ground zero because some bureaucrats prefer to fill their pockets instead of seeing the nation develop.

In the past how many projects have failed us? China invested the Colombo Port City, promising to attract millions of dollars in investments, but after the Sirisena Wickremesinghe administration came to power in 2015 they suspended it. If the terms and conditions needed to be changed it could have been prioritized and the project could have started construction but instead it remained suspended for one whole year causing severe financial losses to the project company. Sadly this project even to date is yet to reach its full potential and if it had, Sri Lanka would have given a tough run to Singapore and even Dubai.

Then we had promises of the Volkswagen car assembly plant in Kuliyapitiya in 2015 that never saw the light of day and the famous USD 3.5 billion oil refinery project initiated in 2019 which never moved beyond its initial stages. Then of course we had numerous other projects such as Japan’s LRT project, the Adani project, the VFS Global project, the Sinopec project, the BYD scandal to name a few – all who arrived in Sri Lanka and had to leave after facing severe allegations in our soil but are performing brilliantly in other countries under other governments.

Now when the National People’s Power (NPP) government swept into office on a powerful wave of public anger and hope, it did so with a promise that resonated across class, ethnicity and age, that corruption would finally be tackled, not just in politics, but in the system itself.

Months into this new administration, it is becoming painfully clear that while ministers may change, the bureaucratic machinery that governs everyday life in Sri Lanka remains stubbornly untouched and in many ways, unchallenged.

Today, Sri Lanka’s bureaucracy is not merely inefficient. It has become a curse on governance, development and investor confidence. It is the silent partner in corruption, the breeding ground of delays, files, signatures and come tomorrow” attitudes that quietly kill projects, destroy trust and drive investors away without a single protest slogan ever being shouted.

Foreign investors do not leave Sri Lanka because of speeches in Parliament or street protests. They leave because approvals take months, sometimes years. They leave because permits require endless back and forth between departments that do not communicate with each other. They leave because unofficial facilitation fees are still whispered, hinted at and sometimes bluntly demanded. They leave because predictability, the most valuable currency in investment, simply does not exist here.

This is not theory. It is reality, repeated again and again. International logistics firms that expanded rapidly in Vietnam and Bangladesh have quietly scaled down Sri Lankan operations citing port delays and licensing hurdles. Renewable energy investors who once viewed Sri Lanka as a regional hub walked away after power purchase agreements were stalled in ministries. Even technology startups, which require little physical infrastructure, have moved registration and billing abroad because local systems cannot guarantee basic timelines.

What does it say about a country when global companies are willing to operate in post conflict states and frontier markets but hesitate to expand in Sri Lanka because of paperwork?

The tragedy is that this bureaucracy survives every political revolution. Governments change. Presidents fall. Cabinets reshuffle. But the same desks, the same procedures and the same culture of power without accountability remains intact. Ministers may announce reforms, but files still gather dust unless someone pushes them or pays for them to move.

The NPP government came into office promising systemic change, not cosmetic reform. Yet without confronting the bureaucracy head on, no anti corruption drive can succeed. You can arrest politicians, but if procurement officers, licensing authorities and regulatory officials continue business as usual, corruption simply finds new doors to enter through.

And it is not only foreign investors who suffer. Local entrepreneurs are strangled before they can grow. A young business owner trying to export products must navigate customs, standards authorities, tax offices and multiple ministries. Each step becomes an opportunity for delay. Each delay becomes a financial burden. Many simply give up or operate informally, shrinking the tax base and expanding the underground economy. This is how corruption becomes normalised, not through dramatic scandals, but through daily survival.

Countries that have transformed their economies did not do so through slogans. They did it by building institutions that work. Singapore did not become Singapore because politicians were perfect. It became Singapore because systems were predictable, digital and brutally intolerant of inefficiency and bribery. Rwanda, despite its painful past, streamlined investment approvals to weeks, not years. Even neighbouring India, long infamous for red tape, is aggressively digitising governance to cut human discretion out of basic processes.

Sri Lanka, meanwhile, still worships the stamp, the signature and the file.

If the NPP government is serious about development, then bureaucratic reform must move from speeches to action. This means digitising approvals, setting legal time limits for decisions, publicly tracking applications and holding officials personally accountable for unjustified delays. It means breaking the culture where an official feels no urgency because there are no consequences.

It also means political courage. Bureaucratic networks are powerful. They outlast governments. Challenging them will not be popular within ministries. But leadership was never meant to be comfortable.

Sri Lanka cannot dream of becoming a developed nation while operating like a colonial outpost. Development is not just highways and ports. It is trust in institutions. It is knowing that rules apply equally, that timelines mean something and that investors, local or foreign, are not treated as beggars seeking favours.

The NPP government was not elected merely to replace faces. It was elected to dismantle a culture. A culture that has taught citizens that nothing moves without connections and taught officials that they answer to no one.

Every day this culture survives, young Sri Lankans lose faith. They migrate, they disengage and they stop believing that merit matters. No country can grow when its most ambitious citizens plan their futures elsewhere.

This is the moment for the government to decide whether it will confront the real engine of corruption or simply manage its symptoms. Speeches about clean politics mean little if dirty systems remain untouched.

Sri Lanka does not lack talent, location or opportunity. What it lacks is governance that works without bribery, begging or backroom influence.

If the NPP truly wants to build a new Sri Lanka, it must begin where corruption quietly thrives, behind desks, inside offices and within procedures that have never been questioned.

Because a nation cannot rise when its own system keeps pulling it down.

Jamila Husain

Editor-In-Chief

Annelies Nie | U. Ottawa Faculty of Law, CA Courtesy Jurist News

New

Human Rights Watch (HRW) on Sunday stated that the Sri Lankan government’s proposed counterterrorism legislation risks a similar oppression to its current abusive law. The bill fails to meet benchmarks set by the UN. According to the rights group, the bill also does not comply with Sri Lanka’s rights obligations made to the European Union to benefit from trade arrangements under the Generalised Scheme of Preferences Plus

The proposed law shows Sri Lankan authorities still cling to the belief that counterterrorism legislation grants sweeping, repressive powers unrelated to combating terrorism,” Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at HRW, said. The EU and other international partners should urge President Dissanayake to honor his commitment to abolish the PTA, rather than repackage its disastrous provisions in a new law.”

The Sri Lankan government published the Protection of the State from Terrorism Act (PSTA) in December 2025. The PSTA would effectively replace the current legislative scheme, the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). The PSTA draft includes provisions similar to the PTA, such as extraordinary arrest powers, arbitrary detention, and search and seizure powers. The PSTA also includes the ability to defer or suspend” prosecution. However, critics argue that PSTA fails to provide redress for arbitrary arrest, detention and torture. 

For years, Sri Lanka has been in the spotlight for the contentious PTA. Calls to repeal the legislation have been consistent since its enactment. International bodies have called on the country to repeal or reform this act. With the mounting international pressure to repeal the PTA, its removal was regarded as inevitable. 

In the National People’s Party’s 2024 election manifesto, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake campaigned for the elimination of oppressive legislation. The English version of the manifesto states, abolition of all oppressive acts, including the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and ensuring civil rights of people in all parts of the country.” This specific commitment, however, cannot be found in the Sinhala version of the manifesto, a discrepancy which critics argue requires clarification from the Sri Lankan legal team.

For decades, the PTA has traumatically impacted the lives of Sri Lankans. The proposed counterterrorism legislation continues to fail to meet the Sri Lankan government’s pledge.

Courtesy Hiru News

Police security covers an area near the Sri Muthumari Amman Kovil in Lower Gallanthenna, Galaha, following the discovery of a large blue rock at a landslide site.

Authorities suspect the stone, weighing approximately one tonne, shifted from an upper slope to the lower grounds during landslides triggered by Cyclone Ditwah.

Officials from the National Gem and Jewellery Authority inspected the rock yesterday afternoon (18).

While the authority described the find as a unique cluster of stones, they noted that a definitive identification as a gemstone is not yet possible.

The Galaha Police OIC ordered special protection for the site after rumors of the rock emitting light drew large crowds to the area.

A team from the Gem and Jewellery Authority plans to return in the coming days for further testing, and the police guard will remain until a final determination is made regarding the stone’s value and composition.

Courtesy Hiru News

Delays in the construction of the Central Expressway, caused by protests over a “Crudia zeylanica” (Pandu Karanda) tree, caused significant economic damage to the country, according to former Transport and Highways Minister Dr. Bandula Gunawardena.

He stated that it is fair to recover these financial losses from those who led and participated in the demonstrations.

The former Minister made these remarks as the Chinese construction firm involved in the project reportedly demanded $980 million in compensation due to the work stoppage.

Gunawardena noted that environmentalists, including officer Devani Jayathilaka and various mass organizations, created a situation where the tree could not be removed, despite no official records labeling it the rarest plant in Sri Lanka.

To resolve the deadlock and continue the expressway legally, Gunawardena submitted a cabinet paper which received approval.

Following this, he instructed officials to remove the tree, an operation completed overnight to ensure construction could proceed. He argued that neither the Ministry of Highways, the Ministry of Transport, nor the Road Development Authority should be held responsible for the current compensation claims.

Instead, the former Minister suggested that a formal investigation should identify the protest leaders, including Devani Jayathilaka, and legal action should be taken to recover the damages from them. He also drew parallels to the Port City project, claiming that opposition from the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) led to a $1.5$-year delay, resulting in the government paying substantial compensation at that time as well.

Conversations with Alanki

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir

When a government violates democratic principles, large-scale peaceful demonstrations can send a strong message. It’s a way for people to collectively demonstrate their commitment to democratic values and advocate for change without resorting to violence. The massive protests that followed the killing of Renee Good by ICE in Minneapolis were not spontaneous; it was an outburst of anger and the cumulative result of long-standing tensions with the government.

The demonstrations arose from the struggle to reconcile enforcement power with public trust, which has dramatically eroded. The public reaction echoes profound concerns about how immigration enforcement is conducted, how federal authority is exercised, and how accountability was absent when lethal force was used by federal agents.

The people in American cities protesting ICE are doing what must be done, albeit at great risk. But there is no substitute for people actually pouring into the streets and peacefully protesting. Public protest is not symbolic or abstract; it is a concrete action that matters greatly, as it makes it much more difficult for the government to commit crimes with no accountability.

The protests that followed the killing of Good were driven as much by fear and insecurity as by grief, as demonstrations spread across the country. A consistent pattern emerged across cities with very different political and social spectrums. Protesters voiced similar concerns—the breakdown of law and order, and the vile behavior of the Trump administration.

Continued, relentless, and frequent peaceful demonstrations by the millions from coast to coast are sine qua non for protecting our democracy and bringing an end to the nightmare that has engulfed the country. Millions of Americans, irrespective of their political orientation, race, ethnicity, or religion, who care about the country’s future, must pour into the streets, with one message:

We will never be deterred, succumb or be intimidated, and we will remain resilient and steadfast and resort to any other peaceful means, including civil disobedience and strikes, until Trump halts his violations of our democratic principles and fully adheres to his oath of office to defend and protect the Constitution.

Expressing dissent, however, is not limited to peaceful protests; fostering open dialogue is another way for people to express dissent, and it can involve different groups. Community leaders, educators, civil society organizations, and even everyday citizens can all play a role in town halls or community forums. It’s about creating a space where people share their views and listen to one another. Saving our democracy is a shared duty and responsibility across society.

Without meaningful avenues for accountability, public trust erodes, and protest becomes the only remaining tool available to citizens. From a policy perspective, the scale of these protests points to an institutional imbalance: enforcement systems depend not only on legal authority but on public consent.

The public, which would bear the brunt of dictatorial rule, must be the first line of defense, prepared to face any threat, intimidation, or force, and remain resilient and unwavering in their commitment to protecting our precious democratic way of life.

It cannot be reiterated enough that relentless and massive public protest from coast to coast is the only way to stop this lawless Trump administration from destroying our democracy before it’s too late.

____________

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU. He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

alon@alonben-meir.com                                                                                                               Web: www.alonben-meir.com

Courtesy Hiru News

රටේ සංස්කෘතිය සහ සභ්‍යත්වය විනාශ කිරීමේ කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් ඇතැයි අස්ගිරි පාර්ශ්වයේ මහ නායක අතිපූජ්‍ය වරකාගොඩ ශ්‍රී ඥානරතන මහ නා හිමියන් පෙන්වා දෙනවා.

උන්වහන්සේ මේ බව සඳහන් කළේ, බදුල්ල මුතියංගණය රජමහා විහාරයේ පැවැති ආගමික වැඩසටහනකට වැඩම කළ අවස්ථාවේදීයි.

මෙම අවස්ථාවට අනුශාසනා කළ උන්වහන්සේ වර්තමානයේ බුදුදහමට සහ සිංහල සංස්කෘතියට එල්ල වී ඇති අභියෝග පිළිබඳව සිය අවධානය යොමු කරනු ලැබුවා.

එමෙන්ම, අතීතයේ සිට විවිධ ජාතීන් සහ ආගමිකයන් සහෝදරත්වයෙන් ජීවත් වූ රටක් වුවද, ඇතැම් පිරිස් බුදුදහමට සහ අපේ සංස්කෘතියට විනාශකාරී බලපෑම් එල්ල කිරීමට උත්සාහ කරන බවත් උන්වහන්සේ සඳහන් කළා.

බුදුදහම, ජාතිය සහ ශිෂ්ටාචාරය විනාශ කිරීමේ අරමුණින් ඇතැම් කටයුතු සිදුවන බව පෙනෙන්නට තිබෙන බවත් ඒ පිළිබඳව මහජනතාව අවදියෙන් සිටිය යුතු බවත්, රටේ සංස්කෘතිය සහ බුදුදහම ආරක්ෂා කර ගැනීම භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේලාට පමණක් තනිව කළ නොහැකි කාර්යයක් බවත්, ඒ සඳහා සියලු දෙනා එක්ව කටයුතු කළ යුතු බවත් උන්වහන්සේ වැඩිදුරටත් සඳහන් කළා.

TOP News lk

Dark Room

Courtesy Hiru News

Six former Members of Parliament have filed petitions in the Supreme Court challenging the constitutionality of the bill proposed to abolish parliamentary pensions.

The first petition was filed by former MPs M.M. Premasiri, Navaratne Banda, B.M. Deepal Gunasekera, and Samansiri Herath.

A second petition regarding the same matter was submitted by former members Piyasoma Upali and Upali Amarasiri.

The petitioners contend that certain provisions of the proposed bill violate fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution.

They have requested the Supreme Court to rule that the bill must be passed by a special majority in Parliament and approved by the people at a referendum if it is to become law.

Dilrook Kannangara

The world’s oldest ideology-led regime has beaten Gen Z protests when far more flexible and democratic regimes have collapsed. Interestingly not so much by using violence but by using latest technology. The use of violence is unfortunate but failed to quell rioting and protests. Gen Z very heavily rely on the internet not just to connect and spread information but also as a daily routine. If a section of Gen Z resorts to regime change protests or political upheaval, the surest way to bust them is to cut off the internet. It has other casualties but it stops regime change operations in their tracks.

For right reasons and wrong, protestors and rioters in Iran came to the streets, caused mayhem and disrupted daily life. As in the past the old-fashioned regime used violence against them. It worsened unrest. As the last resort the regime cut off the internet service in the country. However, the US regime backed by the Starlink satellite services provider came to the rescue of protestors by providing Starlink satellite services and reestablished internet services for users with mobile devices. Iran was ready for this eventuality. Months prior to the protests Iran received Starlink jamming equipment from Russia. They did the trick.

This equipment, positioned within a certain distance from receivers, disrupts satellite signals in 2 ways. Firstly, it automatically identifies the frequency of the communication and creates noise in that very same frequency drowning out the signal. Secondly it uses an inherent vulnerability of the Starlink system to disrupt its users. Unlike geo-static satellites, Starlink satellites are not stationery. They travel comparative to ground locations. In order to keep servicing a receiver it relies on precise GPS coordinates of the receiver on ground which are passed on from one satellite to another. Jamming GPS disrupts this connection.

It costed Iran around $37 million a day which is not cheap but in the scheme of things it is far less than the cost of economic standstill and damage to property. Iran is a large country with dispersed cities around it. If it were a smaller nation the cost would have been far less.

Unable to connect and spread information, protestors gradually left the movement. At least for now. Confiscation of Starlink receivers also helped.

This will be an effective mechanism to quell riots and protests around the world. Modern world problems demand modern solutions. It does cause inconvenience to the community which in turn creates friction between the masses and protestors. Who holds their ground the longest wins. Some can’t go about their chores without the internet for a couple of hours! That is their vulnerability which can be exploited to tame them.