Courtesy Hiru News

Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe has clarified that liquor licenses were not issued for profit but as a means to generate significant revenue for the state.

In a statement, he expressed regret over the misuse of the excise license issuance process, which he emphasized was part of a long-term strategy to rebuild the countrys bankrupt economy, now being politicized for narrow agendas.

Wickremesinghe also noted that all amendments related to the process had received the approval of the Public Finance Committee in Parliament

KAMALIKA PIERIS

K.W Devanayagam held a second press conference on 16^th September, 1983 and announced that the situation was worsening. He said the Tamils of the Batticaloa district were getting agitated and a confrontational situation was developing. [1]

 He told the press that a massive attempt was on by Sinhala farmers, led by the Dimbulagala priest, to encroach on the portion of land reserved for the Tamil people under the Maduru Oya Scheme.  He added that the land in question was within the traditional areas inhabited by the Tamils.  If the Sinhalese insist on invading this territory, a clash between the Tamils and the Sinhalese is inevitable. I have told that to the President, Devanayagam said.

Mahaweli Ministry was helping, said Devanayagam. He produced photographs to prove this.  The photographs showed lorries and other vehicles belonging to the Mahaweli Ministry transporting men and material.  They showed Mahaweli Authority officials, contractors and workers in action.

The Mahaweli Authority had done everything openly. Its fleet of lorries transported the peasants from the Dimbulagala temple to the settlement site.  It ferried poles, tin sheets, cadjan and other materials needed to put up sheds to house the settlers.  It carried stocks of cement and provisions needed for the settlers.  The Mahaweli Authority’s tractors and bulldozers cleared the land needed to put up the sheds.

The matter was taken up by the press.[2] Controversy raged. There were accusations and counter accusations. Press statements were made not only by Devanayagam but also by Gamini Dissanayake and Dimbulagala Hamuduruwo, recalled Malinga Gunaratne. [3]

A highly worked-up Devanayagam issued two warnings during the second press briefing. He said, if a Sinhala- Tamil clash is to be avoided, the squatters should be sent away.  If this was not done he would  resign from the Cabinet.

JR Jayewardene took serious note of this settlement matter because India was objecting. India has been alerted by the Tamil Separatist Movement. Indian High Commissioner S.J.Chatwal was instructed to meet JR and convey to him India’s displeasure over the Maduru Oya matter.

JR asked Ranil Wickremesinghe to go to the site and give him a firsthand report on ‘what the Dimbulagala priest is doing out there.’  Ranil Wickremesinghe reported back. President Jayewardene decided he wanted the new Sinhala settlement completely dismantled. Mahaweli Authority officials seemed reluctant to do so and JR  turned to UNP Minister Paul Perera, the invisible leader of the Gampaha underworld”.[4]

Paul Perera was made Additional District Minister of Polonnaruwa and authorized to evict the settlers using force if necessary.  Col. Benedict Silva of the Volunteer Force was appointed his assistant.

  Paul Perera gave journalist T. Sabaratnam a special, in my opinion heavily sanitized, interview on the matter. He told Sabaratnam that   he had appealed to the settlers to get back to their villages.  He told them that  private individuals have no authority to allocate state land. And he subtly indicated that, if the settlers fail to respond to his appeal, he would be compelled to use force to evict them.

He used the police and the army to evict the squatters.  He went to Polonnaruwa and met police and army officers.  He told them to act with tact.   Don’t harm them,” was his strict order.  The squatters were all chased out, wrote Sabaratnam.  Dimbulagala priest was also sent away.  When the priest resisted the police told him that they were carrying out President Jayewardene’s orders.

Others had a different story. Paul Perera came and the smell of blood was everywhere”, said Malinga Gunaratne. Malinga went silent at this point in his book, saying he did not like to besmirch his narrative with the methods they used .He should have done so. That information would have far more been useful than some of the trivia included in the book.

 But Malinga does say atrocities were committed. There are living but lame witnesses in Nikawewa at Padaviya who will bear testimony to the atrocities committed. They were chased out with butt stroke and jackboot. Their houses  were burnt.  The people who did the chasing were Sinhala, observed Malinga.  They were chased away by  Sinhalese,  he said.

Medhananda corroborated. The settlers were    assaulted and chased away, on JR’s orders, by Paul Perera, said Medhananda . [5]  The houses of the settlers were set on fire. The settlers  took refuge in Dimbulagala pasala. They were later sent to Dollar and Kent farms  where they were  killed,  concluded   Medhananda.

The Dimbulagala led Maduru oya settlement venture was completely crushed. Maduru Oya Sinhala settlers were all  chased away. But the matter did not end there. The government   took the view that this episode was actually some kind of    conspiracy  .The police were asked  to investigate. Cyril Mathew’s name was  mentioned.[6] But Mathew had nothing to do  with the matter.

The police therefore focused on Malinga Gunaratne as the prime suspect. Malinga had blabbed about the settlement at a dinner party at his home on October 10^th. This was conveyed to   the President  by  two of the guests who had attended Malinda’s party. On the 17^th the police contacted Malinga   and the investigation began.

Malinga underwent a   protracted ordeal. He was put in a police cell and interrogated. He was also summoned to the 5^th floor of the CID  where  questioning went on for 15 hours nonstop.   He was  kept under house arrest.    He was asked to make a confession   as he was to be charged in courts for funding  the Maduru oya settlement. Malinga  fiercely resisted all this.

Malinga was saved through the intervention of several influential persons including Ranil Wickremesinghe and Arumugam Thondaman. JR wanted a written statement from Malinga, which Malinga provided. JR  interviewed Malinga at  his   Ward Place residence in  May 1985 and ‘settled’ the case. The full story can be read in Malinda’s book For a sovereign state”. This ended the Maduru oya settlement saga.

However, this aborted settlement project should not be forgotten. It has many implications for Sinhalisation. Firstly, thanks to this operation, it was confirmed that there were Tamil settlements in Maduru oya. These were revealed.

Devanayagam admitted at the press conference that there were Tamil settlements at Maduru Oya. He  referred to a letter GA Batticaloa had sent on 4 September to the Ministry of Home Affairs, copied to him as  MP for Batticaloa .

 The letter said that Kalladichchenai   ( Mutur area) and Uthuchchenai( Vadamuni area)[7] were the ancient Tamil villages of the area .  They were purana villages.  An irrigation scheme had been drawn up in 1958 to open up 685 acres of paddy land and highland around these villages for settlement under the village expansion scheme. [8]

 Then In 1974 ten Tamil families of Indian origin were allocated land in Wadamunai under an agreement Devanayagam had reached with the Irrigation Ministry.[9] After the 1977 riots, 48 Indian Tamil families were allocated land under another agreement  with Gamini Dissanayake. Residents of the two traditional villages were allocated the remaining land. [10]

A further 200 Sri Lankan Tamil families from these villages had encroached on 600 acres of the land earmarked for development under the Maduru Oya Right Bank Development Scheme, admitted Devanayagam. They have not been regularized but these encroachments are long standing said Devanayagam.  [11]  Under the scheme of regularization of encroachments of state land implemented by Gamini Dissanayake in 1979, these families were entitled to those lands.[12]

Dimbulagala also gave information on Tamil encroachments in Batticaloa area. . He drew attention to the large areas of barren land there, which have been encroached on by illegal settlers.   Nearly 15,000 acres have been colonized in this manner with Tamils from estates, he said. These areas include Pullimalai, Unnicchai, Rugama and Punnakuda. [13]

Dimbulagala also recalled that In 1971 K.W Devanayagam brought estate Tamils to Kalkudah and settled them in the area. [14] I opposed this. Tamil in Batticaloa carried out a smear campaign against me. I wrote to   Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike.  Prime Minister summoned a meeting in which I participated. I explained the position and Prime Minister agreed to send officials to look into the matter.

 There was an inquiry and it was decided to remove the squatters but Devanayagam intervened and asked for time for the arrivals to reap the harvest. They were given three months but instead of leaving, the encroachers went into the jungle and hid. Later they got land in Vadumunai area and   assistance from Sarvodaya, World Food Programme and Gandhian Movement.  ( Continued)

[1] www.sangam.org/articles/view2/?uid=626 T Sabaratnam

[2] I  have not  looked at this newspaper discussion

[3]  Malinga Gunaratne. For a sovereign state

[4] Dharman Wickremaratne, https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2015/08/15/how-the-unp-gave-birth-to-underworld-rapist-gonawala-sunil-dies-under-a-hail-of-bullets/

[5]  Lakshman Kahatapitiya. Ellawela Medhananda hamuduruwo. P    314

[6]   Malinga Gunaratne For a sovereign state p 181

[7]  Text says  Kallichenai and Oothuchenai 

[8] www.sangam.org/articles/view2/?uid=626 T Sabaratnam

[9]  Malinga Gunaratne. For a sovereign state p 95

[10] www.sangam.org/articles/view2/?uid=626 T Sabaratnam

[11]  Malinga Gunaratne. For a sovereign state p 96

[12] www.sangam.org/articles/view2/?uid=626 T Sabaratnam

[13]  Malinga Gunaratne. For a sovereign state  p130

[14] Malinga Gunaratne For a sovereign state. P  132

by Garvin Karunaratne

The Background

Sri Lanka is facing a severe recession . During the reign when Ranil Wickremasinghe ruled as the President from mid 2022 to November 2024, with the majority in Parliament supporting him the foreign debt ballooned from $ 56 billion in 2022 to as much as $ 100 billion when the NPP took over. In this period of two years and four months, following the dictates of the IMF experts, the foreign debt has almost doubled.

Yet we follow the same path. Where will it all end.

If Our new President follows the same methods and strategies our foreign debt will balloon further and he will get the blame. The Structural Adjustment Programme which was imposed on Sri Lanka in 1977 is so flawed that every country that followed it has gone from bad to worse.

In the two years 2022 to 2024, every dictate of the IMF was followed to the hilt and Sri Lanka’s economy floundered.

. It was a grave situation of people facing starvation and death due to lack of medical supplies. The situation was so severe that the people at a general election held in November 2024, rejected all political parties that had so far ruled the country, and elected the NPP, comprising major groups like the Janata Vimukti Peramuna, the ultra left.

It is hoped that the leading officials of the IMF who I hope will read this paper decide that our country should be allowed to assess and adopt different methods other than what the IMF has advised the countries to follow. It will be in the interests of the IMF to at least find a single successful country.

This situation is due to the fact that we have from 1977 changed, and altered the excellent agricultural extension system we had. We have had to import 700,000 tons of rice and mark my words we will have to import rice again in January. Again we will have to import rice after the Maha season ends in July . The fact is that we do not have a proper extension system today. Thus it is incumbent on the new administration of President Anura Kumara Dissabnayake to . develop a new agricultural extension system fast. .

Emerging from the colonial status to independence in 1948, the economy was run under full control- development- agriculture, livestock and industries, building tanks, opening up land, building roads etc. were all done with Rupees- the local printed currency. Foreign currency earned through exports and services provided was carefully collected- every dollar was documented- there were no foreign currency dealers and the collection at the banks was totally controlled. No dollars were allowed for foreign travel unless the travel was essential for the country, no dollars were given for foreign studies.

Allocations of foreign exchange were made for essential imports- food, medicines. To enable industries and production in the country allocations of foreign exchange were given by the Ministry of Industries for large industries and by the Department of Small Industries to small industrialists. Very small allocations were given for the import of cars, fridges. When I left Sri Lanka in1973 I was not given any foreign money. When my wife went in December 1973 she was given only three pounds and six shillings for her and three accompanying children. The use of foreign exchange was in firm control.

I am certain of this because I was an Assistant Commissioner in agricultural marketing, in agricultural development and small industry. I worked as Deputy Director of Small Industries allocating foreign exchange for essential imports to small industrialists in 1970. In 1971-1973 I was the GA at Matara.

A major change came with President Jayawardena seeking financial assistance from the IMF at the end of 1977 and the IMF forcing Sri Lanka to follow the Structural Adjustment Programme(SAP). The IMF insisted that the use of foreign exchange had to be relaxed- for the import of everything, and had to be relaxed in use for foreign travel, for foreign study and for this purpose gave dollar loans freely to Sri Lanka. Evidently this was done to make the country indebted.

The Structural Adjustment was based on the principle of the Private Sector as the engine of growth and the development programmes that dealt with commerce- the Marketing Department that implemented the Vegetable & Fruit Marketing Scheme , the Guaranteed Price Scheme for paddy , The Small Industrial Programmes- like Powerlooms and Handlooms were all to be closed down and that included the Cannery and Velona. Velona was the institute that guided and monitored textile manufacture. The Cannery established in 1955 made Sri Lanka self sufficient in all fruit produce like jam and drinks.

This liberal use of foreign exchange from 1977 that caused the build up of a foreign debt to $ 9 million by the end of UNP rule in 1995, to $ 49.5 billion by 2019 and to $ 56 billion by 2022and to as much as $ 100 billion in 2024. . The foreign debt had to be serviced- payment of interest and repayments and as there was no development it was a case of getting into further foreign debt to service the debt. Speaking of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe, the country’s debt increased from $ 50 billion to $ 100 billion in his two years 2022 to 2025. Instead of being ashamed he yet talks as if he did great. It is sad that no one dares to state that he ruined the economy. It is no achievement to flood the country with imports.

The IMF’s Structural Adjustment has caused poverty and the demise of many countries. What happened to many African countries is aptly described by Professor Jeffery Sachs:

Western Governments enforced draconian budget policies in Africa during the 1980s and 1990s. The IMF and the World Bank virtually ran the economic policies of the debt ridden continent recommending regimens of budgetary belt tightening known technically as Structural Adjustment Programmes. . These Programmes had little scientific merit and produced even fewer results. By the start of the twenty first century Africa was poorer than in the late 1960s when the IMF and the World bank had first arrived on the scene with disease, population growth,and environmental degradation spiralling out of control. IMF led austerity has frequently led to riots, coups and the collapse of public services.”(From The End of Poverty)

The IMF comes in as expressed aptly by Mahatir Muhammed former Prime Minister of Malaysia,  the personage that was successful in enabling Malaysia to face the East Asian Financial Crisis without any Aid from the IMF. •

‘If you go to the IMF and World Bank, their only interest is that you repay the loans. They don’t care what happens to the country, politically or economically… 

They also want to take over the running of the country and the economic policy of the country, which means we have to surrender to them.’ –

In short the IMF is not concerned with helping the countries to solve the problem. The IMF prescription causes the country to get indebted so that it will fall into their lap to search for further loans and get into severe debt. That is what happened to Sri Lanka

It is upto the country to understand what has really happened and find a solution. There can be starvation in the country- lack of food , medicines and essentials – but the IMF and the World Bank are not concerned.

The Plan for Action

The Only method is to get back to how we managed before the IMF imposed the SAP.

We have to  manage somehow with our incomes and attend to development- develop agriculture, livestock and industries with local currency.

For this purpose we have to mount a massive programme to make things ourselves and import only essentials.

All consumer goods have to be produced in the country.

We imported even banana crisps from Vietnam, Fruit Drinks from Australia, Cyprus, Tomatoe Sauce from the USA , Paratha from Singapore. We import even step ladders!

We have to develop programmes to make all these items.

The base has to lie in the development of agriculture, livestock and industries. This brings about incomes to the people in the process of bringing about production.

In agriculture it has to be realized that before the entry of the IMF in 1978, Sri Lanka had a very effective agricultural extension system. There was the Department of Agriculture with its Research Stations that produced the miracle high yielding paddy varieties H4 and H8, well before the IRRI( the International Rice Research Institute) was established by the USA in the Philippines in 1970. The Batalagoda and other Rice Research Institutes produced the miracle seeds H4 and H8 which were made available to farmers. 

 A vibrant credit scheme was available through cooperatives. I was an essential part of this and speak from sheer experience. The Department of Agriculture had a staff of trained agricultural overseers, at the village level. In addition, the Department of Agrarian Services was formed in the late Fifties to implement the Paddy Lands Act and it took over Rice Milling and Purchases of paddy at the premium prices under the Guaranteed Price Scheme for Cereals. This Department established cultivation committees of farmers and these committees were in charge of organizing paddy cultivation with the active participation of the farmers. This brought about increased yields. Loans were made available by the Department of Agrarian Services to the farmers through cooperatives. There were Multipurpose Cooperative Societies established all over the producer areas and the cultivation committees followed community development principles in enlisting the cooperation of cultivators to follow new practices like using high yielding varieties row seeding, weeding, application of weedicides etc. 

There was a staff of Assistant Commissioner in each District with around five to ten Divisional Officers and under the Divisional Officers there were trained overseers. In the entire island there were over a thousand overseers- called Field Assistants- one year trained in paddy cultivation. I served as an Assistant Commissioner and handled paddy production. In 1962 I was in charge of fertilizer distribution and disbursing loans to cooperatives. I designed the first circular detailing the use of fertilizer- there were three varieties to be used at different stages of the paddy plant growth. The Cultivation Committees did a grand task in the use of high yielding varieties and the appropriate use of fertilizer. The combination of the Department of Agriculture with its village level overseers and the Agrarian Services with its active cultivation committees did wonders in rice production. This was in the Sixties.

The Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake, when elected in 1965 took on the mantle of furthering paddy cultivation. Hitherto the District Administration was headed by a senior officer of the Administrative Service, the Government Agent. He was in charge of rural development, small industries and land development. The services of the Government Agent was obtained for the paddy production programme. Every Government Agent was given a senior assistant an Additional Government Agent to enable the Government Agent to devote full attention to paddy cultivation. The GA was gazetted as a Deputy Director of Agriculture, Agrarian Services and Cooperatives to enable them to give directions to the district staff of the three department: Agriculture, Agrarian Services and Cooperative Development.

 In order to ensure that yield levels were authentically done crop cutting surveys were organized based on random sampling and the crop cutting surveys were done by staff officers of other departments. This was done as a super check on the work of agricultural officers. The Prime Minister took a personal interest and there were selections of the best farmers who were given funds to proceed on pilgrimage to the holy sites of Buddha Gaya.

This multi pronged effort at paddy cultivation enabled Sri Lanka to become self sufficient in paddy production.

This excellent agricultural extension service came to be radically changed.

1.The Services of the Government Agent for paddy production ceased in 1970 with the iimplementation of the Divisional Development Councils Programme to provide employment to youths in industry and agriculture. Paddy production reverted back to the Agrarian Services and the Department of Agriculture.

2. In a few years- by 1978, the ruling UNP rule of President Jayawardena abolished the Paddy Lands Act and with this move the Department of Agrarian Services with its Divisioanl Officers and trained Field Assistants at the village level ceased to exist.

3. The Department of Agrarian Services had taken control over minor irrigation and with the abolition of the Paddy Lands Act and its cultiation committees, minor irrigation continued without any supervision, Years later Yaya Palakas were appointed but they had no cultivation committee to attend to the cultivation of paddy with the participation of the farmers.

4. The Crop Cutting Surveys were also disbanded. On the grounds that it was too costly.(Statement by the Secretary to Agriculture: (page 56 of 2006 book)

5. Around 1992, President Premadasa promoted all agricultural overseers to the rank of Grama Niladhari and thus there was no agricultural overseer at the village level. Today the work of the Agricultural Department ceases at the Divisional level and the lowest officer of the Agricultural Department- the agricultural instructor has to attend to as much as13,000 farmers in Yodakandiya or 3500 farmers at Ranoruwa, thus the work of the agricultural instructor is seriously impeded. In short the Department of Agriculture ceases below the divisional level.(See page 80, Nuwarakalaviya) Thus there is no adherence to dates of cultivation seasons and the tanks are not maintained now. Minor irrigation and the tanks that provide water stand totally neglected.

6. The World Bank around 1979 decided that agricultural officers must not use any organizations like cooperatives for extension and instead should contact farmers direct. This was imposed on all countries and the World Bank gave rewards of funds to countries that followed this method. Countries followed this method to get the rewards- funds and this meant that the officers could not contact farmers. They could only meet a few farmers out of thousands in their area. It is my opinion that this system was intended to cripple agricultural production in the Third World. The USA stands to benefit in getting their sales of what flour increased in the process.

.

Thus the agricultural extension service has to be built up with a farmer’s organization like a cultivation committee cooperative at the base where the farmers can meet, decide their priorities and act together. A new extension system has to be ordained. When I established cultivation committees in Anuradhapura District in 1962, the farmers enthusiastically debated and followed new seed and applied fertilizer which resulted in a bumper crop. That is how we became self sufficient in 1970

These facts caused a breakdown in agricultural extension and any development in paddy production or in any crop production cannot be done now.

Paddy cultivation has to get reorganized immediately and unless this is done we will have to import 300,000 tons of rice or more, at the end of each season.

I shall close my Paper with a comment to one of my earlier papers (10092020)by a Plant Pathologist at MahaIllupallama farm, who became a scholar and migrated abroad.:

2 Responses to How our excellent agricultural extension system of the Sixties was sacrificed.”

1. Gunasinghe

 Says:
September 10th, 2020 at 5:03 pm

Dr. Karu, Point well taken. Whole agriculture department is ruin now. I was a plant pathologist (RO) at Mahailluppallama. I joined in late 1979. At that time the station was doing good with lot of officers with experience and extension division had a good in-service center. Lot of training were taking place at that time. I used to go to fields and took time to talk to farmers and gave some instructions how to control some diseases specially in Chile cultivation. I left Sri lanka in 1983 with wining Fulbright scholarship. I tried to come back after finishing my PhD and Department refused to extent my no-pay leave and fired me. To make the story short, in my recent visit to MI research station I was so sad to see the situation. All the building were in ruin. Many research fields are with grass and other weeds. No in-service center. Extension is no more. Department has gone to dogs. I am from a Village in Anuradhapura area. When I went to my village I noticed that most of farmers spaying weedicides to clean NEYARA (dived liyadi in paddi field). Old days farmers clean NIYARA with UDALLA. It is clear that weed killers abused.

In my days at Anuradhapurain 1962, MahaIllupallama was in great shape, luscious growth. That was Dr Ernest Abeyratne at work. It is the excessive use of weedicides and the use of fertilizer at the wrong time that has caused the CDKU kidney disease that has caused the death of over 40,000 farmers and has committed around half a million to the death row.

Garvin Karunaratne PhD Michigan State in agriculture and Education, former GA Matara and Assistant Commissioner of Agrarian Services in Anuradhapura from 1962-1963

By Nalliah Thayabharan

Eelam is mentioned in the very oldest Babylonian inscriptions. Southern Elam was known as Anshan from the earliest times to the days of the Persian empire. Long before the rise of the city of Babylon the old city-states of Accad and Lagash held for a time part of the Eelamitic territory, and border warfare was very frequent. In the 23rd century BC, Eelamites conquered the city of Ellasar (Larsa) and the whole of Babylonia. Eelam offered prolonged resistance to the Assyrians in the 8th and 7th centuries BC. Assurbanipal crushed and annexed Babylonia, put an end to the independence of Eelam itself by taking the capital Susa in 645 BC and making the whole country one of his many provinces. After the downfall of Assyria, northern Eelam became subject to the victorious Medes, and later southern Eelam was occupied by the Persians.

According to the Tamil Dictionary published by University of Madras, Eelam is a Pali word – not a Dravidian word!!! Eelam has the same meaning as Hela and Sinhala!!!!

Sihala is attested for the first time in present day Andhra Pradesh to refer to a Buddhist temple meant for monks from Sri Lanka in the 3rd century AD. Hela is a derivation of Eela that was Prakritized as Sihala and eventually Sanskritized as Simhala in the 5th century AD.

Not only Eezham, Eelam, Cilam, Chilam, Eelavar, Eela, I’la, Lemuria, E’lu, He’la, Seeha’la, Simha’la and Sinhala cognates, but so are the Greek Salai” and Seiladiba”; the Arab Serendib”; Portuguese Ceilao” and the colonial Ceylon” cognates.

Also Eelam is a word used exclusively for toddy beginning from the common era up until the medieval period. Eelavar in South Indian medieval inscriptions refer to the caste or function of toddy-drawers. Eelavar is a caste of toddy tappers in the southern parts of present Kerala.

Until the 9th century AD, with the exception of the megalithic remains of Pomparippu and the possible exception of those of Kathiraveli, there is no definite evidence regarding a Dravidian settlement in our country.
It is possible that there were some Tamil settlers in the Batticaloa district from the 13 century AD onwards.

Several writers on the history of Jaffna, basing their studies on the traditional legends found in the late Tamil chronicles, have put forward certain theories claiming the establishment of Tamil settlements in Jaffna in the period of the Anuradhapura rulers. These theories are not accepted by serious students of history as they are not based on trustworthy data. Many of these have been convincingly dismissed by scholars in recent years.

According to the Pali chronicle the port of Jambukola (Camputturai), on the eastern coast of the peninsula, was the main port of embarkation to Tamralipti in Eastern India from at least the time of King Devanampiyatissa (250-210 BC). The two embassies from the island to the court of Ashoka embarked on their voyage from Jambukola. Sangamitta arrived with the Bo-sapling at this port.

The Samudda-panna-sala, commemorating the arrival of the Bo sapling, and the Jambukola Vihara were built there by Devanampriya Tissa. The northernmost part of the island was under the suzerainty of the Anuradhapura king in the 3rd century BC and that Buddhism had begun to spread by that time in that part of the island as in the other parts.

The language of the gold plate inscription from Vallipuram, the earliest epigraphic record discovered in the Jaffna peninsula, is the early form of Sinhalese, in which inscriptions of the time in other parts of the island were written. Sinhalese were settled in the Jaffna peninsula, or in some parts at least, in the second century AD. There were Tamil speaking traders in the port of Jambukola but there is no evidence that points to Tamil settlements in the peninsula at that time

The gold plate from Vallipuram reveals that there were Buddhists in that part of the peninsula in the 2nd century AD. At the site of this inscription the foundations are in the premises of a modern Vishnu temple. There is little doubt that the Vishnu temple was the original Buddhist monument converted into a Vaishnava establishment at a later date when Tamils settled in the area.
Such conversion of Buddhist establishments into Saiva and Vaishnava temples was a common phenomenon in the Jaffna peninsula after it was settled by Dravidians.

In the premises of another Vishnu temple at Moolai were discovered some ‘vestiges of ancient remains of walls’ and a broken sedent Buddha image. Again in a Saiva temple at Mahiyapitti a Buddha image was found under a stone step in the temple tank. A lime-stone Buddha image and the remains of an ancient dagaba were unearthed at Nilavarai, in Navakiri.

Among the debris were two sculptured fragments of shaped coral stones with a stone railing design. The dagaba can be dated at least to the 10th century AD. Near these ruins are the foundations of an ancient building and in the middle of the thesis a modern Shiva temple. The old foundations are those of the vihara attached to the ancient dagaba.

Buddha images have also been discovered in Uduvil, Kantharodai and Jaffna town. Kantarodai has yielded a very important Buddhist establishment in the region in early times. Such artifacts as the glazed tiles and the circular discs discovered here have helped to connect the finds with those of Anuradhapura.

The Sinhala Nampota, dated in its present form to the 14th or 15th century, preserved the names of some of the places of Buddhist worship in the Jaffna peninsula, Kantarodai is mentioned among these places. The others are Nagakovila (Nakarkovil), Telipola (Tellipalai), Mallagama (Mallakam), Minuwangomu Viharaya (Vimankamam). Tanji Divaina (Thana-tivu or kayts), Nagadivayina (Nakathivu or Nayinathivu). Puvangudivayina (Punkudu-thivu) and Kradivayina (Karaitivu). Of the Buddhist establishments in these places only the vihara and Dagabo at Nakativu have survived to this day. It is justifiable to assume that the Nampotalist dates back to the time when the Buddhist establishments of these places were well known centres of worship. This was probably before the 13th century, for after this date the people of the Jaffna peninsula were mainly Saivas.

In the Anuradhapura period, and possibly till about the 12th century AD, there were Buddhists in the Jaffna peninsula.

Although it may appear reasonable to presume that these Buddhists were Sinhalese like those in other parts of the island, some have tried to argue that they were Tamils. While it is true that there were Tamil Buddhists in South India and Ceylon before the 12th century AD and possibly even later, there is evidence to show that the Buddhists who occupied the Jaffna peninsula in the Anuradhapura period were Sinhalese.

The toponymic evidence unmistakably points to the presence of Sinhala settlers in the peninsula before Tamils settled there. In an area of less than 2,500 sq km covered by Jaffna peninsula, there occur over a thousand Sinhalese place names which have survived in a Tamil garb. The Yalppana-vaipava-malai, the Tamil chronicle of Jaffna, confirms this when it states that there were Sinhalese people in Jaffna at the time of the first Tamil colonisation of the area.

The survival of Sinhalese elements on the local nomenclature indicates a slow and peaceful penetration of Tamils in the area rather than violent occupation. This is in contrast with the evidence of the place names of the North Central Province, where Sinhalese names have been largely replaced by Tamil names. The large percentage of Sinhalese elements and the occurrence of Sinhala and Tamil compounds in the place names of Jaffna point to a long survival of the Sinhala population and an intimate intercourse between them and the Tamils.

This is also, borne out by the retention of some territorial names, like Valikamam (Sinhala- Weligama) and Maratchi (Maracci-rata), which points to the retention of the old territorial divisions and tell strongly against wholesale extermination or displacement of the Sinhalese population.

In the 9th and 10th centuries some villages in Rajaratta accommodated Tamil settlers but these were by no means numerous. There were many Tamil settlers in the Jaffna peninsula or in any part of the island other than the major ports and the capital city before the 10th century. The earliest evidence regarding the presence of Tamils in the Jaffna peninsula is from the Tamil inscription of Parakramabahu I (1153 – 1186) from Nainativu. Evidences also point to minor settlements of Tamils in important ports as Mahatitha (Mannar) and Gokanna(Trincomalee) as well as in Anuradhapura There were Tamil traders in the ports of Jambukola and Uratota, in the Jaffna peninsula.

The Sanskrit inscription from Trincomalee, discovered among the ruins of the Koneswaram temple, refers to a personage named Cadaganga (Kulakkottan) who went to Ceylon in 1223. The inscription is fragmentary and is engraved on a part of a stone door jamb. Among the decipherable words is the name Gokarna, the ancient name of Trincomalee and the root from which the name of the temple is derived (Gokarnesvara).

In the Tamil Vanni districts only a few Dravidian style Saiva temples of the 13th century have been found. Among these the temples at Tirukkovil, Kapuralla, and Nallathanni-irakkam and the Saiva remains at Uruththirapuram and Kuruntanurare notable. These certainly indicate the existence or Tamil settlements in those places in the 13th century.

Materials from Buddhist structures were used in the building of Saiva and Vaishnava temples. Monumental remains of a different type attest to the destruction wrought by the invaders and the conversion of Buddhist institutions into places of Saiva worship by the new settlers. The many scattered ruins of Buddhist monasteries and temples all over the Vanni region preserve the memory of the Sinhalese Buddhist settlements that once covered these parts.

Several of the pilima-ges (image houses) attached to the monasteries in places like Kovilkadu, Malikai, Omanthai, Kanakarayan kulam, Irasenthiran kulam, Chinnappuvarasan kulam and Madukanda were converted into Saiva tempels, often dedicated to Ganesha. Buddha images or inscribed slabs from the Buddhist structures were used to make the Ganesha statues. A number of small Saiva shrines have been found in association with Buddhist remains. The destruction of several of the Buddhist edifices and the conversion of pilima-ges into Saiva temples may have begun at the time of Magha. In the North Central Province on Minneriya Road, close to Polonnaruwa, were discovered a few Saiva edifies which were built of materials from Buddhist structures.

A door jamb from one of the Saiva shrines there was found to bear part of an inscription of Parakramabahu 1. A broken pillar shaft with Sinhalese writing of the tenth century was recovered from the enclosing wall of another shrine. In one of the Vishnu temples of Polonnaruwa, fragments of Nissankamalla’s stone inscriptions were found. In the same place, two fragments of a broken pillar with Sinhalese writing about the 10 century AD served as steps of one of the Vaishnava shrines. A pillar in the mandapa of Shiva Devale # 5 at Polonnaruwa was discovered with a Sinhala inscription of the 11th century AD on it. In Shiva Devale # 7 a square stone asana with an inscription of Nissankamalla was used as a base for a Lingam”. Another of the Saiva shrines unearthed at Polonnaruwa yielded a pillar with a Sinhalese inscription of Jayabahu 1.

The invasion of Kalinga Magha with the help of Kerala and Tamil mercenaries was far more violent than the earlier invasions. Its chief importance lies in the fact that it led to the permanent dislodgement of Sinhalese power from northern Ceylon, the confiscation by Tamils and Keralas of lands and properties belonging to the Sinhalese and the consequent migration of the official class and many of the common people to the south western regions.

Tamil Nadu boasted of outstanding Buddhist monks, who had made remarkable contributions to Buddhism thought and learning. Three of the greatest Pali scholars of this period were Buddhaghosa, Buddhadatta, and Dhammapala and all three of them were associated with Buddhist establishments in the Tamil kingdoms.

Buddhadatta or Thera Buddhaatta as he is called lived during the time of Accyutarikkanta, the Kalabra ruler of the Chola-Nadu. He was a senior contemporary of Buddhaghosa. He was born in the Chola kingdom and lived in the 5th Century AD. Under the patronage of this ruler, Buddhadatta wrote many books. Among his best known Pali writings are the VINAYA-VINICCHAYA, the UTTARA-VINICCHAYA and the JINALANKARA-KAVYA. Among the commentaries written by him are the MADHURATTHA-VILASINI and the ABHIDHAMMAVATARA. In the Abhidhamma Ratara he gives a glowing account at Kaveripattinam, Uragapuram, Bhutamangalam and Kanchipuram and the Mahavihara at Sri Lanka. While he was at Sri Lanka, he composed many Buddhist works such as Uttara-viniccaya Ruparupa Vibhaga Jinalankara etc. Buddhaghosha, contemporary of Buddhadatta, also composed many Buddhist commentaries.

Buddhaghosha is a Tamil monk, who made a remarkable contribution to Buddhism in Sri Lanka. He stayed and studied Buddhist precepts at Mahavihara in Anuradhapura. The Visuddhimagga was the first work of Buddhaghosha which was written while he was in Sri Lanka.

After Buddhaghosha, the important Theravada monk from Tamil Nadu was Dhammapala. Dhammapala lived in the Mahavihara at Anuradhapura. He composed paramattha dipani which was a commentary on Buddhaghosha s work on Khuddaka Nikaya and Paramathamanjusa, which was a commentary on Buddhaghosha’s Visuddhimagga. A close study of the three Buddhist monks viz Buddhadatta, Buddhaghosha and Dhammapala shows that Tamil Buddhists were closely associated with the Sri Lankan Buddhists around the 5th century AD.

The author of NETTIPAKARANA is another Dhammapala who was a resident of a monastery in Nagapattinam. One more example is the Chola monk Kassapa, in his Pali work, VIMATTI-VINODANI, this Tamil monk provides interesting information about the rise of heretical views in the Chola Sangha and the consequent purification that took place.

There are so many other Tamil monks who are attributed to the Pali works some of them were resident at Mayura-rupa-pattana (Mylapore) along with Buddhagosha. The well known Tamil Buddhist epics, on the other hand, were MANIMEKALAI and KUNDALAKESI.

The 6th century Tamil Buddhist work Manimekalai by Sattanar, is perhaps the most famous of the work done in Tamil Nadu. It is a work expounding the doctrines and propagating the values of Buddhism. The interaction between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lankan monks finds mention in Manimekalai, which is set in the Tamil towns of Kaveripoompattinam, Kanchi, and Vanchi.

There is mention of the presence of monks of Sri Lanka in Vanchi, which was the capital of the Chera Kings of Tamil Nadu. The Chinese traveller, Tsuan Tsang, wrote that there were around 300 Sri Lankan monks in the monastery at the Southern sector of Kanchipuram.

As Buddhism was one of the dominant religions in both Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka, naturally there were very close relations between the two regions. The monks from Sri Lanka, too, went across to the Tamil kingdom and stayed in the monasteries.

From the 13th century when migration of Vellalar to Jaffna took place, Tamil Nadu has seen a decline in the traditional power of Vellalar. Successive colonial powers in Sri Lanka found Vellalar useful where Brahmins were not forthcoming. The Vellalar were not only cultivators, but a section of them which had developed scribal skills, provided the local officials, interpreters and accountants. Vellalar took advantage of the situation and submitted themselves as slaves to the colonials and in return colonials were more kind towards their loyal servants. That is how Vellalar became the civil service force to help rule the colonies.

In 1847, Kandar Arumukampillai(aka Arumuga Navalar) left the Jaffna Central College where he was a teacher because a ‘low caste’ Tamil student from the Nalavar caste was admitted to the school by the principal Peter Percival. Three decades later when a famine hit Northern Sri Lanka Kandar Arumukampillai worked tirelessly to provide food and medicine to Vellalar only.

The lower caste Tamil speaking Sri Lnakans were treated as stray dogs by Vellalar. Caste system among Tamil speaking Sri Lankans has given rise to serious social evils. It denied certain civil rights to a large number of people and let to the oppressions and exploitations by Vellalar, which paved a constant source of discontent or unrest.

Vellalar were the founders of the fascist culture in Jaffna. Despite the civilized veneer presented to the outside world Vellalar ran a fascistic regime reducing the depressed lower caste Tamil speaking Sri Lankans to slaves. Vellalar’s cruel caste system has no other parallel in any other part of Sri Lanka. Vellalar virtually had a free run of the Jaffna peninsula because the colonial rulers turned a blind eye to the subhuman Vellalar’s culture of violence. Thesavalamai legitimized slavery and the Vellalar ruled the land with an iron fist, with the colonial administrators often refusing to interfere in the laws and customs of the Vellalar.

In 1871, Caste clashes erupted between Vellalar, Dhoby caste and Barber caste in Maviddapuram when Dhoby caste people refused to wash the clothes of Barber caste people. Vellalar were blamed for the violence.

September 1923 in Suthumalai, Vellalar attacked lower caste people who had hired drummers for a funeral alleging that lower caste people had no right to employ drummers for their funerals as they were ‘low caste’. In 1931 a similar violent riot took place in Chankanai where Pallar were attacked by Vellalar people for hiring drummers for a funeral.

Do Tamil speaking Sri Lankans need to be reminded that they did not allow low castes to enter any place that Vellalar frequented? In June 1929 caste riots broke out again in Jaffna in response to the ‘equal seating directive’ of the government which was applicable to grant-aided schools. Under this directive ‘low caste’ students were allowed to sit on the bench. Until then they sat either on the floor or outside the classroom. This was how Tamil speaking Sri Lankans treated their own! Resultant riots burnt a large number of houses mainly of low caste Tamils. Their children en masse were stopped from attending schools. Repeated petitions were made to the government by Vellalar begging to cancel the directive! Ponnambalam Ramanathan went to request the Colonial Office in London to encode caste into legislative enactments. Ponnambalam Ramanathan led the opposition to democratization by opposing universal franchise proposed by the Donoughmore reformers in the 1920′ on the ground that it would give the lower caste Tamil speaking Sri Lankans the right to vote.

When Vellalar initiated their extremist demands it was the British who rejected them and not the Sinhalese. The British cultivated Vellalar as subservient and pliant agents of their regime. But this protection given to the privileges of the Vellalar was beginning to erode under the relentless invasions of modernity. The arrogant Vellalar reacted convulsively when the encroachments of modernity began to undermine Vellalar’s feudal and colonial privileges. Vellalar were reluctant to challenge the British whose patronage had made them the most privileged community in British Ceylon. Vellalar preferred to go along with the British colonialists, covertly aiding their white masters as complying agents in the legislature and in the administration. This political ploy was a common tactic, both under the Dutch and the British, to win a nudge-and-wink from the colonial masters to siphon off a disproportionate share of the state’s resources to Vellalar. The Dutch records categorically identify the need to win the Vellalar’s consent to be in command of Jaffna. In 1931 the Vellalar attacked the lower castes for hiring drummers for funerals. The message of the Vellalar was clear – no low castes could hire drummers for funerals!

Even after Independence, the Sinhala speaking Sri Lankans hardly knew of the existence of the low caste Tamil speaking Sri lankans. As far as the Sinhala speaking Sri Lankan leaders were concerned the Tamil speaking Sri Lankans whom they met in Colombo, the leaders of Tamil Congress and the Federal Party, the Tamil speaking professionals and academics, and the Tamil speaking public servants were the real Tamil speaking Sri Lankans, indeed they were only Vellalar!

G.G.Ponnambalam succeeded in burying the aristocracy” of the old guard led by Arunachalam Mahadeva with his 50-50″ demand. Veluppillai Chelvanayakam buried G.G.Ponnambalam by taking 50-50″ to the next stage of separatism. And from the grave of Appapillai Amirthalingam rose Thiruvengadam Velupillai Prabhakaran. Each death was a milestone in escalating racism. No other community has pursued and injected racism into an electorate as the Vellalar fighting for their survival, with Jaffna as their base.

It was S.W.R.D Bandaranaike who opened the doors for lower caste Tamil speaking Sri Lankans to attend schools and temples – places that were taboo to them by their own Tamil speaking brethren.

The Social Disabilities Act No. 21 was passed in the parliament in 1957 giving lower caste of Tamil speaking Sri Lankans the right to attend schools & temples as the part of S.W.R.D Bandaranaike’s plan was to penetrate into the low caste” votes of Tamil speaking Sri Lankans. Lower caste Tamil speaking Sri Lankan children could attend school regularly only after this act. A reawakening happened in the north among previously marginalised lower caste Tamil speaking Sri Lankans.

No sooner Vellalar realized the dangers of the SLFP government led by S.W.R.D Bandaranaike courting the low caste Tamil speaking Sri Lankans, Vellalar devised their response. It was to create the best division possible. A rift between the Tamil speaking Sri Lankans and Sinhala speaking Sri Lankans which would strike better success than low caste – Vellalar divisions among Tamil speaking Sri Lankans. It is important to note that the satyagrahas, the tarring of Sinhala letter SRI” instead of English letters on vehicle licence plates launched by the Veluppilai Chelvanayagam led Federal Party and G.G Ponnambalam led Tamil Congress – both Vellala high class political parties happened a year after making Sinhala the official language. Why did the Federal Party and Tamil Congress not cry foul over the Sinhala Only Act in 1956 but oppose the Social Disabilities Act in 1957 with such venom? It is because Tamil speaking Sri Lankans wanted to deprive their own.

Wijeyananda Dahanayake who was the Minister of Education in 1957, gave teaching appointments to many lower caste Tamil speaking Sri Lankans who had three credit passes in the S.S.C Exam (G.C.E O/L). Appapillai Amirthalingam who was a Federal Party MP then, opposed this move under the pretext that it would bring down educational standards.

Similarly, when the Sirimavo R.D.Bandaranaike led SLFP Government introduced university standardization in 1973 those that opposed were those who were against equitable distribution. The schools in thirteen out of twenty two districts did not produce a single engineering or medicine student until 1974. Students from Colombo and Jaffna who had been privy to education opposed opportunities that would be enjoyed by students from Mannar, Monaragala, Vavuniya, Ampara, Kilinochchi & other less developed districts. While the composition of the ethnicity did not change entrance, for Tamil speaking Sri Lankans it meant not only the Vellalar but lower caste Tamil speaking Sri Lankans too would gain university entrance. This was why Vellalar opposed the 1973 university standardization introduced by the Srimavo Bandaranaike led SLFP Government.

Though Jaffna Tamils claim to be the heartland of Tamil culture, it has yet to produce something significant, or classical, to stand out from the other varieties of Tamil, either local or abroad. It has yet to produce masterpieces of value to be recognized as the fountain of Tamil arts, architecture, music, literature and other creative activities. If Jaffna Tamils put to the test and asked to cite one piece of literature, drama, poetry, music, architecture etc that could match either the Tamil culture of South India or the Sinhala-Buddhist culture of the south they would withdraw into a stunned silence like the thuththiri creeper. In other words, they have come to believe that they have a great culture with nothing to back up their claim.The failure to produce a significant Tamil culture debunks the mythology which leads them to believe that they are the creators and owners of Sri Lanka — at least a part of it.

Unlike the Sinhala-Buddhist they, obviously, had no sense of belonging to the land , or sense of destiny tied to the land.  The historical fact is that while the Sinhalese settled down as the inheritors of the good earth from the pre-Christian era the Tamils decided to settle down as permanent inhabitants only in the 12 – 13th centuries. If they had settled down from the time they claimed to have arrived — i.e, the pre- Buddhist era — and dedicated themselves to make the island theirs they would not have been passing the Vaddukoddai Resolution in 1976 making spurious historical claims to a land which belongs to all communities. It is after the Sinhala-Buddhists transformed the natural wilderness into a glorious civilization that they set out to grab a share of it claiming that they were founding fathers of Sri Lanka.

Ceylon Lion – Panthera leo sinhaleyus is only known from two teeth found in deposits at Kuruwita in Ratnapura District. Based on these two teeth, a well known naturalist Mr P.E.P.Deraniyagala erected Panthera leo sinhaleyus in 1939. Mr Deraniyagala did not explain explicitly how he diagnosed the holotype of this prehistoric subspecies as belonging to a lion, though he justified its allocation to a distinct prehistoric subspecies of lion by its being narrower and more elongate” than those of recent lions in the British Natural History Museum collection. According to Mr Deraniyagala, Panthera leo sinhaleyus was endemic to Sri Lanka, and became extinct prior to the arrival of culturally modern humans about 40,000 years ago. There is insufficient information to determine how it might differ from other subspecies of lion. Further studies would be necessary because it is extremely difficult to differentiate a canine tooth of similar species of animals. Even the Ratnapura rainforest habitat is more suited for tigers than lions.

In 1982 a sub-fossil right middle phalanx was found in a 17,000 years old prehistoric midden at Batadoma in Ratnapura District and tentatively considered to be of a tiger. Tigers arrived in Sri Lanka during a pluvial period during which sea levels were depressed, evidently prior to the last glacial maximum about 20,000 years ago. Since Sri Lanka was separated from the Indian subcontinent by rising sea levels in the early Holocene, now there are no tigers in Sri Lanka.

A leopard subspecies – Panthera Pardus Kotiya is native to Sri Lanka and it is the country’s TOP predator. The correct Sinhala term for leopard is Kotiyā .

The term Diviyā was in use for centuries in Sri Lanka to refer to smaller wild species of the cat family such as Handun Diviyā or Kola Diviyā. The correct Sinhala word for tiger is Viyagraya. Mistakenly we started to use Kotiyā to mean tiger and Diviyā to mean leopard. To complicate and confuse the matters, Tigers led by Velupillai Prabhakaran who were also known as Koti (the plural form of Kotiyā) – once ranged widely across Northern and Eastern Sri Lanka, now extirpated from Sri Lanka. Since we do not have lions or tigers in Sri Lanka we should have Kotiyā in our national flag and not lion or tiger.

The truth hurts….

Dilrook Kannangara

Economics was known as the dark science until the 19^th century. When the demand and supply curve was presented to non-economics academics and others, they asked what happens to people who cannot meet the price demanded by suppliers? They simply cannot afford it came the answer which horrified them. What if suppliers were forced to lower the price so that more people can afford it? Then suppliers go out of business and both consumers and suppliers (and the wider economy) suffer. These were not acceptable to the masses.

However, western nations stubbornly stuck to these principles starting the mid 20^th century and they prospered. Countries that followed alternative approaches that were more humane like socialism/communism and a mix of socialism and capitalism failed.

Imposing a price for rice is not a wise move. Gotabaya failed trying to do that and Anura will fail too.

Only market forces should be used to control it. If prices are too high compared to the world market, controlled import of rice can ease prices in the short term. Yes; it costs dollars but it is money well spent. For the long term, fertilizer and other agro-chemicals must be sold to registered farmers at discounted prices. Giving them cash is not the solution. Rice is not just used for consumption as a main meal. It has other uses too. This drives up the demand which is a good thing. When prices go up with the demand, it signals farmers to cultivate more. As for the consumers, the national economy must be expanded to help them afford high prices without handouts. That is a long-term remedy with no quick fixes.

Rice millers, despite being arrogant, are filling a vital, may be the most important, economic vacuum. They link farmers to consumers efficiently. No one would do it for free or for a small price. The price of being an intermediary must be paid by both ends. Otherwise, it collapses and the fate of certain vegetable cultivators and consumers will befall rice farmers and consumers. Tonnes of vegetables go waste and prices remain needlessly high for this reason. It also puts off farmers from cultivating these vegetables. Too many government restrictions can create this situation in relation to paddy and rice.

Though Gotabaya and Anrua had economics affairs advisors, the final decision was taken by them. In the absence of economics knowledge, they rely on their morals, common sense and philosophies they believe in to make decisions. That’s when disaster strikes. Economic realities do not work according to morals, common sense or philosophies. President Anura must listen to his economic advisors only to make economics decisions. Short term price pain for a valid economic reason must be endured for long term economic growth.

ජයන්ත විජේසිංහ වැසි වනාන්තර සුරකින්නෝ.

පරිසරවේදීන් සහ ආණ්ඩුව කොටවන උපාය සහ දේශපාලන උපක්‍රම ?

ලංකාවේ බහුතරය පරිසරයට ආදරය කරයි. මීට ගොවීන්ද ඇතුලත්ය. මාද ඈත පිටිසර ගමක ගොවි පවුලකින් එන්නෙකි. මාගේ බිරිඳද එසේය. මාගේ පවුල බෝංචි වගාව මුලික කරගත් එළවලු වගා කළ අතර, බිරිඳගේ පැත්තේ කුඹුරු සහ පොල් වගාව ඇත.

අලින්ගෙන් වගාවට සිදුවන හානිවල පරිනාමය සහ එය ඔඩුදුවපු ආකාරය බිරිඳගේ ගමේ පැරන්නන්ගෙන් අසා දැක (වර්තමානයේ) අප හොඳින් දනී. අලියෙකු ජීවිතයට නොදුටු පලාතක් වන මගේ ගම්පලාතේ අලි ගැටලුව අප දැන් වසර 10ක පමණ සිට දිනපතා අත්විඳින්නෙමු. අපේ මහගෙදරද අලින් කැඩීය.

මා පරිසර ලෝලියෙකි. සමහරුන් සංරක්ෂනවේදියෙකුද තවත් අය පරිසරවෙදියකුද කියයි. මා සිතන්නේ පරිසරයට ආදරය කරන සැවොම පරිසර ලෝලීන් මෙන්ම පරිසරවේදීන් වෙති. අපි යන හැමතැනම ගම්වල එවැනි පරිසරවේදීන් අපට මුණගැසේ. ඔවුන්ගේද පොල් වල සිට වගාවට මෙම හානි නැතුවා නොවේ.

අපේ දෙපලාතේම ගොවීන්ගෙන් තුවක්කු, වායු රයිෆල් හා වෙනත් වනසතුන් පලවාහරින ආයුධ ඇති අය ඔනෑ තරම් ඇත. තුවක්කු ඇත්තෝ ප්‍රමාණය නම් එකෙක් දෙන්නෙක් පමණි. මේ කිසිවෙක් මා දන්නා තරමින් ඒවා අනවශ්‍ය ලෙස පාවිච්චි නොකරති. අති බහුතරය ඒ කිසිවක් තබාගෙන නැත. වගාව බේරාගන්නේ වගාව රැකීමෙනි. මෙය ශතවර්ෂ ගණනාවක් තිස්සේ ගොවීන්ගේ පුරුද්දයි.

හේන් වගාව කරත්දී එදාද වගාව රැක්කා මිස එදා වන සතුන්ගේ උවදුරු නොතිබුනා නොවේ. බොහෝ දුරට මෙසේ අලින් වැනි වනසතුන්ගේ හානි උග්‍රව ඇත්තේ අලින්ගේ නිජභූමි එළිකර කරන ලද වගාවන්ට සහ අවට පිහිටි අලි නිජබිම් සියල්ල එළිකිරීම නිසා අලින්ට ආහාර අඩුවීම නිසාවෙනි. උදාහරණයක් ලෙස බලංගොඩට අලි එන්නේ හල්දුම්මුල්ල බෝගහපට්ටිය මෙන්ම දහයියාගල හම්බෙගමුව තණමල්විල මෙන්ම උඩවලව අවට ප්‍රදේශවල වනභුමි සහ කැලෑ දිගින් දිගටම වැනසීම නිසාවෙනි. කවුරුන් හෝ අලි වැඩිවී ඇති කියන්නේ නම් එය විහිළුවකි. බේකර්ලා කඳුකර අලි 3000-4000 ක් අතර මරාදමුවාගේ සිට සිංහරාජයේ අලි 17 අලි 2 කට සීමා වූවාසේම රටේම අලි ගහනය සැලකිය යුතු අඩුවී ඇත. සිදුව ඇත්තේ අලින්ට භුමිය අහිමිවීම නිසා ආහාර හා ජලය හින්ගවීමය. ජලගැලුම රක්ෂිතයේ පමණක් අලින්ගේ විල්ලු 5ක් පමණ විදුලි වැටවල් ගසා අලින්ට වසා ඇති ආකාරය මා දැක්කෙමි.

රිලා ප්‍රශ්නය වෙනම එකකි. ඊට අවශේෂ හේතුද, පන්සල් වල ක්‍රියාකාරකම්ද, තවත් බොහෝ හෙතුන්ද ඇත. එය වෙනම ගත යුත්තකි. ඊට විසඳුම්ද (මැරීමට විකල්ප ලෙස) විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් කාලයක් තිස්සේ කතාකරනවා විනා දේශපාලුවන් (සහ අදාළ නිලධාරීන්) ක්‍රියාත්මක කරේ නැත. දඬු ලේනා ප්‍රශනය නම් ඔය කියන තරම් එකක් නොවේ. එය පට්ට කෙබරයකි. ලංකාවේම දඬු ලේනුන් දහසකට දෙකකට වඩා නැත. කෙසේ නමුත් දැන් අලුතින් මොනර ගැටලුවක්ද ඇතිව ඇත. එය පරිසර සමතුලිතතාවටද දැඩි ලෙස බලපායි. කෙසේ නමුත් මොනරා ගැන බොහෝ දෙනෙක් කතාකරන්නේ නැත.

ලංකාවේ මා දන්නා තරමින් ඇති ප්‍රධාන ගැටලුව පසු අස්වනු හානියයි. එය 40% ඉක්මවා යන්නකි. පෙර අස්වනු හානිය නම් කිසිසේත් 10% ඉක්මවා නැත. එසේනම් මුලින්ම පිළිතුරු දිය යුතු ප්‍රශනය කුමක්ද?

මට පෙනෙන්නේ පොල් හිඟය සහ වෙනත් අසමත්කම් වෙනස් දිසාවකට හරවන්නට වන සතුන්ගේ හානි උලුප්පා දක්වන බවකි. නලින් හේවගේ ලංකාවේ පොල් නිශාපාදනය ගැන ගැටලුව ගැන හොඳ කතාවක් පාරිමෙන්තුවෙදී කරනු ඇසිනි. ඔහු අස්වනු අඩුකමට ප්‍රධාන හේතු තේරුම් ගෙන ඇති බවක් පෙනේ. රිලවුන් හෝ දඬු ලේනුන් ප්‍රධාන ප්‍රශනය නොවන වග ඔහුගේ කතාවෙන් පැහැදිලිව ගම්‍ය වේ. බෝගොල්ලගමලාගේ සිට අක්කර සිය දහස් ගණන් පොල් ඉඩම් කට්ටිකර විකුණා පොල් ගස් කපා අද ඉතිරිව ඇත්තේ පොල් ඉඩම් ඉතා අවම ප්‍රමාණයකි. පසුගිය මාසයේ හලාවත පමණක් පොල් ගස් සියගණනක් එක ඉඩමක කපාදමුනේ පසිගිය රජය යටතේ පොල් ගස් කැපීම තහනම් කර ගැසට් ගසා තිබියදීය. මේ සම්බන්ධව රජය සහ අදාළ නිලධාරීන් මෙන්ම නීතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක කරවන අය කලේ කුමක්ද? එමෙන්ම ලංකාවේ කෘෂිකර්මයේ පලදායිතාවය (පොල් පමණක් නොව වෙනත් අස්වනුද) මදකම විසඳීම තුලින් පොල් හිඟය වලක්වාගත හැකිය. රිලවුන් හෝ දඬුලේනන් මැරීමෙන් එය කළ නොහැකිය. මෙකී සතුන් පාලනය අත්‍යාවශ්‍ය බව පිළිගත යුතුය. නමුත් එය ඔහේ මරාදැමීමෙන් කල නොහැකිය. නිසි අධ්‍යනයකින් සහ මානුෂික ක්‍රමවේද මගින් කලයුතුය. නැතිනම් විමලවීරලාගේ අමරවීරලාගේ සිස්ටම් එකම ගෙනයා හැකිය. සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් කිරීම අවශය නොවේ.

ලංකාවේ පොල් පරිභෝජනයට හා සමාන ප්‍රමාණයක්ම අපනයනය කරන බව අලුතින්ම අසන්නට ලැබෙන ප්‍රවුර්තියකි. මෙයද පොල් හිඟයට සහ ඒ හා සාපේක්ෂව පොල්  ඉහළයාමද සිදුවන බව තේරුම්ගත යුතුය.

දැන් මාතෘකාවට එමු. ගොටභය රජය පරිසරයට වින කටින්න්ට ගත්තේ පළමු කැබිනෙට්ටු රැස්වීමෙදීමය. ඉන් එලියට ආ එවක පරිසර ඇමති චන්ද්‍රසේන උජාරුවෙන් කීවේ අපි ගල් වැලි පස් ප්‍රවාහන බලපත්‍ර ක්‍රමය ඉවත්කළ බවය. දෙවනුව මෝඩ ගෝටාව නෙළුවට ගෙන්වාගත් අප්පච්චිගේ ගාලු පුතා සිංහරාජය හරහා හමුදාව දම්මවා ලංකාගමට කිසිඳු සොයා බැලීමකින් තොරව පාරක් කැපීය. ඔබට මතකනම් මෙකී දෙකාරනාවටම අපි නොබියව එලියට බැස්සේය. වරක් චන්ද්‍රසේන විසින් පිදුරුතලාගල ඉඩම් නිදහස් කිරීම සම්බන්ධව මා මාධ්‍යකට කළ ප්‍රකාශයකට ඔහු රාත්‍රී 11 ට පමණ මා අමතා තර්ජනයක් කළ අතර මා කීවේ මා කරන චෝදනා වැරදිනම් මාධ්‍ය හරහා එසේ නොවන බව කියන ලෙසයි. ගෝටා ලංකාගමට පාර කපන්නට කිලෝමීටර 1.2ක් සිහරාජය හරහා අඩි 5 බැගින් දෙපසට පුළුල් කරන්නට හදද්දී අපි එය නැවැත්වූ අතර අවසානයේ සිංහරාජ තුලින් යන කොටස එලෙසම කාපට් කළ අතර පුළුල් කිරීම කලේ නැත. නමුත් කිසිඳු පරිසර අවසරකින් තොරව ඉතිරිය බලෙන්ම සෑදුවේ අනෙක් පස දෙනියාය පැත්තේ මහින්දලාගේ පුතුන්ට අයත් දේපලවලට යන්නට එය පහසුවක් වන නිසාත්ය.

කෙසේ නමුත් ගොටා සහ ඔහුගේ සහචරන් මෙතනදී අමුතු වැඩක් කළේය. ඒ ලංකාගම ගමේ ගම සමග පිලිසන්දරක් කරමින් ගමේ බයියකු යොදාගෙන පරිසරවේදීන් සමහ රට දියුනුකරන්නට බැරි යයි පවසමින් රට තුල පරිසරලෝලීන් ගැන තරහක් වපුරවමිනි. අද ලාල් කාන්තගේ ප්‍රකාශයත් ඊට එරෙහි පාරිසර ලෝලීන්ගේ මතවාදත් එදා ඒ අලුත් ආණ්ඩුව පරිසරය පිලිබඳ ගත් මුලික තීන්දු කිහිපයක් හා පවතී තත්වයම වේ. එදා @Iraj ලා ද ලංකාගම මෙන්ම සින්හාරජයේ හෝටල්වලට ගොස් පරිසරවේදීන්ට එරෙහිව මෙන්ම පරිසර විනාශයක් සාධාරනීකරණය කල අකාරය ඔබට අමතක නැති සිතමි.

අද කෑගල්ලේදී උද්ගෂණයක් සිදුව ඇත. එහිදීම එක් ගම්වැසියකු කියාගන්නා අයෙක් පරිසරවේදීන්ට මෙවැනිම චෝදනාවක් කරයි. ප්‍රධානව චෝදනාවට ලක්වන එක් දේශපාලන පක්ෂයකින් චන්දය ඉල්ලන ලද පරිසරවේදියෙකු වේ. එසේම එකී පුද්ගලයා NGO ගැනද යමක් කියයි. රිලවුන් සහ පරිසරවේදීන්ට රට පැටවීමට හෝ දුපතකට දැමීමට යෝජනා කරයි. අපේ සංවිධානය NGO නොවන නිසාත් මා පක්ෂ දේශපාලනය නොකරන නිසාත් එය මට අදාළ නුවුවත්, එහි සමහර කොටස් පරිසර ලෝලියෙකු ලෙස අපට අදාළ වේ. මාගේ බය මෙය රජයේ යම් ආමත්යවරයෙකු හෝ මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙකු මීට සම්බන්ධද යන්නය. මන්ද එය එසේනම් ඒ ගෝටාගේ සහ එවක ආණ්ඩුවට කඩේ ගිය අයගේ ක්‍රමවේදයමය.

ඊටත් වඩා වැදගත් කාරණය නම් මේවා වාර්තාකරණ ආකාරයයි. මේ දිනවල ප්‍රධාන නාලිකා කිහිපයක් සහ යුටියුබ් චැනල කිහිපයක් පරිසරවේදීන් සහ ආණ්ඩුව කොටවන්නට, ජනතාව සහ පරිසර ලෝලීන් දෙකොටසක් කියන්නට මෙන්ම ගොවියන් සහ පරිසර සංරක්ෂකයින් කොටවන්නට දැඩි ලෙස උත්සාහ දරන බව පෙනේ. ඔවුන්ගේ හෙඩ්ලයින්, කැප්ශන් බැලු බැල්මට වයිරය දනවන ලෙස ලියවේ. ගොවියන් සහ පරිසරලෝලීන් කොටවන මෙන්ම පොදුවේ ආණ්ඩුව සහ පරිසරලෝලීන් කොටවන ආකාරයෙන් ලියවේ. පසුගිය රජයට අප්‍රසාදය මුලින්ම පටන්ගත්තේ ගම සමග පිළිසඳර ඇතුළු බොහෝ අවස්ථාවල ගත් පරිසර විනාශකාරී තීන්දුය. ඒ ට්‍රෙන්ඩ් එකම අලුත් ආණ්ඩුවට හදන්නට යන්නේ මෙතෙක් ලාල් කාන්ත කළ ප්‍රකාශය පමණක්ම පදනම් කරගෙනය. ඊට මාද එකහෙලා විරුද්ධ වන නමුත්, මේනම් එන්නේ වෙනම පොටකි.

ලංකාවේ ගොවියන් බහුතරය වනජීවී හානිවලට විරුද්ද නමුත් සතුන් මරන්නට අකමැතිය. ඔවුන්ට අවශ්‍ය විසඳුමක් විනා සතුන් නිකරුනේ මරාදැමීම නොවේ. එනිසා ගොවියා සහ පරිසරලොලියා දෙදෙනෙකු යයි යමෙකු සිතන්නේ නම් හෝ එසේ දෙකඩ කරන්නට උත්සාහ දරන්නේ නම් එය අපහසු වනු ඇත. වගාව පාළුකරන අලි දහස් ගානක් ඇතත්, අලියෙකුට ප්‍රධාන ධාරාවේ කරන්ට් එක හෝ හක්ක පටස් එකක් තබන්නේ දස දහසකට එකෙකි. වෙඩි තබන්නේ ඊටත් අඩු එකෙකි. එනිසා ගොවියාද පරිසර ලෝලියෙකි. නමුත් ඔවුන්ට විසඳුමක් අවශ්‍යය.

ආණ්ඩුවට කුමන්ත්‍රණ කිහිපයකට මුහුණ දීමට ඇත. මේවා සියල්ල එන්නේ එකටය. නිසා පරිස්සමින් මොලෙන් ගේම ගැසිය යුතුය. එක පැත්තකින් හාල් හිඟයද, තවත් පැත්තකින් ක්‍රමිකව ඇතිකරමින් ඇතැයි මා සිතන ගෑස් හිඟයක්ද, තවත් පසෙකින් පොල් මිල හා හිඟයද තවත් අතකින් ඉන්දියානු බලපෑම්ද, තවත් පසෙකින් පරිසර ගැටළුද වේ. මේවාට අවධානය වෙනස් කරවන සහ ආණ්ඩුව අප්‍රසාදයට පත්වන ආකාරයේ උපක්‍රම මගින් මුහුණදීම නොකළ යුතුය.

පරිසරවෙදියෙක් වේවා NGO කාරයෙක් වේවා ඕනෑම දේශපාලන මතයක් දැරීමට මෙන්ම ප්‍රකාශනයට භාෂණයට ඔවුන්ට නිදහස තිබිය යුතුය. දේශපාලන අවශ්‍යතා සහ සැබෑ පරිසර අවශ්‍යතා වෙන් වෙන්ව තෝරාගෙන නිසි පිළිතුරු සෙවිය යුතු ඒවාට පිළිතුරු සෙවීම විනා ගැලරිය පිනවීමට ප්‍රකාශ නොදිය යුතුය. එසේම නොයෙක් කෙටවීම් වලට අසුවිය නොයුතුය. එවැනි කෙටවීම් කරවන ආකාරයේ මැදිහත්වීම් ආණ්ඩුවේ යම් යම් පාර්ශව කරන්නේනම් ඒවාද වහාම නැවැත්විය යුතුය.

ජයන්ත විජේසිංහ

වැසි වනාන්තර සුරකින්නෝ.

ඉසුරු ප්‍රසංග උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

👉👉 මෙය ලංකාවට තරමක් ආගන්තුක හා පුදුම හිතෙන කතාවකි. 

👉 එහෙත් ලංකාව පාඩම් උගත යුතු කතාවකි.

👉 සාමාන්‍යයෙන් ලංකාවේ දේශීය වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමය සහ බටහිර වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමය අතර ඇත්තේ විශාල ආරවුලකි. ප්‍රතිවිරෝධයකි.

👉 එහෙත් නූතන විද්‍යාවේ දියුණුව අතින් ලංකාවට හිතන්නටවත් බැරි තැනක සිටිනා චීනය යනු මේ දෙකම ඒකාබද්ධ කොට ඒ දෙකෙන්ම ප්‍රයෝජන ගන්නා පුදුමාකාර රටකි. 

👉 දැන් මේ කියන්නට යන්නේ චීනය සිය දේශීය වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමයත්, බටහිර වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමයත් ඒකාබද්ධ කොට ඒ දෙකෙන්ම ප්‍රයෝජන ගැනීමෙන් නොනැවතී, තම පැරණි දැනුම ජාත්‍යන්තරයට පවා ගෙන යාමට කටයුතු කර ඇති ආකාරය ගැනය. 

👉 චීනය ඒ සඳහා අනුගමනය කොට ඇති ක්‍රියාමාර්ග මොනවාද? 

👉 පැරණි චීන වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමය යනු චීනයේ සාම්ප්‍රදායික දැනුම නමැති දැවැන්ත මාලිගය උසුලාගෙන සිටින ප්‍රධාන කුළුණු කීපයෙන් එකකි. Traditional Chinese Medicine  හෙවත් TMC යනුවෙන් හැඳින්වෙන චීන වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමයේ ඉතිහාසය ක්‍රිස්තු පූර්ව 14 වන සියවස දක්වා ඈතට විහිදෙයි. 

👉 පාසල් අධ්‍යාපනයේ සිටම සිය වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමයේ වටිනාකම ගැන එරට දරුවන්ට අවබෝධයක් ලබාදීම චීනයේ ස්ථාවර ප්‍රතිපත්තියකි.

👉 චීනයේ බටහිර වෛද්‍ය විද්‍යාව හදාරන සෑම සිසුවෙක්ම අනිවාර්යෙන් චීන වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමය හැදෑරිය යුතුය. එමෙන්ම චීනයේ සාම්ප්‍රදායික වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමය හදාරන සිසුන් බටහිර වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමය පිළිබඳවද උගත යුතුය. 

👉 රෝගවලට ප්‍රතිකාර කිරීමේදී මෙම වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රම දෙක එකට එකතු කර බෙහෙත් දීම චීනයේ ඉතා සුලබ දෙයකි. චීනයේ බටහිර වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමයට මුල් තැන දෙන රෝහල්වල වුවද අනිවාර්යයෙන් දේශීය වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමය සහිත අංශයක් දක්නට ලැබේ. එසේම චීන හා බටහිර වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රම සම සමව භාවිත කරන රෝහල් මෙන්ම තනිකරම චීන වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමය පමණක් භාවිත කරන රෝහල්ද එරට ඇත. 

👉 මේ අනුව ගත් කළ චීනයේ වෛද්‍ය විද්‍යාව ඉගැන්වීමේ සිට ප්‍රතිකාර කිරීම දක්වාම මේ වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රම දෙක ඒකාබද්ධ කොට තිබේ. මේ නිසා ලංකාවේ මෙන් චීනය තුළ බටහිර වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමයට අනිසි ආධිපත්‍යයක් හිමිවීමට ඉඩ තබා නැත. 

👉 චීනයේ ඉහළ සුදුසුකම් සහිත බටහිර වෛද්‍යවරු පවා රෝගීන් සඳහා දේශීය ප්‍රතිකාර නිර්දේශ කිරීමට කිසිවිටෙකත් පසුබට නොවෙති. සාමාන්‍ය රෝගවල සිට බරපතළ රෝග දක්වා සෑම දෙයටම මේ කාරණය වලංගුය. 

👉 චීන ජාතිකයින් බොහෝ විට සුළු රෝග සඳහා විශ්වාසය තබන්නේ චීන දේශීය වෙදකම් ගැනය. බෙහෙත් සොයා, කොටා, තම්බා තනිව සකසා ගැනීමට අසීරු කසාය වර්ග ආදිය චීනයේදී වෙළෙඳපොළ නිෂ්පාදන ලෙස පහසුවෙන් මිලදී ගත හැකිය. 

👉 2018 වන විට චීනයේ ඇති දේශීය ප්‍රතිකාර මධ්‍යස්ථාන ගණන ඊට පෙර වසරේ පැවති ප්‍රමාණයට වඩා 6495කින් වැඩි වී ඇති බව චීනයේ CGTN මාධ්‍ය ආයතනය වරක් වාර්තා කර තිබණි.

👉 කොවිඩ් වසංගතයේදී චීනය කොවිඩ් මර්දනය සඳහා දේශීය වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රම භාවිත කළ ආකාරය ගැන ඒ දිනවල ලෝකය පුරාම කතාබහක් ඇති විය. චීන රජයේ නිල වාර්තා පෙන්වා දෙන පරිදි ඔවුන් කොරෝනා රෝගීන් 90%කට වැඩි ප්‍රතිශතයකට ප්‍රතිකාර කිරීම සඳහා බටහිර ප්‍රතිකාර සමඟ සම්ප්‍රදායික වෙදකමද භාවිත කර තිබේ. 

👉 මේ පිළිබඳ එකල බටහිර මාධ්‍ය විසින්ද විශාල වශයෙන් කරුණු වාර්තා කළ අතර, කොවිඩ් මර්දන කටයුතු සඳහා චීනය විසින් රුසියාවට යැවූ දස දෙනෙකුගෙන් යුත් වෛද්‍ය කණ්ඩායමක තිදෙනෙක්ම දේශීය වෛද්‍යවරු බව ඒ එක් පුවතකින් කියැවිණි. 

👉 මේ සියල්ලෙන් නොනැවතී මේ වන විට චීනය බටහිර රටවල පවා සිය වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමය ව්‍යාප්ත කිරීමට සමත්ව තිබේ.

👉 බටහිර වෛද්‍යවරු ලෝකයේ පිළිගත් සභාවල චීන වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමයේ වැදගත්කම ගැන කතා කරන වීඩියෝ රාශියක් අද යූටියුබ් වෙතින් නැරඹිය හැකිය. 

👉 චීනය 2020 වන විට යුරෝපා රටවල් ඇතුළු රටවල් 40කට වැඩි ප්‍රමාණයක් සමඟ චීන වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමය ඒ රටවල ප්‍රචලිත කිරීමට අදාළ නිල ගිවිසුම්වලට එළැඹ තිබේ. 

👉 අද වන විට කැනඩාව, ඔස්ටේ්‍රලියාව හා විවිධ යුරෝපා රටවල් ඇතුළු රටවල් 30කට වැඩි ප්‍රමාණයක චීන වෛද්‍ය ක්‍රමය සඳහා උපාධි ලබාදෙන ආයතන පිහිටුවා තිබේ. 

👉 චීනය තමන්ගේ සාම්ප්‍රදායික දැනුමින් නිසි ප්‍රයෝජන ගැනීමෙන් නොනැවතී ඒ දැනුම ජාත්‍යන්තරය කරා ගෙන යාමටද කටයුතු කර ඇත්තේ එසේය. 

👉 එහෙත් විද්‍යාත්මක දියුණුව අතින් ප්‍රාථමික මට්ටමේ සිටින ලංකාවේ බොහෝ උගතුන් බටහිර දැනුම අන්ධානුකරණයෙන් වන්දනා කරමින් දේශීය වෛද්‍ය දැනුම හෙළා දකිති. තවත් සමහරු බටහිර දැනුමට අන්තවාදී ලෙස ගරහමින් දේශීය දැනුම පමණක් අතිශයෝක්තියෙන් වර්ණනා කරති. 

👉 මේ අන්ත දෙකෙන් මිදී මේ දෙකේම ප්‍රබලතා දුබලතා හඳුනාගනිමින් ඒවා ඒකාබද්ධ කොට ප්‍රතිකාර කිරීමේ ක්‍රමයක් ලංකාවේද ඇති කළ හැකි නම් එය කෙතරම් පලදායක වේද? 

👉 එවැනි ක්‍රමවේදයක් මගින් බටහිර දැනුම මෙන්ම අපගේ දේශීය දැනුමද දිනෙන් දින දියුණු වනු ඇත. ඖෂධ ආනයනය සඳහා වාර්ෂිකව පිටරටට ඇදී යන මුදල් කන්දරාවක් රට තුළම ඉතුරු වනු ඇත. ලංකාවේ මිනිසුන්ගේ දැනුමට, සෞඛ්‍යයට මෙන්ම ආර්ථිකයටද එවැනි ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් ඉතා යහපත් වනු ඇත. 

👉 අප කියන්නේ පැරණි දැනුම සියල්ල කළ හැකි මැජික් එකක් බව නොව අවශ්‍ය නම් එය යාවත්කාලීන කොට ඉන් සුදුසු ප්‍රයෝජන ගැනීම කළ හැකි බවය.

👉 ඒ සඳහා අප පළමුවෙන්ම කළ යුත්තේ පණ්ඩිතමානී පටු ආකල්පවලින් මිදී සැබෑ ලෝකය දෙස විවෘත මනසකින් ඇස් හැර බැලීම නොවේද? 

ඉසුරු ප්‍රසංග

by Nalliah Thayabharan

Southwest Asia is a geopolitical region encompassing the Arabian Peninsula, the Levant, Turkey, Iran, and Iraq. It now includes fifteen countries: Bahrain, Cyprus, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen, as well as four occupied areas: East Jerusalem, Gaza Strip, Golan Heights, and West Bank.

The creation of countries in Southwest Asia resulted from several historical events, including the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I and the withdrawal of European colonial powers after World War II.

During the First World War, the Ottoman Empire was defeated by the British Empire and its allies, creating new countries in Southwest Asia, including Iraq, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. The redrawing of borders by European colonial powers also led to conflicts between ethnic and religious groups.

Southwest Asia is troubled by war, terrorism, weak and failed states, and civil unrest. The map of today’s Southwest Asia was mostly drawn after the First World War and the war that planted many of the seeds of conflict that still plague Israel, Palestine, Iraq, Syria, and even Iran today.

When the First World War began in 1914, the map of Southwest Asia looked much different than it does today. Most of Southwest Asia was part of the Ottoman Empire and had been for centuries. Rothschild controlled Egypt and some strategic points in the Gulf, and a weak Persian state was informally under the influence of Rothschild in the south and the Russian Empire in the north.

After the World War ended in 1918, the Ottoman Empire disappeared and a host of new countries replaced it – countries whose borders were decided in England, and whose people were caught up in the chaos and uncertainty of an unstable new order influenced by ideas like nationalism, self-determination, and Zionism.

For some, the new order held out hope for a better future, for others, only fear. Even before 1914, the Southwest Asia was a vital strategic region. Germany built the Berlin to Baghdad railway to extend its influence, Russia wanted Constantinople and saw itself as the protector of the Ottoman Empire’s Orthodox Christians, France felt the same way about Catholics in Southwest Asia, and Rothschild was concerned about the safety of the Suez Canal route to his interests in India.
 
Ottoman fear of the Russians, British, and French is part of the reason the Empire joined Germany and the Central Powers when the First World War began. For the next four years, fighting raged in Anatolia, Mesopotamia, the Sinai, and Palestine alongside widespread famine and the Armenian genocide.

As the war dragged on, both the Central Powers and the Allies tried to undermine each other’s empires – the Germans and Ottomans appealed to Muslims under French, British, and Russian rule, while the Allies appealed to minority Christians and Arab nationalists living under the Ottomans.

The Great Powers also struck secret deals with each other to divide the spoils of war in case they won. All these deals had one thing in mind; winning the war as soon as possible and benefitting from that victory. The contradictions and conflicts of wartime agreements could be sorted out later, or so they thought.

One of these wartime deals was between the British Empire and the powerful Hashemite family of the Hejaz region, part of today’s Saudi Arabia but then part of the Ottoman Empire.

The Hashemites were led by the Sharif of Mecca, Hussein ibn Ali al-Hashimi, who agreed to lead Arab tribes loyal to him in a revolt against the Ottomans. In exchange, the British promised that the Hashemites would rule a future independent Arab kingdom – but the deal was vague about borders.

Hussein hoped that if the British won, his family could lay claim to new territories and power – and the way to legitimize this quest was through Arab nationalism. The Hashemites claimed they represented the desire of Ottoman Arabs for freedom and their national state, ideas that some Arab intellectuals and nationalist societies had indeed been calling for – though not necessarily under the Hashemites.

This worked for the British, who positioned themselves as liberators. Many noble Arabs have perished in the cause of Arab freedom, at the hands of those alien rulers, the Turks, who oppressed them. The British knew their deal with Hussein violated a 1914 agreement with the French and Russians, which stated any post-war land settlements would involve all the Allies.

They also knew the French had their interests in Southwest Asia and might not be too keen on Arab independence. France never consented to offer independence to the Arabs, though at the beginning of the war, France might have done so. It was unthinkable that the French people would acquiesce in the placing of Christians of Lebanon under a Mohammedan ruler. So French diplomat François Georges-Picot met with British diplomat Mark Sykes, which resulted in the secret Sykes-Picot agreement of May 1916. Once the Ottomans were beaten, each Ally would get its sphere of direct and indirect influence in the Arab provinces and part of Anatolia – the French in the north and west, and the British in the southwest and south.

Palestine was to be administered internationally, and earlier agreements gave other areas to Russia and Italy.

Any future Arab kingdom would be under French and British influence. The British had promised the Hashemites an Arab kingdom, and the British and French had then divided up the same region between themselves. Palestine was the exception – there, the British made another controversial deal to help their war effort.

The Zionist movement had existed since the 19th century and promoted the idea of a Jewish state. Zionist thinkers like Theodor Herzl considered several possible locations, but most settled on Palestine, which was the ancient homeland of the Jews and still home to a Jewish minority. Even before the war, Zionist Jews had been moving to Palestine, which created tensions with the Arab majority. Palestine was threatened with disappearance by the Zionist tide in this Palestinian land – a nation that is threatened in its very being with expulsion from its homeland. In 1917, the Allies were still struggling to win the war, and Russia dropped out after the Revolution. At the same time, some in the British government, like David Lloyd George and Arthur Balfour were sympathetic to the Zionist idea, an idea lobbied for by prominent British Zionists like Chaim Weizmann. London hoped that by supporting Zionism, the Jewish diaspora around the world might rally to the British cause.

Some British politicians like Lord Curzon and Edwin Montagu who was Jewish but anti-Zionist opposed the idea, but in November 1917, Balfour sent a telegram to the Zionist Federation of Great Britain:
His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.”

This was a dramatic commitment, but a vague one, since it was not clear whether national home” meant state” and what the situation of the non-Jewish majority would be in practice. So in order to win the war the British had made a deal with the Hashemites for Arab independence, the British and French made a deal to divide most of the West Asia and the British promised to support Zionism.

As if this wasn’t complicated enough, in 1917 the United States joined the war and the tangle of contradictions began to unravel. In January 1918, President Woodrow Wilson unveiled his 14 Points for Peace. Wilson’s points included the concept of self-determination – that each person who identified as a nation ought to determine their future. This seemed simple in principle, but it did not match with the reality of mixed populations and mixed identities on the ground. There were Arab nationalists, but most Southwest Asians were still not familiar with the relatively new concept of national identity.

They usually identified more with their religion, tribe, extended family, or home region. Yes, some tribes joined the Hashemite revolt, but most did not question Ottoman rule and remained loyal to the existing system whether or not they were enthusiastic about it.

Those who did feel a drive for national self-determination, be they Arabs, Zionists, Kurds or others, now felt there would be a state for them after the war. After successful British offensives in Palestine and Mesopotamia, the war finally ended with an Allied victory in November 1918, and a strange interlude began.

The armistice had stopped the fighting, but it would take time to sort out the post-war order. British and French troops occupied the Ottoman Arab provinces and parts of Anatolia, the Americans brought humanitarian aid to feed the starving, and the politicians discussed the fate of Europe and West Asia at the Paris Peace Conference.

Delegations of nationalists made the trip to Paris to argue their case, though most would return without any concrete promises. Lebanese Christian Patriarch Elias Hoayek was an exception when he lobbied the French government to take a clear role in Lebanon. The resulting peace treaty signed at Versailles in June 1919 not only formally ended the war between the Allies and Germany, it also created the League of Nations.

The League would play a key role in the fate of Southwest Asia, especially since the British, French, and Americans now began to argue over how to implement the wartime agreements.

The British felt that since they’d done most of the fighting against the Ottomans, they deserved a bigger share of the spoils. The US opposed the secret wartime diplomacy and insisted that the League should oversee the gradual independence of Southwest Asian peoples via so-called Mandates.

This meant that a developed” state would be responsible for advice” and assistance” until the new states could function on their own – in theory. In practice, it wasn’t quite clear the mandate would work in practice, including for the Hashemite would-be rulers of a new Arab kingdom. While the heated discussions were going on, the US Congress changed its mind, and even though the League was President Wilson’s idea, the US refused to sign the peace treaty or join the League when it officially came into being in January 1920. For the British and French, this was an opportunity. At the San Remo conference in the spring of 1920, they formalized the military reality on the ground.

France became the Mandatory power for Syria and Lebanon, while Britain did the same for Mesopotamia, Transjordan, and Palestine. This allowed them to indirectly rule while not officially taking them on as imperial possessions. The populations of the mandated territories thus assumed all the responsibilities and none of the benefits of national sovereignty. One question the conference did not resolve was the borders – they would have to wait until a peace treaty could be signed with the Ottomans, who still ruled in name only. The League did say France and Britain had to consider the wishes of the population, but British and French administrators mostly ignored local petitions. The American King-Crane Commission’s survey received conflicting results: some people wanted democracy, some wanted a Greater Syria including Lebanon and Palestine, some wanted British oversight, some French, and some American, and some wanted a Hashemite King.

A majority did not want the Mandates at all, and 99% were opposed to Zionist settlement in Palestine. After all the wartime deprivations and sufferings, the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and the lack of a stable new order, it is not surprising that there was widespread violence in Southwest Asia after the Great War ended.

Egypt rose in a failed revolution against British rule in 1919, and there were clashes between religious and ethnic groups in Lebanon. There was a major war in Anatolia between the Turkish nationalist forces under Mustafa Kemal and Allied, mostly Greek, troops – which resulted in the creation of the Turkish Republic and the formal dissolution of the Ottoman Empire.

In Persia, the British wanted to counter Bolshevik Russian influence and secure access to oil, so they supported a coup by future Shah Reza Pahlavi, who took control of Persia in 1921.

However, the violence that was the most intractable and arguably impacted the troubled future of Southwest Asia most of all occurred in Palestine, Syria, and Iraq. In Palestine, the British Mandate incorporated the Balfour Declaration, and British authorities encouraged Jewish settlement – some 35,000 Jewish settlers arrived between 1919 and 1923, hoping for a better life.

International Jewish organizations often helped settlers buy land, some of which but not all was previously infertile. Some also declared their desire not just for a Jewish homeland, but a Jewish state, which stoked tensions with Palestinian Arabs – as did the British administration working closely with Zionist groups.

Some British officials and Jews wanted to curb settlement, but when enthusiastic Zionist supporter Herbert Samuel became British High Commissioner in Palestine, British support for settlement became more explicit.

The British and some Zionists argued that settlement would benefit Arabs through economic improvements, but most Arabs saw things differently. Jewish Settlers depreciated the value of land and property and at the same time manipulated a financial crisis.

In response, Churchill reiterated his support for Jewish settlement. Things turned deadly with Arabs rioting in Jerusalem and an organized firefight at TelHai in 1920 claiming the lives of a handful on both sides. Tensions fully boiled over in May 1921 in the town of Jaffa. A fight between rival Jewish socialist groups near a mosque spun out of control and led to deadly rioting between Jews and Arabs. Arabs killed 47 Jews, and the next day, Jewish groups and British police retaliated, killing 48 Arabs.

A British commission mostly blamed the Arabs but admitted their grievances stemmed from the political and economic consequences” of settlement and the perceived pro-Jewish bias” of the British. Zionist Ze’ev Jabotinsky felt the time had come to build a metaphorical wall around the settlers. Zionist colonization proceeded and developed only under the protection of a power that was independent of the native population – behind an iron wall, which the native population could not breach. French rule in Syria and Lebanon got off to a violent start as well.

Hussein’s son Faisal had led Arab forces into Syria in 1918 and announced his claim to the throne of a Syrian Kingdom. However the French would not give up control, so French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau and Faisal agreed that Syria would become a de facto state under the French Mandate. Faisal’s Arab nationalist allies of the Syrian National Congress, however, wanted full independence and control over Lebanon and Palestine.

A nationalist society informed Feisal that they were ready to declare war on both England and France. Faisal’s priority was becoming king, so he reluctantly agreed to cancel the deal with the French and was crowned King of Syria on March 7, 1920.

France threatened to invade, so Faisal now accepted their terms, but his answer arrived late so a French army invaded Syria anyway from its base in Lebanon, and defeated the ragtag Arab army at the Battle of Maysalun in July. Feisal fled to Mesopotamia, but Maysalun became a symbol of Arab nationalism and resistance to European imperialism. It was a military disaster, but its name has gone down in Arab history as a synonym for heroism and hopeless courage against huge odds, as well as for treachery and betrayal. Feisal’s position between the French and the nationalists, and his own family’s ambitions, have caused lots of historical debate about whether he was a power-hungry opportunist, a sincere pan-Arab nationalist, or both.

In Mesopotamia, the British were struggling – their military was stretched thin across the region, bureaucrats fought departmental turf wars, and politicians argued about how much independence Mesopotamia would have – and whether it would be one, two, or even three states.

One thing soon became clear: the population was divided. Some of the urban elite were not against British control, while the ex-Ottoman officer’s association and much of the tribal countryside were.

In June 1920, a local Arab politician warned British administrator Gertrude Bell:
You said in your declaration that you would set up a native government drawing its authority from the initiative and free choice of the people concerned, yet you proceed to draw up a scheme without consulting anyone.”

That same month, the Iraqi Revolt, also known as the Iraqi Revolution, began. From a local tribe resisting British troops imprisoning one of their own, the unrest spread across the Middle Euphrates region. Tribal forces besieged several British garrisons, captured Najaf and Karbala, and defeated multiple British relief columns. It took the British until November, and 450 dead, to put down the revolt, and the settlement included a vague promise of an independent Arab kingdom that had yet to be defined.

The fighting though caused some in Britain to question the Mandate. The British defeated the Iraqi tribes, but they didn’t understand them. Bureaucrats wrote reports that blamed the revolt on a conspiracy between Turkey and Faisal, a conspiracy between the Germans and the Turks, and possibly the Bolsheviks too, the machinations of the American Standard Oil company, Pan-Islam, or the Jews.

Tribal leader Sayyid Muhsin Abu Tabikh was more pragmatic. The British hastened the revolt’s timing by their ignorance about the proud personality of the Iraqis and the numerous political mistakes that they committed across the country. There is a historical debate about the Iraqi revolt or revolution as well. Some saw it as a rebellion of different groups who were upset at British rule because it was foreign and heavy-handed. Others emphasize the role of former Ottoman officers who supported Faisal as the future king. Still, others consider it a national revolution that laid the foundation for a modern Iraqi identity and eventual independence.

The shape of modern Southwest Asia became more clear by 1921, even though formal peace only came in 1923. At the Cairo Conference, the Powers agreed that Faisal would rule over the Kingdom of Iraq, his brother Abdullah would become King of Transjordan, and Britain would continue to support the Zionist project in Palestine.

Though Britain would still have significant influence, the new Kingdoms enjoyed more autonomy than the British had intended thanks to the Iraqi revolt – independence though, would have to wait.

The French soon divided Syria and Lebanon into five separate states, which they would rule for years to come. They also decided to create Greater Lebanon by attaching several Muslim districts mostly Christian Mount Lebanon, creating an unfamiliar and volatile mix.

And so the First World War had swept away the centuries of Ottoman rule and created a new Southwest Asia.

There was violence between religious and ethnic communities, and there was violence against foreign domination.

The roots of the Southwest Asian conflict were planted after the First World War but it really escalated during the Cold War when the superpowers got involved and several wars were fought in Southwest Asia. 

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‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

e-Con e-News 01-07 December 2024

What’s the latest Scam, Uncle IMF Sam? Why, why, why is the USA rushing so many US Democratic-Party-allied functionaries, one after another, into Sri Lanka – their pivot within their ‘pivot to Asia’? Can it be the imminent advent of the US Republican-Party’s Trump, who may try grab a percentage of their loot from Sri Lanka?

     Just after China’s envoy Qi Zhenzhong suggests that Sri Lanka’s independence is in peril, the Sunday Times concludes this ‘indicates this country is sailing in rough seas on the external front’. Then in rushes Imran-Coupster Don Banana2 Lu, who must be under pressure, for the photos given to media always show him laughing, laughing and laughing…. Yes, another Donald, a grinning assassin, who seems to have demanded the attention of Sri Lanka’s ‘highest citizens’, numbers 1, 2 & 3 – President, Prime Minister & Speaker – plus the Foreign Minister and Treasury Secretary. Banana Lu is here to reinforce their resident Envoy’s geophysical and fiscal threats. He also provides colored State Department cover for their shady USAID Deputy Assistant Administrator Anjali Kaur & pale US Treasury Department Deputy Assistant Secretary Robert Kaproth, a frequent flyer into Colombo. We should also point out how the Fitch Rating Agency stood erect in glee over the Bank of Ceylon (BOC)’s prospects, right after their envoy lost-Korean Jiyoon (in English doggie-talk, Julie) ‘Banana1’ Chung was taken on a guided tour of the Bank (perhaps its vaults too). And how coincidental is this: A US Court has set a December 16 deadline for US Caribbean tax-hideout Hamilton Reserve Bank’s ISB case against the Sri Lankan Government! So it’s all set for a happy new 2025! Fasten your seatbelts!

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Then again, it maybe Sri Lanka’s abundant minerals, which most citizens seem to be unaware of, which excites Fitch most. Has the BoC agreed not to finance the state’s industrial initiatives, as it was once meant to do? Plans this week by China to restrict exports to the USA of their abundant rare earth minerals (gallium, germanium, graphite, etc), vital for technology, both for military & civilian applications, were announced by their Ministry of Commerce. China’s ban came just a day after the US Biden regime announced restrictions on their exports of ‘cutting-edge chipmaking equipment & materials’ – essential for artificial intelligence (AI) technology. So much for all those Advocata dicta about ‘Free Trade’! So, are these visits about confirming Sri Lanka as a favored US satrapy and a grab for the paydirt?

     Vichara notes in this week’s ee Focus, how Sri Lanka is abundant, under both land & seas too, with such minerals as graphite, which can be:

‘converted into graphene for electronics, medical devices, & energy storage,

and for manufacturing of lithium-ion battery anodes,

a critical component in EVs (e-vehicles).Our ilmenite & rutile

can be refined into titanium metal for aerospace & medical applications

& for the production of ceramic-grade zircon for tiles & sanitaryware.

Our apatite can be used tomanufacture of phosphoric acid & fertilizers.

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It may be no coincidence that the Industries Ministry announced a dossier on industrial lands available for investment, much of it in Mannar. Vichara examines the substance more than the ‘eloquent’ style of the President’s Policy Statement, focusing on the latest government’s plans for the economy. Vichara also points to the US-funded Yahapalana regime’s sabotaging of the Cooperative Wholesale Establishment (CWE), with more-than-a-helping hand by England’s Unilever. The CWE, established to cater to the cooperative sector, was during Philip Gunawardena’s era time linked to the Multi-purpose Cooperative Scheme. He notes how ‘the cooperatives served the nation during the 1983 pogroms when private trade hardly functioned’.

*

• Who should be ‘fired’ when the IMF-guided Central Bank gets ‘inflation so wrong’? asks Ahilan Kadirgamar in his exposé of the IMF’s Deflationary Disaster.  In this ee Focus, Kadirgamar points to ‘the overnight depreciation of the rupee from Rs200 to Rs364 to the USDollar’, based on the IMF’s fake prescriptions, which he figures, will undermine ‘economic growth, livelihoods & job creation’. The IMF & most Central Banks around the world remain ‘beholden to the interests of finance capital’. Yet, is it financial capital, or just capital, or more particularly industrial capita? which is what matters most to ee. The job of these IMF-dependent Central Banks is to prevent industrialization in our countries so as to forestall any competition.

*

‘Colombo Tea Traders’ Association (CTTA) celebrates 130 years’

• ‘Half the estates are now controlled by 2 big companies – Hayleys & Richard Pieris, notes National Peoples Power (NPP) Executive Committee member &Peradeniya Professor Vijaya Kumar. He is also President of the Lanka Estate Workers’ Union. In this ee Focus Kumar notes, wages in the plantations were once based on Wages Board decisions, until this private management took over in 1992. He makes no mention of the failure to invest in technology & related skills, nor that the top English multinational Unilever, the chief beneficiary of the plantation system, should pay compensation by transferring machine-making tea technology to Sri Lanka. Kumar notes how Regional Plantation Companies are:

Focused on undermining workers’ rights by converting permanent staff

into informal workers offered contract work or independent work through

a pernicious outgrower system, paying them poverty-level wages

& reducing their social protection benefits.

*

Management has meanwhile made a fine art of hiding profits by transferring them to

associate companies to justify their claims of running at a loss. But one does not understand

& it remains unexplained why companies are taking on more & more estates

if in fact they are making a loss. Management is able to offer low wages knowing full well

that any strikes by workers living on the kind of subsistence wages paid to estate workers

cannot last long & are bound to fail.

*

Plantation workers have traditionally been used as a benchmark to keep wages for all workers low. Our countries are kept underdeveloped by relegating us to exporting such primary products including products based on labor-intensive production processes such as garments, electronic assembly, etc. A small raise in wages translates into lesser profits, and profits over the last 150 years are never invested in capital equipment & raising skills. These workers should be provided equal rights on the basis of being incorporated into the larger body politic, rather than being used as pawns by India & England and the USA. They should also be offered passage to London as an alternative, as was offered to Indians in England’s African colonies – some have become ministers & one even a Prime Minister! – and to ‘Tamil refugees’ this week, who somehow got to enter and stay in a heavily fortified US base in  English-colonized Diego Garcia!

     Again, however, our economists should come right out and prescribe modern industrialization as the answer. They must clearly state: what is to be done. Whining to the master is proof to the master they are doing fine by their slave-driving. Meanwhile, Senior Presidential Advisor Duminda Hulangamuwa recently said the ‘IMF is pushing the country to downsize its public sector employees from 1.3 million to 750,000’, rather than retrain them for more productive work.

     ee therefore reproduces the Communist Party of Sri Lanka (CPSL) statement questioning the Cabinet approval on 12 November to liquidate the State Development & Construction Corporation (SDCC), a state enterprise operating under the Minister of Transport Vijitha Herath, specializing in heavy civil engineering construction projects:

SDCC was established in 1971 to undertake planning, designing &

construction of single & multi-purpose development projects for irrigation,

flood control, power, highways, water supply & drainage, land development

& other similar projects, and the manufacture of concrete & concrete products.

It was also tasked with planning, designing & fabricating mechanical & electrical

installations, extracting, manufacturing, importing & exporting construction raw

materials, machinery & equipment, training of engineering & technical personnel

and carrying out research, in connection with the above undertakings.

The Corporation was envisaged as complementing the State Engineering Corporation,

by undertaking infrastructural civil engineering work, and thereby

enhancing the technological capabilities & industrialization of the country.

*

Who is going to do the digging? And how will they dig? And how deep must they go? (before they finally make it to the 21^st century… and finally discovering China?)

*

___________

Contents:

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

ආධුනික ජාතික ජන බලවේගයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු කණ්ඩායම සිය පළමු දින තුන ඉහටත් උඩින් ගොඩ දා ගත්තේය.  රටේ ආහාර මිල, ආහාර හිඟය, තෙල් මිල, බලශක්ති ප්‍රතිපත්ති අවුල, උද්ඝෝෂණ (සංවර්ධන නිලධාරි/කොරියා රැකියා) මර්ධනය, ත්‍රස්තවාදය වැලැක්වීමේ පනත, පොහොර සහනාධාරය නොගෙවීම, සැප්තෑම්බර් විශ්‍රාම වැටුප් රු. 3000 නොගෙවීම, කතානායක අධ්‍යාපන සහතික, විදුලි – ඉන්ධන මිල, ගංවතුර සහන  ඇතුළු රටේ මිනිස්සුන්ට දැනෙන ගැටළු 21 ක් නිර්මාණය වී තිබූ පරිසරයක ඒ කිසිවක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ප්‍රමුඛ විවාදය නොවන තැනට ආණ්ඩුවේ ආධුනිකයෝ මෙහෙයවා ගත්තෝය. .

සියළු අවාසි තමන්ගේ පැත්තේ තිබිය දී ආණ්ඩුව, නවක මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් 149 ක් සමඟ දින තුනක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ තම ආධිපත්‍ය පැතිරවීම, මාධ්‍ය අවකාශය පිරවීම, ප්‍රචාරක යුද්ධය ජය ගැනීම හා තම පොරොන්දු එකක්වත් කරලියට එන්නට නොදී යටපත් කර ගැනීමට සමත්වීම ආණ්ඩුව පැත්තෙන් ගත් කළ විශිෂ්ඨ කලමනාකරණයකි.

පළමු දින දෙකේම, කතානායක, ආණ්ඩු පක්ෂයේ ප්‍රධාන සංවිධායක ගේ ආධුනික බව සජීවි විකාශනය තුල පෙනෙන්නට තිබුණි. විශේෂයෙන්ම කතානායකවරයාට තමන්ගේ භුමිකාව ගැනවත්, විෂය දැනුමවත්, ක්ෂණික මැදිහත්වීම් සඳහා අවශ්‍ය පරිචය හෝ බුද්ධිය නොපෙන්වීය. විපක්ෂය පාර්ලිමේන්තු ක්‍රියාවලිය පිළිබඳ කතානායකගේ අඩු දැනුම උලුප්පා දක්වමින් ‘පොඩි ලල්‘ එකක් ගන්නා බව පෙනෙන්නට තිබුණා.

ආණ්ඩුව විසින් තමන්ට සකස් කර තිබූ පිටිය ගැන විපක්ෂ නායකවරයාට, ප්‍රධාන සංවිධායක හෝ පක්ෂ නායකයින්ට අවබෝධයක් නොතිබූ බව පැහැදිලියි.  විපක්ෂයට පූර්ව සූදානමක්, උපක්‍රම තෝරාගැනීමක් පළමු දින තුනේ නම් නොවීය.  

ජජබ මන්ත්‍රී කණ්ඩායම රැස්වීමට පැමිණ තිබුණේ හොඳ සුදානම් සහිතවයි. 

ඔවුන් විපක්ෂයට සෙල්ලම් කරන්න කුඹුරක් වගේ පිට්ටනියක් හදලා තිබුණා. හරියට අපේ පිට්ටනිවල ක්‍රිකට් ගහනකොට පිටිය සකසන්නෝ ගාල්ලේ – දඹුල්ලේ පිච් එක හදනවා වාගේය.  

ඒ පිච් එක (අ) ජාතිවාදය එපා (ආ) විපක්ෂය ජාතිවාදය වපුරනවා (ඇ) බාර් පර්මිට් කියන සරළ ගුග්ලි තුන මත හැදිලා තිබුණා.

ජජබට හිතවත් සමාජ මාධ්‍ය හා සමාජ මාධ්‍ය ක්‍රියාකාරීන් අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීම එයට යොදාගත්ත අඩුම – කුඩුම!

පලපුරුදු විපක්ෂය තම ලස්සන පාර්ලිමේන්තු ඇඳුමෙන් කුඹුරට පැන්නා.  විපක්ෂයේ ඉදිරි පෙළ වාඩිවෙලා ඉන්න කතාකළ හැමෝම මේ කුඹුරේ නෑවා. (ගෝඨාභය හා රනිල් ගේ ආණ්ඩුව පහුගිය වාරයේ දී ත් සජබ ප්‍රමුඛ විපක්ෂයට මේ දේ ම කලා. සමස්ථ විපක්ෂය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දිය වුනේ ඒ නිසයි)

පළමු දින දෙකේ විපක්ෂයේ කථිකයින් කිව්වේ (අ) අපි ජාතිවාදී නෑ  (ආ) ආණ්ඩුව ආධුනිකයි  (ඇ) අයි.එම්.එෆ්. (ඈ) ආණ්ඩුවට උපදෙස් දීම

අඩුම ගානේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ තුනෙන් දෙකකට වැඩි බලයක් තියෙන ආණ්ඩුවට විපක්ෂයේ උපදෙස් මොකට ද කියලා වත් ඒ අයට වැටහීමක් තිබුණේ නෑ. කතානායක ට සභා සේවකයා උපදෙස් දීම බලාගෙන ගන්න ආශ්වාදයෙන් ප්‍රඥාව වැහිලා තිබුණා.

කතානායකවරයාගේ අධ්‍යාපන සුදුසුකම් පිළිබඳ ප්‍රශ්නය ඔහුගේ පත්වීම සිදු වූ දිනයේ දීම එළියට පැමිණියා.  විපක්ෂය තමන්ට මන්ත්‍රී වැටුප ගෙවන ‘සංවරණ හා තුලන‘ කාර්යය ඉටු කරනවා නම්, අවම වශයෙන් මේ ප්‍රශ්නය කතානායකවරයා වෙත යොමු කිරීමේ අත්හල නොහැකි වගකීමක් තිබුණා. ඒ අවම වගකීම හෝ විපක්ෂයෙන් ඉටු වූවේ නෑ.

කතානායකවරයා සමාජ මාධ්‍ය හෝ පත්තරේන් හෝ දැනගෙන හෝ ආනන්ද තිස්ස ද අල්විස්, අනුර බණ්ඩාරනායක, මහින්ද යාපා අනුව යමින් කතානායක පුටුවේ හරි බරි ගැහිලා වාඩිවුණා. සිවිල් සංවිධාන තොරතුරු පනත යටතේ කතානායකගේ අධ්‍යාපන සුදුසුකම් ඉල්ලනකොට, සමාජ මාධ්‍ය පෝස්ට් යනකොට ආණ්ඩුවේ බාර් ලයිෂන් ලිස්ට් එක දවස අන්තිමේ එළියට දැම්මා.  රටේම අවධානය, සමාජ මාධ්‍ය අවකාශය බාර් ලැයිස්තුවට යොමු වුණා.  

කොහොම නමුත්, විපක්ෂයේ දක්ෂතම කථිකයෝ සේරම ආණ්ඩුවේ ‘ජාතිවාදී ලේබලයට උත්තර දෙන්න ගිහින් අපි ජාතිවාදී නෑ. ජාතිවාදී නෑ කියනවා ඇරෙන්න රටේ මිනිස්සුන් ලක්ෂයකට වඩා සෘජුව දැනෙන, සම්බන්ධ ප්‍රශ්න 21 ක ලිස්සලා ඇරියා.  කොළඹ තානාපති කාර්යාල, යුරෝපා සංගමය, ජිනීවා, වොෂින්ටන් විතරක් නෙවෙයි, නවදිල්ලිය හා තමිල්නාඩුව ලංකාව ගැන කතා කරන ත්‍රස්තවාදය වැලැක්වීමේ පනත, අදානි ගිවිසුමට වත් විපක්ෂයේ ප්‍රමුඛතාව ලැබුණේ නෑ. ශානක්‍යන් ගේ ‘පලාත් සභා ගුග්ලිය‘ උතුරේ පක්ෂවලට ලැබුණු ජනපති රැස්වීමේන් ආණ්ඩුව ලකුණු හයක් කර ගත්තා.

ආණ්ඩුව තමන්ට තියෙන සියළු අවාසිදායක තත්වයන් එකා පිටුපස එකා බැගින් සාමුහිකව තර්ක කරලා විපක්ෂය මතු කරන්න හදපු තර්කය සුක්ෂමව බිඳ දැම්මා.

තුන්වන දවස, විපක්ෂයට තනිකරම ඛෙදවාචකයක් වුණා. කබීර් හෂීම් හැර විපක්ෂයේ ආර්ථික ඔස්තාර්ලා කාටවත් අලුත් දැනෙන දෙයක් කියන්න බැරි වුණා. 

ආණ්ඩුව විපක්ෂයේ කථිකයින්ගේ වැරදිච්ච වචන, උපක්‍රමශීලි ලෙස (අර්ථය) වෙනස් කළ යෙදුම් අරගෙන විපක්ෂයට ලැබුණු වෙළාවේ වැදගත්ම තර්ක උස්සලා පොලවේ ගැහුවා.

ඊටත් වඩා, ජවිපෙ ආණ්ඩුවේ අතීත කතා මතු කරන්න ගිහින් ඉල්ලගෙන කෑවා. (ජවිපෙ හි පෙර වැරදි මිනිස්සු ගනන් ගන්නවා නම් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ 70% බලයක් ලැබෙයිද?)

විපක්ෂය පාර්ලමේන්තුවේ කාලය රටේ ප්‍රශ්න කතා කරන්න යොදා ගන්තේ නැත්තම්, 2011 එදා රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ගේ විපක්ෂය අත්වූ ඉරණම සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස ගේ විපක්ෂයට අත්වෙන්නට වැඩිකලක් යන එකක් නෑ.

පළමු වෙනි දින තුන ආණ්ඩුව උඩින්ම දිනුම්! විපක්ෂය………..  ආ එහෙම එකක් තිබුණද?

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Ven. Kitalagama Sri Seelalankara, chief priest of Dimbulagala Raja Maha vihara (Dimbulagala Hamuduruvo, hereafter Dimbulagala)   was a political monk. He had a continuing battle with Tamil officials and politicians of Batticaloa on illegal settlements in Maduru oya. He himself had tried to settle Sinhala farmers at Wadamunai, (Koralai Pattu west, Batticaloa district) in 1974 without success. The administration and the police had chased them away.

Dimbulagala came to Mahaweli Centre to meet the Director General in August 1983. He was very agitated. You are the DG of Mahaweli. What you are doing while Mahaweli land is illegally occupied by Tamils from Batticaloa, Dimbulagala thundered. Do you know that while you people are seated in this big office, separatist Tamils are encroaching on the right bank from Batticaloa?

They are mounting a massive encroachment at Maduru oya right bank from Batticaloa. They are altering district boundaries, converting Sinhala villages by giving them Tamil names and changing the names of poor Sinhala people, continued the angry Dimbulagala. I have been complaining to GA Polonnaruwa and all the officials of the Mahaweli for the last ten years, but they have taken no action.

There is tremendous pressure for land from people in Polonnaruwa, Minneriya and Hingurakgoda. They are objecting to the Tamil encroachments .They say that Tamils are flagrantly encroaching on Mahaweli land while they are looking on. Can you not send Sinhala people to this land quickly.   Unless something is done soon, there will be no land left for the Sinhala people, concluded Dimbulagala.

Mahaweli  Centre decided to do something .Dimbulagala  was asked to settle   Sinhala farmers at Maduru Oya, starting on September 1, 1983. He was assured that Mahaweli Authority would support him. The priest acted on that assurance, observed   journalist T Sabaratnam. He did everything openly.

 Dimbulagala was given a vehicle  and sent with two  officers from  Mahaweli   Media unit to identify the  suitable tanks  and locations in the Maduru oya area. Mahaweli officers who knew about the  new Tamil settlements, advised him before he left.

Dimbulagala went to Davasa  group and  got them to publish an advertisement in Riviresa. It said that Ven. Kitelegama would be distributing land at Dimbulagala, free to  youth who do not have land and to poor peasant families. They must bring  a letter from Grama Sevaka .  Dimbulagala  also sent a circular to  temples, asking the chief priest to send at least two landless peasant families. There was a good response. Dimbulagala   told  Riviresa later that  many people from the four corners of the island had bundled up their belongings and had come. He consulted astrologers and obtained an auspicious time on September 1^st 1983 for starting the project.

The two  officers from the Mahaweli media Unit,  detailed to work with Dimbulagala   reported to Malinga Gunaratna   on what happened  next. They said, on 31st August almost 3000 people had gathered at the Dimbulagala temple. They had brought along food stuff to last them for three months. Most were men. Women and children were not present. They had brought along cadjans and tools to build houses and occupy land. Ven. Seelalankara was moving about giving advice and encouragement.

Ven. Seelalankara then made a speech. ‘You are assembled here not only to get a piece of land but for a more lofty purpose.  We are being threatened on all sides by separatists. What the separatists want is a continuous block of land which they propose to call Eelam. You are going to break that.

You have to defend the unity of the country. But you must live with the Tamils as one big happy family.  You should go to their kovil, you must teach them your language and you must learn theirs. But if a terrorist comes to throw you out, you must fight to the last.

 You are not to return from this journey. For if you do not stay there, the boundaries of Sri Lanka are not safe.  Don’t look to the state for help. The state is not here to help you, you must help the state. It is my great honour to lead you, now let us go on our holy journey. Remember Dutugemunu,’ Ven. Seelalankara concluded.  ‘Sadhu Sadhu’ said the future settlers.

The monk had mobilized vans, lorries, cars and motorcycles from rich Sinhala business men from Polonnaruwa. There were over 200 vehicles. The convoy left for its destination with Dimbulagala heading the convoy blaring pirit through a loudspeaker and flying the Buddhist flag. 

When the convoy started on September 1^st, the Tamil lobby responded immediately. They informed the IGP.  IGP Rudra Rajasingham rang Mahaweli Chairman NGP Panditaratne to say that a massive convoy was moving towards Batticaloa, headed by Dimbulagala monk.  Panditeratne did nothing to stop the convoy.

The Sinhala settlers arrived at three places in System B, Meerandavillu-Wadamunai, Mathavanai- Mahaella and Punani, all coming under the Koralaipattu AGA division of the Batticaloa district.

 GA Batticaloa instructed AGA Koralai pattu to visit the settlements   and report back.AGA Koralai pattu reported to the GA that he had received a complaint from about 10 families at Meerandavillu that they had been chased out by a large number of Sinhala people. He was informed that [Sinhala] people had come to Meerandavillu and threatened {Tamil] people there with bodily harm and chased them out, saying they were going to settle there. The Tamil families were scared and frightened.

He was told that a Buddhist monk had come 2 weeks back looked around and left. Then onSeptember 1, 1983 a Buddhist monk had led about 15 lorry loads and 10 tractor loads of people into Meerandavillu from Polonnaruwa distinct, with the intention of settling them on state land there. They were from Aralaganwila, Hingurakgoda, Jayanthipura and adjoining areas.

When the AGA went there, on September 3rd the monk was holding a meeting of a society he had formed. Ven. Seelalankara had flatly refused to leave. He said he had come there to prevent estate Tamils settling in the area.  He was not going to withdraw under any circumstance.  We will occupy the land by force if necessary. These lands belonged to Dimbulagala Maha vihara according to ancient records, he said. He will not vacate.   In 1972 when he had come with settlers he had been chased away by the MP, the GA and others. This time he was staying.

The newly arrived Sinhala settlers told the AGA that that 5000 of them had come in 25 vehicles with the intention of settling there at the behest of Dimbulagala and in deference to a sermon delivered by him at Dimbulagala Vihara. They were emphatic and their statement was marked by loud cries of Sadhu. 

AGA then went to Mathavanai-Mahaella. This area   was the traditional grazing land for cattle in Kalkudah. About 2000 persons have encroached on about 2500 to 3000 acres. About 2000 acres have already been cleared.  500 huts have come up. People were being transported in CTB buses and the Anti Malaria unit in Bibile had sprayed this area, reported AGA. 

AGA’s last stop was Punani area.  This came within the Koralai Forest reserve. AGA admitted that some lands had been alienated under the Land Development Ordinance to local residents.  Now about 200 persons from Polonnaruwa, Kantale and Kotmale have encroached on these lands. Already about 20 huts have come up.  AGA attached a one inch map indicating the areas encroached by the Sinhala settlers in all three places.

 Using the report from AGA Koralaipattu,  the Government agent ,Batticaloa, M.Anthonimuttu, informed Secretary, Mahaweli Ministry , on 4^th September  that there is large scale encroachment in System B .About 5000 persons from various  parts of the country,  Polonnaruwa, Mahiyangana, Matara, Kantale, Kurunegala Kandy  have encroached on  3000 acres of land in this area.  1000 huts have come up and clearing is in progress. Dimbulagala had told the AGA he had no intention of leaving the area under any circumstances.

These large scale encroachments have caused considerable tension in his District. These new [Sinhala] settlers had threatened the earlier [Tamil] settlers with bodily harm and chased them away. They had been long standing settlers.    They had left their allotments through fear and come to Batticaloa.

If this encroachment is allowed, it will precipitate large scale encroachment into other areas of the   District. Local people are likely to take this as an act of invasion by the Sinhala community. GA Batticaloa said   thatimmediate action must be taken on this matter by the Mahaweli Ministry.

T. Sabaratnam related what happened next. Home Minister K. W. Devanayagam’s coordinating secretary K. G. John telephoned me on the morning of 8 September 1983 and said the Minister wanted to meet me on an urgent matter.  I met him in his ministry. Devanayagam told me that a Sinhala invasion of his electorate, Kalkudah, had begun and he had conveyed his protest to President Jayewardene.

Devanayagam held the press briefing that evening.  He told the media that he had invited them to tell the country of a serious development taking place in Vadamanai that falls within his electorate.  He said a large number of landless Sinhala peasants were being brought by Ven. Seelalankara to encroach on the Maduru Oya settlements reserved for Tamils under an agreement he had worked out with Mahaweli Minister Gamini Dissanayake.

Devanayagam said the Dimbulagala priest had brought Sinhala peasants on 1 September and had refused to leave when Batticaloa Government Agent M. Anthonimuttu objected.  He said the monk had tried to settle Sinhala peasants in the same place in 1974, (sic)  but had been driven away with the help of the police.  This time the police were not cooperating with the government agent. This time, Sabaratnam found out later, the priest defied the Government Agent and the police refused to evict him and the peasants he brought because he had the unofficial backing of Mahaweli Minister Gamini Dissanayake and his Ministry.

On 17^th September it was reported that more and more people were flocking to the right bank of Maduru oya .  There was a massive movement of people toward the Batticaloa   area of Maduru oya. The situation had gathered a momentum of its own. Numbers had risen to 40,000. Shops and boutiques were coming up overnight on the Right Bank.  Malinga Gunaratne at Mahaweli was sending frantic messages to Dimbulagala to halt further settlements but Dimbulagala   had lost control.

Journalists provided eye witness accounts. They described the situation in the Maduru Oya area as that of a carnival.  Polonnaruwa correspondent for Lake House reported “People are pouring into the Dimbulagala temple from all parts of the country.  They are being transported in lorries and vans to the location.  Mahaweli Authority officials were directing them to various places and providing them with poles, tin sheets and cadjan to put up temporary sheds.  Food parcels were also being distributed by volunteer organizations.” [1]  (Continued)

[1]  Malinga Gunaratne  For a sovereign state .

   https://sangam.org/articles/view2/626.html T Sabaratnam

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

මන්ත්‍රී වැටුප, විශ්‍රාම දීමනාව සත්‍ය කුමක්ද? බොරුව කොච්චර ලොකුද? 

අද දේශපාලනයේ ආකර්ශණීයම මාතෘකා හතර මන්ත්‍රී වැටුප, විශ්‍රාම වැටුප, නිල නිවාස හා වාහනයයි.  අවසනාවකට ප්‍රබන්ධ හා මිත්‍යාව තුලින් ආලේප ගන්වා, මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට එරෙහිව වෛරය, විරෝධයක මතු කරන්නට එය භාවිතා කර ඇත.  බලයට පත්වී මාසයක් ගත වන්නටත් පෙර, මේ ගැන ඇති මිත්‍යාව සාකච්ඡාවට බදුන් කළ යුතුය.

රාජ්‍යය යනු, ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන්, ජනතා නියෝජිතයින් විසින් පවත්වාගෙන යනු පාලන යන්ත්‍රයකි.  එහි නීති සම්පාදන ක්‍රියාවලිය සිදු කරන්නේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් විසිනි. ආණ්ඩුව හා විපක්ෂය යන මේ දෙපිරිසටම රජයේ ඒකාබද්ධ අරමුදලෙන් වැටුප්, දීමනා, පහසුකම්, කාර්යාල සහ විශ්‍රාම වැටුප් ලබා දෙන්නේය. ඒ රාජ්‍යය යන සංවරණ හා තුලන ක්‍රියාවලිය ආණ්ඩු – විපක්ෂ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් විසින් සිදු කරන නිසාය. බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විපක්ෂ නායකවරයෙකුට නිල පිළිගැනීම ලැබෙන්නේ 1937 තරම් ආසන්නයේ වුනත්, එයට 1737 දක්වා අතීතයක් ඇත. විපක්ෂ නායකවරයෙකුට මන්ත්‍රී වැටුපට අමතරව වැටුපක් ලැබෙන්නේ ද ඒ නිසාය.   අප මේ නඩත්තු කරන්නේ රාජ්‍යය මිස දේශපාලන පක්ෂ හෝ පුද්ගලයින් නොවේ.

මන්ත්‍රී විශ්‍රාම වැටුප

මන්ත්‍රී විශ්‍රාම වැටුප තරම් ජනතා කෝපයට බදුන් කළ වෙනත් මන්ත්‍රී සේවාවක් නැත.  2024 ඔක්තෝබර් මස විශ්‍රාම වැටුප් ලැබූ හිටපු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් සංඛ්‍යාව 430 කි.  පසුගිය මැතිවරණයට තරඟ නොකළ හා පරාජයට පත්වූ තවත් 105 ක් ජනවාරි මස සිට විශ්‍රාම වැටුපට හිමිකම් ලබති. 

1977 අංක 01 දරන පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගේ විශ්‍රාම වැටුප් පනත අනුව මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට ලැබෙන මුදල තීරණය වේ.  වසර 5 ක ධූර කාලයක් නිමා කරන විට වැටුපෙන් 1/3 ක් ද, වසර 15 ට වැඩි ධූර කාලයකට වැටුපෙන් 2/3 ක් ද, විශ්‍රාමිකයින්ට ලැබෙන ජීවන වියදම් දීමනාව ද එයට එක් වේ. මන්ත්‍රී වැටුප ගැන සුරංගනා කතා රැසක් ඇතත් මුලික වැටුප රු. 54,285 කි. එයින් තුනෙන් පංගුව රු.18,095 කි.  විශ්‍රාම හැමෝටම ලැබෙන ජීවන වියදම් දීමනාව රු.37,175.00 කි.  අද ගෙවන අවම විශ්‍රාම වැටුප රු.55,270 කි.  උපරිම වැටුප රු. 80,000 කට මදක් වැඩිය.  ලංකාවේ විශ්‍රාම වැටුප් ක්‍රමය යටතේ වැන්දඹු හා යැපෙන්නන් ආවරණය වේ.  වැන්දඹු දීමනා ලබන මන්ත්‍රී සංඛ්‍යාව 168 දෙනෙකි.

අතීත කතාව

සී.ඩබ්ලිව්.ඩබ්ලිව්. කන්නංගර නිදහස් අධ්‍යාපනයේ පියා විරුදාවලි ලබන්නේ නිර්ප්‍රභූ පන්තියට අධ්‍යාපනයේ දොරටු රජයේ වියදමින් විවර කළ නිසාය.  මැතිවරණයෙන් පරාජයට පත් වන ඔහු විදේශ සේවයේ සිට ලංකාවට පැමිණ තමන් සතු ස්වල්ප ධනයෙන් ජීවත්වන්නේය. බෙහෙත් ටිකක් ගන්නට මුදලක් පවා නැති වූ විට ‘සමස්ත ලංකා මධ්‍ය විද්‍යාල ආදි ශිෂ්‍ය සංගමයේ’ නිලධාරීන් වූ බර්ටි ගලහිටියාව සහ විපුල ධර්මප්‍රිය (බතික්) විසින් නිදහස් අධ්‍යාපනයේ පියාට රු. 100 බැගින් මාස කිහිපයක් ලබාදී ඇත. පසුව, තමන්ට ජීවත්වීමට රු. 500 ක ‘කරුණාසහගත දීමනාවක් ලබා දෙන ලෙස‘ කන්නංගර විසින් කතානායකට යැවූ ලිපිය ලියා ඇත්තේ ද විපුලම ය.  මේ ලිපියෙන් පර්ලිමේන්තුවට ද, රට ද කම්පනයට පත් වන්නේය.  කන්නංගරට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ අනුමැතියෙන් ‘පිං පඩියක්‘ ලැබෙන්නේය.  මන්ත්‍රී විශ්‍රාම වැටුපේ ආරම්භක ශෝක කතාව එයයි.

මෙවැනිම අහේනියකට පත් වන මතුගම දයා පැස්කුවල් සිය පන්මල්ල අරගෙන බස්රියෙන් බෙහෙත් ගන්නට ගිය හැටි ගැන මාධ්‍ය වාර්තා ඇත.  කවිකොළකාරයෙකු වූ දඹුල්ලේ ටී.බී.තෙන්නකෝන් ද නිර්ප්‍රභු දිළින්දෙකි.  කවිසේන හේරත් හෝ මුදියන්සේ තෙන්නකෝන් හෝ ඒ දෙදෙනාටම හෝ (වරදක් ඇතොත් සමාවන්න) ‘කරුණාසහගත දීමනාව’ ගෙවා ඇත. ඔවුන් මේ දීමනාව ලබාගන්නට පරණ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පැමිණ ගෝල්ෆේස් පිටියේ රැදී සිටි ආකාරය පැරණි පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සේවකයෙකුගෙන් අසා දැනගතිමි. මුල්ම යුගයේ හිටපු ප්‍රධාන අමාත්‍යවරයෙකුගේ බිරිඳට හා දිසාපති බිරිඳකට ඒකම දිනක දී මෙවැනිම විශේෂ දිමනාවක් ලබාදී ඇත. විධිමත් විශ්‍රාම වැටුප් ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කරන්නේ නම්, නැවත වරක් මෙවැනි අවස්ථාවන් ඇති වීම නොවැලැක්විය හැකි වනු ඇත.

1956 සහ 1960 ජූලි ආර්ථික වශයෙන් ශක්තිමත් නැති නිර්ප්‍රභු පන්තියක් මහජන නියෝජිතයින් වට පත්විය. ඔවුන්ගෙන් බහුතරය 1965 ඡන්දයෙන් පරාජයට පත් වූ පසුව ගෙවූවේ අන්ත දිළිඳු දිවියකි.  සමගි පෙරමුණු රජය මේ පිරිස ගැන සලකා 1970 දෙසැම්බර් 29 දා මන්ත්‍රී විශ්‍රාම වැටුප් ක්‍රමයකට අනුමැතිය ලබා දෙනු ලැබීය.  එදා රු. දහසක් වූ මන්ත්‍රී වැටුපට අනුව මන්ත්‍රී විශ්‍රාම වැටුප රු. 333.33 කි. (එදා ගුරුවරයෙකුගේ වැටුප ආරම්භක වැටුප රු. 250 කි.)

එතෙක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව නියෝජනය කළ ප්‍රභූ සමාජය නැතත්, බුලත් කන, සරම අදින, බස් එකේ යන මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට, රාජ්‍ය සේවයෙන් ඉල්ලා අස්වෙලා නීති හදන්නට පැමිණි පිරිසකට එමගින් රැකවරණය ලැබුණි.  වැඩිහිටියන් රැක බලා ගැනීම ශිෂ්ඨ සමාජ වගකීමකි. ලංකා රාජ්‍යය 2024 ආරම්භයේ දී විශ්‍රාමිකයින් ලක්ෂ 7 කට වැටුප් ගෙවන්නේය. රටේ විශ්‍රාමික මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් 430 කි. 

වත්මන් දසවන පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විවිධ තරාතිරම්වල පුද්ගලියන් සිටින අතර රාජ්‍ය සේවයෙන් ඉවත්වී පැමිණි අය ද, කිරි ගොවියන් හෙවත් හරක් බලන්නන් ද, ජීවිතයේ කිසිම දවසක රස්සාවක් කර නැති අය ද සිටී. අනාගතයේ දවසක ඔවුන්ට ‘කරුණා සහගත දීමනාව‘ හෙවත් පිං පඩිය ඉල්ලා ලිපි ලියන්නට සිදු නොවේවා යන්න මගේ පැතුමය.  විශ්‍රාම වැටුප් අහෝසි කිරීමේ යෝජනාව සම්මත කරන්නේ නම්, මෙයට පක්ෂව ඡන්දය දෙන කිසිවෙකුට අනාගතයේ කිසිම දවසක ‘කරුණා සහගත දීමනාවක් ඉල්ලලා‘ ලියුම් එව්වාට ‘පිං පඩි නොලැබිය යුතුයි‘ කියලා වගන්තියක් ඇතුලත් කළ යුතුය.  ජනප්‍රිය සටන් පාඨ නීති බවට පත් කිරීමේ පාපයට කරගසන්නන්ම එහි පීඩාව ද විදිය යුතුය.

අනෙක් අතට, දැනට තිබෙන කුමන හෝ විශ්‍රාම දීමනාවක් කිසිවෙකුට අහිමි කිරීම කිසි ලෙසකින් හෝ යුක්ති යුක්ත හෝ ශිෂ්ඨ ක්‍රියාවක් නොවේ.

ජවිපෙ නියෝජනය කළ නමුත් පක්ෂය හැර ගිය නන්දන ගුණතිලක, විමල් ඇතුළු පිරිසකට විශ්‍රාම වැටුප අහිමි කිරීම මේ යෝජනාවේ සැඟවුණු රහස යැයි පවතින අදහස ද බැහැර නොකළ යුතුය.

අමාත්‍යවරුන්ගේ කාර්ය මණ්ඩලවල පුද්ගලික, මාධ්‍ය, සම්බන්ධීකරණ ලේකම්වරුන් සේවය කළ 200 කට ආසන්න පිරිසකට ද විශ්‍රාම වැටුප් ලැබේ. එයින් බහුතරයට ලැබෙන මුදල රු. 25,000 කට අඩු ය. මන්ත්‍රී විශ්‍රාමය සමඟ මොවුන්ගේ වැටුප අහිමි කරන්නේ ද යන්න පැහැදිලි නැත.  එසේ කරන්නේ නම්, වෙනත් ආදායම් මාර්ග නොමැති අයට සමෘද්ධි, අස්වැසුම හෝ වෙනත් ‘පිං පඩියක්‘ ලබාදීමේ ශිෂ්ඨ වගකීමක් රාජ්‍ය සතුව පවතී.

මාදිවල මන්ත්‍රී මන්දර

ලින්ක් සමාගම විසින් මාදිවල ඉඩමක් නාගරික සංවර්ධන අධිකාරයෙන් ලබාගෙන මධ්‍ය පාන්තික නිවාස ව්‍යාපෘතියක ඇරඹීය.  ආචාර්ය නුගවෙල, ඉංජිනේරුවරුන්වන ජයවර්ධන හා නිශ්ශංක විජේරත්න ඒ ඉදිකිරීමේ හිමිකරුවන්ය.  නිවාස ඉදිකිරීම අවසන් අදියරට පැමිණි විට අලෙවිය සඳහා අත්පත්‍රිකාවක් ද මුද්‍රණය විය. වහා මැදිහත් වූ ජනපති ප්‍රේමදාස පාර්ලිමේන්තුව හරහා නිවාස මිල දී ගෙන උත්සවශ්‍රීයෙන් මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට ලබාදුන්නේය.  වැඩේ ක්‍රියාත්මක කළේ කතානායක එම්.එච්. මොහොමඩ් සහ ඔහුගේ සම්බන්ධීකරණ ලේකම් සාලි (ආණ්ඩුකාරවර අසාත් සාලි නොවේ) ය.

මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්, අපේක්ෂකයින් පාක්ෂිකයින් රැසක් ඝාතනය වූ 1989 භීෂණ සමයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට ගම රට යාමට ක්‍රමයක් නොවීය. ආණ්ඩු පක්ෂයට කැප්පෙටිපොල මාවතේ සමුළු නිවාස ලැබුණි. ශ්‍රාවස්තියේ ද පිරිසක් සිටියහ. විපක්ෂයේ බහුතරයකට නවතින්නට තැනක් නොවීය.  එයට විරෝධය පා  යසරත්න තෙන්නකෝන්, නන්දිමිත්‍ර ඒකනායක, එඩ්වින් වික්‍රමරත්න ඇතුළු පිරිසක් වරක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කොට්ට පැදුරු රැගෙන විත් නිදාගත්තේය. පසුව පිරිසකට මන්ත්‍රී ආරක්ෂාව පතා තැප්‍රොබේන් හෝටලයේ කාමර ලැබුණි. පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ආසන්නයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට නිවාස අවශ්‍ය වූවේ මරණ බය නිසාය.  

 අදටත් මාදිවල මන්ත්‍රී නිවාස සංකීර්ණයේ විදුලිය, ජලය බිල් මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් විසින් ගෙවිය යුතුය. සියලුම ගෘහ භාණ්ඩ ඔවුන් විසින්ම සපයා ගත යුතුය. ෆෑන් දෙකක් ඇතත් වායු සමීකරණ අවශ්‍ය නම් සවිකර ගැනීම මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගේ වියදමින් සිදු කළ යුතුය.

උඩ තට්ටුවේ දහයයි – දහය ප්‍රමාණයේ කාමර දෙකක්, බඩු කාමරයක්, නාන කාමරයක් ඇත. යට තට්ටුවේ පුටු දෙක තුනකට, දෙන්නෙකුට වාඩිවිය හැකි කෑම මේසයකට ප්‍රමාණවත් ඉඩක් ද, එක් අයෙකුට වැඩ කර ගත හැකි කුස්සියක් ද, එළියේ ස්කොටින් පෑන් වැසිකිලියක් ද බැගින් ඇත. 

මන්ත්‍රී ඉන්ධන දීමනාව

මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට ඔවුන් තේරී පත් වූ දිස්ත්‍රික්කය අනුව, ලීටර් 283 (කොළඹ) සිට ලීටර් 639 (යාපනය, මඩකලපුව, අම්පාර) දක්වා ඉන්ධන ලැබේ. මාතලේ, අනුරාධපුර, පොළොන්නරුව, බදුල්ල සඳහා ලීටර් 568 කි. පාවිච්චි කරන වාහනයේ ඉන්ධන කාර්යක්ෂමතාව කුමක් වුව රජය වැය කරන වෙනස් වන්නේ නැත. මේ මුදල සාක්කුවට දමා ගැනීමට ඇති හැකියාවක් නැති තරම්ය.

මෙයට අමතරව ලැබෙන සහන වන්නේ නිදහස් තැපැල් දීමනාව (ලිපි යැවීමට), කාර්යාල උපකරණ දීමනාව (ෆොටෝ කොපි කොළ පැකට් 5, රෝනියෝ කොළ පැකට් කිහිපයක්, ෆයිල් කවර, අමුණුම් කටු, ක්ලිප්), හා කාර්යාල දීමනාව (මසකට රු ලක්ෂයකි) මෙයට අමතරව ලැබේ.  

මන්ත්‍රී වැටුප රු. රු. 54,285 කි.  රාජ්‍ය සේවයෙන් ඉවත්ව මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ලෙස පත් වූ බහුතරයක් ගුරුවරුන්, වෛද්‍යවරුන්, ඉංජිනේරුවන්ගේ මුලික වැටුප පූර්ණ මන්ත්‍රී වැටුපට වඩා වැඩිය. ඔබගේ නිර්ප්‍රභූ මන්ත්‍රී සඟයින්ගේ උපන්දින තෑගි, විවාහ මංගල තෑගි, අවමංගල්‍යයට තබා දන්සන් ආධාර හෝ අපේක්ෂා නොකළ යුතු වන්නේ මේ නිසාය.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ වැටුප් ප්‍රමාණය සමාන්තර විගණකාධිපති, අධිකරණ සේවයට වඩා බෙහෙවින් අඩුය.  මහ ලේකම් වැටුප රු. ලක්ෂයකි. දීමනා සියල්ල සමඟ රු. ලක්ෂ දෙක හමාරකට ආසන්නය. සමාන සුදුසුකම් සහිත අධිකරණ සේවයේ එමෙන් තුන් ගුණයක වැටුපක් ලැබේ.   ලිපිකරුවෙකුට රු. 60,000 ක් සමඟ උපරිමය රු. 125,000 කි. කම්කරුවෙකුට හා කම්කරුවෙකුට ආසන්නව රු. 80,000 ක් ලැබේ. (නමුත් අතිකාල දීමනා ඇත්තේම නැත) පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඉංජිනේරුවෙකුගේ වැටුප විදුලිබල, ඛනිජ තෙල් සංස්ථාවක වැටුපෙන් තුනෙන් පංගුවකි. පරිගණක, කාර්මික ශිල්පී වැටුප පුද්ගලික අංශයේ වැටුපෙන් අඩකටත් අඩුය. අටසිය පනහක් වන පාර්ලමේන්තු කාර්ය මණ්ඩලයේ දක්ෂයින්ගේ 30 -40 ක් සෑම වසරකට ඉල්ලා අස්වී වෙනත් රැකියාවලට යන්නේය. ඉතා මෑතක දී අධිකරණ සේවයේ සිට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සේවයට පැමිණි අයෙකු (ආසන්න වැටුප රු. ලක්ෂ 2.5යි) නැවත අධිකරණ සේවයට එක් වූ විට රු. ලක්ෂ 4.5 කට ආසන්න වැටුපක් ලබයි.  පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ වැටුප් විශමතාව හා 8/2006 චක්‍ර ලේඛනය හා බැඳුණු නඩුවක් මේ වන විට විභාග වෙමින් ඇත.  දැනටම රජය නිලධාරීන්ට වැටුප් විශමතාවයක් ඇති බවත්, වැටුප් වැඩි විය යුතු බවත් පිළිගෙන ඇත.

මේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ  අඩුම මුලික වැටුප රු. 54,286 ලබන්නේ මහජන මන්ත්‍රීවරු ය!  දැන් එකත් නැති කලාම මේ මිනිස්සු, පවුලේ අය කන්න අදින්නේ කෙසේද යන්න ද පැහැදිලි කළ යුතුය.

ඇමති සැප

සැබවින්ම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සැප විදින්නේ ඇමති හා නියෝජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යවරුන් පමණී.  ඔවුන්ට මන්ත්‍රී වැටුපට වැඩි මුදල් (රු. 85,000 කට ආසන්නය) ලැබේ.  අමාත්‍ය ධූරයට වාහන හා ඉන්ධන වෙනම ලැබේ. නිල නිවාසට අවශ්‍ය ගෘහ භාණ්ඩ, විදුලි ජල බිල පවා අමාත්‍යාංශයෙන් ගෙවනු ලැබේ.  එයට අමතරව ඉහතින් දැක්වූ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඉන්ධන දීමනාව වෙනම ලැබේ. අමාත්‍යාංශය ඇති නිසා කාර්යාලයකට ලැබෙන මුදල ද ඉතිරිය. දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ද රාජ්‍ය ආයතනයකම තම කාර්යාලය විවෘත කර ඒ මුදල ඉතිරි කර ගනී.  සැබවින්ම, කපා දැමිය යුත්තේ ඇමති ඉන්ධන දීමනාව, කාර්යාල දීමනාව යි. කිසිවෙකු කතා නොකරන්නේ ද, සමාජය නොදන්නේ ද එයම ය.

ඇමති නිවාස

අමාත්‍ය හා නියෝජ්‍ය අමත්‍ය ධූර දරණ අයට අමාත්‍යාංශය වැය ශිර්ෂ යටතේ නිවාසවලට අවශ්‍ය භාණ්ඩ ආදිය සපයා දී ඇත.  ජනමාධ්‍ය මගින් එළිදක්වා ඇති, එවැනි නිවාස 40 ක් පමණ රාජ්‍ය පරිපාලන අමාත්‍යාංශය යටතේ ඇත. දෙසැම්බර් 5 දින සුනිල් හඳුන්නෙත්ති අමාත්‍යවරයා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දී කිවේ, තම අමාත්‍යවරුන් නිල නිවාස ලබා නොගන්නා බවකි.  මම පසුගිය දිනෙක ජනධිපති මන්දිරය අසලින් රාත්‍රීයේ ගමන් කළෙමි.  එළියට එකම විදුලි බුබුලක් හෝ නැත. මේ සම්පත් භාවිත නොකර ඉතිරිවන මුදල අනාගතයේ දිනෙක අලුත්වැඩියාවට පමණක් වැය විය හැකිය.

සමුළු නිවාස රැසක් ද ඔවුන් යටතේ ඇත. ජනාධිපති, අගමැති, විපක්ෂ නායක කාර්යාලයන් හි ද, අමාත්‍යාංශවල ද ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ නිලධාරීන්ට, පවත්නා රජයේ නිවාස අයඳුම්කර ලබාගත හැකිය. මාදිවලට මන්ත්‍රී නිවාසවලට වඩා යහපත් නිල නිවාස දැන් රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන් භාවිත කරති. මේ මොන විකාරයක් දැයි දන්නේ රැල්ලට මේ සටන් පාඨ ලියූ උදවියමය.

වාහන සෙල්ලම

අගමැති, සභානායක, ප්‍රධාන සංවිධායක, ඇමති, විපක්ෂ නායක, නියෝජ්‍ය ඇමති, කතානායක, නියෝජ්‍ය කතානායක, කාරක සභා සභාපති, විපක්ෂයේ ප්‍රධාන සංවිධායකට වාහන හිමිය. ඊට අමතරව දිස්ත්‍රික් සංවර්ධන කමිටු සභාපතිවරුන්ට ජනාධිපති කාර්යාලය ඉදිරිපිට ප්‍රදර්ශනය තැබූ වාහන සංචිතයෙන් වාහන නිදහස් කෙරේ. එවිට වාහන නැතිව ඉතිරි වන්නේ විපක්ෂයේ සියලු දෙනා සහ ආණ්ඩු පක්ෂයේ කිහිප දෙනෙකු පමණී.

මේ දක්වා පැවති ව්‍යවහාරය මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට තීරු බදු රහිත වාහනයක් ලබාදීමය. එවිට ඒවාට තෙල් ගසා, නඩත්තු  කර, අලුත්වැඩියා කර ගැනීම පුද්ගලික වගකීමකි.  දැන් රජය ආණ්ඩුවේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට රජයේ වාහන දී, රියදුරන්, අතිකාල සංයුක්ත දීමනා ගෙවා, අලුත්වැඩියාව, නඩත්තුව පමණක් නොව අතිරේක ඉන්ධන ද ලබාදීමට යයි.

රජයට වැඩිම වියදමක් දරන්නට සිදු වන්නේ ආණ්ඩුවෙන් වාහන නඩත්තු කරන විට ඔබ පැහැදිලිය. අනෙක් අතට, ආණ්ඩුව ද විපක්ෂය ද පාර්ලිමේන්තු යාන්ත්‍රණයේ එක හා සමානය. මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් පිරිසකට පමණක් ලොකු හැන්දකින් බෙදා, විපක්ෂයට මුලික අවශ්‍යතාවත් ලබා නොදීම ‘යුක්තිය – සමානාත්මතාවය’ නොවේ.

ආර්ථික අර්බුදය රට බංකොලොත්වීමත් සමඟ රටේ ජනතාවගේ වෛරය ක්‍රෝධය එල්ලවූවේ මහජන නියෝජිතවරුන් 225 ට ය. එය ඉලක්ක ගත යොමු කිරීමකි.  අතිරේක ආදයම් මාර්ග නොමැති, මහජන නියෝජිතයින් ද, ඔවුන්ගේ දරු පවුල් ද ජීවත් වන්නට ක්‍රමයක් තිබිය යුතුය. නැතිනම්, නීති විරෝධී මාර්ග වලින් මුදල් ඉපයිය යුතුය.

රාජ්‍ය තාන්ත්‍රිකයින් තීරණ ගන්නේ ආවේග හෝ හැඟීම්මත පිහිටා නොවේ. අනාගතය තුන් කල දකිමිනි.  මෙයින් බොහෝ කලකට පෙර ලලිත් ඇතුලත්මුදලි නම් තරුණයෙකුට එස්.ඩබ්ලිව්.ආර්.ඩී. බණ්ඩාරනායක රජය විසින් අධ්‍යාපනය සඳහා විශේෂ දීමනාවක් ලබා දුන්නේය.  ඒ ලලිත් තරුණයා දේශපාලනඥයෙකු වී වෙළඳ ඇමතිවරයා ලෙස මහපොල ශිෂ්‍යත්ව ක්‍රමය ඇති කර අද වන විට මිලියනයකට ආසන්න පිරිසකට උසස් අධ්‍යාපනයට මුල්‍ය සහාය ලබාදී තමාට රාජ්‍යය දැරූ පිරිවැයට කෘතගුණ සැලසීය.  රටකට අවශ්‍ය තුන් කල් දකින එවැනි රාජ්‍ය තාන්ත්‍රිකයින් මිස වෛරයෙන් අන්ධ වූ, අසත්‍ය යෙන් මුලා වූ පුංචි මිනිසුන් නොවේ.

බලය ලබා ගැනීමට ජජාබය ලබාදුන් ඉහත පොරොන්දු හෝ බලාපොරොත්තු හතරම ඉටු නොකළ යුතුය. වැටුප්, විශ්‍රාම වැටුප්, නිල නිවාස, වාහන ඉවත් කර මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් අබ්බාගත කරනවාට වඩා, යථාර්තවාදීව ප්‍රශ්න සත්‍යයට මුහණදීම අනාගත ගැටළු රැසක් වලක්වා ගැනීමේ මාවතයි.

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

CLRCUT

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov sits down with Tucker Carlson in an explosive interview, discussing U.S.-Russia relations, the ongoing Ukraine conflict, and the rising nuclear tensions between the two powers. Lavrov dives deep into the concept of “hybrid war,” Russia’s red lines, and the use of hypersonic weapons as a message to the West. He addresses controversial topics like U.S. involvement in Ukraine, NATO’s strategy, and the broader implications for global security. Don’t miss this unfiltered conversation about the state of world affairs and the potential paths forward.

Aruna Laksiri Unawatuna B.Sc(Col), PGDC(Col), Attorney-at-Law. Coordinator, Dr. Thilaka Padma Subasinghe Memorial Legal Education Program

1. The Bill of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution was introduced to the Parliament on 19 September 2002, which sought to amend Article 70 of the Constitution. However, the amendment was not implemented in 2002 because  7 Supreme Court judges delivered their Supreme Court determination SC/SD/11/2002, which ruled that the amendment should be made law through a referendum.

2. A Bill of the19th Amendment to the Constitution was presented to the Parliament again on 24 March 2015, seeking to amend Article 70 and several other Articles of the Constitution and the said amendment became law without holding a referendum in accordance with the Supreme Court determination SC/SD/04/2015 given by 3 Supreme Court judges.

3. Individuals filed cases SC/FR/177/2024 and SC/FR/191/2024 in the Supreme Court to correct the errors made in the 19th Amendment to the Constitution brought in 2015, and those cases were dismissed with costs of Rs. 1 lakh and Rs. 5 lakh.

4. In such a situation and background, President Ranil Wickremesinghe made a public statement at the opening ceremony of the Galle Court Complex on 19.07.2024, stating that due to the oversight of a legal scholar, a mistake had been made in the 19th Amendment to the Constitution brought in 2015 and that he apologized to the people for it. This was stated in the presence of Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, Attorney General Parinda Ranasinghe and other judges, government officials and the public.

5. To correct the errors that occurred in the 19th Amendment to the Constitution brought in 2015, the Bill of the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution has been published in the Gazette issued on 18.07.2024 in accordance with Article 78 of the Constitution with the approval of the Attorney General. The purpose of this bill is to amend Article 83 of the Constitution by correcting the term of office of the President and the Parliament.

6. The fact that individuals have filed cases in the Supreme Court to correct the mistakes made in the 19th Amendment to the Constitution brought in 2015, and after receiving decisions in this regard, the President has admitted that mistakes have been made in the 19th Amendment to the Constitution brought in 2015 and stated that those mistakes were the oversight of a legal scholar, apologized to the people for those mistakes, and published the 22nd Amendment Bill in the Gazette with the approval of the Attorney General to correct those mistakes are constitutional and legal matters that should be brought to the attention of the Bar Association.

7. The Bar Association has the responsibility and duty to investigate and correct the mistakes made in the 19th Amendment to the Constitution brought in 2015, to correct the errors in Article 83 of the Constitution, to protect the precedent of the Supreme Court decisions, to protect the right to the rule of law and to ensure the rule of law. To remain silent in this regard is to deprive the people of liberty, justice and equality.

http://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2024/12/is-bar-association-silent-on-mistakes.html?m=1

Aruna Laksiri Unawatuna B.Sc(Col), PGDC(Col), Attorney-at-Law. Coordinator, Dr. Thilaka Padma Subasinghe Memorial Legal Education Program. Tel. 0712063394.
(*Translation)

by Gomi Senadhira Courtesy The Island

ranil – sajith – anura

During the presidential election campaign, the importance of trade, particularly exports, to Sri Lanka’s was emphasised by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) and the other two main contenders in the fray, namely Sajith Premadasa (SP) and Ranil Wickremesinghe (RW) in their manifestos. These three candidates together polled more than 90 percent of the votes at the presidential elections. During the parliamentary elections the political parties which based their campaign on these manifestos – Jathika Jana Balawegaya (NPP), Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and New Democratic Front (NDF) together polled more than 83%. Therefore, the electoral support for these pro-trade policies is undisputed. For the Sri Lankan export community this should be a superb development, as for many years, the trade policy had been, one of the more contentious areas of island’s politics. Our main trading partners and the foreign investors would also welcome this policy convergence.

Pro- trade policies in the policy statements of RW and SJ were not unexpected. But the pro-trade approach in the AKD’s manifesto surprised many, mainly because all other parties had repeatedly warned the people against voting for AKD as he would turn Sri Lanka into another North Korea or Cuba.

For example, during the election campaign, at a conference organised by the National Bankers Association, RW stated, On September 4th, MP Anura Kumara Dissanayake emphasised the importance of focusing on exports for our country’s businessmen and industrialists. While this principle is commendable, there is a concern. Their policy statement suggests that Sri Lanka plans to cancel its free trade agreements.

This raises a significant question: how can we develop an export industry without these agreements? Such contradictions pose challenges.” Since then, he had repeated these comments at several other meetings.  In the same way, SP’s trade policy wonks also had spread similar misinformation on NPP policies.  However, the NPP policy statement clearly states its position on Free Trade Agreements, that is … updating of existing free trade agreements and negotiating new free trade agreements.” The updating of the trade agreements certainly does mean cancelling of these agreements. All FTAs need to be reviewed and updated periodically.

During the election seasons, politicians sometimes manipulate public opinion about the crucial issues by arousing fear. But this is not the time to deliberately mislead the public in general and, more particularly, the business community and our trading partners with false information on trade policy. At this juncture, what we need are facts. Not scare tactics and false information. So, let’s hope our politicians would avoid such scare tactics in the future and join together to strengthen this consensus on export-oriented, outward-looking trade policy.

To those who are familiar with the way the NPP policies evolved in the recent past, their shift towards pro-trade policies is not a surprise. After all, if the NPP and AKD want a socialist model to emulate, they have many examples of socialist governments, other than North Korea and Cuba, to draw lessons from. For example, the success story of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. While cautiously staying away from the labels AKD’s policy statement refers to Vietnam, Bangladesh, and South Korea (and not North Korea) as export success stories, Sri Lanka can acquire lessons from. More importantly, Vietnam’s success story was also highlighted at the top of RW’s policy statement and by the trade experts in the SJB as a success story to follow. What is needed now is to strengthen this consensus further and develop a pro-export national trade strategy approved by the parliament. That would help to attract much-needed foreign investments and export orders.

If we already have a general consensus on pro-trade and pro-export policies, then why do we need to rethink trade policies now?

From export-oriented economy to import dependent economy

Sri Lanka was the first country in South Asia to liberalise trade policies with the ‘open’ economy introduced in the late 1970s. However, the open economy introduced then was not fully open. It had a strong focus on the expansion of the export of goods while discouraging imports, particularly nonessential imports. A special cess was imposed on the nonessential imports to protect local farmers and manufacturers and to collect funds for export development.

The main thrust of the trade policy was exports. During that period, the government proactively managed to get an adequate level of market access to Sri Lankan exports through multilateral trade rules (GATT/WTO rules) as well as the distortions to those rules (textile quotas). These policies worked well, and during the 1980s and 90s, Sri Lanka’s exports registered almost a fivefold increase, from US$1.35 billion in 1981 to US$6.37 billion by the year 2000. The exports-to-GDP ratio increased from 30.46% in 1981 to 39.02% in 2000. During the period, Sri Lanka was slowly but surely progressing into an export-oriented economy.

Unfortunately, during the next two decades, the export growth slowed down and only increased from US$6.37 billion (in 2000) to US$13.03 billion (in 2020). The exports-to-GDP ratio also declined substantially during this period. At 15.46% in 2020, it was the lowest ever recorded. More alarmingly, the growth of exports during the last decade was almost stagnant, and it increased only from US$ 10 billion in 2013 to US$ 12 billion in 2023. During the same period, Vietnam’s exports increased from US$132 billion in 2013 to US$370 billion in 2023.

Hijacking of trade policy by importers and profiteers

The main reason for this decline was the absence of interest in export development by the successive governments and the influence of the importers, the profiteers and perhaps even hawaladars on trade policy formulations. If one analyses the trade policy formulation in the recent years, it is easy to understand how trade policies and even free trade agreements were directed towards import promotion at the expense of export development. After signing Sri Lanka’s first bilateral FTA with India in December 1998 and second with Pakistan in August 2002, and the enhanced GSP arrangement in the EU, no new tangible initiatives were taken by the government to develop market access for Sri Lankan exports.

During the last decade the situation deteriorated further and even the free trade agreements, which countries normally negotiate at the request and on behalf of their exporters to get better levels of market access for them in other countries, were negotiated at the request of the exporters of other countries to provide them with enhanced market access into Sri Lanka without reciprocal concessions for Sri Lankan exporters. The free trade agreements Sri Lanka signed with Singapore and Thailand are clear examples of this approach.

These agreements were negotiated under RW’s leadership, first as the prime minister and then as the president. Despite his rhetoric about the critical need to swiftly transform Sri Lanka into an export-oriented economy, as stabilising the economy alone would not solve Sri Lanka’s problems due to the country’s heavy dependence on imports, it was under RW’s leadership that the trade policy got blatantly hijacked by the importers mafia and profiteers.

Another adverse development during the last two decades was the relaxation of foreign exchange regulations. Due to this Sri Lanka also does not fully benefit even from the limited amount of exports, as a substantial portion of the export proceeds are not repatriated. In July 2022 the Central Bank revealed that less than 20% of export proceeds are being repatriated by the exporters. Though this may have improved since then, the conversion rate remains below accepted levels. In addition to that, a significant amount of money is transferred out through trade misinvoicing by the exporters and importers.

As the elections are over now it is the time for a new beginning. It is the time to intensify analysis and advocacy regarding the numerous ways that trade agreements and po8licies must be reformed and strengthen the consensus on trade policies and adjust them to undo decades of capture by the importers’ mafia, profiteers, and hawaladars.

(The writer, a retired public servant and diplomat, can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

– ශර්මිලා ගෝනවෙල – උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

උතුරු නැගෙනහිර මෙන්ම විදේශයන්හිද මෙම වසරේ කොටි සැමරුම ඉතාමත් උත්කර්ෂවත් ලෙස සිදුවිය.

අප රටේ රණවිරුවන්ට අභූත චෝදනා නගමින්, රණවිරුවන්ගේ කීර්ති නාමයට, මානුෂීය ගුණයන්ට, කැපවීමට අපහාස කරමින්  අප මාතෘ භූමියේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට පටහැනිව යමින් රටේ ස්වෛරීභාවයට සහ භෞමික අඛණ්ඩතාවයට එරෙහිව සටන් වැදුණු ත්‍රස්ත සංවිධානයකට බෙදුම් වාදී දෘෂ්ටිවාදය නිදහසේ ප්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීමට  ඉඩ හැරීම උපන් බිමට සාමය උදාකර දීමට තම ජීවිත කැප කරමින් අනාගත පරපුරට රටක් ඉතිරි කිරීමට ත්‍රස්තවාදියා හමුවේ ජීවිත දන් දුන් රණවිරුවන්ට කරන අපහාසයකි.

රටේ නිල හමුදාවන්  සමඟ යුද වැදුණු තහනම් ත්‍රස්ත සංවිධානයක කොඩිය හෝ එය සංකේතවත් කරන වර්ණ පුෂ්පය  ප්‍රදර්ශනය කිරීම රට කඩන ඊලාම් සිතියම සමග මිනීමරු ත්‍රස්තවාදී නායකයාගේ ඡායාරූපය ප්‍රදර්ශනය කරමින් සැමරීමට ශිවාජිලිංගම් වැනි බෙදුම්වාදී ජාතිවාදින්ට ඉඩ නොදීමට තරම් ශක්තියක් රජයකට තිබිය යුතුය.

උතුරේ සහ දකුණේ ජනතාව විසින් 2/3 අධික ජන වරමක් ලබා දෙමින්  වාර්ගික දේශපාලනයෙන් සහ කලාපීය බෙදීම් වලින් තොරවූ  ආර්ථික හා සමාජීය එකමුතුවක් කෙරෙහි වැඩි අවධානයක් යොමු කරන සමස්ත ජනතාව මෙන්ම විවිධ රටවල කොටි ප්‍රවර්ධනයට එරෙහිව කැපවීමෙන් ක්‍රියා කරන සියලු ශ්‍රි ලාංකික ජනතාවට එරෙහි බලවත්  අසාධාරණයකි.

යුධබිමේ මියගිය බහුතරයක් කොටි සාමාජිකයින් නිවෙස් වලින් බලහත්කාරයෙන් පැහැරගෙන ගොස් කොටි සංවිධානයට බඳවාගත් පසැල් වියේ පසුවූ දරුවන් බව ලොවම දන්නා කරුණකි.එවැනි දරුවන්ගේ වියෝව සැමරීමට දෙමව්පියන්ට ඇති අයිතියක් උදුරා ගැනීමට තරම් උතුරේ හෝ දකුණේ කිසිවෙක්  කෘර නොවනු ඇත, පාසල් නිල ඇඳුමෙන් පැහැර ගත් එම කුඩා දරුවන්ට අවි පුහුණුව ලබාදී සයනයිඩ් කරලක් ගෙලවට එල්ලු ම්ලේච්ඡ  ත්‍රස්තවාදී නායකයින් සැමරීම හෝ සිහිකිරීම මානසික විකෘතියක්  නොමැති කිසිවෙකු අනුමත  නොකරනු ඇත.

එනමුත් ත්‍රස්තවාදය අවසන් කළ ස්ථානයට ගොස් කොටි කොඩිය හෝ සමාන කොඩි එසවීම ඊලාම් සිතියම ප්‍රදර්ශනය කිරීම කොටි නිල ඇඳුමෙන් සැරසුණු අයගේ ඡායාරූප ප්‍රදර්ශනය කිරීම සංහිඳියාව ලෙස දැකීමට තරම් කිසිවෙක් නිවට නොවිය යුතු බව මගේ පෞද්ගලික හැඟීමයි .මන්ද යත්  ඒ මගින් අප රටෙන් පිටතදී බෙදුම් වාදය පෝෂණය කරමින් මහා ධනයක් හ ජාත්‍යන්තර සබඳතා ගොඩනගා ගැනීමට මෙය  ධනාත්මක සාධකයක් වනු ඇත.

තවද උතුරු සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාත් දෙමළ කතා කරන ප්‍රදේශ ලෙස නිල වශයෙන් පිළිගන්නා ලෙස ඉල්ලීම වෙනුවෙන් දෙමළ ජාතිකවාදී පක්‍ෂ සන්ධානයක් පිහිටුවීමට සැලසුම් කර ඇති බවඋතුරු පළාත් හිටපු මහ ඇමති විග්නේෂ්වරන් පසුගියදා ප්‍රකාශ කර ඇති අතර මෙරටින් පිට ස්ථාපනය කර එළි දක්වන තමිල් ඊලම උතුරේ ස්ථාපනය කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය මානසිකත්වය සංහිඳියාව අගයන ජනතාව තුල බලහත්කාරයෙන් පැල කිරීමට ඉඩ නොදිය යුතුය.

ජර්මනියේ කිසිදු දිනක නාසි සොල්දාදුවන් සැමරීමට ඉඩ නොදෙන්නේ නැවතත් යුද විෂබීජ වැපිරීමට අවශ්‍ය මානසිකත්වය ගොඩනැගිම වැලැක්වීමට බව සංහිඳියාව ගැන මනුසත්බව ගැන ලිපි ලියන බහුතරයක් නොදන්නවා වියහැක. ගාලු මුවදොර අරගලය අතරතුර යට ඇදුම් පවා ප්‍රදර්ශනය කරමින්  හමුදා සෙබළුන්ට අභියෝග කල තරුණ ප්‍රජාවට මේ රටේ ඉතිහාසය ගැන යම් අවබෝධයක් ලබාගැනිමට මේ සුදුසුම කාලයක් විය හැක.

බෙදුම්වාදී ආකල්පයන් ප්‍රදර්ශනය කිරීම හෝ ප්‍රචාරණය කිරීමට ඉඩදී බලා සිටින්නේ රටේ ඒකිය භාවය හා ස්වෛරීභාවය උකසට තබමින් ඡන්ද ලබා ගැනීමට පමණක් බලා සිටින අවස්ථාවාදී දේශපාලකයන් පමණි.

– ශර්මිලා ගෝනවෙල –

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

පවතින සහල් හිඟයට අදාළව වෙළෙඳ අමාත්‍ය වසන්ත සමරසිංහ විසින් තමාට එල්ල කළ චෝදනා ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරන බව රත්න සහල් හිමිකරු, මිත්‍රපාල ලංකේෂ්වර පවසනවා.

අමාත්‍ය වසන්ත සමරසිංහගේ චෝදනාව වූයේ රාජ්‍ය බැංකුවලින් රුපියල් බිලියන ගණනින් ණය ලබාගත්තත් රත්න සහල් හිමිකරු වෙළෙඳපොළට සහල් නිකුත් නොකරන බවටයි.

ඇතැම් මහා පරිමාණ සහල් මෝල් හිමියන් රාජ්‍ය බැංකුවලින් බිලියන ගණනින් ණය ලබාගෙන තිබුණද වෙළෙඳපොළට අවශ්‍ය පරිදි සහල් නිකුත් කර නොමැති බවට වෙළෙඳ, වානිජ, ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතා සහ සමූපකාර සංවර්ධන අමාත්‍ය වසන්ත සමරසිංහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී ඊයේ චෝදනාවක් කළා.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, එම චෝදනාට ප්‍රතිචාර දක්වමින් සහල් ව්‍යාපාරික මිත්‍රපාල ලංකේෂ්වර සඳහන් කළේ, එම චෝදනා තමන් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරන බවයි.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු වරප්‍රසාදවලට මුවා වී අමාත්‍යවරයා විසින් සාවද්‍ය ප්‍රකාශ සිදුකරන බවයි ඔහු සඳහන් කළේ.

මේ අතර රට තුළ පවතින සහල් හිඟය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඊයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී වෙළෙඳ, වානිජ, ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතා සහ සමූපකාර සංවර්ධන අමාත්‍ය වසන්ත සමරසිංහ පැවසුවේ ඊයේ දිනයේදී පමණක් සතොස අලෙවිසැල් සඳහා සහල් කිලෝ 150,000කට ආසන්න ප්‍රමාණයක් මුදා හැරීමට කටයුතු කරන බවයි.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, දිවයිනේ ඇතැම් ප්‍රදේශවල සතොස අලෙවිසැල් සඳහා සහල් සහ පොල් තොග නිසි පරිදි තවමත් ලැබී නොමැති බවට ජනතාව චෝදනා කරනවා.

මේ අතර, රට තුළ පවතින සහල් හිඟය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඊයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී වෙළෙඳ, වානිජ, ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතා සහ සමූපකාර සංවර්ධන අමාත්‍ය වසන්ත සමරසිංහ පැවසුවේ ඊයේ දිනයේදී පමණක් සතොස අලෙවිසැල් සඳහා සහල් කිලෝ 150,000කට ආසන්න ප්‍රමාණයක් මුදා හැරීමට කටයුතු කරන බවයි.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, දිවයිනේ ඇතැම් ප්‍රදේශවල සතොස අලෙවිසැල් සඳහා සහල් සහ පොල් තොග නිසි පරිදි තවමත් ලැබී නොමැති බවට ජනතාව චෝදනා කරනවා.

මේ අතර, රට තුළ පවතින සහල් හිඟය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඊයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී වෙළෙඳ, වානිජ, ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතා සහ සමූපකාර සංවර්ධන අමාත්‍ය වසන්ත සමරසිංහ පැවසුවේ ඊයේ දිනයේදී පමණක් සතොස අලෙවිසැල් සඳහා සහල් කිලෝ 150,000කට ආසන්න ප්‍රමාණයක් මුදා හැරීමට කටයුතු කරන බවයි.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, දිවයිනේ ඇතැම් ප්‍රදේශවල සතොස අලෙවිසැල් සඳහා සහල් සහ පොල් තොග නිසි පරිදි තවමත් ලැබී නොමැති බවට ජනතාව චෝදනා කරනවා.

Courtesy Adaderana

The owner of ‘New Rathna’ Rice Mill, Lankeshwara Mithrapala, has invited Trade Minister Wasantha Samarasinghe to personally inspect the company’s rice production facilities in the wake of the minister’s statement in Parliament yesterday (6) accusing large-scale rice millers of stockpiling.  

Responding to the allegations, Mithrapala stated, I urge the Trade Minister to inspect my company at any time. I can prove the quantity of rice I released, my production capacity, and the stocks I have.”  

He explained that his operations involve maintaining rice stocks to ensure consistent market supply until the next harvest season.  

We don’t release all our rice stocks to the market at once. I have 1,000 employees working at the mill, and I manage these stocks to produce rice daily and supply it to the market until the next harvest begins. I must protect the rice stocks I have and continue production until February 1,” Mithrapala explained.

Courtesy Adaderana

Following a discussion with rice traders, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has directed new maximum retail and wholesale price limits for various rice types, according to the President’s Media Division (PMD).

President Dissanayake has directed rice traders to sell Nadu rice to consumers at a wholesale price of Rs. 225 per kilo and a retail price of Rs. 230 per kilo.

The President also instructed the officials Consumer Affairs Authority to closely monitor the situation over the next ten days and strictly enforce the law against rice mill owners who fail to comply with the fixed prices.

President Dissanayake made these remarks during a meeting with officials from the Ministry of Trade, Commerce, Food Security and Cooperative Development, along with rice traders, at the Presidential Secretariat today (07), the PMD said.

The President highlighted that the largest investments in the country are allocated to the Ministry of Highways, followed by the Irrigation and Agriculture sectors, with substantial subsidies provided to farmers. 

The President further pointed out that low-interest bank loans have been provided to traders for the purchase of paddy and urged rice traders not to undermine the public’s right to access affordable rice.

As a result, the following rice prices are to be implemented:

• Wholesale price of a kilo of Nadu Rice: Rs. 225, Retail price: Rs. 230
• Wholesale price of a kilo of White Rice: Rs. 215, Retail price: Rs. 220
• Retail price of a kilo of imported Nadu Rice: Rs. 220
• Wholesale price of a kilo of Samba rice: Rs. 235, Retail price: Rs. 240
• Wholesale price of a kilo of Keeri Samba: Rs. 255, Retail price: Rs. 260

The President also strongly criticized rice mill owners for frequently changing rice prices on a daily basis and instructed the Consumer Affairs Authority to monitor the daily rice production and distribution by mills.

Furthermore, President Dissanayake urged the rice traders to collaborate with the government in resolving the rice-related issues in an amicable manner, the statement added.

The meeting was attended by Minister of Trade, Commerce, Food Security and Cooperative Development Wasantha Samarasinghe, Secretary to the President Dr. Nandika Sanath Kumanayake, Secretary to the Ministry of Trade, Commerce, Food Security and Cooperative Development A. Wimalenthirajah, Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands and Irrigation D.P. Wickramasinghe, Director General of the Department of Development Finance Malarmathy Gangatharan, Acting Director General of the Department of Agriculture Dr. S.K. Wasala, Chairman of the Consumer Affairs Authority Hemantha Samarakoon, Chairman of the Paddy Marketing Board A.M.U. Pinnalanda, Director of the Hector Kobbekaduwa Agricultural Research and Training Institute A.L. Chandika, among other officials.

–PMD

Courtesy Hiru News

The Department of Archaeology has refuted claims that its excavations in the Wandurawa area of Veyangoda are related to treasure hunting.

Director General Thusitha Mendis emphasized that no objects of significant financial value have been unearthed in these investigations. Legal Officer Attorney-at-Law Rohana Kariyawasam highlighted that the site has been frequently targeted by treasure hunters, resulting in damage of Rs. 2.6 million to the highway over three months.

Following the Magistrate’s request, the department submitted a report confirming no archaeological significance at the site or its vicinity. Additionally, a scan conducted by the Special Task Force, at a police officer’s request, revealed the presence of colored metal at the location.

Subsequently, the Magistrate ordered an open excavation, not with the aim of treasure hunting but in response to claims that a discovery of immense financial value could settle the nation’s debts.

Hiru News

The U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, Mr. Donald Lu expressed the United States government’s commitment to supporting Sri Lanka’s on-going anti-corruption initiatives as needed during a meeting with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake at the Presidential Secretariat today (07).

Mr. Lu stated that the US is prepared to provide financial and technical assistance to strengthen Sri Lanka’s security and economy. He also emphasized the US government’s willingness to offer technical expertise to help recover funds that were illegally taken out of the country, as part of Sri Lanka’s anti-corruption program.

The discussion highlighted the US government’s appreciation for the new administration’s prioritization of key political, economic, and social challenges. Mr. Lu reaffirmed US support for safeguarding Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, speaking at the event, highlighted that Sri Lanka’s political culture significantly influences corruption and waste. He emphasized that efforts are underway to reduce these issues by fostering a new and improved political culture.

The President also spoke about initiatives to uplift rural living standards through improvements to the rural economy and efforts to establish a modern civil service by enhancing the quality of public services.

The meeting was attended by Minister of Labour and Deputy Minister of Economic Development Anil Jayantha Fernando, Secretary to the President Dr. Nandika Sanath Kumanayake, Additional Secretary to the President Roshan Gamage, U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka, H.E. Ms. Julie Chung, USAID Deputy Assistant Administrator for Asia Ms. Anjali Kaur, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Asia and the Pacific at the U.S. Department of Treasury Mr. Robert Kaproth, USAID Mission Director Gabriel Grau and Counsellor for Political and Economic Affairs Ms. Shawn Gray, among others.

Madyawediya

CHAPA නිදහස්

Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake

There will be no honeymoon for the newly minted National People’s Power (NPP) Government in Colombo. The storm blowing from Washington across the Indian Ocean World–targeting China to the East, Iran to the West, and now it seems, India in the Middle is growing.

Development projects that promised much needed foreign investment in Sri Lanka have been thrown into disarray by expanding United States sanctions on Russian firms, as well as, court action against the Indian conglomerate, Adani.

Two months ago India’s Shaurya Aeronautics Pvt Ltd and Russia’s Airports of Regions Management Company’s plans for joint development of the Chinese built Mattala International Airport in southeast Sri Lanka were put on hold due to US sanctions.[i] The U.S. Department of the Treasury had sanctioned India-based Shaurya Aeronautics Private Limited, among 275 individuals and entities involved in supplying Russia with advanced technology and equipment. The airport near the Hambantota Port is located near some of the world’s busiest trade, energy and submarine Data Cable routes.

Meanwhile a bribery case was filed in New York against India’s Adani conglomerate last month. Adani was set to develop the Western Terminal of the Colombo port in partnership with local conglomerate John Keells holdings with significant US funding. This was before US authorities had accused India’s Adani, a partner of US hedge fund BlackRock, of bribery in India’s Andhra Pradesh and filed a court case in New York. Adani, said to be Asia’s richest man is seen to be personally close to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

These US moves against Indian firms have likely given Sri Lanka Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath a big headache. Meanwhile Donald Lu, US Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of South and Central Asia would be in Colombo this week to offer ‘capacity building’ assistance to Colombo, presumably, for more institutional capture. The Central Bank of Sri Lanka has been already effectively privatized to serve the interests of predatory International Sovereign bond holders, rather than the long suffering people of Sri Lanka– via International Monetary Fund reforms.

Will Mr. Herath be able to persuade Lu to hold back US sanctions, or make an exception for debt trapped Sri Lanka– to enable the Mattala International Airport and Colombo port west terminal projects to proceed with Indian and Russian investments? A US agency that agreed to lend $500 million to Adani’s port development in Sri Lankasaid it’s conducting due diligence on the project.

Targeting Indian Projects and Sri Lanka’s BRICS application

Indian firms are being targeted by Washington, which has long sought access to strategic Sri Lanka’s transport, telecom and energy infrastructure. This was evident in the US Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Compact, rejected by Sri Lanka back in 2019. At the time there were fears of the US establishing military bases under the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), in the geostrategic island nation.

The Colombo harbour is South Asia’s busiest port but that development is also now on hold. Of course, the US promise to fund Adani’s port development to the tune of over USD 500 million was in any case a tall order! The sum was much more than the aborted Millennium Challenge Corporation MCC project, after which the mysterious ISIS-claimed Easter Sunday hybrid war attacks targeted tourist hotels and churches, crashing economy and society. The attacks were clearly designed to set off a ‘cascade of violence” in the multi-religious island nation.

The Mattala International Airport in Hambantota, initially built by the Chinese was perceived to be a White Elephant’ development project, but is actually located near one of the world’s busiest maritime trade, energy and submarine Date Cable routes in the world. The Indian Shaurya Aeronautics plan to develop the airport would bring needed foreign investment and showcase collaboration among the big three Asian powers- China, India and Russia but is now on ice due to US sanctions.

Sri Lanka, clearly caught in the cross-hairs of big power rivalry, had formally submitted an application to join BRICS and the New Development Bank at the meeting in Kazan in October where President Putin hosted China’s President Xi and Indian Premier Modi along with other Global South leaders. The new government in Colombo would be hoping to leverage regional growth and support from the Global South in the Asian 21^st Century”.

However, no senior Minister from Sri Lanka attended the meeting in Kazan where de-dollarization and trading in national currencies was a hot topic– an opportunity missed in deference to Washington? Sri Lanka’s application to join the New Development Bank has been accepted but the BRICS application remains pending at this time.

A New Regional Cold War: Delhi defies US Sanctions on Russia and Pivots to BRICS?

A new Cold War is clearly ramping up across the Indian Ocean–and not just on China. Having pushed Russia and China into ever close partnership Washington seems keen to ensure that India warmly embraces its erstwhile foe – China and the BRICS.

India had defied US sanctions on Russia over the past two year and ramped up Rupee-Ruble trade and Russian oil and gas purchases, benefiting from Russia’s decoupling from Europe and the war in Ukraine, also given historically strong and deep relations with the Soviet Union during the Cold War (1945-1991).

Was India rewarded with regime change in Bangladesh for defying US Sanctions and drawing nearer its neighbouring BRICS? India was also embroiled in a Canadian Sikh spy murder mystery with Woke Diaspora identity political overtones also emanating from Washington.

More concerning for India and indeed the South Asia region as a whole is the latest regime change operation with the obligatory student protests directed via social media right under India’s nose in neighbouring Bangladesh, and the weaponization of Hindu-Muslim-Buddhist regional religious identity politics that has followed.

Departing President Joe Biden seems to have run out of patience with India. The G-20 afterglow in Delhi now seems like a prelude to the parting of ways between India and the West, as Delhi appears to pivot to BRICS. Or perhaps it’s just Biden’s farewell to South Asia and the world, which increasingly seems like: ‘Apres moi le deluge!’

Debt Neocolonialism as a new Cold War takes Shape in South Asia

Will Sri Lanka caught in the IMF’s neocolonial debt and Eurobond bailout business be able to withstand US pressures as India has and turn its back on Indian and Russian investments? 

Will Colombo be asked to choose between Washington and New Delhi again? During the previous Cold War, Delhi armed and trained the Liberation Tigers (LTTE), against any possible US bases in its backyard as Colombo moved close to Washington under J.R. Jayawardena. This ensured that Sri Lanka’s so-called internal ethnic conflict’ which was really a regional Cold War proxy war, with India closely allied with the Soviet Union, would run for 30 years.

Geostrategic Sri Lanka’s ports and airports at the center of the Indian Ocean and a choke point of Submarine Data Cables are again of great interest to Washington’s neocons and the NATO war machine, which now aspires to Full Spectrum Dominance (FSD)–over earth, air, sea and Cyber operations.

The targeting of energy and electricity systems as well as transport and telecom infrastructure in the South Asia region– from MCC in Nepal in the north to IMF’s privatization push in Sri Lanka in the south may have much to do with the rush to setup Data Centers, as well as, control over trade and energy choke points as a new Cold War ramps up.

Cold War Redux: Regime Change and Debt NeoColonialism

Back in 2022 the Pakistan premier Imran Khan accused Donald Lu of running a regime change operation against him. Simultaneously a soft regime change operation also unfolded in Sri Lanka with the US National Endowment for Democracy (NED) funded and social media directed Aragalaya ‘protests’.

The regime change in Colombo was masked as a people’s protest to ensure that the geostrategic island staged a smooth Sovereign Default into the waiting arms of the lender of last resorts- the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Washington backed President Ranil Rajapakse was installed for precisely this purpose.

Two years later, Imran Khan for his impudence in naming Donald Lu as the instigator of regime change in Pakistan in 2022 languishes in prison in Islamabad amid huge protests. Fate has been slightly kinder to Sri Lanka’s erstwhile president Gotabaya Rajapakse who was also ousted in the soft Aragalaya coup in 2022.

Rajapakse remains a free man albeit an ex-American citizen barred from travel to the US.  He was dispatched and humiliated amid the Woke Aragalaya protests that rocked Colombo, after the dreaded Victoria Nurland’s visit in early 2022 to triggered the regime change. Thus, South Asia’s only Upper Middle Income county was declared bankrupt overnight and forced to stage a first ever Sovereign Default!

Meanwhile, India the South Asian regional hegemon, grapples with yet another US instigated regime change right under her nose – this time in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Deposed secular Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina had sought refuge in Delhi given historic ties but religion/s have been weaponized in Bangladesh as part of an old Cold War project to destabilize the region.

A quiet parting of Ways? Weaponizing Diaspora Identity Politics

South Asia and the Indian Ocean region appear to be seeing a quiet parting of ways between the US and India, despite the G-20 hype of last year.  The side show with Canada may well be a distraction from the far more serious issue of regime change in Bangladesh, where religious minorities (Hindus, Buddhists and Christians), are now under threat from the same Saudi-funded Islamist Cat’s paw and handmaiden that the CIA with partner in crime Israel’s Mossad deploys around the world to destabilize countries and regions. Call it the ISIS, or Al Qaida, the Muslim Brotherhood, whatever.

The recent regime change operation, weaponizing religious identity politics in Bangladesh that saw the ouster of Prime Minister Hasina a close ally of Delhi certainly put a spanner in the works in the West’s wooing of mother India with the Indian Diaspora in the west in tow; from Rishi Sunak to Kamala Harris who embodied the I2 (Israel-India) partnership given her Jewish husband, to all those Indian Diaspora CEOs of big US and EU corporations.

The Indian Diaspora in the West had been massively mobilized for the charm offensive to cement the I2 (India-Israel) alliance brokered as part of Washington’s Judeo-Christian-Hindu fundamentalist outreach via I2U2 (India, Israel, UAE, US), with the Islamist Cat’s paw to persuade India to fight a proxy war on China and crash the Asian 21^st Century. That kite did not fly.

The developments before and during the BRICS summit in Kazan where China and India made relative peace, and the regime change in Bangladesh may break the I2U2 partnership, or at least the I2, India-Israel part.  I2U2 was partly designed to help ‘normalize’ Israel’s occupation of Palestine and the massacre in Gaza via the Abraham Accords. The U2- UAE and US part may be fraying at this time.

As winds of change blow in Washington come January when Donald Trump would be ensconced President of the United States, Donald Lu would be perhaps saying a fond farewell to South Asia on this trip.

[i] https://economynext.com/us-sanctions-indian-firm-involved-in-deal-with-sri-lankas-mattala-airport-186347/

Shenali D Waduge

The Age of Discovery was committed during times when there were no international laws. Those who eventually wrote the international laws were the perpetrators & violators of territories & committed insidious crimes that under their own terminologies constituted crimes against humanity, war crimes & genocide. None of these crimes that took place across the world have been taken up in any Court of law. Many of the conflicts that prevail find their roots to the policies of colonial rule. One such policy is the Colonial Settler colonization” policy applied in Sri Lanka that brought in natives from another country & intentionally usurped and pushed away the ethnic group originally living there & intentionally changed the demography while showering undue perks & privileges which created in them the mentality of superiority warranting them to pursue demands pre-independence & post-independence for a separate State including aiming to achieve it via an armed conflict & terrorism. Modern politics cannot disassociate from colonialism because the issues currently faced by nations are a result of colonial policies & legacies. Colonization involved not only seizing of land & displacement of people & implanting foreign settlers but also the most damaging aspect being colonization of people’s minds.

The Western colonial powers who landed & occupied nations have committed immeasurable damage & crimes. Not only are they guilty of annihilating natives they transported natives of other nations & planted them in lands all round the world & treated them as superior to the original natives. They destroyed or attempted to destroy the political, physical, cultural, spiritual, intellectual & even space of the indigenous populations through these settlers.

Before giving into unfair demands of the Settler occupiers shouldn’t the world emphasis be on the people who were usurped to enable settler colonialism?

Who is going to be voicing or defending the people who were annihilated or pushed away from areas that they lived in to occupy settler colonizers?

People have the right to resist annihilation.

British colonial evidence suffices to prove this intentional annihilation of the Sinhalese by colonial administrative policy.

The rights of the Sinhalese & the discriminations they were subject to during colonial rule cannot be silenced, erased or forgotten.

Benjamin Horsburgh who was Governor of Northern Province, declared in 1916: that the Sinhalese occupied the Northern portion of the mainland, ……., there is ample evidence carved in stone all over the Mannar and Mullaitivu Districts.” (Horsburgh. p 54)

Should the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples who have suffered from historic injustices as a result of inter alia, their colonization & dispossession of their lands, territories & resources” be applicable more to the Sinhalese if historical facts as per colonial records is used as evidence & not the string of myths & fabricated yarns being woven?

The British denied water to areas where Sinhalese lived thus killing them or forcing them to move elsewhere. In 1833 the Kantale tank that was populated by Sinhalese had no Sinhalese by 1855. GA Trincomalee C. M. Lushington was concerned about the fate of the Sinhala villages due to lack of water under him & admired the ancient Sinhala civilization. His appeals in 1898 to restore the tanks were ignored. The Sinhalese in the East declined due to the intentional step motherly treatment of colonial British.

Settler rights cannot supersede the rights of those who were living on the lands & were chased out. The Sinhalese are the aggrieved party & their grievances should be addressed first.

Settler logic & settler supremacy cannot override the rights of the indigenous people.

Only the Sinhalese have evolved in Sri Lanka – they created their own language, their own customs & cultural heritage revolving around Buddhism, their own man-made hydraulic engineering system that is not second to none & they were nation builders, creating a civilization & treating the land & resources with love & defended it with their blood from invaders, not simply to lay claim to it as a possession & not defending it against invaders. It was the Sinhalese who came forward to defend the nation against South Indian invaders & the 3 colonial invaders. Only those who defend the land can lay claim to it.

Today, the colonial settlers are being given virtually the same preferential treatment that the colonials gave them when they settled them in lands that colonials forcibly occupied. They have made fake histories, fake claims, they use global kittys to promote fake propaganda & purchase foreign politicians vulnerable to vote bank politics.

Is it not strange that of the South Indians taken to all corners of the world by the colonial British & intentionally placed to change the demographics of nations are laying claim to an exclusive area only in Sri Lanka! None of the settler colonialists taken to the Caribbean, South Africa, Malaysia, Singapore, Fiji are claiming a separate homeland. Why is it only in Sri Lanka?

Cognitive imperialism denies people their language and cultural integrity by maintaining the legitimacy of only one language, one culture and one frame of reference (Battiste) The Sinhalese were victims of targeted discrimination.

There are some hard questions that need to be asked & answered or at least suffice to think about.

Can any group of people who were brought in from a foreign land either as mercenaries, labor & settled in areas after intentionally displacing those that lived in those areas, with time have moral or legal right to claim the areas they were forcibly settled in as theirs” & claim this area to be a separate homeland” exclusively for only themselves?

This is a question that colonial British must answer mainly, as well as colonial Dutch who codified Malabar to make it a customary law” applicable to only Malabars from South India.

Only the Sinhalese can showcase that it evolved as a separate ethnic group, it created its own language, own culture & legal system that revolved around Buddhism, its owned distinguished chaithyas, irrigation systems and so forth. No other community can claim its own distinguished facets as the Sinhalese have. The colonial records suffice to show that the Sinhalese were very much living in the North & that the colonial policies intentionally displaced them to be replaced by the settler colonization scheme.

No politician or political party can be bargaining against the truth & facts for political power or political careers.

This island nation was defended by the Hela people to remain as one entity. Settlers under colonial colonization schemes cannot split the Nation & separate it by claiming a homeland”. All of their demands over the years have stemmed from a superior complex mentality injected to them by the colonials as a result of the perks, privileges & favoritism given to them during colonial rule & beyond independence simply to keep newly independent states destabilized & eternally suffering some form of conflict which finds its legacy back to colonial rule.

The colonials must be asked to solve the problem they created not to palm off their problem on post-independence governments forcing them to give citizenship to foreigners that the colonials intentionally dumped on other nations to change demography & cause conflicts thereafter.

What readers need to ask themselves is a simple question – can people forcibly brought in by colonials from foreign states or during foreign invasions, and settled in the island displacing the Sinhalese who were living in these areas have any right to claim a separate homeland? Even those who have come by choice & settled cannot & should not be allowed to claim & separate any part of Sri Lanka. Everyone must learn to live in harmony & peaceful coexistence.

Shenali D Waduge

KAMALIKA PIERIS

When the Accelerated Mahaweli project started, Gamini Dissanayake, Minister for Mahaweli had asked Ven. Ellawela Medhananda    to do a history of the Mahaweli region. While engaged on this, Medhananda had met Ven.  Kitalagama Seelalankara of Dimbulagala.

Dimbulagala and Medhananda decided that the best way to prevent Tamilisation of the east was to settle Sinhalese in the Maduru Oya area.    ‘We settled the excess population from Hingurakgoda and Minneriya, numbering 40,000 in Toppigala, Kunchanamalai,  Nelugala,  Atubandigala,  Vesibandigala and  Piyangala.    We informed President  JR  Jayewardene that we were going to settle Sinhalese there. JR was against this, but we  continued  with the project, recalled Medhananda  in his biography. [1] The dates of this settlement is not given.

Maduru Oya originates from Mahiyangana in the Badulla district. The Maduru Oya delta  begins   south of Polonnaruwa and ends up in Batticaloa district. The outer perimeter comes within Eelam”. Part of Maduru oya plains came within the administrative district of Polonnaruwa , the rest  was under Batticaloa. Polonnaruwa side was Sinhala dominated, the Batticaloa side was Tamil dominated 

Maduru oya delta contained about 125,000 acres of land. The delta runs up to the sea.  There were  many Tamil settlements along the sea coast. 126 Sinhala families had been settled  in the Wadamuni area in Batticaloa in 1953. There were smaller Sinhala settlements south of Maduru oya towards Ampara.  hoever,  most  Sinhala settlements were confined to Polonnaruwa and were very few, reported observers.  

Maduru Oya  land was  fertile but lacked water. Mahaweli water was to be diverted there. Mahaweli project planned to irrigate 115, 000 acres of  paddy  land. A  monumental transfer of settlers from the south was planned, said  analysts. Over 34,000 farmers could be settled at Maduru oya.

The Maduru Oya  project had two segments, Left bank and Right bank. Right bank included three divisional secretariats, Welikanda, Dimbulagala and Koralai pattu. There is a large extent of flat fertile lands under rain fed cultivation extending from Welikanda to Valaichchenai on the Right bank, said analysts.

Mahaweli authorities  decided to divert Mahaweli water to Maduru Oya and   develop the Right bank. The Feasibility Study of this Project was carried out by ACRES International Ltd in August 1980. Detailed designs of the right bank  main and branch canals were carried out in late 1981 and in 1982 with USAID financing. Mahaweli work  on Maduru oya  started in 1982-1983.

Tamil Separatist Movement had studied the Mahaweli plan carefully and had marked out two strategic locations where Sinhala settlements   could puncture Eelam.   One was Maduru oya.  While the right bank canal was being cut, Tamil Separatist Movement started encroaching on Maduru oya delta from Batticaloa.  Part of Maduru Oya   delta came under  GA  Batticaloa  .

In August 1983 we got news of large scale land grabbing at Maduru oya  while the 1983 riots were going on in Colombo, reported Malinga Gunaratne, who was working at the  Mahaweli Ministry at the time. [2]  Panic stricken messages were pouring into the Ministry stating that Tamils were encroaching on state land. Main thrust was in Maduru oya.  There was a massive encroachment of land on the right bank.

Maduru oya engineers spoke to Malinga. Malinga had access to the Minster  so they came to him. They were frantic. They said we are developing the Right Bank at enormous cost so that that entire nation would benefit. But by the time we finish work there will not be any land left for settlement.   It is all getting occupied by Tamil settlers.

This activity is being encouraged by Tamil officials from Batticaloa who are working closely with the separatist movement.   Politicians on the government side are also with these separatists. Please notify the Minister.  The engineers came a second time to Malinga. Please hurry, they said, she situation is becoming very serious.

In early August Malinga sent two Mahaweli officials to check on illegal settlements on Maduru Oya right bank. They reported that considerable Tamil settlements were coming up around numerous small tanks in Maduru oya. They were being made in a systematic and methodical manner. Food supplies were coming to the encroachers from an organized body.

More and more settlers were flocking in.  The delta was a hive of activity. Houses were coming up over night. Villages were given Tamil names, the few Sinhala settlers, mainly Vaddha were given Tamil names. District boundaries were being altered. The illegal Tamil settler was establishing himself with the active assistance of the Batticaloa administration.There were no Sinhala settlers in the area.

Malinga informed the   Director General, Mahaweli Authority, N.G.P. Panditeratne who took immediate action. Maduru Oya delta was a declared a Mahaweli area. GA Batticaloa had no authority over it thereafter.

 But apart from this, nothing was done to curb the illegal encroachment from Batticaloa. These encroachments did not engage the attention of any one. People in the south were not concerned, complained Malinga.   There was deliberate apathy at the top.

However, Mahaweli Minster   Gamini Dissanayake, when he heard, wanted an army post placed at Maduru oya. But Panditeratne was reluctant to contact the army   and the army was not stationed at Maduru oya. Gamini had also suggested to Malinga, Why you don’t settle some Sinhala people unofficially in Maduru oya. (Continued)

[1]  Lakshman Kahatapitiya. Ellawela Medhananda hamuduruwo. P 312-314  

[2]  Malinga Gunaratne. For a sovereign state

චානක බණ්ඩාරගේ

ගතානුගතිකත්වය, සම්ප්‍රදාය 

තමන්වහන්සේ විසින් පන්සලේදී ගැට ගැසූ පිරිත් නූල එක් දේශපාලනඥයෙක් පන්සල් භූමියේදීම ගලවා දමා ඉවත්කර පන්සලෙන් නික්ම ගිය බව රජරට එයිතීහාසික විහාරස්ථානයක විහාරාධිපති හිමි නමක් මෑතකදී පැවසුහ. එකී  දේශපාලනඥයා එවැනි සිද්ධියක් සිදු නොවූ බව තරයේ කියා සිටියේය.

මෙහිදී කවුරුන් සත්‍යය පවසන්නේදැයි අප නොදනිමු.  එය මේ ලිපියට අදාළ නොවේ.

නමුත්, එවන් සිද්ධියක් ඇත්තට සිදුවී නම්, එම දේශපාලනඥයා සිදු කර ඇත්තේ ගතානුගතිකත්වය, සම්ප්‍රදාය   ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කිරීමක්ද?

අප ගතානුගතිකත්වය, සම්ප්‍රදාය  ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කිරීම හොඳ දෙයක්ද?

ඇතැමෙක්, විශේෂයෙන්ම නුතන තරුණයන්, එය හොඳ දෙයක් යයි පවසත්. මෙම ලියුම්කරු පවසන්නේ එය හොඳ දෙයක් නොවන බවය.

අපට අපේ අනන්‍යතාවය – අප කවුරුද, කොහේ සිට පැමිණියේද, ජාතිය, ජන්මය, ආගම, දෙමව්පියන්, පවුල් සංස්ථාව යන දේ පිළිබඳව විශ්වාසය, ආත්ම තෘප්තිය සහ ආත්ම ශක්තිය ලැබෙන්නේ සමාජයක් ලෙස අප පිළිගන්නා ගතානුගතිකත්වය, සම්ප්‍රදාය  නිසාය. මේවා නොමැති කල අපට රොබෝ වරුන් මෙන් ජීවත් වීමට සිදුවේ.

‘අපට ඉතිහාසය වැඩක් නෑ, වර්තමානය සහ අනාගතය ගැන බලමු’ යන්න 1994 පසු මන්ත්‍රයක් මෙන් ජනතාවට ආරෝපණය කිරීම විශේෂයෙන්ම දකුණු ඉන්දීය සම්භවයක් ඇති සිංහල රුපවාහිනි වැඩසටහන් සේවා වලින් සහ සමහර යු ටියුබ් නාලිකා විසින්  උත්සහ කරන ලද්දකි. මහාවංශය, විජයාගමනය, මහින්දාගමනය බොරු හෝ ඉගෙනුමට අනවශ්‍ය දේ ලෙසට මේ නාලිකා විසින් පෙන්වා දෙන ලදී. අවාසනාවකට, රජයන්ද මේ මතය ස්ථාපිත කිරීමට උත්සහ ගති. අපේ පාසැල් ඉතිහාසය පෙළ පොත් වල සිංහලයා පිළිබඳව පිළිගත් ඉතිහාසය විකෘති කිරීම හෝ අව තක්සේරු කිරීම කර ඇත – එක් පුරාවිද්‍යා මහාචාර්යවරයෙක් ප්‍රමුඛව සකස් කරන ලද ඉතිහාසය පෙළ පොත්.

මෑතක සිට රාවණා නමැති ඉන්දීය හින්දු ප්‍රබන්ධ චරිතය (මහාභාරථ ග්‍රන්ථයේ එන) මෙහි සිටී සත්‍ය රජ කෙනෙක් බවට පෙන්වීමට දැඩි වෑයමක් පවතී. කාශ්‍යප රජු විසින් නිර්මිත සිගිරිය පවා රාවණාගේ නිපැයුමක් යයි සමහර අය දැන් පවසති. රාවණා යනු ශිව දෙවියන්ගේ භක්තිමත්ම  සේවකයා යයි විකිපීඩියා පවසයි. රාවණා වෙනුවෙන් හින්දු කෝවිල් මේ රටේ ඉදිවෙමින් පවතී. ත්‍රිකුණාමලයේ  මුහුද අද්දර ඇති කෝනේෂ්වරන් දේවාලයේ ශිව දෙවියන්ට වැඳ සිටින විශාල රාවණා පිළිමයක් ඇත.

ගතානුගතිකත්වය, සම්ප්‍රදාය  ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරන්නෝ මනුෂ්‍ය ජිවීත පිළිබඳව වටිනාකම/අගය අඩු කර සළකන අය විය හැකියි.  නමුත්, සැම විටම එසේ නොවේ.

ලෙනින්, ස්ටාලින්, මාඕ, පොල් පොට්, කැස්ත්‍රෝ වැන්නන් (සියල්ලෝ විප්ලවකාරී වාමාංශික ඒකාධිපතියෝ වුහ) ගතානුගතිකත්වය, සම්ප්‍රදාය බොහෝ දුරට  ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කල අයයි. ඔවුහු ජනයා ආගම් ඇදහීමෙන් වලකාළහ. මාඕ නවතා දැමු  බෞද්ධ පන්සල් චීන රජයන් දැන්  විවෘත කර දී ඇත. කාම්බෝජයේ සිටින ඇස් කන්නාඩි පළඳින්නන් මරා දැමිය යුතුයයි පොල් පොට් තීරණය කළේය. ඒ, ඇස් කන්නාඩි පළඳින්නන් බුද්ධිමතුන් යයි ඔහු  මෝඩ ලෙස විශ්වාස කල නිසාය. 

පොල් පොට් කාම්බෝජ වැසියන් ලක්ෂ 20  – 40 ක් තරම් මරා දැමිය.

වයස අවුරුදු 60 පැන්නවුන් සමාජයට බරක්ය වැනි මතයක් 1960/1970 ගණන් වල ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මාක්ස්වාදී පක්ෂයක් පවසා තිබුණු බවට වාර්ථා එකළ පළ විය. මෙහි සත්‍ය අසත්‍ය භාවය මෙම ලියුම්කරු නොදනී.

නුතන ඇමරිකාව, ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාව අළුත් රටවල්ය. ඒවාට ඇත්තේ වසර 225 ට වඩා මඳක් එහා ගිය  ඉතිහාසයකි. නමුත් පොදුවේ, ඔවුන් ගතානුගතිකත්වය, සම්ප්‍රදාය තදින්ම අදහති/අගය කරති. ඇමරිකන් ජනාධිපති දිවුරුම් දීම වොෂින්ටන්, ලින්කන් එදා වසර 225ට එහායින් සිදු කල අයුරින්ම, අදත් ඔවුහු මහ ඉහළින් සිදු කරති. 1900දී බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයෙන් මිදී, නව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක් ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාව බිහි කර, අද දක්වා සැම දිනකම එහි ආරම්භය බයිබලයේ පාටයක් දේශනා කිරීමෙන් සිදු කිරීම ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාව ගතානුගතිකත්වය, සම්ප්‍රදාය  අදහන රටක් බව පෙන්වීමේ සාක්ෂියකි. මහා බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයේ වත්මන් රජ පරම්පරාව වසර 1,000ට වඩා පැරණිය. එරට වැසියන් ගතානුගතිකත්වය, සම්ප්‍රදාය  අගයන/රකින බැවින් අදත් රජ පරම්පරාවට සියලු ගරු බුහුමන් දක්වමින් එය පවත්වා ගෙන යති.

රටක පැවැත්මකට මේවා අවශ්‍යය. මේවා නොමැති නම් අප අනාගත පරපුරට භාර කරන්නේ කුමක්ද? කොතරම් උගතෙක් වුවත් ඔහු/ඇය හොඳ නරක, සාරධර්ම නොදන්නේ නම් අසම්පුර්ණ පුදගලයෙක් වේ.

මෙවැනි වාතාවරණයක් යටතේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විවෘත කිරීමේ රාජාසන කථාවේදී ජයමංගල ගාථා ගායනය කිරීම මෙවර සිදු නොකිරීම අප ගතානුගතිකත්වය, සම්ප්‍රදාය  බැහැර කිරීමක් ලෙස කෙනෙකුට පැවසිය හැක. මෙය රජයේ වියදම් කපා හැරීම පිණිස කරන ලද දෙයක් ලෙසට පිළිගත නොහැක්කේ ජයමංගල ගාථා ගායනය කරන යුවතියක් උදෙසා රුපියල් 5,000ක් වැය කලත් එවන් යුවතියන් 8ක් සඳහා වැයවන්නේ රුපියල් 40,000 පමණ මුදලක් වන නිසාය.

රටේ ගතානුගතිකත්වය/සම්ප්‍රදාය රැකීම සඳහා එවන් මුදලක් වියදම් කිරීම ගැන රට වැසියා කිසිසේත් රජයට දොස් නොකියනු ඇත. 1948 සිට හෝ ඊට කළින් සුද්දාගේ කාලයේ පටන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විවෘත කිරීමේදී රාජාසන කථාවවේදී ජයමංගල ගාථා ගායනය කිරීම දිගටම සිදුවී ඇතැයි පැවසේ. මෙය සත්‍යද?

ජයමංගල ගාථා ඇසීමට ඉතාම රසවත්, ප්‍රියදායි  ගාථාවකි. බෞද්ධයෝ විවාහ උත්සව වලදී නොවරදවාම ජයමංගල ගාථා ගායනය කරවයි.

ජයමංගල ගාථා ගායනය කිරීම මෙවර සිදු නොකලේ රටේ සුළු ජාතින් ඒ ගැන අමනාප වේ යයි යන අනියත බියක් නිසාද?

නැත්නම් රාජ්‍ය පාලනයට ආගම සම්බන්ධ නොකළ යුතු යයි වැනි අදහසක් රජය සතු නිසාද?

ශ්‍රී ලංකාව යනු සිංහල බෞද්ධ අත්තිවාරමක් ඇති රටකි. මේ සත්‍යය  ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමට කිසිවෙක් බිය විය යුතු නොවේ.

මෙයින් කියන්නේ අන්‍ය ජාතිකයන් මෙහි ජිවත් නොවිය යුතුය කියා නොවේ. අප සියල්ලෝ එක මවකගේ දරුවන් මෙන් මෙහි ජිවත් වෙමු; එය සැමදා එසේ සිදු විය යුතුය.

2017 දී පමණ යහපාලන රජය ආන්ඩු ක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 9 වෙනි වගන්තිය ඉවත් කිරීමට මාන බලද්දී, මහානායක හිමි වරුන් පවා නිහඬත්වය දරද්දී හෝ ඔවුනගේ මතයට රජය කන් නොදෙද්දී, එයට එරෙහිව ඉදිරියට ආවේ වත්මන් කාදිනල්තුමාය. ‘බෞද්ධාගම රැකුනොත් තමා අපේ සුළු ආගමුත් රැකෙන්නේ’ යයි උන්වහන්සේ අභීත මුඛයෙන් පැවසුහ. ‘මේක සිංහල බෞද්ධ රටක්’ කියා එතුමෝ කීහ. ඒ ගතානුගතිකත්වය/සම්ප්‍රදාය රැකීමේ වටිනාකම ඉතා දැන උගත් බුද්ධිමතෙක් වන උන්වහන්සේ දන්නා නිසායි.

එවැනි වදන් මුස්ලිම් ඉමාම් වරුද කීහ.

ඉන්පසු රජය ඒ අමනෝඥ තීරණය අත් හරින ලදී.

අප රටේ ජනාධිපතිවරයාට සහ අගමැතිවරයාට වාසය කිරීමට කදිම නිළ නිවෙස් තිබේ. රටේ නායකයන් ඒවායේ වාසය නොකරන්නේ මන්ද? මේ ගතානුගතිකත්වයට/සම්ප්‍රදායට බැහැරව යාමකි.

මේවා හුදු නිළ නිවාස පමණක් නොවේ. ඒවා ආයතන ද වේ. ඒවා හා බැඳුනු ගතානුගතිකත්වයක්/සම්ප්‍රදායක් ඇත. ‘මම ඒ නිවසට කැමති නැහැ; ඒ නිසා මම එහි ලැගුම් ගන්නේ නැහැ’ කියා ජනාධිපතිවරයෙකුට, අගමැතිවරයෙකුට කිව නොහැක.

ඇමරිකන් ජනාධිපති අනිවායයෙන්ම වයිට් හවුස් හි ලැගුම් ගත යුතුය. ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාවේ අගමැති කැන්බරාහි ඇති ද ලොජ් හි අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම ලැගුම් ගත යුතුය. එය, ඒ රටවල ගතානුගතිකත්වයයි/සම්ප්‍රදායයි.

ජෝන් හොවර්ඩ් මහතා ද ලොජ් හි ලැගුම් ගැනීමට දැඩිව අප්‍රිය කළේය. නමුත් ගතානුගතිකත්වය/සම්ප්‍රදායට ගරු කිරීම වස් ඔහු වසර 8ක සිය අගමැති කාලය බිරිඳ සමඟ එහි ගත කළේය. සති අන්තයේ සිඩ්නි ගොස් ඔහු සිය පුද්ගලික නිවසේ වාසය කලේ නැත; එවිට බිරිඳ සමඟ සිඩ්නිහි තිබෙන කිරිබිලි හවුස් නමැති නිළ අගමැති මැඳුරේ විසීය.

සිරිත්/විරිත්

අපේ යාග හෝම, බලි, තොවිල්, ජන ගී, ජන කවි, වසර දහස් ගණන් පැරණිය. උඩ රට, පහත රට නැටුම්ද එසේය. අපේ සිංහල අවුරුදු චාරිත්‍ර ගැන රොබර්ට් නොක්ස් ඉතා ඉහළින් වර්ණනා කළේය.

අපේ පාරම්පරික ආයුර්වේද විද්‍යාව, නක්ශස්ත්‍ර  ශාස්ත්‍රය ඉතා දියුණුය; විදේශිකයෝ මවිතයට පත් කරන සුළුය.

අපේ ආදිවාසි, ද්‍රවිඩ, මුස්ලිම්, බර්ගර් සහෝදරවරුනටද ඔවුනට ආවේනික සිරිත් විරිත් ඇත. යාපනය වනාහි සංස්කෘතික කලාගාරයකි.

මෙවැනි වාතාවරණයක් යටතේ මේ ඉපැරණි සිරිත්, විරිත් වලට අවමන් කරන, උසුළු විසුළු කරන සංස්කෘතියක් මේ  රටේ නිර්මාණය වී තිබේ – විශේෂයෙන්ම සමාජ මාධ්‍යය අවකාශයේ.

සමහරවිට විද්‍යාත්මකව බලන විට මේවා බොරු, හිස් දේ බව ඇතැමෙකුට සිතෙනු ඇත. කෙසේ නමුත් කළින් කීවාක් මෙන් අප, අප සමාජය සැදී ඇත්තේ මේ සිරිත් විරිත් වැනි දේ තුලිනි.

අප නිවසෙන් බැහැරව යාමේදී දෙමව්පියනට වැඳ ඔවුන්ගෙන් ආශිර්වාද ලබා ගනිමු.

මේවාට සිනාසෙන්නෝ මෝඩයෝ නොවේද?

දියුණු යයි සම්මත රටවල මින්සුන් පවා අදෘශ්‍යමාන දේ පිළිබඳව අදහති.  එහි වරදක් නැත. වෙනස නම් ඒවාට සිනා සෙන්නෝ නම් මෙරට නැත. සුද්දා කරන නිසා අපට ඒවා හොඳය.

1990 පමණ දක්වා අපේ වටිනා සිරිත් විරිත් පවත්වා ගෙන යාමට, අනාගත පරම්පරාවනට ඒවා ආරක්ෂා කර දීමට රජයන් නොයෙක් ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගත්හ. මේ පිළිබඳව ශ්‍රී ලංකා ගුවන් විදුලි සංස්ථාව කරන ලද කාර්ය භාරය ඉමහති.

නියපොත්තෙන් කැඩිය හැකිදේ නොකැඩීම 

1976දී ප්‍රභාකරන් යාපනය නගරාධිපති ඇල්ෆ්‍රඩ් දොරේඅප්පා මහතාව වෙඩි තබා මරා දමන විට ඔහුගේ වයස 22කි. මේ අපරාධය කලේ ඔහු බව සිරිමා බණ්ඩාරනායක රජය දැන සිටීය. නමුත් ප්‍රභාකරන් අල්ලා දඬුවම් කිරීමේ දැඩි අවශ්‍යතාවයක් එම රජයට නොවීය. ඇල්ෆ්‍රඩ් දොරේඅප්පා මහතා එවක තිබු ශ්‍රීලනිප රජයේ පාතාක යෝධයෙක් විය.  

1978 සිට ප්‍රභාකරන් මේ රට තුල  විවිධ ත්‍රස්තවාදී ක්‍රියාවල නිරත විය. 1978දී ඔහු ද්‍රවිඩ  ජාතික පොලිස් නිලධාරින් 4 දෙනෙක් මුරුන්කන්හිදී (පොලිස් පරීක්ෂක බැස්ටියන්පිල්ලේ ඇතුළු) මරා දැමිය. 1979 – 83 කාලයේදී ඔහු විවිධ ත්‍රස්තවාදී ක්‍රියාවල නිරත විය. 1983 ජූලී මස 24 දින තිරුනෙල්වේලි හිදී ඔහුගේ අණින් හමුදා සොල්දාදුවන් 13 දෙනෙක් බිම් බෝම්බයකින් මරුමුවට පත් විය. නමුත් 1987 දක්වා ප්‍රභාකරන් අල්වා ගැනීමේ දැඩි උවමනාවක් එවකට තිබු රජයට අවශ්‍ය නොවීය. 1987 වඩමාරච්චිහිදී ප්‍රභාකරන් හමුදාවට කොටු විය. නමුත් අවසාන මොහොතේ යුද්ධය නතර කරන මෙන් JR හමුදාවට අණ කළේය. ප්‍රභාකරන් ඉන්දියාවට ගොස් සැඟවී සිට නැවත ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට හොරෙන් පැමිණියේය.

1995 වනවිට නියපොත්තෙන් කැඩිය හැකි වූ එම ත්‍රස්තවාදී පැලය දැවැන්ත වෘක්ෂයක් බවට පත් විණි.

2007 – 2009 දක්වා යුද්ධය හරියට නියමාකාරව මෙහෙයවූ නිසා 19/5/2009 දින නාන්තිකඩාල් කලපුවේදී ප්‍රභාකරන් මරා දැමීමට හමුදාවට හැකි විය. ඒ පිළිබඳව ගෞරවය සහ ජාතියේ ප්‍රණාමය යුද්ධයේ නියැලුණු සියළු රණ විරුවන්, එවකට සිටි ජනාධිපති, ආරක්ෂක ලේකම් සහ හමුදාපතිට හිමි විය යුතුය.

නමුත්, වසර වසර 40ක් මුළුල්ලේ ප්‍රභාකරන් මේ රටට කරන ලද අපරාධය කෙබඳුද?

ඔහුව අල්වා නොගෙන හුරතල් කල එවුනට අප අදත් ගරු බුහුමන් දක්වමු!

යුධ ජයග්‍රණයෙන් පසු ‘LTTEය ඉවරටම ඉවරයි, නැවත යුද්ධයක් නැහැ’ වනි උකටලී වදන් නිරතුරුව අසන්නට ලැබේ. මේවා සත්‍ය විය හැකියි. නමුත් ද්‍රවිඩ ඊළාමය බිහිකිරීමේ අධිෂ්ටානය ඔවුන් අත් හැර නැත.

මේ උවමනාව දැන් ඇත්තේ බටහිර රටවල සිටින දෙමළ ඩයස්පෝරාවට පමණක් යයි ඇතැම් සිංහල මාධ්‍යවේදීන් කරන ප්‍රකාශය ඔවුන් තුල ඇති වැරදි වැටහීම පිළිඹිබු කරයි.

නොවැම්බර් 26 යනු ප්‍රභාකරන්ගේ උපන් දිනයයි. මිය ගිය ද්‍රවිඩ තරුණ තරුණියන් සැමරීම එදිනටම යොදා ගන්නේ ඇයි?  ඒ අය සැමරිය යුතු නම් එය සිදු කල යුත්තේ ඒ අයගේ මරණ සංවස්තර දිනයේය.

යුද්ධය නිසා හමුදාවේ 30,000 නොවැඩි පිරිසක් මිය ගියහ. ඒ අය වෙනුවෙන් පුණ්‍යානුමෝදනා ඔවුනගේ පවුලේ අයවළුන් කරනුයේ ඒ අය මිය ගිය දින මිස අප සෑම වසරකම යුධ ජයග්‍රහණය සමරණ මැයි 19දා නොවේ.

2019 පාස්කු අපරාධය සිදු කල සහරාන් හමුදා බුද්ධි අංශ හොඳින් දැන සිටි කෙනෙක් බව පැවසේ. ඔහුට රජයෙන් (පොදු පෙරමුණ) ගෙවීම් දීමනා කල බවද සැලයි. ඔහුව ඒ අවධියේ අත් අඩංගුවට ගෙන සිරගත වීමට නොසැලැස්වීමේ ප්‍රමාදය නිසා අප කෙතරම් නම් අපහසුවට පත් විමුද?

නියපොත්තෙන් කැඩිය යුතු කාලයේ කුඩා පැලය කඩා දැමිය යුතුය යන පිරුළ අදටත්  අප රටට ඉතා වලංගුය.

ත්‍රස්තවාදී මර්ධන පනත අහෝසි කල යුතු යයි කෑ ගසන්නන් ඒ පිළිබඳව ඉතා සුක්ෂමව සිතා බැලිය යුතුයි. සමහර විට අනාගත ත්‍රස්තවාදී ප්‍රහාරයකින් මිය යන්නේ/තුවාල වන්නේ ඔවුන්ම, මෙය කියවන ඔබ හෝ අප විය හැකියි.

Aloysius Hettiarachchi

As a senior citizen concerned with the statement made by the chairmen of the CEB and the request for comments on the EIA of the Galle Harbour extension project, I thought of giving my two cents worth in this forum.

I have viewed the credentials of the current chairman who has had many years of experience in this field including in the CEB. It is the CEB engineers themselves who prevented the implementation of alterative energy projects for selfish reasons and we all suffered as a result. Now it seems they want to implement projects that were line up including the costly wind power towers. Lots of water has passed under the bridge since them and other counties have started abandoning the wind power towers as they are costly to maintain and therefore the unit rates are high. Therefore, I ask the authorities not to sign agreement with investors who will want to tie the citizens for long term power supply agreements. Solar power is becoming so cheap and available in abondance. In places like California, they do nt know what to do with excess power. In the US they are developing high speed electric trains. In Pakistan (our elder brother) the ordinary citizens are producing solar and that country has become 75% self-sufficient in electrical power. Few years ago, I have seen videos the locals mounted solar panels on helium ballons to supply power to households. Chinese companies have started making Perovskite solar panels by printing them like printing news paper complete with backing. They can be just pasted on a vehicle or any structure without framing. I believe this scenario should be evaluated before embarking on mega projects that had been lined up. The project that has been signed with Adani should be cancelled without tying us up with India on a long-term basis.

It seems the extension of Galle harbour is going to be implemented in a hurry. The Galle Fort built by Portuguese and the Dutch is already in the hands of one community. There was a talk of a yacht making project with the funding from Saudi. Are they the ones going to fund this as well. If so, it is a case of conflict of interest. So, is the suggestion to get Indians involved in Trinco oil Tank farm. Some of our officials do not have an iota of integrity. I am sure they are aware about the long-term implication of such projects on national security and sovereignty.