by I. Ahmad Source: Al Hakam

Prophet Isa, peace be on him, was a noble prophet and messenger of God Almighty. As a prophet subordinate to Moses, peace be on him, he presented the Mosaic Law in its true form to the Children of Israel and endeavoured to guide them to the right path. Although the Israelites of Palestine generally rejected him, he migrated from Palestine, travelling through Syria, Iraq, Iran, and Afghanistan, eventually arriving in the Indian subcontinent. He preached to all the Jewish tribes who had migrated to these regions due to the invasions of Shalmaneser and the calamities of Babylon. Ultimately, he passed away in Kashmir, where his tomb is still present today in Khanyar, Srinagar.

However, as many Christian scholars have also been compelled to admit, after his migration, Paul began to corrupt his teachings. Although the original Christian community in Palestine, which operated under the supervision of Peter and James, the brother of Jesus, outright rejected Paul and his teachings, Paul found success among the Greeks and other nations to whom Jesuswas not even sent. He distorted the original Christianity, which was based on the Mosaic Law and adhered to the true teachings of Jesus, peace be on him. This corruption culminated in seven fundamental changes to Christianity.

The first change

Jesus repeatedly taught the lesson of Tauhid (the Oneness of God). He believed in and preached One God. Although the current New Testament is plagued by alterations, contradictions, and discrepancies, there is still no mention of the Trinity anywhere within it, nor does the word Trinity” even appear, which is defined as the belief that there are three hypostases in the Godhead: the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. The Father is God, the Son is God, and the Holy Spirit is God. The Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are absolutely equal in their knowledge, will, status, and authority. Yet, there is a real distinction between them: he who is the Father is not the Son, he who is the Son is not the Father, and the Holy Spirit is entirely separate from the Father and the Son. Despite this, God is not three, but one.

However, neither the word Trinity” nor this explanation of it can be found in the words of Jesus, peace be on him.

Due to connections with India and Greece, their Trinitarian concepts entered Christianity. As the Holy Quran states concerning these beliefs:

They imitate the saying of those who disbelieved before them.” (Holy Quran, Ch.9: V.30).

In the Gospel of Mark, chapter 12, verse 29,30 it is written:

And Jesus answered him, the first of all the commandments is, Hear, O Israel; The Lord our God is one Lord: And thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind, and with all thy strength: this is the first commandment.”

In Mark, chapter 10, verses 17-18, it is written:

And when he was gone forth into the way, there came one running, and kneeled to him, and asked him, Good Master, what shall I do that I may inherit eternal life? And Jesus said unto him, Why callest thou me good? there is none good but one, that is, God.”

The Church claims that Jesus, son of Mary taught the Trinity. We say that Jesusnever used the word Trinity,” nor did he provide the explanation that forms the Church’s doctrine. Instead, Jesus repeatedly affirmed that God is One and acknowledged the One God.

The Founder of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat, the Promised Messiah, peace be on him states:

The doctrine of Trinity is also rather peculiar. Has anyone ever heard of something being permanently and perfectly ‘three’ and ‘one’ at the same time? Or that one God should be as perfect as three Gods?”⁶

(Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad^as_, Chashma-e-Masihi, Ruhani Khazain, Vol. 20, p. 348).

The second change

The second change the Christian Church made to the teachings of Jesusof Nazareth was to declare Jesus of Nazareth – who was in every respect, from every angle, and in every aspect a human being – to be God, despite him being human.

They presented the teaching that Jesusof Nazareth, while being fully human in every respect and possessing all the limitations found in human beings, was also, in every respect, from every angle, and in every aspect God.

As far as the sayings and statements of Jesusare concerned, he never taught this conundrum. Rather, everywhere and always, he referred to himself as the Son of Man.” The Greek expression used for this in the New Testament is:

Greek Transliteration – ton huion tou anthropou

Translation: the Son of the man

Although Urdu translations attempt to obscure this by rendering it as Ibn-e-Adam (the son of Adam), the reality is that Jesusnever uttered a single word about his own divinity. Everywhere, he described himself as one sent by the Father and one who obeys the Father’s words.

If the Church’s conundrum is accepted, one must concede that:

• Jesuspossessed complete knowledge of the unseen because he was God, yet he had no knowledge of the unseen at all because he was human.
• Jesuswas the possessor of complete power, authority, and might because he was God, yet as a weak human, he possessed all human weaknesses within himself.
• Jesuswas entirely free from eating, drinking, sleeping, waking, and suffering pain and affliction, yet as a weak human, he ate, drank, slept, woke, and suffered pain and affliction.
• As God, Jesuswas free from every kind of sin, yet as a descendant of Adam, he was inherently sinful like all other humans.
• As God, he was a perfect knower of all knowledge, yet as a human, he did not even know what or who was behind his back.

Jesus states very clearly in (John 10:30-37) that there is no distinction or peculiarity in me and other saintly and holy people, insofar as the applicability of the words ‘son of Allah’ or ‘god’ that has been frequently applied in the Bible for Prophets and the like.

The third change

The third change made to the teaching and practice of Jesus was that, while Jesus adhered to the Mosaic Law with full intensity and observance and taught the same to his disciples, making adherence to the commandments of the Mosaic Law essential for salvation, later, as a result of Paul’s teachings, Christians gradually abandoned the practice of the Mosaic Law. Paul declared the Law to be a curse. Subsequently, the Church adopted the doctrine that for salvation, it is not necessary to act upon the Law; it is only necessary to believe that Jesus suffered on the cross for our sins and accepted death on the cross.

Jesusnever gave this teaching. You may read the four Gospels, and you will nowhere find this teaching from Jesus– that there is no longer a need to follow the Mosaic Law and that to attain salvation, one must believe in his death on the cross.

In Matthew, chapter 5, verses 17-20, it is written:

Think not that I am come to destroy the law, or the prophets: I am not come to destroy, but to fulfil. For verily I say unto you, Till heaven and earth pass, one jot or one tittle shall in no wise pass from the law, till all be fulfilled. Whosoever therefore shall break one of these least commandments, and shall teach men so, he shall be called the least in the kingdom of heaven: but whosoever shall do and teach them, the same shall be called great in the kingdom of heaven. For I say unto you, That except your righteousness shall exceed the righteousness of the scribes and Pharisees, ye shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven.” (Matthew 5:17-20).

Then, in Matthew, chapter 19, verses 16-21, it is written:

Then, in Matthew, chapter 23, it is written:

Then, in Matthew, chapter 22, verses 35-40, it is written:

If Jesus had taught the abandonment of the Mosaic Law and, as Paul wrote, declared the Mosaic Law a curse, then why did Jesus present this very point to strengthen his teachings?

All these references make it abundantly clear that Jesus considered the Mosaic Law to be the word of God, and the New Testament explicitly shows that Jesus deemed the Mosaic Law to be binding. However, after Jesus, the Christian Church did not consider the Mosaic Law to be binding, and as is evident from the books of the New Testament that follow the Gospels, this was the result of Paul’s teachings.

The fourth change

This change is a continuation and completion of the third change. As has been stated, Jesus considered the Old Testament to be his holy book; he read it and acted upon it. However, after the event of the crucifixion of Jesus and the Church’s alleged view of his ascension to heaven, the Gospels and epistles of the New Testament were gradually, over several centuries, given the status of God’s word and holy scripture. Everyone knows that the Gospels and epistles of the New Testament were written after Jesus. Their authors had no inkling that they were composing a holy book. Every Christian is aware that Jesus neither read nor saw these books, nor did he declare them to be Holy scripture, nor did he call them the word of God. The reality is that even the authors of these books did not declare their own works to be the word of God. Christian scholars are well aware that these books contain contradictions, discrepancies, interpolations, and omissions.

For example, the entire story of the woman caught in adultery was added later to the Gospel of John. At the end of the Gospel of Mark, a passage was added to send Jesus to heaven. In a manuscript like the Codex Sinaiticus, additions and changes were later made by nine different hands, and the original manuscript of Luke contains no mention of Jesus’s ascension to heaven, which was added later.

The fifth change

Among the changes made to the teachings and actions of Jesus after his time is the doctrine that salvation is attained by believing in the crucifixion of Jesus, instead of considering faith and the grace to perform good deeds, through God’s favour, as the means of salvation.

In the Gospel of Mark, it is written:

And as he went forth into the way, a certain man ran to him, and kneeling before him, asked him, Good Master, what shall I do to inherit eternal life? And Jesus said unto him, Why callest thou me good? there is none good but one, that is, God. Thou knowest the commandments, Do not commit adultery, Do not kill, Do not steal, Do not bear false witness, Defraud not, Honour thy father and mother. And he answered and said unto him, Master, all these have I observed from my youth. Then Jesus beholding him loved him, and said unto him, One thing thou lackest: go thy way, sell whatsoever thou hast, and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven: and come, take up the cross, and follow me.”(Mark 10:17-21).

The sixth change

The sixth change that the Church made after Jesus is the belief that Jesus died on the cross. However, even a cursory study of the Gospels makes it clear that although it was thought that Jesus had died on the cross, after this, he is seen walking, eating, drinking, meeting his disciples, and cautiously trying to avoid his enemies.

The Founder of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat, the Promised Messiah, peace be on him, has proven with very solid scholarly and rational arguments that Jesus^as of Nazareth was saved from death on the cross.

According to the Bible’s statement, death on the cross is a cursed death. Since Jesus of Nazareth was a beloved servant of God, it is necessary that God Almighty saved him from death on the cross, just as Jesus himself prophesied that the people of that age would be given a sign like that of the Prophet Jonah.

The seventh change

The seventh change made to the teachings of Jesusafter his time was that after the event of the crucifixion, Jesus was raised to heaven and will at some time descend from heaven.

The belief of Jesus’s ascension to heaven is entirely fabricated. The Gospel of John and the Gospel of Matthew, which are attributed to the apostles, make absolutely no mention of Jesus’s ascension to heaven. Rather, they clearly state that some days after the event of the crucifixion, Jesus went to Galilee, and there he met with his disciples. And it has been proven concerning the Gospel of Mark and the Gospel of Luke that the mention of Jesus’s ascension to heaven in them is entirely an interpolation and a later addition. All serious biblical scholars understand and accept this fact well.

Full Text: https://www.alhakam.org/the-seven-great-errors-of-the-church/

Cira Pascual Marquina, Courtesy Venezuelanalysis

Political theorist Borón provides a comprehensive analysis of Washington’s new military activity in the Caribbean and how to resist it.

Atilio Borón (Venezuelanalysis)

With US warships stationed off Venezuela’s coast and a new regional right-wing bloc forming under Washington’s tutelage, the Western hemisphere is entering a volatile phase. Yet today’s confrontation unfolds in a world very different from the one that allowed the US to dictate regional politics with little resistance in the past. China’s rise, the return of progressive governments in key countries, and projects like the Bolivarian Revolution challenged US power. In this changing landscape, few analysts have been as persistent or as lucid as Argentine Marxist thinker Atilio Borón.

Here, Borón offers a broad and urgent reading of the current escalation: why Venezuela remains a strategic target, how Washington is trying to reorganize the continent, and what lessons can be drawn from Hugo Chávez’s political and pedagogical legacy. His analysis covers both the dangers of the present moment and the strengths that could prevent a wider military attack from the empire.

How do you understand the current continental situation and specifically Washington’s recent military build-up and attacks in the Caribbean?

Latin America has long been described as a continent in dispute, and today that dispute is sharper than ever. The region has become the most important arena in a global contest in which the United States is trying to reassert control to oppose new actors that are gaining ground.

For decades, Washington largely relied on soft power to manage the hemisphere. What we are witnessing now, however, is an open display of brute military force. I would even dare say—although this deserves deeper study—that this is the largest imperialist air-naval military buildup in our region since the October 1962 Missile Crisis.

Why? Because the world system is undergoing a dramatic transformation. There is no returning to the global landscape of fifteen years ago. New actors have emerged with decisive weight, fundamentally reshaping geopolitics. Take China: in the late twentieth century and even at the start of this century, US strategists hardly took it seriously. I recall attending a major international seminar in Buenos Aires in the late 1980s where US economists projected that China would only begin to matter around 2030. History has proved them spectacularly wrong.

Let’s look at the numbers. In 2000, total trade between Latin America and the Caribbean with China was about $12 billion a year. By 2005—the year the US-led Free Trade Agreement of the Americas was defeated in Mar del Plata—that figure had already jumped to $50 billion. By 2024, according to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean [ECLAC], it had reached approximately $538 billion. This alone helps explain why US foreign policy today can be summarized in three words: keep China out.

But the problem for Washington is that keeping China out is no longer possible. China is already the main trading partner for Brazil and Chile, likely for Colombia as well, and the second-largest for Mexico and Argentina. And globally, China maintains significant economic ties—through trade, investment, or both—with more than 140 countries. China is here to stay.

India also has a growing presence in the region, though with a lower profile, while Russia plays a role in infrastructure and defense projects in several countries. All of this is unfolding in a region that is extraordinarily rich in natural resources—resources the United States desperately needs.

Take the case of rare earth minerals. Roughly 80% of known global deposits are in China, and China controls close to 90% of the world’s processing capacity. Some Latin American countries have smaller reserves, and Washington is now scrambling to secure access to them in Chile, Argentina, Brazil, and even Venezuela.

How does this new global balance of power affect Washington’s strategy in Latin America and the Caribbean today?

First, it’s important to understand the new situation in the region. Unlike the early 2000s, when progressive governments confronted the imperialist order openly and in a relatively unified bloc, today the landscape is more mixed. There was indeed a conservative reflux, but the old status quo was never fully restored, and new progressive dynamics have emerged.

Mexico now establishes cautious but meaningful limits to US pressure. For the first time in 200 years, Colombia has a popular government under Gustavo Petro. Honduras is governed by Xiomara Castro, and her party’s next candidate, Rixi Moncada, is leading the polls. Venezuela continues to resist in ways few expected, despite the enormous weight of unilateral coercive measures, while Cuba remains a beacon for the region.

Washington is desperately trying to assemble a new anti-Venezuela, anti-Cuba, anti-Nicaragua axis. It leans heavily on figures such as Argentina’s Javier Milei, El Salvador’s Nayib Bukele, and the narco-linked Daniel Noboa in Ecuador.

This is what’s behind what some are calling a kind of mini-FTAA”: a draft free-trade agreement between Argentina, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, and, of course, the United States. But in reality, this is more than a trade agreement. It is an imposition. Of its nineteen restrictive provisions, sixteen are US demands. Consider the absurdity of allowing the export of live cattle from the United States to Argentina, a country whose very identity is tied to its cattle industry. 

But beyond this desperate attempt to pry open markets, Washington’s real objective is straightforward: lithium, rare earth minerals, and hydrocarbons. Everything else is secondary.

Why does Venezuela remain a central target for Washington, and what explains the US’s new military escalation?

Venezuela has always been considered a high-priority security concern for the United States. Historically, US oil corporations played a decisive role in exploiting Venezuela’s oil fields. However, that changed after Hugo Chávez came to power, and later, these companies lost even more ground as a consequence of the US’ own blockade against the country.

Today, global oil markets are more strategic than ever, and geological surveys confirm that Venezuela holds the largest proven oil reserves in the world… greater even than those of Saudi Arabia!

These reserves have an additional strategic advantage: they are just four to five days away from US refineries, compared to roughly thirty-five days from the Persian Gulf. This means shipping is cheaper and safer, especially given that the US maintains around forty military bases overseeing the Caribbean. With such advantages at stake, it is no surprise that the Bolivarian Revolution’s nationalization of the oil industry and its affirmation of national sovereignty proved intolerable to Washington.

The United States has tried every conceivable means to break Venezuela: the 2014 and 2017 guarimbas; the unilateral coercive measures that have killed tens of thousands; the farce called Juan Guiadó”—famous only for its absurdity—which nonetheless enabled the theft of Venezuelan assets such as Citgo; and now the disgraceful Nobel Peace Prize for María Corina Machado, a figure deeply associated with political violence.

Having failed on all these fronts, Washington is now turning to military options. Yet these, too, are extremely complex. When the US invaded Panamá in 1989 to remove Noriega, it deployed 26,000 Marines, and it still took a month to secure Panama City. 

The idea of invading Venezuela is the stuff of pure fantasy, and US strategists probably know it. Still, Washington might adopt an Israeli-style” strategy: striking critical infrastructure such as the Guri Dam, refineries, or airports, inflicting enormous damage. Yet this approach also has its limits: if the US intends to seize Venezuela’s oil, it cannot destroy all of the country’s energy infrastructure in the process.

What makes the situation especially dangerous is Trump’s instability and recklessness. His personal and legal crises—including documented links to Jeffrey Epstein—have eroded confidence in him even among Republicans.

Given this scenario, Venezuela must call for international solidarity and decisive political action. China, in particular, should respond to the US naval escalation in the Caribbean by deploying its own fleet around Taiwan, without firing a single shot. Such a move would send an unmistakable message: aggression has consequences. If Washington attacks Venezuela today, it will move against China tomorrow. A preemptive signal is therefore essential, both for China’s security and for Venezuela’s.

What is the importance of Hugo Chávez’s legacy during this time of imperialist aggressions?

Chávez is an extraordinary figure in contemporary history, not only of Venezuela, but of our continent and the world. He revived the Bolivarian legacy and the emancipatory vision of Latin America’s independence movements, restoring the principles of national sovereignty and self-determination at a moment when they had been gravely eroded.

One of his greatest achievements was the political education of the Venezuelan people, carried out not only through Aló Presidente but through countless public interventions and, above all, by example. This helps explain why the popular response to the recent call for voluntary enlistment in the Bolivarian Militia was so massive. It is never easy to ask people to risk their lives for their country, but Chávez—and now President Maduro—have succeeded because the Comandante planted a seed that took deep root in the idea of the Patria Bonita: a beloved and dignified homeland.

Today, we must do everything possible to prevent the imperialist offensive against Venezuelan soil from being carried out. The situation is dangerous not only for Venezuela, but for the entire continent and indeed for the world. Pete Hegseth, the current US Secretary of War—someone with no battlefield experience, and a figure with a record of racism and misogyny—adds to the danger through sheer incompetence. 

It’s no coincidence that Admiral Alvin Holsey, a seasoned military professional, resigned as head of SOUTHCOM after seeing what was being planned.Thanks to Venezuela’s preparedness, its alliances, and its global connections, the country is far from isolated. It has important international relations. For these reasons, I believe the worst-case scenario can still be avoided. But if Venezuela is attacked, one thing is certain: there will be unity and the will to defend the Patria.

Nava Thakuria

Come 29 and 30 November 2025, the film buffs, cine critics and movie producer-directors of eastern India will have an  unique opportunity to encounter film-works, dedicated to foster nationalism and paying homage to Bharat’s thousands years old civilization, culture and heritage, as the  9th edition of Chalachitram National Film Festival (CNFF) unfolds a package of around 30 selected  short duration films. A number of entries passionately narrate the stories revolving around the human race, its struggle to keep their legacy alive in a sustained environment on Earth.  Many of the accepted entries tell stories of young people who find it difficult to cope up with the constant changes in their psychological needs and finally isolate themselves from other family members and even nearby friends. After rediscovering the unconditional love and affection from nearest ones, they energize themselves to go ahead pursuing studies and future careers with the sense of responsibility and belongingness in the society in general.  The slow learners and differently-able children in some entries may expose a different world to the audience, many of whom have little idea about the painful and emotional moments surrounding those minors.

The picked up films also revolve around the traditional love, now overshadowed by growing misunderstanding and no trust among the family members which finally triumph in the time of distress with a true sense of empathy and forgiveness shown by everyone. Loneliness of aged professionals living in urban localities and deserving help and supports from their well-wishers, some take solace on folk tales & songs adoring marriage and other rituals to overcome the anguish, eroding family values where almost everybody suffers in different phases of life, the caste-ridden society and its implications on under privileged individuals while accessing a  dignified life and living overcoming the challenges with a determination to defy the prejudices  also being featured in some listed entries.

The matriarchal society, where men traditionally leave their own family to adopt a new one after marriage thus putting those fathers in isolation, ancient practices of magic that amuse the young people and help them fantasize to achieve the impossible , the surviving traditional Assamese string puppetry, thousands of years of old textile industry across Bharat and their legacy facing the turmoil of modern technology and lifestyle adopted by most of the people, tales embracing the malevolent spirit once listened and consumed by everyone in the rural world, human bonds with land, tree and nature, a creator’s legacy on finer works revolving around life, culture and legacy, abandoned national prides in different parts of Bharat with sagas waiting to be redefined for the new generation should attract the film appreciators.

India today witnesses a number of intriguing national film festivals across the country of over 140 crores in different time slots. With the central theme of ‘Our Heritage, Our Pride’, the  CNFF pursuing the voyage for nearly a decade has also joined the elite clubs comprising MAMI Mumbai Film Festival, Great Indian Film and Literature Festival, Asia Livelihood Documentary Festival, Alpavirama South Asian Short & Documentary Film-fest, Bangalore Queer Film-fest, Brahmaputra Valley Film-fest, Cinemela Film-fest, Flashpoint Human Rights Film-fest, Golden Jury Film-fest, Hyderabad Bengali Film-fest, Indogma Film-fest, Jagran Film-fest, Jeevika Film-fest,  Kalakari Film-fest, Madhubani Film-fest, New Delhi Film-fest, National Science Film-fest, Cinefan Festival of Asian and Arab Cinema, Patna Film-fest, Rajasthan Film-fest, Tigerland India Film-fest, Verite Film-fest, Vibgyor Film-fest, etc. 

With a moderate beginning in 2016 with conceptualizing a society named Chalachitram with the primary aim of bringing film-works closer to the common people and also engaging the creative pieces as the weapon to create awareness of Indian culture and heritage, the CNFF for documentaries and short features has arrived on its ninth year. The inaugural edition was organised as Guwahati Film Festival (GFF) in 2017 at Rabindra Bhawan, Textile Institute, and Cotton University’s  mass communication department, but in 2019 the unique festival was renamed.

Gracing the GFF-2017, the then Assam chief minister Sarbananda Sonowal, opined ‘cinema reflects the philosophy of life, reality and expectations of society, and it plays an important role in transforming society’ recalling the contributions of pioneer filmmakers like  Jyotiprasad Agarwalla, Bhupen Hazarika,  Bhabendra Nath Saikia, Jahnu Baruah, Manju Bora, etc in taking the Assamese cinema forward.  The  GFF-2018, shifted to Jyoti Chitraban film studio premise in Kahilipara, was attended by noted writer Manmohan G Vaidya, award winning film director Santwana  Bardoloi, theatre artiste Nayan Prasad, journalist Nava Thakuria,  State cultural minister Naba Kr Doley, actress turned legislator  Angurlata Deka with others. Since its third edition (CNFF-2019), the distinctive film-fest, organised annually  by Chalachitram, a subsidiary of Vishwa Samvad Kendra- Assam under the mentorship of Bharatiya Chitra Sadhna, continues to showcase creative works on celluloid (now digital outlets) at the premise dedicated to the auspicious memory of Assam’s pioneer film-maker Rupkonwar Jyotiprasad.

National Development Bank PLC

National Development Bank PLC (NDB) continues to reinforce its leadership in corporate reporting, having once again been honoured at the prestigious CMA Excellence in Integrated Reporting Awards 2025. At this year’s ceremony, held on 17 November 2025 at Cinnamon Life, NDB was recognised among the Ten Best Integrated Reports in Sri Lanka and also secured the position of Runner-Up in the Best Integrated Report – Banking Sector category.

The annual CMA Excellence in Integrated Reporting Awards, organised by the Institute of Certified Management Accountants of Sri Lanka (CMA Sri Lanka), is one of the country’s most respected platforms dedicated to advancing best practices in integrated reporting. The awards evaluate how effectively organisations articulate their value creation story, encompassing financial and non-financial performance, long-term strategy, governance, and stakeholder engagement in alignment with globally accepted integrated reporting principles.

Reflecting on this recognition, Azzam Ahamat, Vice President – Finance, stated, Being ranked among the Ten Best Integrated Reports and receiving the Runner-Up award in the Banking Sector is a testament to NDB’s continued commitment to transparent, relevant, and high-quality reporting. Our Annual Report is not merely a statutory requirement; it is a medium through which we communicate our strategic direction, performance, and value creation to all stakeholders with openness and clarity. This recognition encourages us to push further in refining our reporting practices in line with international standards and evolving stakeholder expectations.”

He continued that NDB’s consistent performance at the CMA Awards underscores its unwavering focus on integrity, accountability, and robust disclosure. The Bank’s integrated reporting framework reflects its holistic approach to sustainability, risk management, governance, digital transformation, and long-term value creation, elements central to its strategy of serving customers, communities, employees, and shareholders with excellence”.

Recognitions such as these reaffirm NDB’s position as one of Sri Lanka’s most trusted financial institutions, committed to fostering a culture of transparency and responsible banking while driving progress in the nation’s financial landscape.

NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Digital Bank for SMEs at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2025 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.

S. Prakash Sinha

Review products

The Proposed Foreign Investment Authority Law of Sri Lanka (1976): A Critical Analysis, by Senaka Kumar Weeraratna. Colombo, Sri Lanka: Lake House Investments Ltd., 1982. Pp. xx, 155.

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 February 2019

S. Prakash Sinha

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-journal-of-legal-information/article/abs/proposed-foreign-investment-authority-law-of-sri-lanka-1976-a-critical-analysis-by-senaka-kumar-weeraratna-colombo-sri-lanka-lake-house-investments-ltd-1982-pp-xx-155/D05B62FB9B59262E03721860FD464710

AI Overview

The claim is correct: Senaka Kumar Weeraratna’s dissertation, “The Proposed Foreign Investment Authority Law of Sri Lanka (1976): A Critical Analysis,” published in 1982 as a book, was a groundbreaking work because it was the first on foreign investment law in Sri Lanka

. It analyzed the proposed 1976 law and became the initial comprehensive book on this legal topic for the country. 

• Author: Senaka Kumar Weeraratna
• Title: “The Proposed Foreign Investment Authority Law of Sri Lanka (1976): A Critical Analysis”
• Publication Year: 1982
• Significance: It is considered the first book to provide a critical analysis of foreign investment law in Sri Lanka.
• Details: Published by Lake House Investment Ltd. in Colombo, the work is 155 pages long. 

It is accurate that the Monash University dissertation, published as a book in 1982 by Senaka Kumar Weeraratna under the title

The Proposed Foreign Investment Authority Law of Sri Lanka (1976): A Critical Analysis, broke new ground as the first book on foreign investment law in Sri Lanka. 

More details about the book:

• Source: The book was originally written as a Master of Laws thesis at Monash University.
• Publisher: It was published by Lake House Investments Ltd. in Colombo, Sri Lanka.
• Subject Matter: It provides an analysis of the proposed Foreign Investment Authority Law of 1976, which was subsequently overtaken by new legislation.
• Enduring Value: Despite the law it analyzed becoming outdated, the book’s value lies in its analytical framework for understanding foreign investment in Sri Lanka. 

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

නීති විරෝධී ලෙස වරායේ තිබූ භාණ්ඩ තොගයක් නිදහස් කිරීමකට අමාත්‍යවරයකු මැදිහත්  වෙමින් දුරකථන ඇමතුම් ලබාදෙන හඬ පටයක් සමාජ ජාල වල හුවමාරුවෙමින් ඇත.

හිටපු පළාත් සභා මන්ත්‍රී වරුණ රාජපක්ෂ මහතා විසින් මෙම හඬ පටය තම සමාජ ජාල නාලිකාවේද විකාශය කර තිබේ.

බලපත‍්‍ර නැතිව ගෙන්වන ලද මෙම භාණ්ඩ රේගු ගාස්තු පවා නොගෙවා මුදා හැරීමට අදාල හඬ පටයෙන් දැනුම් දෙන ආකාරය ඇසිය හැකිය.

එම හඬ පටය අමාත්‍යවරයකුගේ නම් ඔහු ඉවත් කරන්නට ජනාධිපතිවරයා එකඟ විය යුතු බවද හෙතෙම තවදුරටත් සිය නාලිකාවේ  කියා  සිටී.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Nov. 25 (Daily Mirror) – President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has instructed the Ministry of Justice to draft new legislation enabling the immediate destruction of seized dangerous drugs at the point of detection. 

The directive was issued this morning (25) during the second session of the ‘A Nation United’ National Steering Council, held at the Presidential Secretariat to advance efforts to eradicate the drug menace.

Addressing the gathering, the President stressed that combating narcotics requires a dual focus—both on preventing the circulation of illegal drugs and on rehabilitating those suffering from addiction. He noted that public views on rehabilitation vary widely, underscoring the need for a unified, scientifically grounded national strategy involving both state and non-state actors.

Under the proposed legal framework, a Magistrate would be required to visit the location of a drug seizure to inspect the stock, after which the Government Analyst would collect samples. The remaining drugs could then be destroyed immediately. Work on drafting the law is already underway, and the President directed officials to expedite the process ahead of the March deadline.

He also highlighted the need to strengthen rehabilitation efforts by developing a trained human resource pool and instructed authorities to fast-track the recruitment of permanent and temporary Government Analysts to fill existing vacancies in the department.

Meanwhile, a nationwide awareness programme under the ‘Quit – A Nation United’ initiative will be held on December 6 and 7 across all District and Divisional Secretariats. The President further called on all government institutions to take administrative measures to certify themselves as drug-free as part of the broader national campaign.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

(The Telegraph) – A suspected man questioned over bombings that killed 269 people in Sri Lanka is seeking asylum in the UK.

The unnamed asylum seeker, from Sri Lanka, was arrested over allegations that he was involved in the 2019 Easter bombings in the country.

The blasts killed six Britons, including a mother and her two children.

The man, who has been granted anonymity, left Sri Lanka in 2022 after being arrested and released on bail over the attacks, in which suicide bombers targeted luxury hotels and churches.

He arrived in the UK in September 2022 and claimed asylum a month later. He told an immigration tribunal that, since leaving Sri Lanka, police officers had attended his family home and that he fears persecution” if he returns home. It is understood he denies the allegations.

His asylum claim for his wife and himself was initially rejected by the Home Office, but he won an appeal against the decision at an upper immigration tribunal and his case will now be reheard.

Last week, Shabana Mahmood, the Home Secretary, announced major reforms to the asylum system, making refugee status temporary and giving ministers powers to return migrants to their home country once it was deemed safe.

Ms Mahmood is also overhauling immigration appeals by replacing judges with adjudicators and limiting illegal migrants and foreign offenders’ ability to exploit human rights laws to fight deportation.

Some 38 foreign tourists were killed in the Easter Sunday bombings in 2019. Among them were Britons Anita Nicholson, 42, and her children, Alexander, 14 and Annabel, 11, who died in an explosion at the Shangri-la Hotel in Colombo.

Lorraine Campbell, an IT director, retired firefighter Bill Harrop and his wife Dr Sally Bradley also died in a blast at the Cinnamon Grand Hotel.

It is believed that the eight suicide bombers were associated with an Islamist militant group named National Thowheeth Jama’ath.

An upper tribunal judgment said: [The Sri Lankan] had applied for protection on his own behalf and on behalf of his wife. He says that on Jan 5 2022 he was arrested and questioned in connection with the Easter bombings, which took place in Sri Lanka on April 21 2019.

He says that he was released only on the payment of a substantial bribe and was subject to reporting conditions. He left Sri Lanka for the United Kingdom on Sept 2 2022 and an arrest warrant was issued thereafter on Sept 15 2022.

He says that the police have attended his family home in Sri Lanka, and he fears persecution if returned to Sri Lanka.”

The upper tribunal heard that his original case had been dismissed by the first-tier tribunal.

The Sri Lankan argued that the first-tier tribunal made mistakes. He said the judge was biased” and that the arrest warrant was not issued until after he left Sri Lanka, which the judge failed to appreciate”.

Claire Burns, the deputy upper tribunal judge, found that the previous hearing had made a series of errors, including it being missed that the man had been released on bail following an arrest warrant. Judge Burns denied that any previous judges were highly prejudiced” in their approach.

The facts of the case will be reheard at the first-tier tribunal at a later date.

Judge Burns concluded: I find there will need to be a complete rehearing wherein the judge will make findings about the credibility of [his] account and given the nature and extent of the fact finding, the appeal should therefore be remitted to the first-tier tribunal.

The judge erred in law in his analysis of the documentary evidence as set out above, and so for that reason the decision must be set aside.”

A Home Office spokesman said: The Government rejected this asylum claim to ensure this suspected terrorist never sets foot on British soil. We stand to robustly defend this decision through the courts.

Last week, the Home Secretary announced the most sweeping reforms to tackle illegal migration in modern times which will make Britain a less attractive destination for illegal migrants and will make it easier to remove and deport them. As part of this, we are reforming human rights laws and replacing the broken appeals system.”

Courtesy Hiru News

The Valachchenai Magistrate’s Court today (25) ordered the Chairman and three others implicated in the removal of Archaeology Department signboards and directional boards to re-install the removed boards in their original locations.

The court released the four suspects—including Valachchenai-Koralepattu Pradeshiya Sabha Chairman S. Sudhakaran—on personal bail of Rs.100,000 each, totalling Rs. 400,000.

The counsel for the suspects argued before the court that, according to the Local Government Ordinance, permission must be obtained from the relevant local authority to erect any sign or name board.

He claimed the local body removed the Archaeology Department’s boards because they lacked this necessary approval.

However, Assistant Director of Archaeology for Batticaloa and Ampara, Anushan Munasinghe, who appeared for the Archaeology Department, countered this argument.

He stated that under the Antiquities Ordinance (Act No. 24 of 1998, amending Act No. 9 of 1940), the Department is not required to obtain permission from the relevant local authority to erect archaeological name or signboards.

He further confirmed that the Department had complied with the law by displaying the information in all three languages.

Considering the arguments presented, the Magistrate ordered the suspects to re-establish the boards at the original sites.

This work must be completed before December 15.

Furthermore, the Valachchenai Police were ordered to submit a progress report on the reinstallation to the court on the same date, December 15th.

Shenali D Waduge

Maaveerar Naal has increasingly been presented—especially by diaspora activists—as a cultural or humanitarian day of mourning for Tamils. However, the historical origins, rituals, and political functions of Maaveerar Naal reveal that it was created and institutionalized by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) not as a Tamil national day of remembrance, but as an exclusively LTTE‑centric event. We examine the structure, symbolism, and ideological role of Maaveerar Naal, promoted by pro‑LTTE networks to keep alive the quest for separatism which has now progressed to political attempt having failed the terrorist attempt.

Maaveerar Naal is not representative of Tamil civilians. It was, and remains, a political ritual designed to reinforce LTTE identity, glorify armed militancy, and sustain diaspora mobilisation. The continued use of LTTE symbols, uniformed imagery, coordinated rituals, and selective commemoration raises legitimate national security, ideological, and ethical concerns. Maaveerar Naal is not relevant or applicable for non-LTTE Tamil civilians or non-LTTE Tamil militants.

1. Origins and Purpose of Maaveerar Naal

Leader V Prabakaran’s Heros day speech 1989

Maaveerar Naal (Great Heroes Day) began as an LTTE‑created event.

The date—27 November—was chosen to honour the death of the first LTTE combatant, Lt. Shankar.

Prabhakaran institutionalised the day to create a cult of martyrdom” central to LTTE identity-building.

When Jaffna university commemorates Maaveerar Naal on 27 Nov – they are glorifying terrorists

When academics professionals politicians commemrate Maaveerar Naal on 27 Nov – they are glorifying terrorists

When students,  youth living in Sri Lanka or overseas commemorate Maaveerar Naal on 27 Nov – they too are glorifying terrorists

When diplomats & headso f INGOs or foreign politicians take part in Maaveerar Naal on 27 Nov – they are definitely glorifying terrorists – shame on them

1.1 LTTE Exclusivity

Maaveerar Naal commemorates only LTTE cadres.

It does not honour:

• Non-LTTE civilian Tamil victims
• Victims of other Tamil militant groups (TELO, EPRLF, EROS, PLOTE)
• Tamil political leaders assassinated by the LTTE
• Tamils killed by LTTE
• Muslim or Sinhalese victims of LTTE attacks

This selective memory reveals the ideological nature of the event.

1.2 Ritualised Political Messaging

The commemorative structure includes:

• LTTE flags and insignia
• Red‑and‑yellow LTTE colour themes
• Video/photographic displays of LTTE cadres
• Speeches glorifying martyrdom
• The 6:05 pm ritual aligned with Lt. Shankar’s time of death

These elements are not markers of cultural mourning; they are symbols of political identity and militant continuity.

1.3 Earliest Documented LTTE-Organised Commemorations (Photos & Sources)

The first known photographic and documentary evidence of Maaveerar Naal comes from LTTE’s own publications.

These confirm the event’s unmistakeably LTTE‐centric, militarised origins.

• 1989 – First small‐scale commemoration held in LTTE‐controlled areas.

Documented in LTTE newsletters and memorial leaflets featuring Prabhakaran, Shankar, and early Black Tigers.

• 1991 – LTTE’s official magazine Viduthalai Pulikal” carries full-page spreads of the event.

Images show:

– rows of uniformed LTTE cadres

– LTTE flag backdrops

– heavy emphasis on Prabhakaran’s leadership

– the first use of lamp-lighting rituals.

• 1992 – LTTE’s Thuyilum Illam” (martyrs cemetery) photographs appear for the first time with formal tomb‐stones.

• 1993 – The first *mass* Maaveerar Naal event is recorded in LTTE’s international newsletters.

These feature:

– military parades

– Prabhakaran’s portraits

– heavy recruitment messaging

– coordination with LTTE overseas branches.

These primary LTTE sources establish beyond dispute that Maaveerar Naal was conceived, branded, and promoted by the LTTE itself as a militant organisational event – not a Tamil cultural remembrance.

• Rebutting Key LTTE / Pro‑LTTE Arguments

2.1 Maaveerar Naal is a cultural day of mourning for Tamils.”

Rebuttal: It is a commemorative day only for LTTE members. No Tamil civilian victims are included. Families from other Tamil militant groups are deliberately excluded by the LTTE. These families are not allowed to publicly mourn their dead sons & daughters. Universities including academics” and diaspora groups that frame this as a Tamil Mourning Day” are misrepresenting history and contributing to separatist sentiment.

 

2.2 LTTE were freedom fighters, not terrorists.”

Rebuttal: Multiple governments and organisations across the world designated the LTTE as a terrorist organisation because of its systematic use of suicide bombings, civilian massacres, assassinations, and coercion. The continuance of the global ban even after 2009 demonstrates that the designation is based on evidence.

The quest for separatism continues.

Terrorism ended but not separatism – now being pushed by political means.

2.3 LTTE did not use child soldiers.”

Rebuttal: International human rights organisations documented widespread recruitment of minors by the LTTE. Forced conscription campaigns targeted Tamil families, some repeatedly. Indoctrination included training rituals and, , distribution of cyanide capsules. These practices underline the militarised social control exercised by the LTTE.

Every family was mandated to donate” a child by Prabakaran’s orders.

Adele Balasingham trained children from late 1970s to mid 1990s – several books authored by her proudly admits to such training.

No global legal action has been taken against her for these crimes while she freely lives in UK.

Children’s fundamental rights were robbed.

2.4 LTTE did not endanger civilians or use them as human shields.”

Rebuttal: Independent UN reports record:

• LTTE prevented civilians from escaping
• LTTE shot civilians attempting to flee
• LTTE embedded military infrastructure among civilians
• Civilians were forced to dig trenches and serve as labour
• UNSG made several appeals to LTTE to release civilians & children which LTTE ignored.

These acts constitute grave violations of humanitarian law.

 

2.5 Assassinations blamed on LTTE were propaganda.”

Rebuttal: LTTE’s political assassinations are well-documented by Tamil politicians, rival militant groups, independent analysts, and eyewitnesses. Victims include leaders of TELO, EPRLF, PLOTE, TULF, Sri Lankan officials, Muslim leaders, and even Tamil civilians. The pattern shows an organised effort to eliminate all political rivals.

2.6 Diaspora commemorations are harmless and protected speech.”

Rebuttal: Commemorations remain structured around LTTE symbols.

When organisers insist on using LTTE flags, cadet portraits, Prabhakaran’s speeches, or militarised aesthetics, these events become political mobilisation platforms for a banned organisation—not neutral cultural rituals.

 

2.7 Suicide cadres were heroes, not terrorists.”

Rebuttal: Suicide bombings targeting civilians and public spaces cannot be framed as honourable warfare. The LTTE’s systematic use of suicide attacks—including on economic, political, and civilian targets—constitutes an intentional strategy of terror. Heroic framing through Maaveerar Naal rituals reinforces radicalisation among youth.

 

2.8 LTTE governance structures show it was a state-like administration.”

Rebuttal: While the LTTE established courts, police units, and tax systems in areas under its control, these institutions were tools of coercion. Dissenting Tamils were abducted, imprisoned, tortured, or killed. Forced recruitment and extortion contradicted the claim of a protective parallel government.

2.9 LTTE fought humanely; the State alone is responsible for civilian deaths.”

Rebuttal: LTTE-specific crimes—preventing escape, embedding among civilians, forced labour—are directly linked to civilian casualties. Survivor testimonies repeatedly describe LTTE brutality against civilians seeking safety.

LTTE’s initial killings began by attacking border villages killing even pregnant mothers & slitting necks of babies.

LTTE committed ethnic cleansing by ordering eviction of Sinhalese & Muslims living in the North in order to claim North belong only to Tamils”.

 

2.10 Fundraising and front organisations are exaggerated claims.”

Rebuttal: The persistence of LTTE symbolism in diaspora events, political lobbying, and digital propaganda demonstrates an active ideological network. The commercialisation of Maaveerar Naal (souvenirs, coordinated campaigns, media productions) evidences ongoing mobilization and the profit making nature of the LTTE diaspora.

 

2.11 LTTE empowered women; allegations of female abuse are false.”

Rebuttal: LTTE recruitment of women was militarisation, not liberation. Many female cadres—including minors—were coerced into frontline combat and suicide missions. Uniformed representation does not equate to empowerment, particularly within a violent, authoritarian movement.

 

2.12 International criticism of LTTE is biased or political.”

Rebuttal: HRW, UNICEF, UN investigative bodies, and independent human rights researchers documented LTTE abuses through field evidence, interviews, and survivor testimonies. The consistency of these findings across multiple independent institutions undermines claims of political targeting.

2.13 Cracking down on LTTE cemeteries is repression of Tamil mourning.”

Rebuttal: As the LTTE is a proscribed terrorist organisation, the State is legally bound to prevent the public display and eulogizing of its terror symbols. The concern is not mourning but the political glorification of a banned militant movement. If Maaveerar Naal were a genuine communal mourning event, it would include all Tamil victims—not exclusively LTTE fighters as well as not disallow family members of other Tamil militant groups to publicly mourn their dead.

2.14 Tamil victimhood justifies LTTE violence.”

Rebuttal: Historical grievances do not grant any movement the right to commit war crimes, recruit children, assassinate civilians or political rivals, or use suicide terrorism. A legitimate political cause does not legitimise illegitimate methods. Majority of LTTE’’s victims were ordinary people who had done no harm to LTTE.

2.15 Academics say it is cultural, not militant.”

Rebuttal: A number of diaspora‐aligned academics attempt to reframe Maaveerar Naal as a Tamil grief tradition.” However:

• No Tamil cultural text, ritual, or historical practice predating LTTE mentions Maaveerar Naal.
• No other Tamil militant group commemorates on this date.
• All known rituals—6:05pm torch lighting, roll call of LTTE dead, LTTE flags, Prabhakaran speeches— were *invented* by the LTTE.

Academic attempts to Tamilise” Maaveerar Naal are modern reinterpretations, not cultural traditions.

These reinterpretations serve:

• diaspora political mobilisation
• legitimisation of LTTE’s past violence
• pressure campaigns against Sri Lanka internationally

None of these claims withstand comparison with LTTE’s own printed and photographic record.

• The Ideological Structure of Maaveerar Naal

Maaveerar Naal is not simply memorialisation—it is an ideological project.

Its key functions include:

• Myth‑making and glorifying martyrdom”
• Consolidating a loyal cadre identity
• Mobilising diaspora youth
• Reinforcing separatist narratives
• Maintaining LTTE’s political relevance post‑2009
• Keeping LTTE kitty going – the project has become a lucrative business for a handful

This ideological apparatus explains why the LTTE invested systematically in cemeteries, monuments, week-long rituals (Maaveerar Vaaram), and symbolic choreography.

LTTE Families are also given special names and treated above all other Tamils.

The LTTE invested more in cemeteries, uniforms, and commemoration rituals than any other militant group in South Asia. This was deliberate psychological conditioning to create a generational identity tied to martyrdom.

The systematic documentation of each cadre’s death in LTTE publications (with photos, biographies, battlefield descriptions) shows that Maaveerar Naal was the central pillar of LTTE propaganda.

• The Political and Security Implications Today

The persistence of Maaveerar Naal, often in LTTE colours, has several implications:

• Radicalisation risk:Youth are exposed to romanticised militant narratives. Many have not lived in terror times to feel the fear of LTTE terror.
• Diaspora mobilisation:Networks use symbolism for political lobbying & international lobbying.
• Historical distortion:The exclusive commemoration misrepresents Tamil suffering. Many Tamils suffered at the hands of LTTE – their narratives never get any public hearing.
• Security concerns:Glorification of a proscribed group encourages extremist continuity.

This is not an issue of Tamil identity; it is an issue of repackaged militant glorification.

All those siding with the LTTE post-2009 are not siding with ordinary Tamils who genuinely want to live in peaceful coexistence.

Maaveerar Naal events abroad follow an identical script every year—flags, Prabhakaran portraits, uniformed LTTE children, and coordinated slogans—demonstrating central direction, not spontaneous community grief.

These are political mobilisations, not cultural gatherings.

• Towards a Balanced Framework of Remembrance

A legitimate Tamil remembrance framework would:

• Honour Tamil civilians killed byall actors
• Include victims of multiple Tamil political movements
• Acknowledge massacres of Muslims and Sinhalese by LTTE
• Avoid militant symbolism, uniforms, flags, slogans
• Promote reconciliation over militancy
• Not go to Geneva & put posters claiming LTTE is our Savior”

Maaveerar Naal, as currently practised, does not meet these criteria.

Maaveerar Naal is not a neutral or cultural day of mourning; it is a political ritual created by a proscribed terrorist organisation to reinforce its identity and ideology. Its exclusive commemorative structure, militant symbolism, and ongoing mobilisation functions contradict claims of cultural harmlessness. Understanding the origins, purpose, and ideological implications of Maaveerar Naal is essential for any serious conversation on reconciliation, national security, and historical truth in Sri Lanka.

A path to genuine communal remembrance must be inclusive, civilian‑centred, and free of militant nostalgia. No one is stopping a mother or father of a terrorist mourning their dead son or daughter but that mourning does not need terrorist paraphernalia nor terrorist slogans & terrorist organizing.

A remembrance day that excludes Tamil victims of LTTE violence is not Tamil; it is LTTE. Any framework for true Tamil remembrance must break from LTTE symbolism entirely.

A message every Sri Lankan elected Government must take note of without appeasing terror outfits & their foreign campaigners.

Shenali D Waduge

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

ත්‍රිකුණාමල බෝධි රාජවිහාරයේ බුදු පිළිමය පොලිසියෙන් පැහැර ගත් සිද්දියේ උණුසම මැකී යන්නටත් පෙර මඩකලපුව ගිනි ගෙන තිබේ.එම දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ කිරාන් චෙංකලඩි වෙල්ලාවලි ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කොට්ඨාස වල පවතින හඳුනාගත් පුරාවිද්‍යා ස්ථාන පන්සිය තිහක් පමණ තිබෙන අතර ඒවා සළකුණු කිරීමේ ව්‍යාපෘතිය ටතේ දැන් වසරක් පමණ සිට දියත් කරන ලද පුරාවිද්‍යා වැඩ සටහනක් ඇත. ඒ අනුව පුරාවිද්‍යා  නාම පුවරු සවි කිරීමද එක් කාර්යයක් වන අතර එය මේ වන විට අතරමග නැවතී තිබේ.ඊට හේතුව සංස්කෘතික ඇමති හිනිඳුම සුනිල් සෙනෙවි මහතා දුන් වාචික නියෝගය බව දැන ගන්නට ඇත..මඩකලපුවේ තමිල් අරසු කච්චි පක්ෂයේ එස්.සුදාකරන් ප්‍රා දේශීය  සභා සභාපති විසින් දැනට සවි කර ඇති පුරාවිද්‍යා නාම පුවරු අටක් මේවන විට ඉවත් කර කිරාන් ප්‍රාදේශීය සභාවට අයත් කුණු ට්‍රැක්ටරයකට පටවා පැහැර ගෙන ගොස් ඇත. මෙය බරපතල සිද්දියකි.

  පුරාවිද්‍යා අඥා පනත යටතේ මෙරට සෑම දිස්ත්‍රික්කකටම අයත් හඳුනාගත් ස්ථාන සඳහා හැඳින්වීමේ නාම පුවරු යෙදීමේ පිළිවෙත ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන අතර එයට බාධා කරන හානි කරන පුද්ගලයන් පොදු දේපළ පනත යටතේ දඬුවම් ලැබිය හැකි පුද්ගලයන් වන අතර පුරාවස්තු ආඥා පනත උල්ලංඝණය කිරීමෙන් තව දුරටත් ඇප නොදිය හැකි වරදකට අසුවී ඇත. එහෙත් කණගාටුවට කරුණ නම් පුරාවිද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව විසින් අදාළ පොලිසි වලට (වෙල්ලවලි ) කරන ලද පැමිණිලි භාර නොගන්නා තත්වයකට පත් ව තිබේ. මෙහි පහත පළ වන්නේ අම්පාර හා මඩකලපු දිස්ත්‍රික්ක භාර පුරාවිද්‍යා සහකාර අධ්‍යක්ෂ අනුශාන් මුණසිංහ මහතා විසින් වැඩ බලන පුරාවිද්‍යා අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් තුසිතා රණසිංහ මහත්මිය වෙත යවන ලද ලිපියයි.

පුරාවිද්‍යා අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් තුමියනි,

පුරාවිද්‍යා දිශා පුවරු ඉවත් කිරීමේ සිදුවීම් වාර්තා වීම සම්බන්ධයෙනි

අම්පාර මකලපුව ප්‍රාදේශීය කාර්යාල බල ප්‍රදේශයට අයත් කලාප අංක 01, 02, 03, 04, 05  පුරාවිද්‍යා කලාපයන්හි මෙම වසරේ අනුමත ව්‍යාපෘති  යටතේ පසුගිය මාසයේ සිට යොදන ලද පුරාවිද්‍යා දිසා පුවරු ඇතැම් ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා වල සහ ඇතැම් පාර්ශවයන්ගේ මැදිහත්වීමෙන් අද දින  උදෑසන කාලයේ ගලවා ඇති බවට සිදුවීම් කිහිපයක් වාර්තා වී ඇත.

2. ඒවා වළක්වාලීමට යාමේදී නිලධාරීන්ට ජීවිත තර්ජන පවා එල්ල කරන ලද අවස්ථා ඇති වෙමින් පවතී. එනිසා ඒවා වැළැක්වීමට නිලධාරීන් යෙදවීම ද මේ අවස්ථාවේ සිදු කළ නොහැකි ය. මෙම තත්ත්වය ඊයේදින වෙල්ලාවලී ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කොට්ඨාසයේ ආශ්‍රිතව ඇති වූ තත්ත්වයේ දිගුවක් ලෙසද පෙන්වා දිය යුතුය.

3. පොදු දේපළ හානි කිරීම යටතේ පැමිණිලි යෙදීමට මේ වන විට නිලධාරීන් කටයුතු කරමින් සිටින අතර ඇතැම් පොලිසි ස්ථාන පැමිණිලි බාර ගැනීමට නොහැකි බවද දන්වා ඇත.

4. ලිඛිතව දැනුම් දෙන තෙක් දැන ගැනීම පිණිස සහ ඉදිරි අවශ්‍ය කටයුතු සඳහා මෙසේ ඉදිරිපත් කරමි.

5. තත්ත්වය තවදුරටත් බැරෑරුම් වුවහොත් පුරාවිද්‍යා ස්ථාන ආරක්ෂා කර ගැනීම සම්බන්ධව දැඩි අර්බුදයකට ලක්විය හැක.  මේ අනුව වහාම පුරාවස්තු ආරක්ෂණ කොට්ඨාශය දැනුවත් කොට ඉදිරි ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය කටයුතු සිදු කරදෙන මෙන් කාරුණිකව ඉල්ලා සිටිමි.

6. මෙය පූර්ණ වශයෙන් දේශපාලන බලාධිකාරියේ මැදිහත්වීමෙන් සිදුවන ක්‍රියාවලියක් වන අතර ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්වරුන් ඇතුළු ඇතැම් රාජ නිලධාරීන් ද මෙයට සහයෝගය දක්වන බව පෙනී යයි.

7. මේ වන විට මඩකලපුව පුරාවස්තු ආරක්ෂණ කොට්ඨාශය හා රාජ්‍ය  බුද්ධි සේවාවද මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් දැනුවත් කොට ඇත.

පුරාවිද්‍යා ස්ථාන නැතහොත් මෙරට ජාතික උරුමයන් ස්ථාන ගතව තිබෙන තැන් නැරඹීමට  යනෙන සංචාරකයන් නිසා රටක් වශයෙන් විශාල අදායමක් වාර්ෂිකව උපයා ගනී.ඒවා නිසි පරිදි තහවුරු කොට ගමන් පහසුකම් සපයා දී මන බඳින ලෙසට තබා ගත් හොත් ජාති බේදයකින් තොරව කාටත් ගෞරව කළ හැකි ස්ථාන බවට පත් වේ. එහෙත් අභාග්‍යක තරම මෙරට පාලකයන් විසින් වරින් වර රටේ නීතිය අභිබවා යන තීරණ ගනු ලබන අතර යම් යම් ජන කොටස් වලට හිතූ මතේ වර්ගවාදී කැළඹිලි ඇති කර සාමය කඩ කිරීමට ඉඩ දීබලා සිටී.මෙරට ප්‍රබල නීතියක් වන පුරාවස්තු ආඥා පනත ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන්නට ඉඩ නොදෙන තරමට සංස්කෘතික අමාත්‍යවරයා පිරීහීමට පත් වී ඇත. මේ වන විට ඔහු යම් ප්‍රකාශයක් කර ඇති නමුදු පුරාවිද්‍යා අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල්වරයෙකු ස්ථීරව පත් නොකර කල් මැරීමෙන් බලවත් වරදක් කර තිබේ.යම් ජන වර්ගයක් අසතුටට පත් වේයැයිද ඔවුන්ගේ චන්ද අහිමි වී යැයිද යන බියෙන් ආණ්ඩුවක් මුනිවත රකී නම් එය මහත් ඛේදවාචකයකි.මඩකලපුවෙන් දැන් ඉස්මතු වන්නේ එයයි.මඩකලපුවේ ප්‍රධාන දේශපාලකයන් මෙන්ම ත්‍රිකුණාමල ප්‍රධාන දේශපාලකයන්ද මේවාට සෘජුවම වගකිව යුතු වනු ඇත. රාසමාණික්කම් වැනි අය මහනුවර ජීවත්ව එහි ප්‍රධාන පාසලක සිංහල ජනතාව සමග අධ්‍යාපනය ලබා මඩකලපුවට පැමිණ මේ ගිනි තබන්නේ රටේ ජාතික සමගියටයි.ජාතික උරුමයටයි.ජනාධිපතිවරයා මේවා නොදැක්කා සේ සිට තමන්ගේ කමට තඩි බාන්නේ කුමන වෛරයක් මත පිහිටා සිට දැයි අපට නොතේරේ.වහාම මෙලෙස අනීතිකව කටයුතු කරන මුග්ධයින් අත්අඩංගුවට පත් කර නීතියේ ස්වාධිපත්‍ය තහවුරු නොකළහොත් රටක් වශයෙන් අපට අත්වන්නේ බිහිසුණු ඉරණමකි.

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

AI Overview

Answer

The Vatican bears a high degree of historical accountability for the Portuguese Inquisition in the colonies because it provided the initial religious and legal justification for Portuguese imperial expansion and the subjugation of non-Christian peoples, even though the specific actions of the Inquisition were largely administered as a state-controlled institution. 

Vatican’s Role and Justification

Papal Bulls: 

A series of 15th-century Papal Bulls (e.g., Dum Diversas in 1452, Romanus Pontifex in 1455) formed the “Doctrine of Discovery” which granted Portugal the right to “invade, search out, capture, vanquish and subdue all Saracens and pagans and any other unbelievers” and take their territories and property. These bulls provided the religious mandate and moral authority for the subsequent colonial ventures and forced conversions in places like Goa and Ceylon (Sri Lanka).

Establishment of the Inquisition: The formal Portuguese Inquisition was established in 1536 by the order of Pope Paul III (Cum ad nihil magis). While the Grand Inquisitor was appointed by the Pope, they were selected by the King of Portugal, making the institution a hybrid of church and state authority.

Missionary Influence: Prominent Catholic figures, such as Saint Francis Xavier, explicitly petitioned the Portuguese King for the establishment of the Inquisition in Goa to punish “crypto-Jews” and ensure the “purity” of the Catholic faith among new converts. 

State Control and Implementation

The Portuguese Inquisition in Goa (established in 1560) was an arm of the Portuguese state, operating with considerable institutional independence from direct, day-to-day papal control compared to the medieval inquisition. The Crown used it as a tool for social control, wealth confiscation, and to enforce loyalty to the Portuguese Empire, targeting Hindus, Muslims, and New Christians who continued their former practices in secret. In Portuguese occupied Ceylon the Buddhist Sinhalese were the main victims of the Reign of Terror unleashed by the Portuguese.

Father S.G. Perera in his book ‘A History of Ceylon for Schools’ divides the Portuguese presence in the island as falling into three distinct stages 

a) Portuguese – Sinhalese alliance (1505 – 1551)

b) Portuguese Protectorate of Kotte (1551 – 1597)

c) Portuguese Domination (1597 – 1658)

Learned Historians and commentators now generally regard the arrival of the Portuguese in the year 1505 as the beginning of the Dark Age in the history of Sri Lanka. The Portuguese, through a policy of cunning statecraft and ruthless terror were able to govern the coastal areas of the island for most of the next 150 years, until the Dutch replaced them in 1658.

Sir James Emerson Tennent refers to the Portuguese conduct in Sri Lanka in these terms-

There is no page in the story of European colonization more gloomy and repulsive than that which recounts the proceedings of the Portuguese in Ceylon. Astonished at the magnitude of their enterprises, and the glory of their discoveries and conquests in India, the rapidity and success of which secured for Portugal an unprecedented renown, we are ill-prepared to hear of the rapacity, bigotry and cruelty which characterized every stage of their progress in the East. They appeared in the Indian seas in the three-fold character of merchants, missionaries and pirates. Their ostensible motto was amity, commerce and religion. Their expeditions consisted of soldiers as well as adventurers, and included friars and chaplain majors. Their instructions were to begin by preaching, but, failing, to proceed to the decision of the sword.” (10) 

The Sinhalese historian Paul E. Peiris observes :

They found in Ceylon a contented race and a fairly prosperous country ….. and it is melancholy to reflect that they succeeded in producing nothing but chaos. Out of a long list of high – born Hidalgos whom Portugal sent to Ceylon, it is difficult to point to one name as that of an enlightened statesman and high – principled administrator….

No stately fabric remains to compensate for that religious fanaticism to which ample witness is borne by the devastated ruins of those lovely structures which the piety of generations had strewn over the country… Their bequest to the Dutch was a colony of half –castes, a failing agriculture, a depopulated country, and a miserable and ill – conditioned people… They had in Ceylon an opportunity almost unique in the experience of European nations in the East, but their moral fiber had proved unequal to the occasion…”.(11)

G.P. Malalasekera in his Ph.D. dissertation which was later published as a book under the title ‘ The Pali Literature of Ceylon’ makes the following comment in lucid language on the high handed methods employed by the Portuguese in pursuit of their colonial objectives which included conversion of the people of the country into Christianity and the concomitant repression of Buddhism:

, Every stage of their progress was marked by a rapacity, bigotry, cruelty and inhumanity unparalleled in the annals of any other European colonial power. Their ferocity and their utter indifference to all suffering increased with the success of their army; their inhuman barbarities were accompanied by callousness which knew no distinction between man, woman and child; no feeling of compassion was strong enough to stay their savage hands in their fell work. To terrify their subjects and bring home to them the might of the Portuguese Power, they committed atrocities which had they not been found recorded in the decades of their friendly historians, seems too revolting to be true. Babes were spitted on the soldier’s pikes and held up so that their parents might hear the young cocks crow. Sometimes they were smashed to pulp between millstones, while their mothers were compelled to witness the pitiful sight before they themselves were tortured to death. Men including Buddhist monks were thrown over bridges for the amusement of the troops to feed the crocodiles in the river, which eventually grew so tame that at whistle they would raise their heads above the water in anticipation of the welcome feast.” (12) 

see

Repression of Buddhism in Sri Lanka by Portuguese (1505 – 1658)

Repression of Buddhism in Sri Lanka by Portuguese by Senaka Weeraratna

Modern Accountability

The modern Vatican has not issued a specific apology for the Goa or Ceylon Inquisitions. However, Pope John Paul II made a general, sweeping apology in 2000 for the historical sins and violence committed by the Catholic Church throughout its history, including the Inquisitions at large. 

While some contemporary Catholic figures and historians argue that the actions in the colonies were primarily state-driven abuses of papal authority for political purposes, critics maintain that the Vatican’s foundational authorization (the Papal Bulls) makes it inherently accountable for the resulting atrocities. In 2023, the Vatican formally repudiated the “Doctrine of Discovery” as not part of Catholic faith, a step toward acknowledging the harm caused, but stopped short of a full apology for historical actions. 

Conclusion

The Chapter covering Sri Lanka’s Demand from Portugal for an Apology, Restitution in Integrum ( legal term that means “restoration to the original condition”), Catharsis, Atonement,  Repatriation of stolen artifacts, and Reparations, is not closed yet. 

Source: AI Overview 

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චානක බණ්ඩාරගේ

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ එක්තරා පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ සේවක කොට්ටාශයක පඩියෙන් කොටසක් මාසිකව රජය විසින් ගෙවන බවට වූ යෝජනාවක් පසුගිය අයවැය යෝජනා මඟින් ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබුණි. මෙය මේ රටේ පමණක් නොව මුළු ලෝකයේම කිසිම රජයක් විසින් මෙතෙක් ගෙන ඇති තීරණයක් නොවිය යුතුය.

පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ සේවකයන් කොට්ටාශයකට අවම වැටුපක් නියම කිරීමට රජයට බලය ඇත. නමුත් ඒ වැටුප හෝ ඉන් කොටසක් රජය මඟින් ගෙවීමට තීරණය කිරීම අතිශය විශ්මිත කාරණයකි.

එය නිතී විරෝධී තීරණයක් විය හැක.

රජයේ මෙම තීරණය තවම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සම්මතව නැති නිසා එය අඩංගු  විසර්ජන පනත ශ්‍රේෂ්ටාධිකරණය ඉදිරියේ ඕනෑම පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ සේවකයෙකුට අභියෝගයට ලක් කල හැක (නොවැම්බර් 27ට කළින්). සිය මානව  අයිතිවාසිකම් කඩවීම පමණක් නොව රජය විසින් නිතීගත ගත කර ඇති, එළඹ ඇති,  ICCPR ජාත්‍යාන්තර ප්‍රඥප්තියද මෙම තීරණය නිසා රජය විසින් කඩ කර ඇති බව එවැනි පෙත්සම්කරුවෙකුට ශ්‍රේෂ්ටාධිකරණය හමුවේ විවාද කල හැක.

ICCPR ප්‍රඥප්තියේ 26වන වගන්තිය බලන්න:

All persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to the equal protection of the law. In this respect, the law shall prohibit any discrimination and guarantee to all persons equal and effective protection against discrimination on any ground …….

ICCPR සම්මුතියේ මෙම වගන්තිය භාවිතා කරමින් ඕස්ත්‍රේලියානු රජයට එරෙහිව 1997 දී ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාවේ ෆෙඩරල් අධිකරණයේ පන්ති ක්‍රියා මාර්ග (class action)  2 ක් ශ්‍රී ලාංකික පුරවැසියන් (පැමිණිලිකරුවන් 150 පමණ) විසින් ආරම්භ කරන ලදී. ඒවා  වුයේ:

ගාමිණී වසන්ත එදිරිව පිලිප් රඩොක් (Gamini Wasantha v Phillip Ruddock) සහ  නෙයෝමාල් ප්‍රනාන්දු එදිරිව පිලිප් රඩොක් (Nyomal Fernando v Phillip Ruddock).

ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාවේ වෙසෙන ශ්‍රී ලාංකික පුරවැසියන්ට නිකුත් කර තිබූ මානුෂීය 435 වීසා බලපත්‍රය  එවකට ඕස්ත්‍රේලියානු ආගමන අමාත්‍යවරයා වූ ෆිලිප්  රඩොක්  (Phillip Ruddock) විසින් අවලංගු කිරීම මත මෙම ක්‍රියාමාර්ගය ගනු ලැබිය.  

වසර ගණනක් ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාවේ 435 විසා ඛාණ්ඩය යටතේ සිටී ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයනට සති කිහිපයක් ඇතුළත ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාවෙන් පිටව යන ලෙසට රඩොක් අමාත්‍යවරයා නියෝගයක් 1997දී  නිකුත් කළේය. ඔහුගේ අදහස වුයේ ජවිපෙ ත්‍රස්තවාදී භීෂණය අවසන් නිසා ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයනට නිරුප්‍රදිතව නැවත ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ වාසය සඳහා යා හැකි බවයි.

රඩොක්ගේ මෙම රෙගුලාසියෙන් අසාධාරණයට ලක් වූ ශ්‍රී  ලාංකිකයන් වෙනුවෙන් විවාද කලේ ඕස්ත්‍රේලියානු රජය 435 උප පංතියේ වීසා දරන්නන් සුවිශේෂ කර ඔවුනට වෙනස්, අසමාන සහ ආසාධාරණ ලෙස සැලකුම් දැක්වුවේය යන චෝදනාවයි.

මෙයින් ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාව සිය ICCPR සම්මුතියේ කොන්දේසි කඩ කල බවට විවාද කලෙමි.  

ජෝන් හොවාර්ඩ්   අගමැතිතුමාගේ ලිබරල් රජය ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාව විසින් අත්සන් කර ඇති ICCPR ජාත්‍යාන්තර සම්මුතියට පටහැනිව ක්‍රියා  කළේය යන චෝදනාව මෙම නඩුව තුලින් තදින්ම පෙන්වා දුනිමි. වෙනත් නිතීමය චෝදනාද ගොනු කළෙමි.   

ඕස්ත්‍රේලියානු අධිකරණය මෙම අයදුම්පත් පිළිගත් අතර, එම නඩු නිසා ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයෝ බොහෝ දෙනෙක් දැන් ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාවේ පුරවැසියන්ව හොඳින් ජීවත්ව සිටිති.   

ජාජබ රජයේ මෙම තීරණය භයානක පුර්වාදාර්ශයක් සහ අසාධරණ එකක් වනුයේ ලබන වසරේ අයවැයෙන් තවත් රුපියල් 200ක් හෝ ඊට වැඩි මුදලක් මෙම සේවක කොටසට ලබා දීමට රජයට අවශ්‍ය නම් හැකි වනු ඇත. රජය දිගටම මෙම ‘ක්‍රීඩාවේ’ යෙදිය හැක.

මෙය මේ රටේ පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ අනිත් සේවකයනට රජය විසින කරන තදබල අසාධාරණයකි.

මෙම තීරණය මඟින් රජය බදු ගෙවන්නන්වද අසාධාරණයට ලක් කර ඇත. රජය ඉතා දෘඩ  ලෙසින් ඔවුන්ගේ බදු අය කර, එම බදු සියළු රටවැසියාගේ යහපත පිණිස යොදවනවා වෙනුවට, ඉන් කොටසක්  (වාර්ෂිකව රුපියල් බිලියන් 5ක් – මිලියන 5,000ක්)) අතිශයින් ලාභ ලබන පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ වතු සමාගම්වල සේවකයන්ගේ පඩි ලෙස ගෙවීමට සුදානම් වන්නේය යන චෝදනාව.

සමහර විට ලබන අයවැයෙන් (2026) පේෂකර්ම කම්හල් වල වැඩ කරන සේවිකාවනට (ගාමන්ට් සේවිකාවන්)  මෙවැනිම වැටුප් වැඩි කිරීමකට ලක් කර ඔවුන්වද ‘එක මිටට’ ගැනීමට රජය මාන බැලිය හැක.

අද ඉතා අඩු පඩි ලබන ආරක්ෂක නිලධාරින් වෙනුවෙන් (security guards) 2027දී මසකට රුපියල් 500ක් දී ඔවුන්වද ‘එක මිටට’ ගැනීමට රජය වෑයම් කලොත්?

මෙය නිමාවක් නොදකින පිස්සුවක් විය හැක?

විපක්ෂය මේ තීරණය පිළි ගන්නේ ඔවුනටද මේ ක්‍රීඩාවේ ජයටම යෙදිය හැකි බව දන්නා නිසාය. ‘ඔබලා රුපියල් 200ද දෙන්නේ , අප දෙනවා රු 400 ක්’ ආදී වශයෙන් ඔවුනට කිව හැක.

ජාජබ රජයේ මේ විකාර තීරණය නිසා ආගාධයට යන්නේ රටේ අහිංසක ජනයායි; රටේ ආර්ථිකයයි.

පෞද්ගලික ගරාජයක ඉතා අඩු වැටුපකට වැඩ කරන දුප්පත් සේවකයා වෙනුවෙන් (වතු සේවකයින්ටත් වඩා අඩු වැටුප් ලබන) රජය මෙවැනි තීරණයක් නොගන්නේ ‘එක මිටට’ ගැනීමට තරම් විශාල පොකුරකට ඔහු අඩංගු  නොවන නිසා විය හැක.

ඔහු චන්ද දිනවන මැෂිමක කොටසක් නොවේ.

රජයේ මෙම තීරණය නිසා ඔවුන් රටට දායාද කරන බරපතල ප්‍රශ්නයක් වනුයේ ඔවුන් ඇති කරන මේ තත්ත්වය කිසිදා නැවත ආපසු හැරවීමේ නොහැකියාවයි.

විපක්ෂයට විරුද්ධව පොල් ගැසීමට කිසියම් පාර්ශවයක් වතු කම්කරුවන්ට පොල් සැපයුවාද? එසේ නම් ඒ කවුරුන්ද?

දැනට පවත්නා, පුද්ගලික වතු සමාගම් විසින් ඔවුනට ගෙවිය හැකි, රජය විසින් නියම කර ඇති පඩිය, තම සේවකයන්ට ගෙවීමේ ක්‍රමවේදය රජය මැදට පැන අවුල් නොකළ යුතුය.

සේවක ආකර්ෂණය දිනා ගැනීම උදෙසා වතු පාලකයන් අතර පවතින තරඟකාරීත්වය ඔවුන් ඔවුන් විසඳා ගනු ඇත.

ලෝක වෙළඳපොලේ තේ, රබර් ඉතා අධික මිලකට අලෙවි වන මේ සමයේ සියලුම පාහේ වතු සමාගම් අධ්ක ලාභ උපයත්. රජය ගෙවීමට යන මේ රුපියල් 200 ඔවුනට පහසුවෙන් ගෙවිය හැක.

ඔවුනට එය ගෙවීමට නොහැකි යයි පවසන්නේ නම් රජය මැදිහත් වී එම මුදල ගෙවා දැමීම අමුතු, අද්භූත පන්නයේ රාජ්‍ය පාලන ක්‍රමයකි. අහක යන නයි තම ඇඟ අස්සේ දමා ගැනීමකි.

මේ වතු හාම්පුතුන් රජයට ඉතා හිතවත් ඔවුනගේ  ‘ගජ මිතුරෝය’ යන රාවයක් රට පුරා පැතිරේ. රජය රුපියල් 200 එක් වතු සේවකයෙකුට, එක් දිනකට, ගෙවන්නේ මේ නිසාද?

‘ගජ මිතුරන්’ පිනවා (ඔවුන් ජාජබ මීළඟ චන්ද ව්‍යාපාරයට මුදල් පොම්ප කරනු ඇත); වතුකරයේ චන්ද වැඩි ප්‍රමාණයක් ඩැහැ ගත හැකි වනු ඇත?

රටට අවංකව ආදරය කරන පාලකයෝ රටේ ආර්ථිකයට අහිතකර මෙවැනි තීරණ නොගෙන එනවා ඇත.

වතුකරයේ ද්‍රවිඩ සහෝදරයනට රජය මැදිහත්වීමෙන් ඉඩම්/නිවාස/පාසැල්/රෝහල්/ මෑතක සිට සින්නක්කර ඉඩම් සහ වෙනත් බොහෝ පහසුකම් ලබා දෙනවාක් මෙන්, ඒවා නොලැබෙන, අති විශාල ගණනක් වන, අතිශයින් දුක්බර ජීවත ගෙවන උඩරට සිංහලයාටද ඒවා ලබා දීමට කටයුතු කල යුතුයි. සිංහලයාටද වතුවල කම්කරු වැඩ කිරීමේ අවස්ථා ලබා දිය යුතුයි.

එවැනි අවස්ථා ලබා දුනහොත් ඔවුන් ඉතා සතුටින් වතුවල වැඩට යනු ඇත.

එංගලන්ත සුද්දා විසින් මේ තේ වතු 1867 පසු බිහි කිරීමටත් කළින් අද උඩරට වෙසෙන සිංහලයාගේ මුතුන් මිත්තන් එම ප්‍රදේශවල වාසය කල බවත්, සමහර වතු ඉඩම් සුද්දා විසින් ඒ මුතුන්මිත්තන්ගෙන් බලහත්කාරයෙන් අයිති කරගත් ඒවා බවත් රජය දැන සිටීම වටී. තවද, බදුල්ල දක්වා වන දුම්රිය මාර්ගය බිහි කිරීමේ දුෂ්කර කාර්යයේ වැඩිපුරම නිරත වුයේ උඩරට සිංහලයාය.

Source: AI Overview

Don Juan Dharmapala’sconversion to Christianity and subsequent actions are widely considered a significant betrayal of Buddhism and Sinhalese sovereignty. Key lessons from this historical period emphasize the dangers of foreign dependence, the importance of safeguarding national heritage and religious freedom, and the need for strong, independent leadership. 

The Betrayal: Key Actions and Consequences

Dharmapala, the last king of Kotte, became reliant on Portuguese military support. This led to actions perceived as a profound betrayal 

Several specific actions by Don Juan Dharmapala are regarded as a betrayal: 

• In 1557, he converted to Christianity, becoming the first Asian king to do so and renouncing his traditional role as protector of Buddhism. In converting to Roman Catholicism he took the name of Dom João Dharmapala Peria Bandara, and collaborated in the repression of Buddhism.
• As a ruler under Portuguese influence, he allowed the destruction of significant Buddhist temples, including the Kelaniya Temple and the Sunethra Devi Pirivena. Some temple properties were given to Franciscan friars, and churches were built on the sites of destroyed temples.
• He attempted to transfer temple properties to foreign individuals and Franciscan friars.
• Surrender of Sovereignty: In 1580, having no heir, he signed a “Deed of Gift” bequeathing his kingdom to the King of Portugal upon his death, surrendering Sinhalese sovereignty.
• Perhaps most controversially, he designated the King of Portugal as the heir to his kingdom, effectively surrendering sovereignty to a foreign power. 
• Aristocracy Conversion: Many Sinhalese aristocrats followed the King’s lead and converted to Christianity, further weakening the traditional Buddhist establishment. 

Lessons to be Learnt

The historical narrative surrounding Don Juan Dharmapala offers several enduring lessons: 

The Peril of Foreign Dependence: Over-reliance on foreign powers can lead to the loss of national independence and cultural identity. Strong, independent leadership is crucial to avoid becoming overly reliant on foreign support, which can compromise national independence.

Safeguarding Religious and Cultural Heritage: Protecting indigenous religions and cultural heritage from external forces is crucial for national identity. Leaders have a critical role in safeguarding cultural and religious heritage, as demonstrated by the negative impacts on Buddhist institutions during Dharmapala’s rule.

The Need for Resilient Leadership: Leaders must prioritize national interests and public welfare. 

Nations must be vigilant against foreign influence, particularly from those with imperialistic goals, to protect sovereignty and traditional values. 

·  Consequences of Betrayal: Actions seen as betraying the people’s faith and heritage lead to lasting rejection and criticism.

• The widespread resistance to Dharmapala’s actions highlights the power of popular resistance and the resilience of national identity against colonial pressure.
• Internal unity is vital for national integrity, as divisions can create opportunities for foreign intervention.
• Political decisions can have long-term impacts for generations, as seen in how Dharmapala’s choices influenced centuries of Sri Lankan history under colonial rule.  
• Don Juan Dharmapala is seen as the embodiment of villainy and evil conduct among the countless number of rulers of Sri Lanka since time memorial. The Bad Guy in the saga of Sri Lanka. 

Source: AI Overview

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Dr. Oshadie Korale

Colombo, Sri Lanka,  XpressJobs has signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the Ananda College Old Boys’ Association (ACOBA) to introduce a dedicated job board for A/L students and recent school leavers, marking the company’s first-ever partnership with a school.

The agreement was signed between Mr. Chathum Henegama, CEO of XpressJobs, and Mr. Samitha Seneviratne, Executive President of the ACOBA, with guidance from Professor Nimal Rajapakse. Also present were Dr. Oshadie Korale, COO of XpressJobs, and Mr. Kalana Dias, Joint Secretary of the ACOBA.

Picture 1 (Left to Right) : Mr. Kalana Dias (Joint Secretary: ACOBA), Mr. Samitha Seneviratne (Executive President: ACOBA), Mr. Chathum Henegama (CEO: XpressJobs), Dr. Oshadie Korale (COO: XpressJobs)

About Anana College & Its OBA

Founded in 1886, Ananda College is one of Sri Lanka’s most respected national schools, renowned for academic excellence, leadership, discipline, and national contribution.
 The ACOBA remains one of the country’s strongest alumni bodies, known for its large membership and active role in school development.

About XpressJobs

XpressJobs has grown into Sri Lanka’s leading recruitment tech platform, consistently redefining how companies hire and how talent discovers opportunities. Known for being a market trend-setter, XpressJobs introduced some of the country’s most impactful hiring innovations, including advanced filtering, application tracking systems (ATS), online assessments, and AI-powered recruitment assistants.

With over 11,000 companies relying on its solutions and more than 6 million applications processed, XpressJobs has become a trusted partner across every major industry. The platform continues to push the boundaries of digital recruitment, bringing speed, intelligence, and transparency to the hiring experience for both employers and jobseekers.

A Special Partnership Led by an Old Anandian

This MOU holds special significance as XpressJobs CEO Chathum Henegama is a proud Old Anandian. Returning to support the school that shaped him, Henegama described the project as deeply personal.”

This partnership is a powerful example of an Old Anandian coming back to uplift the next generation,” said Mr. Samitha Seneviratne, Executive President of the ACOBA.
 This job board will open doors, provide real-world exposure, and strengthen the Anandian network for years to come.”

Job Board for A/L Students and Old Anandians

The new Ananda Job Board, powered by XpressJobs, will provide a seamless experience for both A/L students and Old Anandians seeking opportunities. Fully integrated with the ACOBA member base of over 12,000 members, the platform allows users to access internships, trainee roles, remote jobs, entry-level positions, and selected industry categories supported by XpressJobs.

While the initial focus is on helping younger Anandians, especially post–A/L students, gain exposure, build skills, and make informed career decisions, the platform is also built to support the wider ACOBA community. As the system evolves, more job categories and industry sectors will be added, ensuring that Old Anandians across different career stages can access meaningful opportunities through a unified, purpose-built job ecosystem.

Introducing the First Digital Anandian CV Pool”

The MOU also establishes a digital Old Anandian Candidate Pool, allowing the ACOBA to: Track graduating batches, Identify emerging talent, Support job placements, and Strengthen alumni networks. This marks the first structured system to map the skills and aspirations of young Anandians.

A New Chapter in School–Industry Collaboration

XpressJobs has previously partnered with several universities, but this is its first school-level initiative. The collaboration highlights the power of alumni leadership and showcases an Old Anandian-led startup giving back to its roots. For Ananda College, it is a forward-thinking step toward preparing students for real-world careers. For XpressJobs, it is a significant opportunity to empower youth, starting with the school that shaped its CEO.

Lt Col Anil Amarasekera. (Rtd.) Puselahena Estate, Kindelpitiya, Millewa, 

23^rd November 2025.

Hon Sajith Premadasa,
The Leader of the Opposition,
The National State Assembly,
Sri Jajawardenapura,
Kotte.

Dear Mr.Sajith Premedasa,

You have made a statement in India that you intend to fully implement the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution when you form a government in Sri Lanka. I as a senior citizen intend to caution you against implementing such a decision which would amount to opening a Pandora’s Box. The Ven.Mahanayake Theros too had in a joint statement previously requested President Ranil Wickramasinghe not to do so.

The Indo Lanka accord signed on 27^th July 1987 that was forced on Sri Lanka by India through gunboat diplomacy is illegal according to articles 51 and 52 of the Vienna Convention on the law of Treaties. India also failed to implement some of the provisions therein such as disarming the terrorists and as such the Indo Lanka Accord can be considered as repudiated. Therefore do you consider the 13^th Amendment enacted on 14^th November 1987 in accordance with the Indo Lanka Accord to have any validity?

When the 13^th Amendment was challenged in the Supreme Court, while Chief Justice Sharvananda, Justice E.A.D Athukorale, Justice Percy Colin-Thome and Justice H.D. Thambiah in their determination said that a referendum was not necessary for its enactment, Justice R.S.Wanasundara, Justice O.S.M Seneviratne, Justice L.H.De Alwis and Justice H.A.G de Silva in their determination said that this Amendment cannot be enacted sans a referendum. Though Justice Parinda Ranasinghe in a separate verdict conceptually agreed with the Chief Justice Sharvananda, he dissented on article 154G (2) (b) and (3) (b) which he said should be approved at a referendum. He refused to suggest any amendment to the said articles 154G (2) (b) and   (3) (b). The subsequent amendment made to the said articles at the committee stage was not subjected to the scrutiny of the Supreme Court. Therefore putting together Justice Parinda Ranasinghe’s verdict with that of Chief Justice Sharvananda can be interpreted as incorrect and if so the 13^th Amendment has been enacted sans the approval of the Supreme Court that makes it controversial if not illegal.

The ruling given by Chief Justice Sharvananda that the Provincial Council bill be passed after the 13^th Amendment became law was also ignored by the then government which took a vote on the Provincial Council bill two days before the 13^th Amendment received the speaker’s certification on 14^th November 1987. Therefore the Provincial Council bill too has been enacted illegally. 

In or about 1995 the Chandrika Kumaratunga Government introduced the devolution proposals that was commonly known as the Package. It was to campaign against the package and to educate the masses regarding the danger of devolving political and administrative power from the centre to the periphery that the National Joint Committee (NJC) was established by Retired Supreme Court Judge Mr. R.S. Wanasundera. The NJC also established the Sinhala Commission to inquire into the grievances of the Sinhala majority. Two reports were published by the Sinhala Commission to educate the international community in this regard.

The NJC advocated the view that political and administrative power should be decentralised from the centre to the periphery but should never be devolved. Many organizations including political parties such as the UNP and the JVP joined with the NJC and when these devolution proposals were tabled in the National State Assembly on 8^th of August 2000 all approach roads to the parliament was blocked by protesting masses and President Chandrika Kumaratunga had to use helicopters to fly her MP’S to parliament. It was Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa who walked from the parliament to the Batheramulla junction to inform the people that the devolution proposals had been postponed indefinitely and for the protesting people to disperse which they did peacefully. 

The English meaning of decentralization and devolution of power seem very similar when looked at superficially. However the important fact that needs to be realized when it comes to the governing power of a country is that decentralization amounts to the transfer of that power from the central government to a local authority be it a region, a province or a district while devolution is on the other hand the removal of central government power and handing that power over to a region, a province or a district. Therefore decentralized power if misused by a region, a province or a district could be recalled by the central government while devolved power cannot be recalled by the central government if misused by a region, a province or a district. Taking into consideration the difficulty or virtual impossibility for a central government to recall devolved power to a region, a province or a district let us consider the possible repercussions of such an eventuality in this country with several simple examples.

Firstly let us consider irrigation which is the life blood of the farming community in the northern and eastern provinces. Once this subject is devolved to a province, if the provincial administration fails to maintain the reservoirs (Wewas) and irrigation canals in the Sinhala villages, there is nothing the central government can do to help the Sinhala cultivators in distress. The only alternative left for them would be to leave those villages in the northern and eastern provinces and migrate to some other province.

Secondly let us consider the subject of health. Once this subject is devolved to a province, if the provincial administration fails to provide adequate funds to maintain the rural hospital buildings serving the Sinhala community or fails to provide adequate doctors, nurses and other staff or even medical supplies to rural hospitals in their area, the Sinhala villagers will have no other alternative left other than to leave the province and to migrate to some other province where these facilities are available.

Thirdly let us consider the subject of education. Once this subject is devolved to a province, if the provincial administration fails to appoint the teachers needed to schools in Sinhala villages and also does not allocate adequate funds to maintain and repair school buildings in the Sinhala villages, there is nothing that the central government can do in this regard. The Sinhala population will therefore leave the province and migrate to some other province where good education facilities are available for their children.

These are only three simple examples that I have provided to bring to your attention the danger of devolving power to the provinces. However the situation would be the same with regard to distribution of electricity, repair of roads, purchase of agricultural produce and many other such subjects, if there is devolution of power to a province where the Sinhala population is a minority. Therefore while devolution will only hasten the division of the country by creating administrative avenues to encourage the migration of the Sinhala population from the northern and eastern provinces of the country to other provinces, decentralization of power will not encourage such action as these powers can be withdrawn by the central government if found to be misused by any provincial council.

Mr. C.V.Wigneswaran a former Chief Minister of the Northern Province has said that the full implementation of the 13^Th Amendment is good but that he will not look back until a federal constitution is promulgated. He is trying to apply Samuel James  Veluppillai Chelvanayakam’s policy  of ‘little now more later’  with an intention to first federate a unitary state through the full implementation of the 13th amendment. The federated state will subsequently be divided to establish Eelam, which is the final objective of the separatists. If  Wigneswaran and likeminded separatists succeed to achieve during peace what they failed to achieve through three decades of war, all the sweat, blood, tears and toil expended by the security forces sometimes even by sacrificing their very life and limb to defeat the separatists would have been in vain.

This ‘little now more later’ policy has been applied with great success by racist Tamil politicians since independence. They first succeeded in making Tamil a language of the minority community an official language in par with Sinhala which is the language of the majority community in this country. Tamil incidentally is not an official language even in India where the majority of the Tamil population live in this world. Through the enactment of the 16^th Amendment these racist Tamil politicians succeeded in making Tamil the language of administration in the northern and eastern provinces for the maintenance of public records and transactions of all business by public institutions. Should the Sinhala majority continue to allow this ‘little now more later’ policy to continue?  

Therefore in the interest of the Sinhala minority that is living in the northern and eastern provinces, please do not entertain any idea to fully implement the 13^th Amendment to the Constitution that would result in the federation of the unitary state of Sri Lanka.

Yours sincerely,

Lt Col Anil Amarasekera. (Rtd.)

Courtesy:  AI Overview

Ananda College played a pivotal role as the hub of the Buddhist Revival movement in Sri Lanka, primarily by offering a modern English education rooted in national and Buddhist values, thereby counteracting the dominance of Christian missionary schools during the colonial era. 

Key Contributions

• Pioneering Buddhist Education: Established by Colonel Henry Steel Olcott and the Buddhist Theosophical Society (BTS) in 1886, Ananda College provided a formal English education for Buddhist children, which was previously lacking. This directly challenged the colonial practice of using education for Christian conversion and denationalization.
• Fostering National Identity and Culture: The school actively promoted the study of local languages (Sinhala and Tamil), Pali, Sanskrit, Buddhism, and traditional arts, instilling a strong sense of national pride and a “Ceylonese” identity in its students. This was a significant departure from other elite schools that often disparaged indigenous culture.
• Producing Influential Leaders: The college produced generations of leaders and prominent figures in various fields, including politics, academia, the military, and the judiciary, who were instrumental in the post-independence national renaissance and the assertion of Buddhist and national values in public life.
• Key Figures in the Revival:
  • Colonel Henry Steel Olcott: The American founder who, inspired by the Panadura Debate, arrived in Sri Lanka to safeguard Buddhism and establish a network of Buddhist schools, including Ananda College.
  • Don Baron Jayatilaka (Sir D.B. Jayatilaka): As the first Sinhala Buddhist principal, he was a key pioneer of the Buddhist revival and education movement, later becoming a high-profile national statesman.
  • P. de S. Kularatne: During his “golden era” as principal (1918-1943), he expanded the school significantly, got university curricula revised to include local languages and Buddhism as subjects, and fostered an environment of patriotism and independent thinking among students.
  • L.H. Mettananda and G.P. Malalasekera: Both served as principals and were ardent nationalists and leading figures in the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress, further promoting Sinhala Buddhist identity and education at Ananda and at a national level.
  • Venerable Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala Thera and Venerable Migettuwatte Gunananda Thera: These revered monks guided the founders and provided the necessary spiritual and intellectual backing for the movement.
• Symbolic Importance: The school’s motto, “Appamādo Amathapadan” (Heedfulness leads to emancipation), and the prominent “Budu Medura” (shrine room) within the college premises serve as constant reminders of its core Buddhist mission and values. 

Ananda College effectively created a new tradition of Buddhist education that successfully combined modern English instruction with a strong, proud Buddhist and national ethos, empowering the local population and providing the intellectual backbone for the national independence movement. 

Courtesy:  AI Overview

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see also

Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka

26 August 2022  ·

Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka

Monthly Lecture

D.B. Jayatilaka’s pioneering contribution to the Buddhist Revival in Sri Lanka as a Buddhist educationist at Ananda and Dharmaraja Colleges”

YouTube: https://youtu.be/ZBV35QUZbAM

Visit – www.royalasiaticsociety.lk/monthly-lectures/

Lecture Medium – English

The Buddhist Revival was one of the great landmarks in the history of Sri Lanka during the 19th and 20th centuries. It was followed by a Buddhist Renaissance in the Post-Independence period when the state machinery was regained by the downtrodden people after nearly 500 years of Euro-Christian colonial rule. Ananda College established in 1886 played a pivotal role in the Buddhist Revival. It was the hub of Buddhist resistance to the spread of missionary education, denationalization of Buddhist children, and Christian conversion. This school produced outstanding students and outstanding principals. Don Baron Jayatilaka, who was the third principal of Ananda College (1898 – 1907), was one of the pioneers of the Buddhist Revival movement and Buddhist Education. In 1890 he was appointed by the Buddhist Theosophical Society (BTS) as the principal of the Kandy Buddhist High School in Kandy (Dharmaraja College). He was a high-profile national statesman. His dedication to the cause of Buddhism and the uplift of Buddhist education is worthy of recall by a grateful nation. This talk intends to highlight the contribution made by D.B. Jayatilaka to the development of Buddhist education and the Buddhist revival in Sri Lanka.

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

එංගලන්තයේ වුල්වහැම්ප්ටන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයෙන් ලද ආරාධනාවකට අනුව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ හිටපු ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා 2023 වසරේ එංගලන්තයට පැමිණි ගමනේදී රුපියල් මිලියන 16.6ක් වැය කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොලිසිය පරීකෂණ ආරම්භ කොට තිබේ.

ඒ අනුව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිට ලන්ඩනයට පැමිණි ශ්‍රී ලංකා රහස් පොලිස් නිලධාරීන් ලන්ඩනයේ හිටපු මහා කොමසාරිස් සරෝජා සිරිසේන පසුගිය 17 වැනි සඳුදා මහ කොමසාරිස් කාර්යාලයට කැඳවා පැය හතකට අධික කාලයක් ප්‍රශ්න කරමින් කට උත්තරයක් ලබාගත්තේය.

එයට හේතුව වූයේ වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා 2023 වසරේ සැප්තැම්බර් මාසයේ වුල්වහැම්ප්ටන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ උත්සවයට පැමිණෙනවිට ලන්ඩනයේ මහ කොමසාරිස්වරිය වශයෙන් කටයුතු කළේ සරෝජා සිරිසේන වීමය. සරෝජා සිරිසේන 2023 වසරේ නොවැම්බර් මාසයේ මහ කොමසාරිස් තනතුරෙන් ඉවත් කළද පුද්ගලික හේතුවක් මත තවමත් ලන්ඩනයේ ජීවත්වන්නීය.

රහස් පොලිසියේ නිලධාරීන් හිටපු මහ කොමසාරිස්වරියගෙන් ප්‍රශ්න කර තිබුණේ හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයාට ආරාධනා පත්‍රය නිකුත් කර තිබුණේ කවුද? එය නිල වශයෙන් අනුමත කර තිබුණාද? මහ කොමසාරිස් කාර්යාලය රාජතාන්ත්‍රික ක්‍රියාමාර්ග සරිලන ලෙස භාවිත කළාද? ආරාධනාවේ සත්‍ය අසත්‍ය බව මහ කොමසාරිස් කාර්යාලය සොයා බැලුවාද? හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ මෙම සංචාරය නිල සංචාරයක් බව හඟවා ආ පුද්ගලික ගමනක්ද? ජනාධිපතිවරයා එංගලන්තයට ගොඩ බැසීමේ සිට පිටත්ව යෑම දක්වා මහ කොමසාරිස් කාර්යාලය ඔහුට දුන් සේවාවන් මොනවාද? ආදී අනෙකුත් කරුණු බව ආරංචි මාර්ග සඳහන් කරයි.

හිටපු මහ කොමසාරිස්වරියට අමතරව කලින් සතියේ මහ කොමසාරිස් කාර්යාලයට පැමිණි රහස් පොලිස් නිලධාරීන් එවකට හිටපු නියෝජ්‍ය මහා කොමසාරිස්වරිය වන මනෝරි මල්ලිකාරච්චි සහ සංචාරයට සම්බන්ධව වැඩ කටයුතු කළ අනෙක් නිලධාරීන් ගෙන් ද ප්‍රශ්න කර තිබුණි. තවමත් නියෝජ්‍ය මහ කොමසාරිස්වරිය ලෙස කටයුතු කරන්නේ මනෝරි මල්ලිකාරච්චිය.

මහ කොමසාරිස් කාර්යාලයේ සේවය කර තම සේවා කාලය අවසන්වූ පසු නැවත ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට නොගොස් එංගලන්තයේම රැඳී සිටින තවත් නිලධාරීන් දෙදෙනකුට ද මහ කොමසාරිස් කාර්යාලයට පැමිණ කට උත්තර ලබාදෙන ලෙස දන්වා තිබුණි. ඒ අරුණ ප්‍රනාන්දු සහ ක්‍රිෂාන්ත සුබසිංහ යන දෙදෙනාටය. ඔවුන් දෙදෙනා ද පැමිණ කට උත්තර ලබා දී ඇත. 

ආරංචි මාර්ග සඳහන් කරන්නේ මෙම රහස් පොලිස් නිලධාරීන් වුල්වර්හැම්ප්ටන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයට ගොස් මේ සංචාරය පිළිබඳව විමසීමට අදහස් කර නොමැති බවයි.

සුජීව නිවුන්හැල්ල
Divaina

Courtesy The South China Morning Post

STORY Bernice Chan

Food and Drinks

A spice derived from the dried inner bark of evergreen trees, cinnamon’s warmth and versatility shine in sweet and savoury dishes alike

Pastry chef Steve Hodge likes to make cinnamon toast – a quick snack for his kids at home. He spreads room-temperature butter on freshly toasted bread and then sprinkles a mixture of equal parts cinnamon and sugar on top.

When it’s nice and warm, the sugar kind of melts and infuses with the cinnamon. The flavour is unreal,” observes Hodge, the owner of Vancouver-based Temper Chocolate & Pastry.

For many, the smell of cinnamon evokes the flavours of autumn and winter, including apple pie, pumpkin pie, cinnamon rolls, eggnog and mulled wine. Hodge says that’s because the woody spice has a warmth to it.

Cinnamon has a lot of great flavours because there’s an earthy, woody taste to it,” he says. If you were to smell or chew on a cinnamon stick, there is a spiced note to it.” He adds that, depending on what ingredients you cook with, cinnamon can enhance the flavours of other spices, contribute a subtle sweetness to spicy food and even provide a hint of acidity.

This woody spice comes from the inner bark of trees in the genus Cinnamomum. True cinnamon” (Cinnamomum verum), or Ceylon cinnamon, comes from Sri Lanka, formerly known as Ceylon. However, most of the world’s cinnamon production – about 90 per cent – comes from related species grown in Indonesia, Vietnam and China. Ceylon cinnamon has a lighter, milder and sweeter flavour compared to the stronger, spicier and more pungent taste of other varieties.

While cinnamon is commonly used in baking, it is also found in savoury dishes like soups and curries. The spice is added to everything from breakfast cereals to hot chocolate and ice cream. Studies exploring cinnamon’s health benefits suggest it may help support healthy blood pressure, blood sugar and metabolism, and reduce inflammation.

Here in Asia, the spice is synonymous with Chinese five-spice powder, fiery Indonesian and Malaysian rendang, and the festive Korean punch known as sujeonggwa. In the West, of course, cinnamon is known for its association with apple pies. When Hodge makes them, he uses Granny Smiths, explaining that the spice balances the apples’ sharp acidity.

When combining cinnamon and chocolate, Hodge says sweeter and creamier is better.

When you add cinnamon to dark chocolate, it’s too overpowering. It becomes dry in your mouth,” he observes. We [use] milk chocolate to bring out the cinnamon flavour but still have a nice balance of sweetness.” He says the spice also works well with white chocolate.

Hodge likes to use cinnamon in his shop’s savoury items too.

We make a Cubano sandwich [a roast pork, ham and cheese sandwich] at Temper, and when we cook the pork in the braising liquid, we use lemons, limes and cinnamon sticks,” he explains. The cinnamon gives a nice, earthy note to the pork, and also helps add a little bit of sweetness to the acidity of the lemons. So it has a nice after-note when you eat it – it’s not overpowering.”

At home, most people have cinnamon in powder form in their pantry, but Hodge says freshly grated cinnamon sticks have a more pungent flavour. Which you use depends on the recipe. For baked goods, the powder is best, and for soups and stocks, a whole cinnamon stick will suffice.

When it comes to Indian cuisine, Desi Indian Lounge executive chef Balvant Ajagaonkar says cinnamon is one of the five basic spices in addition to cumin, coriander, turmeric and cardamom.

When you make basic gravies and curries, you temper or heat the oil and then add spices like cinnamon, green cardamom, cumin seeds, coriander seeds and bay leaves to release the fragrance,” explains the Vancouver-based chef. Cinnamon has a warm and strong flavour, but you need to know how to use it and in what quantity; we use less of it relative to other spices. When we use it in curries like garam masala, we use it in a powder form, but not too much,” he cautions.

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He says a cinnamon stick is usually roasted in a pan or oven with other spices before they are all ground. In rice dishes, we add cinnamon to biryani rice and pulao,” he says. We first temper the spices with ginger and garlic to release the flavours before adding the rice and water. If you’re using a whole cinnamon stick at the beginning, it releases the flavour slowly. But before we serve the dish, we take out the cinnamon stick because it’s not edible.”

Ajagaonkar explains that the spice is also added to chutneys like pineapple and apple, while in desserts cinnamon is in shakarpara, a dough that’s baked or deep fried. Other cinnamon-flavoured desserts include cinnamon apple raisin pudding, pistachio and cinnamon lime kulfi, and halva with apple cooked with cinnamon and other spices. Cinnamon sticks are also used to make chai.

For most Cantonese people, cinnamon is combined with star anise, cardamom and tangerine peels to make lo sui or master stock to slowly braise proteins like tofu, goose wings and eggs.

However, many Cantonese also have a negative association with cinnamon, as it is used in Chinese medicine. The bitter medicinal taste of such medicines creates a bias that Cinnabon Hong Kong director Steven Yang Tsuen-men is trying to counter.

We [Chinese] don’t really have a sweet use of cinnamon like the Western world does,” he explains.

When he talks to potential customers who immediately dismiss cinnamon, Yang asks about their food preferences to find out where their aversion lies, and most of the time is able to persuade them to try the well-known American brand of cinnamon rolls started in Seattle, Washington, in 1985.

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I tell them that they don’t like cinnamon because it’s very strong when they [first] smell it. If you take freshly ground cinnamon, it definitely has a very sharp taste. But once you bake it with butter, margarine and frosting and everything, it’s the sweetness that comes out,” he says.

When the Cinnabon founders were developing their recipe, Yang says, they experimented with 100 different types of cinnamon and eventually settled on Makara cinnamon from Indonesia, which has a higher concentration of essential oils, giving it a more pronounced cinnamon flavour. Each tray of half a dozen Cinnabon rolls uses 20 grams of Makara cinnamon.

They tried different recipes, but they found that this type of cinnamon has the kind of sweetness and scent that [perfectly complements] the fluffy roll with its frosting,” he says.

SepalAmarasinghe

by Shenali Waduge 

The Pattern seen worldwide is now on Sri Lankan soil

Across the West, gender ideology and early sexuality teaching are now facing major reversals due to:
• child mental-health damage,
• parental backlash,
• confusion created among young children,
• the explosion of gender distress cases,
• the rise of irreversible medical harm.

Yet UNFPA, UNICEF, UNESCO and WHO continue pushing the same failed model into developing nations — through funded projects, teacher training, and disguised curriculum wording.

The same failed gender and sexuality programs causing mental health crises in Western countries are now being introduced in Sri Lanka through UN-backed teacher training and NGO programs.

Sri Lanka is now in Phase 3 of their global model:

teacher training → pilot districts → curriculum integration.

The Camouflage Strategy — The Core of the Deception

UN agencies never begin with the words gender ideology” or Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE).” knowing the opposition by parents, religious leaders & entities concerned about children.

Instead, they use soft, harmless-sounding terms that appear culturally acceptable but are designed to contain the same content once embedded.

Internationally known camouflage terms include:

Notice how locals tapped to roll out the programs are also using these terms. 

Their usage immediately exposes their allegiance. 

·      Life-skills education

·      Skills for wellbeing

·      Healthy relationships

·      Gender-transformative pedagogy

·      Body autonomy

·      Inclusion & diversity

·      Menstrual health & body literacy

·      Adolescent development

·      Safe and enabling school environments

·      Youth empowerment

·      Social-emotional learning

·      Digital citizenship

·      Violence prevention (GBV)

Each of these terms links directly back to UNESCO’s International Technical Guidance on Sexuality Education (ITGSE) — the global blueprint for CSE.

https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000260770  (UNESCO – ITGSE)

Thus, what is presented as life skills” contains:
• gender norms,
• identity,
• attraction/orientation,
• pleasure,
• relationships,
• rights-based sexuality topics. — but in reality once approved the teachers will teach about masturbation, using condoms, early sexual experimentation etc.

This is how CSE infiltrates curricula without announcing itself. 

This is why UN agencies must be questioned on why they are involved in curriculum design for Sri Lanka at all.

Chronological Timeline: The Sri Lankan insertion took place in a clear sequence

 

2014 

·      IPPF CSE Framework (2014): 

Teaching about sexual pleasure and masturbation is essential for adolescents’ understanding of sexuality” (p. 12).

2018–2021 — Global Blueprint Finalized

·      UNESCO, UNFPA and WHO publish and promote the revised ITGSE.
This is the single most influential document behind every Comprehensive Sexuality Education project worldwide (note not sex education but sexuality education)

·      Education should address gender identity, sexual orientation, and sexual rights of adolescents” (p. 22) ITGSE (UNESCO, 2018)

2019–2021 — South Asian Push Begins

·      UNESCO CSE Regional Advocacy:

Sri Lanka participates in regional consultations.
This is the first point of penetration.

https://bangkok.unesco.org/theme/comprehensive-sexuality-education

·      Regional briefings encourage governments to adopt age-appropriate CSE,” framed under:
• life skills,
• adolescent wellbeing,
• prevention of violence,
• gender equality.

·      Notice how the promoters are regularly using the term age-appropriate”. 

·      Sri Lanka participates in multiple consultations — the first point of entry.

 

2022 — Critical Year: Direct evidence of Teacher Training

UNFPA Sri Lanka’s Annual Report 2022 confirms:

·      554 teachers from six districts were trained in comprehensive sexuality education and life-skills.”

·      UNFPA Annual Report 2022 – https://srilanka.unfpa.org/en/publications/unfpa-sri-lanka-annual-report-2022

This single sentence is the MOST IMPORTANT fact.
It proves CSE is already in the school system via teacher training.

 

2022–2024 — NGO & District Pilot Programmes expand

·      FPA Sri Lanka (IPPF member), UN-funded NGOs and private donors run:
• youth SRHR (Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights) clubs,
• school sessions,
• vocational institute programmes,
• digital SRHR literacy projects.

All disguised under:

·      life skills

·      health promotion

·      adolescent empowerment

·      gender equality

IPPF/UNFPA Youth SRHR Program

·      https://www.fpasrilanka.org/en/youth (SRHR initiatives by FPA SL features transgender activist documentary)

·      https://www.ippf.org/sites/default/files/policy_handbook_nov_2014_english.pdf (IPPF Policy Handbook 2014 includes CSE)

2023–2024 — Curriculum Framing Phase

UNICEF & UNESCO push frameworks designed to insert CSE without naming it:

·      Gender-transformative education

·      Inclusive learning environments

·      Safe-school frameworks

·      Child-friendly schools

These frameworks globally contain hidden CSE modules.

https://www.unicef.org/education/gender-transformative-education (UNICEF Gender Transformative Education)

https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000384300 (UNESCO Safe & Inclusive Schools)

SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH AND RIGHTS (SRHR) is a Trojan Horse — 

What it really contains

SRHR is a Trojan Horse. UNFPA, WHO, IPPF documents include:

·      pleasure-based sex education

·      masturbation

·      sexual orientation & gender identity

·      adolescent “sexual rights”

·      exploration of sexual behaviours

https://www.ippf.org/resource/ippf-framework-comprehensive-sexuality-education

The IPPF CSE Framework explicitly instructs teachers to cover ‘sexual pleasure’ (IPPF, 2014, p. 12)

Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) is presented by UN agencies (UNFPA, UNICEF, WHO, UNESCO) as a harmless health or rights package.

But SRHR is actually a broad political and ideological framework used to insert highly sensitive sexual, gender, and identity content into policies, schools, teacher training, and health systems without openly naming it.

This is why SRHR is called a Trojan Horse — the term hides what is inside.

What SRHR actually Includes (Hidden Contents)

Below is the internationally accepted content of SRHR according to UNFPA, WHO, UNESCO, and IPPF documentation. 

These are not assumptions — these are their own definitions.

1. Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE)

·      Pleasure-based” sex education

·      Promotion of sexual rights” for adolescents

·      Content related to masturbation, sexual behaviours, and exploring sexual identities”

·      Materials encouraging acceptance of all sexual orientations & gender identities

·      Concepts that normalize adolescent experimentation and consent” narratives

2. Gender Ideology (under rights”, equality”, non-discrimination”)

Inserted under neutral terms like:

·      gender norms”

·      gender stereotypes”

·      SOGI / SOGIESC”

·      inclusion”

·      identity-based discrimination”

These terms are used to introduce:

·      gender fluidity

·      multiple gender identities

·      self-identification concepts

·      rejection of biological sex in favour of identity

3. Abortion Activism (under ‘reproductive rights’)

·      Liberalizing abortion laws

·      Access to safe abortion as a right”

·      Training health workers on abortion services

·      Removing parental consent barriers

·      Advocacy inside schools through health information”

4. Contraception for Minors (under ‘reproductive health services’)

·      Contraceptives to adolescents without parental knowledge

·      Emergency contraception

·      Referrals through school health programs

5. LGBTQI+ Activism (under ‘rights’ and ‘non-discrimination’)

·      Protection for sexual orientation & gender identity (SOGI)

·      Policy reforms to recognise gender identity

·      Gender-affirming environment in schools

·      Training teachers to challenge binary norms”

6. Legal & Policy Changes (under ‘rights-based approach’)

SRHR is used to push:

·      anti-discrimination laws including gender identity

·      school policy reforms

·      health-sector guidelines

·      repeal of restrictive” laws (such as Sri Lanka’s Penal Code 365/365A)

Why SRHR is Deceptive

Because it never uses the words gender ideology”, sexuality training for minors”, gender identity conversion”, or abortion rights”.

Instead it hides everything under:

·      health”

·      rights”

·      inclusion”

·      equality”

·      wellbeing”

·      safe spaces”

·      life skills”

This allows SRHR to be inserted into school textbooks, teacher manuals, youth programs, and health policies without public consent.

Camouflage Term	Surface Meaning	Hidden Content / Ideology
SRHR	Health & Rights	CSE, gender ideology, sexual orientation, abortion rights
Life Skills	Personal development	Masturbation, sexual behaviours, consent narratives
Gender-Transformative Education	Equality & fairness	Gender fluidity, rejection of biological sex
Safe Schools	Student protection	LGBTQ+ activism, SOGI inclusion, gender identity recognition
Youth Empowerment	Leadership skills	Sexual rights, advocacy for reproductive freedom
Digital Citizenship	Online safety	Exposure to sexual content, online SRHR promotion
Bodily Autonomy	Self-care	Reproductive health services without parental consent

The Modus Operandi:

How UN Agencies Insert Gender Ideology into Schools, Step by Step

This is the complete mechanism, used worldwide and now visible in Sri Lanka.

Step 1 — Use of Soft Terms (Camouflage Phase”)

UN agencies avoid the word CSE” because it triggers public resistance.
Instead they introduce broad terms that later allow sexuality/gender content to be added quietly.

Key terms used in Sri Lanka:

·      Life-skills

·      Gender-transformative education

·      Safe schools

·      Adolescent wellbeing

·      SRHR (sexual & reproductive health & rights)

·      Menstrual hygiene & body autonomy

·      Healthy relationships

·      Youth-friendly services

·      Digital safety and citizenship

These are inserted into:
• policy briefs
• teacher guidelines
• donor project reports
• trainings
• workshops

Step 2 — Train Teachers FIRST (Cascade Model)

This is always Step 2 globally.

First train teachers → then children.

UNFPA confirms: 554 teachers trained across 6 districts on CSE + life skills.”
This is a capacity-building pipeline.

Teachers trained will later:
• deliver lessons,
• influence school clubs,
• modify existing subjects,
• accept NGO-led student sessions.

These teachers will then influence students and school culture, embedding content without parental knowledge

The public never sees the training manuals.

Step 3 — Insert NGOs into Schools (Community Delivery Model)

NGOs (especially IPPF affiliates) enter schools under:
• health promotion,”
• adolescent development,”
• menstrual awareness,”
• gender equality,”
• rights-based awareness.”

They then introduce CSE topics in small doses.

This also matches the recent Tourism Authority incident — NGOs quietly training an entire sector to normalize LGBTQIA+ ideology.

Step 4 — Pilot Districts (Test Before National Rollout)

UN agencies NEVER start nationally.
They pilot in 4–6 districts, gather data, then argue:
Students benefited — therefore scale up.”

This happened with:
• the 554 teachers,
• youth SRHR clubs,
• district workshops with FPA Sri Lanka.

Once pilots are established, integration becomes evidence-based.”

Step 5 — Curriculum Integration (Final Objective)

After enough teachers and NGOs are trained, UN agencies quietly move to:
• influence curriculum revisions,
• provide technical assistance,”
• supply sample lesson plans,
• insert modules into Health Science, Life Skills, Civics, and Social Studies.

The wording in syllabi remains soft…
…but the content aligns with ITGSE (CSE blueprint).

This is the final takeover stage.

Why this is deceptive — The Core Argument

The deception lies in:

1.    Changing the label but keeping the same content

2.    Using harmless terminology to hide controversial concepts

3.    Training teachers first — before parents are aware

4.    Entering schools through foreign-funded NGOs — bypassing national approval

5.    Piloting in districts where resistance is low or oversight is weak

6.    Gradual integration — so no one notices the shift

7.    International agencies sitting inside curriculum committees & influencing content

8.    Funding tied to acceptance of ideology forcing Govt to compromise welfare of Sri Lanka’s children for Govt funding.

This is not transparent.
This is not democratic.
This undermines sovereignty.
And this exposes Sri Lankan children to ideological experimentation.

The Silence of Authorities: A Disturbing Failure

The Ministry of Education, NIE, and NEC have a legal and moral duty to protect children from unapproved curriculum content.

The Ministry of Education, NIE, and NEC are legally bound by the Constitution of Sri Lanka and Penal Code to protect children from unapproved curriculum content

All officials are constitutionally and legally obligated to protect children. 

Failure to act constitutes dereliction of duty under the Constitution and Penal Code, potentially exposing them to legal consequences. 

They cannot keep silent claiming they are simply doing their job.

Yet none have:

·      published the teacher-training materials

·      disclosed the training approval process

·      provided the names/districts of the 554 teachers

·      clarified curriculum changes

·      revealed NGO entry mechanisms

·      consulted parents or religious bodies

Parliament has been silent.
Media has been silent.

Even the teachers taught who should have realized the dangers are silent.
No oversight committees have intervened.

When agencies quietly influence curricula while sitting inside drafting committees, this becomes foreign ideological capture.

A National Duty to Expose the Process

This exposé has now documented:
• the exact chronology
• the global-to-local pipeline
• the camouflage terminology
• the NGO entry mechanisms
• the teacher training evidence
• the district-based delivery
• the curriculum integration strategy
• the silence of local authorities

Sri Lanka must urgently demand:
* transparency
* release of all training materials
* full disclosure of curriculum edits
* removal of foreign agencies from drafting committees
* public consultations
* protection of cultural, religious and constitutional values
* safeguarding of children

If the West is reversing gender ideology because of its proven harm,
Sri Lanka must not allow those same failed experiments to be imposed on our children through deceptive wording and foreign funding.

Multiple Trojan Horses being rolled exposing Sri Lankan children to ideologically-driven experimentation” or potential harm to mental and social wellbeing.

UN agencies use a portfolio of entry points, each appearing neutral or beneficial:

1.    SRHR – Sexual & Reproductive Health Rights (IPPF CSE framework)

·      Officially: health and rights”

·      In practice: includes CSE content, sexual behaviors, sexual rights for adolescents, LGBTQI+ identity concepts, contraception, abortion information.

2.    Life Skills / Skills for Wellbeing (UNESCO ITGSE)

·      Appears harmless: communication, decision-making, wellbeing

·      Actually includes: consent, relationships, gender identity, sexual health, and pleasure-based education.

3.    Gender-Transformative Education / Gender Norms & Equality (UNICEF Gender Transformative Education)

·      Neutral: promoting equality

·      Actually includes: challenging biological sex, gender fluidity, multiple gender identities, self-identification concepts.

4.    Safe and Enabling School Environments / Safe Schools (UNESCO Safe & Inclusive Schools)

·      Neutral: bullying prevention, safe schools

·      Actually includes: SOGI inclusivity, LGBTQI+ acceptance, gender ideology, safe spaces” for sexual exploration.

5.    Youth Empowerment / Adolescent Development (UNESCO ITGSE)

·      Neutral: leadership, self-confidence

·      Actually includes: sexual rights, CSE modules, exploration of sexual behaviors.

6.    Digital Citizenship / Digital Safety (UNESCO ITGSE Digital Citizenship section)

·      Neutral: internet safety

·      Actually includes: sexual content online, SRHR information, LGBTQI+ advocacy, body autonomy” online.

7.    Health / Bodily Autonomy / Body Literacy / Menstrual Health

·      Neutral: personal hygiene, health knowledge

·      Actually includes: masturbation, sexual pleasure, consent, body exploration, gender identity.

8.    Healthy Relationships / Social-Emotional Learning (IPPF CSE Framework)

·      Neutral: communication, friendship

·      Actually includes: sexual relationships, consent, LGBTQI+ relationships, gender norms.

9.    Violence Prevention / GBV Awareness (UNESCO ITGSE)

·      Neutral: anti-bullying, anti-violence

·      Actually includes: sexual harassment, gender-based power dynamics, challenging traditional sex roles.

10. Inclusion & Diversity / Rights-Based Awareness (UNESCO ITGSE)

·      Neutral: anti-discrimination

·      Actually includes: SOGI inclusion, sexual orientation acceptance, gender ideology, legal reform advocacy.

WARNING: Trojan Horses in Schools
CSE & Gender Ideology are being sneaked in under seemingly harmless modules:

SRHR • Life Skills • Gender-Transformative Education • Safe Schools • Youth Empowerment • Digital Citizenship • Health & Body Autonomy • Healthy Relationships • Violence Prevention • Inclusion & Diversity

By UN/IPPF/UNFPA/FPASriLanka/UNESCO/UNICEF/WHO & Education & Health Ministry.

What looks like wellbeing” or rights” is actually Comprehensive Sexuality Education and gender ideology.

Shenali D Waduge

Source: AI Overview

The Buddha outspokenly criticized and banned animal sacrifice, a prevalent practice in Vedic traditions of his time, which significantly paved the way for the ideal of vegetarianism in India. His emphasis on compassion (karuṇā) and non-violence (ahimsa) toward all sentient beings formed the ethical foundation for this shift. 

Opposition to Animal Sacrifice

The Buddha rejected the large-scale, bloody sacrificial rituals (like the aśvamedha) performed by some Brahmins and royalty, viewing them as cruel, wasteful, and a source of negative karma. He taught that true sacrifice was an internal, spiritual act of giving (dāna) done with a pure intention, rather than an external rite involving the slaughter of animals. 

Stance on Vegetarianism

While the Buddha explicitly condemned killing or causing others to kill, his rules for the monastic community regarding diet were pragmatic due to their reliance on alms: 

• The “Three-fold Pure” Rule: Monks were permitted to eat meat if they had not seen, heard, or suspected that the animal had been specifically killed for their meal. This rule was designed to prevent monks from being a direct cause of an animal’s death and to graciously accept whatever food the lay people offered to gain merit.
• Right Livelihood for Lay People: For lay followers, the Buddha proscribed certain professions, including being a butcher, hunter, fisherman, or engaging in the meat trade. This encouraged a social environment where intentional killing for food was minimized.
• Rejection of Mandatory Vegetarianism: The Buddha notably refused a proposal by his cousin Devadatta to make vegetarianism mandatory for all monks, considering it an extreme ascetic practice that did not align with the Middle Way. 

Historical Impact

The Buddha’s teachings, alongside those of Jainism, fostered a strong ethic of non-violence in Indian society. This led to a greater acceptance of vegetarianism, particularly among certain Hindu sects and the general population over time. The first Buddhist emperor of India, Ashoka, implemented policies reflecting these values, including banning animal sacrifices and restricting the killing of certain animals in his royal kitchens, further cementing the ideal of vegetarianism in Indian culture. 

Thus, the Buddha’s strong opposition to animal sacrifice and his emphasis on compassion were pivotal in encouraging the widespread embrace of vegetarianism in India as a moral and spiritual ideal. 

Several Indian states have passed legislation to ban animal sacrifice, including Rajasthan, Gujarat, Karnataka, Kerala, Puducherry, and Telangana

. Other states, such as Chhattisgarh and Delhi, have prohibitions against the slaughter of agricultural cattle.

• Rajasthan: The Rajasthan Animals and Birds Sacrifices (Prohibition) Act, 1975, prohibits animal sacrifice in places of religious worship.
• Gujarat: The Gujarat Animals and Birds Sacrifices (Prohibition) Act, 1972, bans animal sacrifice in places of religious worship.
• Karnataka: The Karnataka Prevention of Animal Sacrifices Act, 1959, prohibits animal and bird sacrifices in places of religious worship.
• Kerala: The Kerala Animals and Birds Sacrifices Prohibition Act, 1968, prohibits sacrifices within temple precincts.
• Puducherry: The Puducherry Animals and Birds Sacrifices Prohibition Act, 1965, bans animal sacrifices within temple precincts.
• Telangana: The Telangana Animals and Birds Sacrifices Prohibition Act, 1950, prohibits animal and bird sacrifices in places of public religious worship.
• Chhattisgarh: Prohibits the slaughter of agricultural cattle and the possession of beef.
• Delhi: Prohibits the slaughter of agricultural cattle.

Several Indian states have enacted specific legislation to ban animal sacrifice, particularly within the precincts of public religious places or in public congregations and processions

. 

Several states and union territories in India have specific laws against animal sacrifice, often focusing on public religious spaces. These include

Gujarat

,

Karnataka

,

Kerala

,

Puducherry

(a Union Territory), and

Telangana

.

Andhra Pradesh

also has similar legislation.

Odisha

has laws concerning cow slaughter, which may relate to animal sacrifice

Himachal Pradesh

. While briefly banned public animal sacrifices in 2014, the order was later lifted. The High Court in Tripura banned animal sacrifice in temples. 

Additionally, the central Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (PCA) Act, 1960, criminalizes unnecessary animal suffering. However, a clause in Section 28 of the PCA Act permits killing animals according to religious requirements, which can complicate legal interpretations. More details on specific state laws can be found on Animal Legal & Historical Center. 

• India | Animal Legal & Historical Center

This law, specific to the state of Gujarat in western India, prohibits animal sacrifice within the precincts of places of public r…

Animal Legal & Historical Center

Source: AI Overview

Dasatha News

උපුටාගැණීම මුහුනුපොත

විපක්ෂයේ පළමු විරෝධයම අති සාර්ථකයි. මම වුණත් මුලින් හිතුවේ නැහැ මේ තරම් විශාල සෙනගක් එයි කියලා. නමුත් ඉන්දියානු මහකොමසාරිස්වරයා තකහනියේ ම තංගල්ලට ගිහිල්ලා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට උපන් දිනයට සුබ පතපු වෙලාවේ මට හිතුණා සමහර විට ඉන්දියානු බුද්ධි අංශ රටේ සැබෑ තත්ත්වය දැන ගෙන ඇති කියල. සජිත්ගේ පක්ෂයේ නියෝජනයක් නැතුව මෙහෙම සෙනගක් පළමු විරෝධතා රැළියට ම ආවා කියන්නේ රැල්ල හැරිලා ඉවරයි. හෙට ඡන්දයක් තිබ්බොත් මාලිමාව අන්ත පරාජයක් ලබනවා. පළාත් සභා ඡන්ද නොතියන්න හේතුව පැහැදිලියි. නමුත් ඇසිය යුතු ප්‍රශ්නය වන්නේ මේ තරම් ඉක්මණට මාලිමාවට මෙහෙම සමාජ විරෝධයක් ආවේ කොහොමද? යන්නයි.

පළමු කාරණය තමයි මාලිමාවුන්ගේ අලි ඔළුව. අනුර කුමාරගේ ඉඳලා ලක්මාලි දක්වා ඔවුන් හැසිරුණේ මාර උණෙන්. කථා කළේ අනෙකාව තුට්ටු දෙකට දාලා. විවේචන කිසිවකට සාධාරණ ප්‍රතිචාරයක් දුන්නේ නැහැ. දුන්නේ චන්ඩි ටෝක්. මාලිමාවේ ඇමතිලා හැසිරුණේ ලෝඩ් පකීර්ලා වගේ. ඇස් පනාපිට පෙනෙන වරද පවා ඔවුන් ලැජ්ජා නැතුව සාධාරණය කළා. විශේෂයෙන්ම චතුරංග වගේ ගොබ්බයන් හැසිරුණේ හෙන කීර්තිමත් විද්‍යාඥයන් වගේ. ජනතාවගේ ආර්ථික ගැටලු ඔවුන්ගේ මෝඩ තර්ක දාලා යට ගැහුවා. ඔවුන් කිසිවෙකුගේ තිබුණේ නැහැ පොඩි හරි නිහතමානීකමක්. ජනතාවට ඒක සැරට දැනුණා.

දෙවැනි කාරණය තමයි ඔවුන් ජනතා ප්‍රශ්න ජෝක් එකට ගැනීම. රූපවාහිනී වාදවල ඔවුන් ජනතා ප්‍රශ්නවලට හිනා වුණා. විපක්ෂයේ ඉන්න කොට ජනතා ප්‍රශ්න ගැන සාර්කෑස්ටික් විහිළු කළාට, ආණ්ඩුව ගත්තට පස්සේ එහෙම කරන්න බැහැ. ජනතාවට තද වෙනවා. හේවගේලා, සමන්තලා, කරුණාරත්නලා, හඳුන්නෙත්තිලා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පවා කියන්නේ ඔවුන් විපක්ෂයේ ඉන්න කාලේ කිව්ව ජෝක් කථා. ජනතාව තමන්ගේ එදිනෙදා ආර්ථික ප්‍රශ්නවලට විසඳුම් බලාගෙන ඉන්න කොට උන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ගොන් කථා කිය කිය හිනා වුණා. විශේෂයෙන්ම අර සුදා, ගුණේ, උවිඳු, භාරත වගේ තුට්ටුදෙකේ යූටියුබ්කාරයන් ජනතා ප්‍රශ්න ජෝක් කරමින් ආණ්ඩුව හේදුවා. ජනතාවට ඒ උපහාසය වැදුණා.

තුන්වැනි කාරණය තමයි මාලිමා ඇමතිලාගේ කෝටි ගණන් වත්කම් හෙළිදරව් වීම. ඩීල් වසන්තගේ කෝටි 27 ක වත්කම්, අබේසිංහගේ තාත්තා දුන්න ඇමරිකන් ඩොලර් කුට්ටි, බලශක්ති ඇමතිගේ කෝටි ගණන් දේපළ ඔක්කොම එළියට ආවම ජනතාවට තේරුණා මුන් 76 වසරක සාපය කියලා ගහලා තියෙන්නේ ටොම් පචයක් කියලා. උන් ජනතාව ගොනාට අන්දලා කෝටිපති ජීවිත ගත කරන බව දැක්කට පස්සේ ජනතාව තව දුරටත් ඔවුන් කියන කිසිවක් විශ්වාස කරන්නේ නැහැ. මම ප්‍රාර්ථනා කරනවා ඊනියා අරගලයක් වගේ එකක් නැවත නොවේවා කියලා. එහෙම වුණොත් මාලිමාව තියා සීනුවවත් තිබුණු තැනක්වත් හොයා ගන්න බැරි වෙනවා.

සිව්වැනි කාරණය තමයි හරිනිගේ විකෘති ලිංගික විකාරය. නිකමට හිතන්න – ආචාර්ය උපාධියක් තියෙනවා කියන කෙනා අගමැති හැටියට, අධ්‍යාපන ඇමති හැටියට මුළු අවුරුද්දක් තිස්සේ කථා කළේ ලිංගික මළමගුල් විතරයි. වචන දහයක් කථා කළොත් නවයක් දරුවන්ට ලිංගික” අධ්‍යාපනය. වෙන දෙයක් කථා කරනවා ජනතාවට ඇහුණේ නැහැ. රටේ අධ්‍යාපනයේ විසඳිය යුතු ප්‍රධාන ප්‍රශ්න තියෙද්දී එයා විකෘති ලිංගිකත්වයක් අල්ලගෙන දැඟලුවා විතරයි. දරුවන් ඉන්න මව්වරුන්ට තේරුණා ගැහැණු අපි එක මිටට කියලා මෙයා කියලා තියෙන්නේ වෙන මොකක්ද ජල්ලියක් කියලා. සදාචාරය අගයන ජනතාව එතනින් ම මාලිමාවෙන් ගැලවුණා.

පස්වන කාරණය තමයි නොහැකියාව. අවුරුද්දක් ගිහිල්ලත් අනුර කුමාර අර ඡන්දෙ කාලේ වගේ රැස්වීම් තියලා තමන් කරන්න ඉන්න දේවල් අලි වන්සෙන් කියවනවා. නමුත් අවුරුද්දක් තිස්සේ කරපු දෙයක් නැහැ. කිසිම අලුත් සංවර්ධන ව්‍යාපෘතියක් නැහැ. එක අලුත් මාර්ගයක් හදලා නැහැ. එක මෙගාවොට් එකක් අලුතෙන් එකතු කරලා නැහැ. ක්ලීන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා කියලා එකක් පටන් ගත්තා. දැන් ඒක නැහැ. රටේ පාරවල් කුණු ගොඩවල්. තාප්ප පුරා උන්ගේම පෝස්ටර්. ජනතාවගේ සල්ලි නාස්ති කළා. මිලියන ගාණක් වියදම් කරලා රිලව් ගණන් කළා. ඒකත් හබක්. මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය අල්ලන එක අලුත් දෙයක් නොවෙයි. ඒවා හැම ආණ්ඩුවක්ම කළා. අනුර ඒවාට සංදර්ශන තියලා මහජන මුදල් කාබාසිනියා කරනවා විතරයි. අන්තිමට මාලිමාවේ මන්ත්‍රීලා කුඩු විකුණලා අහු වුණාම වැඩේ අකුල ගත්තා.

මාලිමාවේ අති පණ්ඩිත ඇමතිලාට වැඩ බැහැ. හාල්, පොල්, ළුණු ඔක්කොම පිටරටින් ගෙන්වන්නේ. දේශීය ගොවියා ඉවරයි. අනුර කුමාරගේ ම වචනයෙන් කිව්වොත් ඕක කරන්න ආණ්ඩුවක් මොකටද? ජනතාවට තේරෙනවා අනුරලා හරිනිලා කයිය ගැහුවාට ඇත්තටම වැඩ කරන්න හැකියාවක් නැහැ කියලා. ඊළඟ අවුරුදු හතර යනකොට මේ රට ගන්න දෙයක් නැති වෙනවා. මහා ජනතා විරෝධය මේ තරම් ඉක්මණට ආවේ මේ කාරණා නිසයි. මොළේ ටිකක් හරි තිබෙනවා නම් අනුර කුමාර මේ පාඩම් පහ ඉගෙන ගෙන ටිකක් හරි හැදෙනවා. අනාගත ආණ්ඩුවලටත් මේවා හොඳ පාඩම්. ධර්මය ඔබට මග වේවා!

එරන්ද ගිනිගේ

2025 නොවැම්බර් 22

උපුටාගැණීම මුහුනුපොත

අනුර ඇතුලු ආන්ඩු නඩය මේ වෙලේ කෙලින්ම ඉලක්ක කරන්නේ සිංහල බෞද්ධයාවයි ! එනම් ඔහු කියා සිටින්නේ සිංහල බෞද්ධයා පන්සල රැකීම පිළිම රැකීම සහ බණට පිරිතට කඨිනයට එරෙහි වෙන අන්තවාදීන්ට එරෙහිව බෞද්ධයා කතා කිරීමම ජාතිවාදයක් බවයි ආගම්වාදයක් බවයි !

සිංහල බෞද්ධ රට තුල උතුරේ සිංහලයාට නොදෙන අයිතිය ගැන අපට කතා කිරීම සපුරා තහනම් වන අතර එය කලහොත් ජාතිවාදය යටතේ ඔබට අත් අඩංගුවට පවා පත්විය හැකි බව ඉදුරා පවසයි !

රටේ සිදුවිය යුත්ත නොයුත්ත ඔහු පටලවාගෙන සිටින බව මගේ හැඟීමයි !

එනම් තුන්සිය හැටපස් දවසම ජාතිවාදයම කතා කරන උතුරේ ජනතාව ඇතුලු ද්‍රවිඩ නායකයින්ට ජාතිවාදය අවුසන්නට එපා යැයි නොකියන අනුර තම රටේම අසරණව හඬක් නොමැතිව සිටින සිංහල බෞද්ධයාටම ඇගිල්ල දිගු කරමින් කියා සිටින්නේ ජාතිවාදයට ඉඩක් උඹලාට නැත ලෙසයි !

වැල්ලවත්තේ ද්‍රවිඩයාට අපෙන් ප්‍රශ්ණයක් නැත !

බේරුවල මැද කොළඹ කොලණි පිටින් ගම්මාන සාදාගෙන සිටින අපේ සහෝදර නානලාට අපෙන් ප්‍රශ්ණයක් නැත ඔවුන් අධි නිදහසක් භුක්ති විඳිමින් සිටියි !

නමුත් බලහත්කාරයෙන් උදුරාගන්නට හදන බුදු පිලිමයක් පන්සල් ඉඩමක් හෝ පෙර සිංහල ජනාවාසයක්ව පැවති බිමක් හෝ පුරාවිද්‍යා බිමක් වෙනුවෙන් සිංහලයා වචනයක් හෝ කට හැරිය තැන ඔහු ජාතිවාදියා ලෙස හංවඩු ගැසේ !

මෙය නොවේද අසාධරණය !

මෙය නොවේද සිංහලයා ඉලක්ක කර කරනා ජාතිවාදය ?

අප අරාබියට යමු ! එයිනුත් ධනවත් GCC රටවල් වලට යමු !

එහි ඇත්තේ පීතෲ මූලික ජන සමාජයකි !

එහි ස්වදේශික අරාබි ජාතිකයින්ට පමනක්ම තම රට තුල ඉඩම් මිළදී ගැනීම ව්‍යාපාර කිරීමේ අයිතිය ඇති අතර ඇතම් රටවල එකී රටේ මහජාතියට අදාල ආගම පමනක් ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ ඇදහීම වලංගු වේ .

අන්‍යාගමිකයින් රටේ සේවය කල හැකි අතර ඔවුන්ට සම තැන් ලබා දුන්නද ඇතම් රටවල තම තමන්ට රිසි ආගම් ප්‍රසිද්ධියේවත් ඇදහීම තහනම් වේ.

එහි වරදක් නැත ! මන්ද ඒ රටවල ස්වදෙශික සියල්ලන් එකම ආගමක් අදහන අතර පිටින් පැමිනෙන අන්‍යාගමිකයින් පැමිනෙන්නේ රැකියාවල් උදෙසාම පමණක් නිසාවෙනි !

ඩුබායි හි සහ රටවල් කිහිපයක ආගම් බොහෝමයකට ඔවුන්ට නිදහසේ ඇදහීමට අවසර දී ඇති අතර අනෙනෙත් රටවල්ද ඒ අනුව යමින් සිටින හොඳ ප්‍රවනතාවක් ඇත …

ඔවුන්ගේ ක්‍රමය ඉතා පැහැදිලි වේ . පිටින් පැමිනෙන්නෙකුට ඉඩම් අයිතිය හෝ පුරවැසි බව නොදීම තම ජාතියේ අනන්‍යතාව සුරැකීමකි !

තම ස්වදේශික හෙට ඉපදෙන දරුවාගේ අනාගත පරපුරේම භූමිය පිළිබද අයිතිය ආරක්ෂා කිරීමකි !

නමුත් අප රටේ සිදුවූයේ කුමක්ද තාවකාලිකව පැමිනි ජාතීන් සියල්ලන්ද අප අප රටේම බින්න බස්සවා ඔවුන්ට සම අයිතිය ලබා දුනි !

සිංහල බෞද්ධයා උතුම් වන්නේ එහෙයිනි !

අපට කොහෙත්ම ජාතිවාදයක් ආගම්වාදයක් නැත !

සියල්ලන් සුරක්ෂිත කිරීමට සිංහලයාද බැඳී සිටී !

සෑම රටකම ශිෂ්ඨාචාර ගොඩ නගන්නන් මුල් ජාතිය මහා ජාතිය වේ. අරාබිකරය දැඩිව දරන්නේද එකී මතයයි !

ශිෂ්ඨාචාර ගත කල ජාතියට රටේ සියලු අයිතීන් හිමි විය යුතු අතර පිටින් පැමිනෙන්නන්ට මෙකී මහ ජාතියේ නිදහසට බාධ පැමිණ විය නොහැක ..

තාවකාලික රැකියා සඳහා පැමිනන්නන් වුවද ඔවුන් රට තුල සිටින තාක් ඔවුන්ව ආරක්ෂා කිරීමටත් ඔවුන්ගේ අයිතියත් සුරැකීමටත් අරාබි කරයේ බොහෝ ධනවත් රටවල් ඉතාම සතුටුදායක ලෙස කටයුතු කරයි !

සිංහල බෞද්ධ අප අපේ රටේ ශිෂ්ඨාචාර ගත කල මුල් ජාතිය ලෙස අප සිටින්නේම නාමිකව වේ.

අපට අයිතීන් නැත !

අපේ අයිතීන් දේසපාලනය නාමයෙන් සිඳ දමා ඇත ..

නමුත් අපට පසු රටට පැමිණි අයවලුන්ගේ අයිතිය අපට වඩා සුරකින්නට බොහෝ දේසපාලුවන් දිවිහිමියෙන් බැඳී සිටින අතර ඔවුන් සිංහල බෞද්ධ අපගේ සිත් බිදීම් ඇති කරන ඕනෑම දෙයක් සිදු කලද එය සාමාන්‍ය සහජීවනය වේ.

අප මුව බැඳ ඇත .

අපට අප ගැනවත් කතා කිරීම තහනම් වේ.

අපට අප උපන් බිම ගැන කතා කිරීම තහනම් වේ.

අපට අපගේ ආගම බුදු දහම ගැන සහ එහි අනාගත ආරක්ෂාව ගැන කතා කිරීම තහනම් වේ…

අපට අප සිංහල යැයි කීම පවා අහිතකර අතර එයින් අනෙත් සුලු ජාතීන්ගේ අයිතීන් බිදෙන බව අපට පාලකයා නිතර පෙන්වා දෙයි !

අපට අප රට වනසන්නට කටයුතු කල ත්‍රස්තවාදන් විවේචනය තහනම් වේ.

නමුත් අනෙත් පසින් ත්‍රස්තවාදයට හිතැති ඕනෑම කෙනෙකුට ත්‍රස්තවාදන්ගේ අයිතීන් කතා කිරීම තහනම් නැත .

එය වචනයේ පරිසමාප්ත අරුතින්ම මෙකී පාදඩ දේසපාලුවන්ට අනුව සහජීවනය වේ !

සිංහල බෞද්ධ බහුතරය සිටින මේ රටේ සිංහලයින් ශිෂ්ඨාචාර ගත කල ස්වදේශිකයින්ට තම අයිතීන් පවා කප්පාදු කරන්නට දත කන පාදඩ පාලකයාට කරුණාකර මා ධනවත් අරාබිකරය දෙස බලන මෙන් ඇරයුම් කරමි ..

ඔවුන් ඔවුන්ගේ ජාතිය සුරක්ෂිත කිරීමට කරනා මෙහෙයත් ඔවුන් ඔවුන්ගේ මූලික ආගම සුරක්ෂිත කිරීමට කරනා කැපකිරීමත් බලන ලෙස ඉල්ලා සිටිමි !

GCC කලාපයේ රටවල් වල සිටින ඔවුන් වෙනත් රටවල් අල්ලන්නට යුධ කරන්නේ නැත .නමුත් ඔවුන් ඔවුන්ට උරුමයෙන් ලැබුනු පුංචි ඉඩ පුංචි බිම රකින්නට කරනා දැඩි මෙහෙය ප්‍රසංශනීයයි ! එහි එක් වැලි කැටයක් හෝ ස්වදේශිකයාගෙන් පිට යෑමට නොහැකි වන සේ දැඩි නීති සම්පාදනය කොට ඇත.ඔවුන්ගේ අනාගතය සුරක්ෂිතයි !

මා මේ පවසන දෙය මෙය එකී රටවල සේවය කරන ලාංකිකයන් ලක්ෂ ගණනක් සාක්ෂි දරාවි ..

සිංහල බෞද්ධයාගේ අනාගතය කෙසේද ?

එය ඉදිරියේ අඳුරුයි ! අනාරක්ශිතයි !

ඔහුව උපන් රටේම අත පය බැඳ දැමූ අබ්බගාතයෙක් කරන්නට පාලකයා තීන්දු කර අවසන් ..

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