Courtesy Adaderana

The arrest and imprisonment of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe is an incident that will take Sri Lanka’s politics in a different direction, says Sarvajana Balaya leader, MP Dilith Jayaweera.

He made these remarks this afternoon (23), after visiting former President Wickremesinghe at the Prison Hospital.

He went to play cricket, but this government is playing ‘Elle’. They hit him with the ball and said he was out.”

According to my political reading, this will be an incident that will take our country’s politics in a new direction,” he said.

MP Jayaweera further stated that although he does not approve of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s politics, it was wrong for a President of the country to be treated in such a manner.

I will never approve of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s politics. But it is wrong for a President of this country to be treated in this way. I am not saying whether what the court did is right or wrong. What I am saying is that the chain of events leading to the judicial process and the investigation that has been conducted does not reflect well on the image of our country,” he added.

Trending One Digital

Courtesy Hiru News

Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe has been transferred from the prison hospital to the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) of the Colombo National Hospital.

A hospital spokesperson stated that Wickremesinghe was moved to the ICU due to elevated blood pressure and sugar levels, as well as severe fatigue and exhaustion.

Wickremesinghe, who is currently in remand custody until August 26, was transferred to the National Hospital for further treatment on the recommendation of a medical team from the prison hospital and other specialist doctors.

He was moved from the prison hospital to the Colombo National Hospital this afternoon (23).

Udaya Gammanpila

Udaya Gammanpila

Shenali D Waduge

Since the defeat of the LTTE in May 2009, Sri Lanka has faced continuous demands—mainly from international actors, NGOs, and local separatist lobbies—for the return of lands in the North and East said to be occupied” by the military. Much of the narrative has been driven by propaganda and not fact. Even UNHRC reports are referring to military lands”. There is no such lands. The military was primarily stationed on State land, with only a handful of private lands temporarily used for operational purposes, which were verified and returned to their rightful owners—contrary to claims that large tracts of private land remain under military control. Any remaining contentions regarding private land arise solely from claimants who cannot provide verifiable title deeds, Survey Department records, or legal documentation; Sri Lankan law requires such proof before land can be returned. It is therefore essential to separate reality from rhetoric.

There are three types of land at issue: 

1.    Private Land – belonging to individuals or institutions with legal title deeds.

2.    State Land – owned by the Republic and managed by Government on behalf of the People (about 82% of Sri Lanka’s land is State-owned).

3.    No Military Land” / No Civilian land”– a term invented by external actors. In law, it does not exist. The armed forces, as a permanent state institution, have a constitutional right to be stationed anywhere in the country, including on state land.

The term military land” appears only in UN and NGO reports—it does not exist in Sri Lankan law. The Constitution and the State Lands Ordinance make no such distinction.

By law, State land is vested in the Republic (Article 33 and Article 99 of the Constitution, State Lands Ordinance). Successive governments are only temporary custodians; they cannot permanently alienate such land without public purpose. 

Any conversion of State land into private ownership without proper procedure is unlawful.

State land is the collective property of ALL Sri Lankans (this generation & future generations), not only one ethnic community for this generation & for their next generations.

LTTE occupation ignored by the UNHRC

In late 1980s/early 1990s, the LTTE forcibly displaced Sinhalese and Muslims from Northern districts and illegally occupied their private lands/properties and state lands. These lands are rarely discussed in Geneva.

Why is the UNHRC silent on:

·       The restoration of lands seized by the LTTE?

·       The property rights of Sinhalese and Muslims who lived in the North since independence?

·       The illegal conversions of land that took place during LTTE occupation?

This one-sided focus undermines the credibility of UNHRC allegations.

UNHRC Allegations vs. Facts

UNHRC Claim: Military occupation of land prevents resettlement.”

Fact: By 2017, 70% of released land was State land, not private. 

No citizen was intentionally deprived of ownership.

UNHRC Claim: Tamil civilians cannot access their ancestral lands.”

Fact: Ownership requires title deeds under Sri Lankan law (and Thesavalamai in Jaffna). Mere claims or placards are not proof. Verified private land has already been released.

UNHRC Claim: Military bases are maintained on civilian lands.”

Fact: There is no legal category of civilian land.” 

There is Private land (returned upon verification) and State land (where the Army has every right to remain).

UNHRC Claim: Demographic changes are being engineered.”

Fact: There is no evidence of state-led demographic change. 

The real demographic shift occurred when the LTTE ethnically cleansed Sinhalese and Muslims from the North, which the UNHRC ignores.

LLRC on Land Issues

The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (2010–2011) found that:

·       Land disputes were aggravated by conflict and LTTE occupation.

·       LTTE forcibly displaced communities and illegally occupied both State and Private land.

·       Many disputes arose due to tampered deeds and lack of documentation.

·       Testimonial deeds are not valid for ownership.

·       The State has authority over State land, while verified Private land must be respected.

·       The Army should release verified Private land not needed for security, but this does not apply to State land.

Land Releases since 2009 (State vs Private)

Successive governments have released thousands of acres since 2009. 

These are presented as military-occupied lands returned to the people.” This is factually incorrect.

But the breakdown shows a different reality:

As of May 2017:

·       State land released: ~54,769 acres

·       Private land released: ~24,394 acres

·       Ratio: 69% State vs 31% Private

By Dec 2018: 

The Army reported 69,754 acres released (mix of State & Private) out of 84,523 acres used.

Illustrative releases:

·       454 acres (Private) – Thelippalai/Palaly (2016)

·       ~63,000 acres (Govt + Private) – by Mar 2024

·       40.7 acres (Private) – Jaffna, May 2025 (Army official report)

By 2017, almost 70% of all land released was State land—proving that private citizens were not deprived. 

Yet international reports continue to frame this as private dispossession.

The Core Issues:

·       No Military Land”: No Civilian Land”. A propaganda term without legal basis.

·       Private Land: Already released upon verification of deeds,  

·       State Land: Belongs to the Republic. The Army has every right to remain. Any release is a political choice, not a legal obligation.

·       Ignored Questions: Why is the UNHRC silent on LTTE land seizures, displacement of non-Tamils, and the legal procedures required for private restitution?

Why does the UNHRC ignore LTTE’s occupation of land and displacement of non-Tamils?

1.    Why has the UNHRC ignored LTTE occupation of land (both State and Private) and the displacement of Sinhalese and Muslims?

2.    Why does the UNHRC repeatedly refer to military land,” Civilian land” terms that does not exist in Sri Lankan law?

3.    Why does the UNHRC not acknowledge that the majority of land released was State land—showing the Army was never depriving private owners of their property?

4.    Why is the UNHRC silent on the legal requirement of verifying ownership (title deeds, surveys, inheritance under Thesavalamai) before private land can be restored?

Why was State Land Released?

This is the central issue. 

State lands belong to the Republic—not to any temporary government.
Governments are only custodians. 

Governments cannot cede or convert State land into private property arbitrarily.

Yet, under international pressure and NGO propaganda, successive governments released State lands unnecessarily—lands which should have been kept for security, development, or future generations.

This raises key questions:

·       Who benefited from these land releases? 

·       Who are occupying State land claiming these to be private”

·       Why was land belonging to all Sri Lankans ceded disproportionately to one community?

·       Should not State land remain available for all citizens, not privatized under pressure?

Any State land transferred into Private Land is ILLEGAL and steps must be taken to RETURN this land back to the State.

The Way Forward

·       Private land – must be returned only to verified owners through a transparent process.

·       State land – must remain with the State. The Army can be stationed anywhere lawfully.

·       Military land” – does not exist. Using the term delegitimizes the armed forces.

The land debate has been clouded by propaganda. Sri Lanka must clearly assert that:

·       State land belongs to the Republic, not any community.

·       Verified private land has already been returned.

·       Military land” Civilian land” is a myth invented to discredit the armed forces.

The UNHRC cannot demand that Sri Lanka cede State lands under the guise of occupation.” The real question is: who gained from the release of State lands that rightfully belonged to the Republic and where the Army had every right to remain?

Shenali D Waduge

 by  Rohana R. Wasala

Continued from Wednesday, August 13, 2025 

Time the West backed off and allowed the unitary state of Sri Lanka to fulfill its own destiny based on ‘peace building’. It is also time to reflect that both Sinhalese Buddhists and Tamil Hindus value, respect and venerate the lotus flower with its symbolism of purity of body, speech and mind, is it really too much to ask the religious leadership of both faiths to come together in the cause of a lasting peace? That would do more than anything to create a real paradise.

• Lord Michael Naseby, former Conservative MP and pioneer of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Sri Lanka in the British parliament in his book ‘SRI LANKA: Paradise Lost Paradise Regained’, Unicorn, London, 2020

Israel isn’t a paragon of democracy. But Israel is a paragon of the struggle for democratic norms under near impossible circumstances. Israel is a laboratory for democracy under extremity, and that is its value for the world.

• Yossi Klein Halevi, American-Israeli Journalist and author, (as quoted in ‘The Genius of Israel’ by Dan Senor and Saul Singer, book issued in August 2023)

Part I of this article ended with the sentence:

‘For the SB’s message of solidarity to be of any potential value for global peacemaking efforts in this conflict zone, its unequivocal denunciation of Israel should have been balanced by a similarly unambiguous condemnation of the horrific Hamas terrorism that provoked the massive Israeli military operations in Gaza that continue to this day.’

Except for that candid observation, this piece of writing should not be mistaken for any adverse criticism of the Sarvajana Balaya political alliance. I have many positive things to say about it  and its leaders. I agree with its noncommunal nationalistic politics ( which is free from its externally attributed negative connotations such as exclusivity, supremacism, tribalism, etc.). The bare  Wikipedia description of Sarvajana Balaya’s political ideology as ‘Sinhalese nationalism’ (that is, a form of ethnonationalism centred on Sinhalese Buddhist  ethnic identity, viewed through the West’s naturally prejudiced perspective) implies, quite wrongly, negatives like the abovementioned evils of exclusivity, supremacism, tribalism, and so on. In my previous writings, I have explained why I assert that the nationalism that the majority Sinhalese Buddhist community advocates and champions is a uniquely benign form of ethnonationalism (if it must be called that) which supports the human rights of all citizens irrespective of differences of every type among them, including those based on their religious and political ideologies. To derogatorily misinterpret it as ultranationalism, narrow nationalism, tribalism, etc is like giving a precisely botanical description of the Sri Maha Bodhi in Anuradhapura in a cultural discourse, dissociating it from its historical and religious significance for Sri Lanka.

Our nationalism is ethnonationalism (if you like) free from ethnocentrism, fortified with the proviso that the principle of mutual accommodation and tolerance that it fosters among diverse ethnic groups within the country based on common humanity should not be abused to violate or to undermine the legitimate interests and human rights of any community, whether it be a majority or a minority, or to endanger its cultural (maybe, even physical) survival in the multifariously turbulent world of today, sadly, further aggravated by genocidal religious extremism of different brands. 

Readers, please bear with me for showing my contempt for popular labels. I distrust them because the powers that be keep changing the definitions of the concepts that they label to suit their global designs, something you may have yourselves realised by now. Let’s be mindful, when we use them both actively and receptively. 

SB’s condemnation of Israel with no mention of Hamas terrorism, which is really at the root of the trouble, sounds unjustly prejudicial to Israelis. Israelis themselves, as Jews, have never been terrorists, but abject victims  as well as courageous challengers of mindless terrorism against them in recent history. Jews have endured violent political oppression for over two millennia (like the Sinhalese have endured foreign invasions over the same period). Their successful struggle for survival as a nation through such a long period of persecution has enabled them to evolve as a race gifted with unbeatable, humanity enhancing, intellectual faculties. The civilised nations of the world that owe them much ought to protect them in order to help save human civilization itself. 

The heartbreaking video that went viral about two weeks ago of the emaciated Israeli hostage Evyatar David (24) snatched from the Nova music festival while he was singing with friends in praise of peace – David is a guitar player – on that fateful day of October 7, 2023, made to dig his own grave in a narrow tunnel by his Hamas captors must be meant to add to the emotional distress of his family and the general Israeli public, and to persuade them to put pressure on the Israeli government to bring home the remaining hostages (20 living ‘skeletons’ like David and 30 dead corpses)  by giving in to the Hamas’s impossible demands. 

I believe that the leaders of Sarvajana Balaya (Dilith Jayaweera, Arun Siddharth, Udaya Gammanpila, Wimal Weerawansa, Channe Jayasumana) are all decent young politicians with a potentially bright future before them. Channe Jayasumana (45) MBBS, PhD, FRCP Edin is a medical doctor and internationally recognised scientific researcher; he is a university professor in pharmacology. He served as cabinet Minister of Health in 2022.  Arun Siddharth (47) is a freelance journalist, social activist and a politician with trilingual proficiency (inTamil, English and Sinhala). He is the only politician I have ever written a feature article about (Arun Siddharth the troublemaker/The Island/November 8, 2024). Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila are both 55 years of age. They were two of the best performing cabinet ministers during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency. Wimal Weerawansa joined the JVP quite early in his life soon after secondary education, and devoted all his time to party work. He has acquired the general knowledge that a politician needs to function effectively through practical experience and personal education. He is an orator and author in Sinhala, and a thoroughly informed politician conversant in both Sinhala and English. Udaya Gammanpila qualified as a Computer Engineer at Monash University, Australia (where he lectured for some time) and later as a lawyer at the Sri Lanka Law College, Colombo. Dilith Jayaweera (57) is a qualified lawyer (educated at the Colombo University law faculty and the Sri Lanka Law College),  media mogul, and business entrepreneur. I am sure the Muslim community is also represented in the Sarvajana Balaya through its constituent parties. The name ‘Sarvajana Balaya’ harks back to the introduction of universal suffrage or franchise (sarvajana chandabalaya) to Ceylon/Sri Lanka in 1931 under the Donoughmore Constitution, which was the first step towards inclusive and representative democracy that still operates.

 The main reason why I think that the SB’s Gaza response is not a smart move is because it completely ignores the elephant in the room in Sri Lanka itself: the infiltration into Sri Lanka of the global menace of the extremist IS ideology that Wijedasa Rajapaksa, a former justice minister,  revealed in parliament based on intelligence reports in 2016 during the Ranil-Maithree Yahapalana regime, that cost him his powerful cabinet portfolio. None of the other politicians in power then and hardly any in the opposition had the courage or the self-respect to pressure the administration to investigate those claims seriously and to take necessary action, which would have prevented the hideous Easter Sunday suicide bombings on April 21, 2019. Informal but similarly evidence-based exposures about the activities of Zahran Hashim and other jihadists  by some concerned young Buddhist monks and social activists of the nationalist camp outside the mainstream parties were ignored or ridiculed as hate-motivated lies; those patriotic whistleblowers were branded as mere scaremongers,and were even threatened punishment for their pains. Whatever said and done, Sarvajana Balaya is pointing towards a way out of the present existential crisis that Sri Lanka is facing, even though the national leadership that will ultimately tread that path is yet to emerge. 

In this context, it is opportune to remember that there are two legacies of inestimable value that the British colonial rulers left us at independence. These are indispensable in negotiating the current tumultuous global scene rendered politically, economically and militarily unstable, and culturally challenging, because of overdone wokeism and unnatural LGBTQIA+ rights obsession, and last but not least, types of morbid religious extremism. One of these two legacies is the system of government through parliamentary democracy, and the other is the treasure trove of the English language. (I will reserve the second for a future writeup.) 

The first, the parliamentary representative system of government, was on the brink of being toppled by the conspiratorially staged Aragalaya of 2022 creating a national emergency, but was soon restored by differently configured elected representatives within the parliament on an ad hoc basis. Signs of an engineered unhealthy religious or cultural polarisation in the society were visible as a conspicuous element during the Aragalaya, represented by a brightly illuminated Easter celebration at Galle Face on Sunday April 17, 2022, followed a month later on May 15, 2022 by a bleak Vesak Full Moon Day marked with blackened Vesak lanterns and Buddha images painted in black (as I saw in social media posts then), probably the first time such an anti Buddhist demonstration was seen in the past twenty-three centuries. The protestors were sumptuously fed, according to YouTube posts, with biryani rice from nearby restaurants. In one YouTube comment someone joked: ‘bomba gahapu unui bomba kaapu unui atara budunta erehiwa maru sahayogaya’ ‘exemplary cooperation between bombers and victims engaged in Buddha bashing’!

That symbolizes the natural result of the chain of events that followed the 2009 neutralization of separatist terrorism. Those events have, at least temporarily, turned heroes into zeros. None with an iota of brains would have by now failed to identify the smart figures who were co-opted into the grand plot by the master/mistressminds. Be that as it may, a name springs to mind that shouldn’t be forgotten at this critical moment: the late, reputedly pro-American J.R.Jayawardane, the first executive president. He was a genuine nationalist (ala D.S. Senanayake who advocated and exemplified ‘Ceylonese’ national identity). Jayawardane, in spite of his myriad lapses, used his sharp intellect and political acumen to keep Sri Lanka whole as a unitary state through the institution of executive presidency. He, quite casually, in the meantime, used his ignorable young Marxist challenger, Rohana Wijeweera, the architect of the JVP, to contain his truly worthy opponent the late Mrs Sirimavo Ratwatte Bandaranaike. Honourable Mrs Bandaranaike, who rid the country of the last vestiges of British colonial rule in 1972 by promulgating the republican constitution, became the first female prime minister of Sri Lanka. She was a nationalist of the same brand, probably even more unapologetically so. Ranil Wickremasinghe, JR’s nephew, a staunch defender of the parliamentary system, is an unostentatious nationalist who is not likely to dishonour his principled uncle’s legacy by  contributing to a process that will ultimately put an end to the independent sovereign unitary status of our beloved historic Motherland. That is my gut feeling.  Let’s keep our fingers crossed.

Concluded

National Development Bank PLC

NDB Bank proudly celebrated the 13th Executive Committee Installation Ceremony of the NDB Toastmasters Club on 6 August 2025 at the Hilton Colombo Residencies, an evening marked by leadership, fellowship, and inspiration, reflecting the Bank’s commitment to nurturing talent, empowering communication, and fostering personal and professional growth among its employees.

The ceremony was graced by Mr. Lasantha Dasanayaka, Vice President – Human Resources at NDB Bank, who attended as Chief Guest, while the Guest of Honour was distinguished Toastmaster Niroshan Nadarajah, District Director – District 82, who delivered a motivational address to the newly appointed leaders. District officials DTM Bhathiya Hettiarachchi (Program Quality Director) and DTM Piyakara Jayaratne (Club Growth Director) added their presence to the occasion.

The evening’s keynote was delivered by Toastmaster Alagan Mahalingam, CEO of Rootcode, who inspired attendees with valuable insights on leadership, growth, and the courage required to step beyond one’s comfort zone to achieve excellence.

Demonstrating the club’s active role at the District level, members DTM Tharindu de Silva (Public Relations Manager, District 82), TM Dilrukshie Mervin (Division Director – Division E), and TM Pristly Ivan (Area Director – Area E4) represented NDB Toastmasters’ remarkable talent and influence within the wider Toastmasters community.

A notable highlight of the evening was the induction of 14 new members, further strengthening the club’s future. The ceremony concluded with the appointment of TM Mohamad Fazlan as President for the term 2025/26, alongside the newly appointed Executive Committee, ready to lead the club into another successful year of communication excellence, leadership development, and fellowship.

Through platforms such as Toastmasters, NDB Bank continues to invest in its people, encouraging them to hone their skills, unlock their potential, and embody the values of excellence, teamwork, and continuous growth that define the Bank’s culture.

NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Bank for Corporates at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2024 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව විසින් අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් හිටපු ජනපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ අද (22) පෙරවරුවේ කොටුව මහේස්ත්‍රාත් අධිකරණයට ඉදිරිපත් කළ අතර, ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් වන නඩු විභාගය තවමත් අධිකරණයෙහි විභාග කෙරෙමින් පවතිනවා.

මෙම ඇප නියෝගය ප්‍රකාශ කිරීම අද සවස්වරුවේ පැය භාගයට කල් තැබුණු අතර, එලෙස කල් තැබීමෙන් පසුව අධිකරණ ශාලාවේ විදුලිය විසන්ධි වීමද සිදුවූ බවයි අප අධිකරණ වාර්තාකරු සඳහන් කළේ.

විදුලි සැපයුම යථා තත්වයට පත් කර ඇති නමුත් නඩු විභාගය තවමත් යලි ආරම්භ වී නොමැති බවද ඔහු සඳහන් කළා.

අද (22) පෙරවරුවේ අත්ඩංගුවට ගැනුණු හිටපු ජනපති රනිල් වික්‍රමංහට එරෙහිව දණ්ඩ නීති සංග්‍රහයේ 386 හා 388 වගන්තිවල සඳහන් වැරදි මෙන්ම පොදු දේපළ පනත යටතේ ද චෝදනා ගොනු කෙරුණා.

එහිදී අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජෙනරාල් දිලීප පීරිස් අධිකරණය හමුවේ කරුණු දක්වමින් 2023 වසරේ සැප්තැම්බර් මස 22 වනදා සහ 23 යන දිනවල සැකකාර හිටපු ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ විසින් බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයේ සිදු කළ පුද්ගලික සංචාරයක් සඳහා රුපියල් ලක්ෂ 166 ක රජයේ මුදල් වැය කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් මෙම විමර්ශනය ආරම්භ කළ බව සඳහන් කළා.

එහිදී මෙම සිද්ධියට අදාළව ප්‍රකාශ 33 ක් සටහන් කර ගෙන තිබෙනවා.

2023 වසරේ සැප්තැම්බර් මස 13 වනදා සිට 20 වනදා දක්වා කාල සීමාව තුළ කියුබාව සහ ඇමරිකාවේ නිල සංචාරයක නිරත වීමෙන් පසුව සැප්තැම්බර් මස 22 වනදා ඔහු පුද්ගලික සංචාරයක් සඳහා බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයට ගොස් තිබෙනවා.

සිය බිරිඳගේ සම්මානිත මහාචාර්ය පදවිය ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා ඔහු එහි ගොස් තිබෙන බව විමර්ශනවලදී අනාවරණය වී ඇතැයි අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජෙනරාල්වරයා පැවසුවා

එම ගමන සඳහා හිටපු ජනාධිපති සමග ඔහුගේ බිරිඳ, පුද්ගලික ලේකම් සැන්ඩ්‍රා පෙරේරා, වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු සහ පොලිස් නිලධාරීන් ඇතුළු 10 දෙනෙකු සහභාගී වී තිබෙනවා.

ඔහු මෙම සංචාරයට සහභාගී වී තිබෙන්නේ බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය රජයේ නිල ආරාධනයක් අනුව නොවෙයි.

මේ සඳහා මුදල් අනුමත කළේ ජනාධිපති ලේකම් සමන් ඒකනායක විසින්.

ඔහු මෙම අපරාධයේ ප්‍රධාන සැකකරුවකු වශයෙන් හඳුනාගෙන තිබෙන බවත් අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජෙනරල්වරයා සඳහන් කළා.

මෙම දින එක හමාරක සංචාරය තුළ වාහන සඳහා රුපියල් 4,475,160 ක් මුදලක්ද, වාහන අත්තිකාරම් වශයෙන් රුපියල් ලක්ෂ 14 ආසන්න මුදලක්ද, ආහාර පාන සඳහා රුපියල් ලක්ෂ 13 කට අධික මුදලක්ද, හෝටල් පහසුකම් සඳහා රුපියල් ලක්ෂ 34 කට ආසන්න මුදලක්ද, ගුවන් තොටුපොළේ අමුත්තන් පරිහරණය කරන ස්ථානය වෙන් කර ගැනීම සඳහා බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය පවුම් 6,000 මුදලක් ද වැය කර තිබෙන බවත් ඔහු පැවසුවා.

එම වකවානුවේ ජනාධිපති ලේකම්වරයා විසින් නිකුත් කරන ලද චක්‍රලේඛයක් තුළින් රටේ පවතින ආර්ථික දුෂ්කරතා සැලකිල්ලට ගෙන අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වියදම් සඳහා පමණක් රාජ්‍ය මුදල් වැය කිරීමට උපදෙස් ලබාදී තිබුණු බව සඳහන් කළ අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල්වරයා රටේ ආර්ථික අර්බුදයක් පැවති අවස්ථාවක ඩොලරයක් සොයා ගැනීමට පවා අපහසු තත්ත්වයක් තිබූ අවස්ථාවක පාලකයා වශයෙන් මෙම සැකකරු සිය පෞද්ගලික සංචාරය සඳහා මේ ආකාරයෙන් රජයේ මුදල් වැය කිරීම සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම වැරදි ක්‍රියාවක් බවත් සඳහන් කර සිටියා.

මෙම වියදම් සඳහා පූර්ව අනුමැතිය ලබාගෙන නොමැති බවත් ඔහු කියා සිටියා.

“මෙහිදී හිටපු ජනාධිපති ලේකම්වරයා වැරදි ආකාරයෙන් කටයුතු කර තිබෙනවා. රජයේ නිලධාරීන් දේශපාලකයින්ව හරි මග යැවිය යුතුයි. ඔහුට රජයේ අරමුදල් තමන්ගේ අභිමතයට යොදාගන්න බෑ.” යනුවෙන් අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල්වරයා සඳහන් කළා.

“සැකකාර හිටපු ජනපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට ලබාදුන් ප්‍රකාශය තුළින් පිළිගෙන තිබෙනවා ඔහුගේ බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය සංචාරය පෞද්ගලික සංචාරයක් බව.

ඒ වගේම සැකකරුගේ පෞද්ගලික ලේකම් වශයෙන් කටයුතු කළ සැන්ඩ්‍රා පෙරේරා මහත්මිය ලබා දී ඇති කට උත්තරයේ සඳහන් කර තිබෙනවා තමන් විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍යංශයට යැවූ ඉල්ලීමේ මෙම සංචාරය පෞද්ගලික සංචාරයක් වශයෙන් සඳහන් කර තිබූ බව.

එසේ නම් මෙම පුද්ගලික සංචාරය නිල සංචාරයක් බවට පරිවර්තනය කිරීමට කටයුතු කළේ කවුද? “ ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් විමර්ශන සිදු කරන බවත් අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජෙනරාල්වරයා සඳහන් කළා.

මෙය බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයෙන් ලැබුණු නිල ඇරයුමක් අනුව ගිය ගමනක් නොවන බවත්, රටේ ආර්ථික අර්බුදයක් පැවති අවස්ථාවක මෙවැනි වියදමක් දැරීම යුක්ති සහගතද? යන ප්‍රශ්නය මතුවන බවත් අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල් වරයා අධිකරණය හමුවේ විමසුවා.

“සැකකරු ප්‍රකාශ කරලා තිබෙනවා තමන්ගේ වැටුප රුපියල් ලක්ෂයක් බව. එසේ නම් මේ ආකාරයෙන් වියදමක් දරන්නේ කෙසේද?” යනුවෙන් ප්‍රශ්න කළ අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජෙනරාල්වරයා ජනාධිපතිවරයා යනු මහජනයාගේ භාරකරු බවත් ඔහුට අත්තනෝමතික ආකාරයෙන් මහජන මුදල් වැය කිරීමට හැකියාවක් නොමැති බවත් සඳහන් කළා.

මෙම සිද්ධියට අදාළ විමර්ශන කටයුතු අවසන් වී නොමැති අතර, ඊට අදාළව තවත් සැකකරුවන් අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට නියමිතව තිබෙන බව අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජෙනරාල්වරයා සඳහන් කළා.

ඒ අනුව මෙම සැකකරුගේ තත්ත්වය තරාතිරම හෝ නිලය සැලකිල්ලට නොගන්නා ලෙස අධිකරණයෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටි අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල් දිලිප පීරිස් ඒ අනුව මෙම සැකකරු ඇප මත මුදා හැරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් විරුද්ධ වන බවත් පැවසුවා.

ඉන් අනතුරුව රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ වෙනුවෙන් ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ අනූජ ප්‍රේමරත්න අධිකරණය හමුවේ කරුණු දක්වමින් කුරුණෑගල ප්‍රදේශයේ පදිංචි ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ ලේකම්වරයෙකු විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කළ පැමිණිල්ලකට අනුව මෙම විමර්ශනය ඇරඹී තිබෙන බව පැවසුවා.

ජාතික විගණන කාර්යාලය මගින් නිකුත් කර ඇති වාර්තාවක මෙම සංචාරය සම්බන්ධයෙන් කරුණු දක්වා තිබෙන බවත්, ඒ තුළ අවිධිමත් ක්‍රියාවක් සිදුවී නොමැති බව දක්වා තිබෙන බවත් ජනාධිපති නීතිඥවරයා අධිකරණය හමුවේ කරුණු පෙන්වා දුන්නා.

එම වාර්තාව විමර්ශන නිලධාරීන් විසින් සැලකිල්ලට ගෙන නොමැති බවත්, ඒ ගැන සැලකිලිමත් වුවා නම් මෙවැනි නඩුවක් මතු නොවනු ඇති බවත් ඔහු පෙන්වා දුන්නා.

රටේ ජනාධිපතිවරයෙකුට ලැබෙන ඇරයුම් සියල්ල නිල ඇරයුම් බවත් මෙවැනි සංචාරවලට හිටපු ජනාධිපතිනි චන්ද්‍රිකා බණ්ඩාරනායක කුමාරතුංග, ලක්ෂ්මන් කදිරගාමර් ,ලලිත් ඇතුළත්මුදලි වැනි නායකයින් සහභාගි වී තිබෙන බවත් පෙන්වා දුන්නා.

ජනාධිපතිවරයෙකුට සාමාන්‍ය පන්තියේ ගුවන් ටිකට් පතක් ලබාගෙන විදේශයකට ගොස් කුලී රථවල ගමන් කරමින් මිත්‍රයින්ගේ නිවාසවල නවාතැන් ගනිමින් කටයුතු කළ නොහැකි බව පෙන්වා දුන් ජනාධිපති නීතිඥවරයා එය රාජතාන්ත්‍රික තත්ත්වයක් නොවන බවත් සඳහන් කර සිටියා.

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මෙම බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය සංචාරයට සහභාගි වූයේ බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයේ වුල්ෆ් ඇම්ටන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය විසින් ශ්‍රී ලංකා තානාපති කාර්යාලය හරහා යොමු කළ ඇරයුමක් අනුව බවත්, ශ්‍රී ලංකා තානාපති කාර්යාලය හරහා ලැබුණු ඇරයුමක් නිල ඇරයුමක් නොවන්නේ කෙසේදැයි ජනාධිපති නීතිඥවරයා ප්‍රශ්න කර සිටියා.

ජනාධිපතිවරයා යනු පැය 24 ම වැඩ කරන පුද්ගලයෙකු බවත් ඔහුට මෙම ඇරයුම ලැබෙන්නේ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ වශයෙන් නොව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ජනාධිපති වශයෙන් බවත් ඔහු පෙන්වා දුන්නා.

පැමිණිල්ල විසින් සඳහන් කළ මුදල් රෙගුලාසි අදාළ වන්නේ අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම්වරු සහ පළාත් සභාවල ලේකම්වරුන්ට පමණක් බවත් ජනාධිපතිවරයා, අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා, කථානායකවරයා වැනි නිල දරන්නන්ට ඒවා අදාළ නොවන බවත් ජනාධිපති නීතිඥවරයා පැවසුවා.

තම සේවාදායකයාට හෘද රෝග මෙන්ම පාලනය කළ නොහැකි දියවඩියා තත්ත්වයන් හා රුධිර පීඩන තත්ත්වයක් පවතින බවත් ඔහුගේ බිරිඳ පිළිකා රෝගී තත්ත්වයක පවතින බව පෙන්වා දුන් ජනාධිපති නීතිඥවරයා ඊට අදාළ වෛද්‍ය වාර්තා ද අධිකරණයට ඉදිරිපත් කළා.

මෙම කරුණු සුවිශේෂී කරුණු සේ සලකා මෙම සැකකරු ඕනෑම කොන්දේසියක් යටතේ ඇපමත මුදා හැරීමේ නියෝගයක් නිකුත් කරන ලෙසත් නාධිපති නීතිඥ අනූජ ප්‍රේමරත්න වැඩිදුරටත් අධිකරණයෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටියා.

මෙම නඩු විභාගයේ අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජෙනරාල් දිලිප පීරිස් කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කළ අවස්ථාවේ විත්තිය වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි නීතිඥ ගුණරත්න වන්නිනායක ඊට මැදිහත් වී ප්‍රකාශ සිදු කිරීම නිසා නීතිඥ දෙපළ අතර උණුසුම් වාද විවාද වරින් වර හට ගැනීම දක්නට ලැබුණා.

ඒ අනුව මහේස්ත්‍රාත්වරියට අවස්ථා කීපයකදී මැදිහත් වී එම තත්ත්වය සමථයට පත්කිරීමට ද සිදුවුණා.

Courtesy Adaderana

The United National Party’s (UNP) media unit has released a copy of the officially invitation letter sent by the University of Wolverhampton to former President Ranil Wickremesinghe and his wife, Professor Maithree Wickremesinghe.

In its statement, the UNP media unit claimed that the former President had not misused state funds in relation to his visit to the United Kingdom.

Former President Wickremesinghe was arrested today (22) after arriving at the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) to record a statement in connection with an ongoing investigation.

Wickremesinghe was taken into custody for allegedly misusing government funds” after being questioned about a September 2023 visit to London to attend a ceremony for his wife at a British university while he was head of state.

Ranil Wickremesinghe had stopped in London in 2023 on his way back from Havana, where he attended a G77 summit.

He and his wife, Maithree, attended a University of Wolverhampton ceremony.

Wickremesinghe has maintained that his wife met her own travel expenses and that no state funds were used.

However, the Criminal Investigation Department of the police alleged that Wickremesinghe used government money for his travel on a private visit and that the state also paid his bodyguards.

The full invitation is attached below.

https://www.scribd.com/embeds/904875318/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&access_key=key-FUQ73ItyIR0p2qq4Pc70

හිටපු ජනපති රනිල්ට විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයෙන් ලද ආරාධනා පත්‍රය මෙන්න by poornima

Courtesy Adaderana

MP Rauff Hakeem says it is worrying that the arrest of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe was announced in advance by a ‘YouTuber’. 

Speaking in Parliament, the former minister referenced the arrest of Wickremesinghe by CID officers after recording a statement from the former president.  

A few days ago, there was a YouTuber who was showing his affection in a very inappropriate way, in my opinion. But then this particular YouTuber also went on record virtually announcing that the former President would be arrested.” 

So, it appears there’s an inspired leak. This worries us,” the MP stressed. 

The former minister explained that normally, when statements are recorded by the police, a ‘B report’ is filed before the magistrate. 

You have a basic courtesy. You give it to a former head of state. Then if the magistrate felt right, his attorneys could have made submissions and the magistrate could have decided whether to remand them or bail him out.” 

Everybody should be treated equally. But then, when it comes to a former president, at least some courtesies, minimum courtesies should be extended,” Hakeem declared.    

Courtesy Adaderana

The United National Party (UNP) has filed a complaint with the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) today (22), requesting an investigation into a statement made by YouTuber Sudaththa Thilaksiri on his channel, claiming that former President Ranil Wickremesinghe would be arrested today and remanded for 14 days.

On August 21, Thilaksiri had stated on his YouTube channel that the former President would definitely be arrested today and remanded for 14 days.

Accordingly, a group of attorneys representing the UNP filed a complaint with the CID, requesting an investigation into the issuance of such a statement before any official action had been taken.

Meanwhile, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa says that a YouTuber predicting the arrest of a former President before it even happens cannot be a coincidence. 

A YouTuber predicting the arrest of a former President before it even happens? That can’t be a coincidence, could it be planned? If true, it’s a sad day when something as sacred as law and order is reduced to cheap theatrics,” he said, in a post on ‘X’ (formerly Twitter).

Courtesy Adaderana

Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was arrested and remanded in custody on Friday over allegations he misused state funds while in office, has been admitted to the Prisons Hospital on the advice of doctors, according to the Prisons Spokesman. 

Wickremesinghe became the most senior opposition figure to be hauled up in an anti-corruption crackdown by the new government as he was ordered remanded until August 26 by the Fort Magistrate’s Court.

The suspect (Wickremesinghe) will be held in custody till Tuesday, but considering his medical condition he could be admitted to the prison hospital or another hospital,” Magistrate Nilupuli Lankapura said ordering his remand.

Wickremesinghe, whose lawyers said was suffering from heart disease and diabetes, was charged under the Public Property Act and two counts of the penal code – dishonest misappropriation of property” and criminal breach of trust.”

Wickremesinghe, 76, was taken into custody after being questioned about a September 2023 visit to London to attend a ceremony for his wife at a British university.

Wickremesinghe had stopped in London in 2023 on his way back from Havana, where he attended a G77 summit, and the UN General Assembly in New York.

The brief UK visit was to participate in the conferring of an honorary professorship on his wife Maithree by the University of Wolverhampton.

His office had previously denied that he abused his position to visit Britain. Three of his then senior aides were questioned this month by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID).

Wickremesinghe had maintained that his wife’s travel expenses were met by her and that no state funds were used.

However, the CID alleged that Wickremesinghe used 16.6 million rupees of government money for his travel on a private visit with a delegation of 10 people, including bodyguards.

Wickremesinghe, who was ordered to be remanded in custody, was taken to the Welikada Prison. The former President was seen being brought to the Welikada Prison in a prison bus amid tight security.

–With Agencies Inputs

Shenali D Waduge Sri Lankan Analyst, and Advocate for National Sovereignty 

Your Excellencies,

I write to you as a concerned voice from Sri Lanka — the first nation to be made the testing ground of a dangerous precedent by the UNHRC, one that threatens every country in the Non-Aligned Movement.

The Non-Aligned Movement was founded to protect sovereignty and equality of nations.Today, despite NAM representing 74% of the world’s population and 82% of land together with China & Russia, just 20 nations are using Geneva to dictate to us all.

Regrettably, some non-governmental organizations with questionable funding have singled out Sri Lanka for relentless targeting. Their selective focus raises a simple question: why Sri Lanka, and who funds campaigns that name Sri Lankan leaders, military personnel & officials as accused without any judicial process, trial or verdict of guilt & without opportunity for defense? This is political targeting, not accountability. If allowed to continue, this pattern will transform the Council into a political kangaroo court & a forum of jungle law bypassing both the UN Charter and the authority of the General Assembly and Security Council.

A Dangerous Precedent

If the UNHRC is allowed to proceed with mandate overreach — violating the UN Charter with a handful of nations drafting and passing resolutions with the complicity of High Commissioners — the injustice inflicted on Sri Lanka will soon be inflicted on other Non-Aligned States.

The UNHRC was created in 2006 under Resolution 60/251. However, while not presenting any resolution against Sri Lanka’s non-state armed group LTTE — banned by 32 nations for its campaign of killings against Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims, and even an Indian Prime Minister — the Council has, after Sri Lanka ended the 30-year conflict in May 2009, passed successive intrusive, non–conflict-related resolutions and demands. 

1.    2009 (Special Session) — S-11/2 

2.    2012 — A/HRC/RES/19/2 (U.S.-led; accountability/reconciliation)

3.    2013 — A/HRC/RES/22/1 (U.S.-led; follow-up on 2012)

4.    2014 — A/HRC/RES/25/1 (U.S./UK-led; mandated OHCHR investigation OISL”)

5.    2015 — A/HRC/RES/30/1 (UK-led consensual roadmap/rollover”)

6.    2017 — A/HRC/RES/34/1 (UK-led rollover)

7.    2019 — A/HRC/RES/40/1 (UK/Canada/Montenegro/N. Macedonia—rollover)

8.    2021 — A/HRC/RES/46/1 (UK-led evidence preservation”/enhanced monitoring)

9.    2022 — A/HRC/RES/51/1 (UK-led; broadened OHCHR Sri Lanka Accountability Project”)

10. 2024 — **A/HRC/57/**L.1 (UK/Canada Core Group” rollover/updates)

11. 2025 — A/HRC/60/21 (Report of the High Commissioner – present dangerous precedent)

This pattern clearly showcases mandate overreach, UN Charter violations, and intrusion into Sri Lanka’s internal sovereignty. 

This is exactly the kind of precedent that could threaten all NAM nations if allowed to stand.

Within the UNHRC, just 20–25 nations can form a bloc and weaponize Geneva to name, shame, and sanction leaders of any NAM country that defends its sovereignty, fights terrorism, separatism, insurgency, or protects national security.

The Power of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM)

We must remember who we are:

·      120-member states, NAM represents two-thirds of the United Nations membership.

·      With a combined population of 4.4 billion people — about 55% of humanity — NAM is the majority voice of the world.

·      NAM countries control 95 million km² of land — about 64% of Earth’s land area.

·      Our economies together contribute ~$23 trillion in GDP (nominal), or ~$65 trillion in PPP terms — a growing force in the global economy.

Contrast with the Resolution Sponsors

The initial resolutions against Sri Lanka were driven largely by the United States — a nation of immense economic weight, with a GDP of nearly $29 trillion. Yet even Washington has since withdrawn from the Human Rights Council, calling it a cesspool of political bias”, distancing itself from the very process it once championed.

What remains is a small circle of Western states — the United Kingdom, Germany, Canada, and a handful of others in Europe and Oceania (including Australia and New Zealand).

Without the US/Canada/Australia, the Western bloc shrinks to:

·       1.4% of the world’s land

·       4–5% of the world’s population

·       15–18% of global GDP

With the US included, the Western bloc totals:

·       19% of landmass

·       9% of population

·       ~47% of world GDP

This bloc represents neither the majority of peoples nor the moral compass of our age. Collectively, they are a minority of nations — wealthy but isolated.

Global Balance of Power: NAM and its Strategic Partners

The imbalance is further exposed when one considers that, while the Western bloc relies on a handful of non-Western allies to inflate its voice, the Non-Aligned Movement is supported on principle by China and Russia — two permanent members of the UN Security Council who consistently resist Western unilateralism.

China and Russia combined:

·       Population: 1.56 billion

·       Landmass: 26.7 million km²

·       GDP: ~$23 trillion nominal (≈$43 trillion PPP)

NAM + China + Russia together:

·       Population: ~6.3 billion (≈74% of the world)

·       Landmass: ~122 million km² (≈82% of the world)

·       GDP: ~$46 trillion nominal (≈$100 trillion PPP)

This is the overwhelming global majority — in population, geography, and economic weight.

A Call to Unity

Your Excellencies,

The time has come to remember the founding principles of Bandung and Belgrade: non-alignment, sovereignty, equality, and resistance to neo-colonial interference.

·       If Sri Lanka’s precedent stands, tomorrow any NAM nation could be in the dock.

·       If NAM remains silent, the principle of presumption of innocence will be replaced by trial by resolution & kangaroo courts.

·       If NAM speaks with one voice, however, this experiment will end here.

Sri Lanka appeals not for sympathy, but for solidarity. 

What is at stake is not just my country, but the future of all Non-Aligned States.

Together, we represent the majority of the world’s population, the majority of the United Nations, and an ever-growing share of the global economy. Together, we can demand adherence to the UN Charter, the equality of sovereign nations, and a return to fairness and legality in multilateral processes. 

Let us unite & not allow UNHRC to weaponize human rights beyond its original mandate.

Today it is Sri Lanka. Tomorrow it may be your Nation. 

But united, no NAM country will ever stand alone.

Respectfully,
Shenali D Waduge
Sri Lankan Analyst, and Advocate for National Sovereignty  

By Sudath Gunasekara BA (Hons) PhD. Sri Lanka (Peradeniya) (SLAS. Class 1)

This proposal covers the whole of original Meemure Vasama that includes the Meemure village and few other hamlets of Gandeka Korale of Uda Dumbara in the Kandy district. It comprises the entire area north of Koratuwemunduna (Corbets Gap) surrounded by the Dotalugala-Dumbanagala-Kehelpathdoruwegala-Telambugala ridge in the South and East, Dotalugala-Paskulupav (Knuckles)-Kalupahana on the West and Kalupahana-Katakitula-Lakegala-Demalagala range in the North covering an area of about approximately about 35 sq miles.

Steeped in legend and mystery, the history of Meemure goes far back in to antiquity, as far back as 5000 years BC, to the days of Ravana the Great. The legendary Lankanagara and Mahatissagaama of Mahawamsa and Lankapura of Ravana are also associated with it. Furthermore, it is synonymous with the resplendent and legendary giant Lakegala or Lanka pabbatha, rising up to heavens behind the Meemure village, a towering bare giant rock, unseen and unheard anywhere else is also located in its northern boundary. It is an exceptional world wonder that is acclaimed as the biggest bare rock outcrop in the world, nature has gifted to mother Sri Lanka.

The Geographical Setting

Geographically Meemure is a mountainous area with towering and precipitous mountaintops clad with wet montane type of vegetation and narrow valleys with very little flat lands, displaying climatic extremes from West to East as well as North to South. from Dry Zone, Intermediate to Wet Zone, a unique climatic variation one can see anywhere else in this Island. In terms of longitude and latitude it is roughly located between 80.48-80.53 E and 7.22-7.28 within a span of 10 miles from West to East and covers an area of approximately about thirty-five-40 square miles of which over 98 % is still under forest, mountains and rocks.

The landscape descends from 6112 feet Paskulupav (Knuckles) at the western end to almost 500 feet above mean sea level at Kahatagahawela in the northeast.  Meemure basin surrounded by the circular rim of high mountain ranges all round starting at Koratuwe Muduna(Corbet’s Gap 4000 ft) – Dumbanagala in the South, Dotalu gala-Kinihhirigala-Sudu valalle kanda, Paskulupavva (6211) (Knuckles) and Selvakanda plateau (West) Kalupaana (5341, Wamaarapugala (5110)- Lakegala the Queen among mountains  in Sri Lanka(4324) in the North and  Telambugala (4368), Kehelpath doruwegala (East), (5016) and Dumbaanagala (5389) range again merging with Koratuwe Muduna in the South (4000) is a deep basin surrounded by a rim of steep and lofty mountains. It measures approximately seven miles from South to North and six miles from West to East approximately covering an area of about 42 sq miles. The Maha Oya Heenganga valley traversing at the center in a SW-NE direction encircled by a mountain ring on the West, East, South, and the North, dominating the entire landscape of the area. It is drained by Karambaketiya Oya, Maha Oya, Heenganga, Meemure Oya and Ravana Ela on the left bank and Matinwatte Oya, Na Ela and Kekelewatta Oya on the right bank of Heenganga. Of all these only the three left bank tributaries of Karambaketiya, Maha Oya and Heenganga are perennial.

The landscape of this area exhibits a steep drop from west to east and displays a colossal Amphitheatre with four incised mini amphitheaters representing the Karambaketiya, Heenganga and Meemure Oya valleys on the left bank and St Martin-Na Ela saddle on the right bank is also noteworthy in this regard.

The area gets its rain from the northeast monsoon from October to March. The rest of the year is dry. A special feature of the dry period is the dry wind (mundusulang) that devastates this area from April to August. These wuthering winds sweep across the valley drying up everything that comes within its grip. The rainfall increases as we come to the South. Thus, the annual rainfall at St Martin estate is as 170” whereas at Meemure it is even less than 100”. Temperature ranges are equally impressive. When mean temperature at Meemure village is around 90-95 F, readings at Kalupana or the Corbett’s Gap are often around 60-65 F. The month of Ill (Oct. to end of Dec ) is the rainy months in this region.

Modern geographers like Elsy Cook have named this region as the Nitre Cave District after the famous Nitre Cave found on the western slopes of the eastern ranges. John Davy who visited this cave in 1821 has given a fascinating account of this cave. According to him it is the biggest Nitre cave in Sri Lanka.

A northward view from Koratuwe muduna (Corbet’s Gap)- named after surveyor Corbet who surveyed the Koratu kandu (Knuckles area) in the latter part of the 19^th century. It is also called Attalamettuwa (not Attalawettuwa as some people call it) derived from the Tamil word Attaaleyi Medu-(a wooden platform to load logs to lorries, cut from the forest to feed the British owned Tea factories in the Ferndale- Rangala areas. On a clear day it affords a unique scenic splendor one may not see anywhere in the world. Lazarus calls these mountain ranges, Ceylon’s Elegant Mountains” Probably Corbet called the whole area Knuckles” after he was fascinated by the five peaks mountain he saw from Peradeniya-Kandy Road. Kandy. (I have renamed it as Panchakuuta Pabbatha or Paskulupav as it is seen with five conspicuous summits, thereby giving a local interpretation.

Administrative Divisions.

Prior to 1980s Meemure was one GS Division. But at present Meemure comprises of five Grama Sevaka Divisions. They are Meemure, Kaikawala, Pusse Ela, Kumbukgolla (also called Naela) and Karambaketiya. Total population in all five divisions is 1614, Meemure with the highest, 472. The approximate area of this region is about 42 sq miles of which only 473.3* acres come under paddy (1.5%). Paddy cultivation is the only noteworthy economic activity. Hena cultivation which occupied the second most important place in the village economy is no more there now due to banning by government. This decision by Colombo based persons who are utterly ignorant of the economy of this village has badly crippled the village economy and brought about many a hardship to these villagers. The paddy field, home garden and the hena supported by the forest around the village form the four pillars of its economy. Area presently under homesteads and sporadic Cardamom cultivations is negligible due to banning by the Government under the Knuckles Reserve. Incidentally small-scale Cardamom cultivation by the native villagers to Meemure and Kaikavala below 3500 ft was introduced by me in1967 against a move by some outsiders who tried to open up the main Knuckle watersheds like Garandithalawa and the whole Knuckle area, when I was DRO Uda Dumbara (1966 May -April 1971)

 This means 98.5 % of the area is still under forest. Leaving a margin for reserved forests, patan, steep mountains, stream reservations and rock outcrops, still there would be a very large extent of arable land available for agricultural pursuits, provided there is water.  This provides a rough clue to the development potentials of the region.

The three main constraints of development in this region are

1.Lack of proper roads (a motorable road was constructed in 2022, up to Meemure proper 9 miles from the Corbet’s Gap, as it was named after the British rule.)

2.Inadequate water and lack of all other infra structure facilities

3.Neglect and lack of commitment by all governments since Independence in 1948.

Proposed Master Development Plan for Meemure.

I give below an outline of an updated development plan proposed for the region, which I have conceived way back in late 1960s when I was working as the Divisional Revenue Officer of Udadumbara (2nd.June.1966 to 1st.April. 1971).

The Proposed Plan

  This is only an outline. Therefore, it needs to be studied in details as to its feasibility and cost   estimates etc by subject specialists before it is implemented.

1 Roads

The present road has to be improved beyond Dambada as priority no.1. The entire section has been haphazardly and unscientifically done in the past using the ancient footpath without an engineering survey done.. The repairs and successive constructions have only fattened the contractors. If someone can at least do the drains and repair the damaged sections immediately, the existing road could be made usable until a better one is constructed.

New Proposals Roads

1.Improve Rangala- Ferndale-Corbett’s Gap Road. This was constructed by the British planters in 1880s as an access road to their plantations in St Martin. Engineering wise it is the best access road to Meemure and also shorter than via Hunnasgiriya by 3 miles.

2.Attend to repairs of Hunnasgiriya-Loolwatta-Corbett’s Gap section as a supplementary to the present Uda Dumbra -Loolwatta road.

3 Re-do the present Corbett’s Gap Meemure Meegahamula road on the contour where necessary

4 Extend the present road from Karambaketiya via St Martin’s –Welgala, Kekalewatta to   Totillagasyaya Minipe stage 11 or Nugagolla through Hulugune, Minipe stage 111.

 5 A new deviation to the right from this road through Galamuduna-Pallegaladebokka-Udattawa to Udawela is also suggested.

  6 Link up the Meemure-Hettipola road with the St Martin-Totillagasyaya Road at Kekalewatta by a bridge across Heenganga at Kekalewatta.

7 Link up present Damboda Meemure road with the right bank road with a bridge across Mahaoya below Martinwatta.

8 Construct two new roads linking Meemure with Remanure in the north and Meemure with Hettipola Pallegama road through Dandeni Kumbura and Kivulevaadiya on the left Bank of Heen ganga.

9 Within the Meemure two roads are proposed

1. A feeder road from Meehghamula through the village to Kamath godella without disrupting the traditional village set up
2. The main road from Meemure to Naranagamuwa to be constructed starting at a point below the village from Kendagolla on the present road to link it up with the Meemure Narangamuwa Road at Kamathgodella. This is proposed to be linked with the Naranagmuwa road at Kamatahgodella by taking it over the propsed Wekade Reservoir on the Dalukgolla Wekade- Gorakaththawela LB Ela.

Improvements to the existing road from Karambaketoya to Meemure proper.

An engineering survey of the entire length from Damboda to Meemure village proper should be also done as a first step prior to undertaking any improvements to the existing road as a first step in order to guarantee the sustainability of the present road to Meemure. This could be done on a contour. using the present road as the base line.

Irrigation

b)  Construct the following new reservoirs. 

             1)  Maha Oya at or above 2500 ft msl (Karambaketiya as given in the Rangala 1 inch sheet)

             2) Karamabketiya oya 1700 ‘

Both these will augment the present Maha Oya-Heenganga supply going up to Bathalahena in Meemure proper.

(It is also proposed that all that area between the Corbet’s Gap and Karamaba ketiya Reservoir should be declared a strict reserved area of the Karambaketiya Reservoir.)

             3 Heenganga above Kaikawala-2000 ft msl. In addition to augmenting the Mahaoya -Heenganga ela supply, this reservoir is also expected to provide drinking water to Welangolla and Gedume settlements where the new administrative, cultural and the commercial centers are proposed to be located.

            4) On Meemure Oya at Dalukgolla 1500 ft msl. (priority one)

           5) Meemure at Wekade at 1400 ft msl and Wewatenna (Both                    

    these sites are ancient village tanks).

           6) Daagavilla Reservoire on Heenganga-Maha Oya confluence just below Kaikawala at   1200 ft msl. It is proposed to construct two Elas from Dagevilla rerservoir RB going up to Diyapihilla and LB linking with Wekade – Kekelewatta Ela . going up to Kekelewatt

           7) Na- Ela at 1700 ft msl south of Niter Cave.

           8) Martinwatta oya at 2000’ ft. Both 7 and 8 are expected to augment Dagevilla reservoir in addition to providing water for settlements and paddy field under their command.

All these are new reservoirs.

They will not only augment the present supplies but they will also bring large extents of new land under the plough as they will store all rain water from North East monsoon that flows in to the Indian Ocean at present down the Heenganga and Mahaweli. These new tanks will bring nearly 3000 acres, if not more, of new land under irrigation when completed. They will also increase the Yala extent appreciably, almost double the asweddumized area

Kalupahana- Meemure Trans-basin canal (This was first conceived by me in 1959 August when I was in my second year at Peradeniya on the day I climbed Kalupana peak and spent the night on its top. (5341)

Under this proposal it is proposed to build a trans basin canal to divert the waters of Naranatta Oya (A tributary of Kaluganga) to the Meemure Oya (Dimbigolle Oya). This is to be constructed at an elevation of 4000 ft msl, to take the waters of six other RB tributaries of Kaluganga to its destination Proposed Dalukgolla reservoir in Meemure. The approximate length of the canal is about 4 miles. This new supply will make Meemure Oya perennial and provide enough water to fill the proposed Dalukgolla reservoir on the Meemure Oya to enhance its irrigation and hydro-electricity generation potentialities. It could even enable the entire paddy acreage in Meemure to be cultivated for both seasons, which will revolutionize the present income levels of the villagers. Linking up Wekade with Dalukgolla reservoir also should be explored under this work.

(Since the Kuda Oya and Walpolamulla Oya (Both LB tributaries of Kaluganga) provide enough supplies, no threat is expected to the Kaluganga present supply. Further, constructing a reservoir just below Walpolamulla Oya –Kaluganga confluence, could increase the downstream Kaluganga supply. This will enhance the acreage cultivated in downstream areas like Batadanduwala, Rambukkoluwa and Gangahenwala. Therefore, diversion of part of head waters of Naranatta Oya to Meemure Oya will not create any water problems to the Kaluganga downstream area.)

At present Meemure village proper has a total of 70.57 ha of paddy of which only 13.7 ha are cultivated for yala season due to lack of water. The proposed Dalukgolla reservoir with the Kalupana augmentation could store sufficient water even to double the present total acreage for both seasons. New areas could be brought under the plough under the following canals.

It is proposed to construct two new Elas RB and LB from this reservoir. In addition, it will also be used to generation Hydro-electricity

a) Dalukgolla-Udakumbura-Bathala Hena RB Ela; approximately3 miles. To be linked up with the Mhaoya -Heenganga -Meemure oya Ela at Bathalahena

b) Dalukgolla-Moragolla-Bathalahenpitiya-Wekade LB Ela also to be linked up with the Maha Oya Heenganga- Meemure oya Ela at Bathalahena.;(about 2 1/2 miles) c)

In addition, these new reservoirs will also improve the water table and the microclimate of the entire region and provide water for the generation of hydro- electricity as well. I am confident that the construction of these 8 tanks will definitely make King Parakramabahus epic statement, that not a drop of water fallen from the heavens should be allowed to escape to the sea without being made use of for the benefit of man, a reality once again in our context. This proposed new irrigation network if constructed, will revolutionize the ecology, landscape and the economic prospects of the entire Meemure basin.

In addition to its irrigation potentials, the Wekade weva will also turn out to be a rare tourist attraction as it is expected to reflect the shadow of the mesmerizing, resplendent and the giant Lakegala, the biggest and the most enchanting largest bare rock in the whole world that was also supposed to be the abode of legendary Ravana the Great in the distant past.

The proposed network of reservoirs and irrigation canals will completely change the geographic landscape of the region.

Agriculture

 Paddy

 Increase the present acreage under paddy. This could be done in two ways; by increasing the existing Yala acreage and increasing the total area under paddy with additional water from the proposed new reservoirs. This project is expected to bring nearly 3000 new acres under paddy.

 Bring Cardamom under better management so that it will not be a danger to environmental destruction (I don’t agree with banning cardamom cultivation as it provides an important source of income for these villagers and also cardamom cultivation has been accepted as the best form of land use for this type of forests. Between 3500-4000).

    Introduce new cash crops such as pepper, coffee, cinnamon, cotton, citrus, Kaju, peanuts, ginger, lime and mango, jack, banana, papow and even grapes. etc. on a large scale as well as home garden basis.

    A programme of cultivating medicinal plants like Binkohomba, Nelli, Aralu and Bulu may also be tried out.

Large scale a programme of subsidiary food crops like onions, chilies, garlic, turmeric, yams, finger millet, corn, green gram, gram, peanuts and vegetable like drumsticks, pumpkin, watermelon etc. Some of these could be grown both on high lands and also in paddy fields where water is not adequate for paddy in yala.

    Livestock farming. A programme of water buffalo, need cattle, goats fowls,and even Sheep raring could be tried under this programme.

    Bee keeping. This could be very successful since there are sufficient forests around this area.

    Fruit cultivation like banana, mango, citrus, papaw, pine apple, grapes, oranges and grapes etc.

Education

There are three schools here at the moment, Meemure, Kaikawala and Na-Ela (Kumbukgolla). But facilities are depressing. Therefore, this has to be taken up as a priority. Two Primary and Junior Schols at Meemure village and Kmbukgolla and a Central School at Welangolla.

Industry

Agro-based cottage industries are recommended. Handicrafts like household items such as rattan and bamboo baskets and read mats etc also could be developed, as the talent needed is available here. Beekeeping is another industry where there is very big potentiality in this area. The cottages in the proposed cultural village (existing) could be used for this.

Environmental conservation

A comprehensive environmental conservation programme should constitute   a major component of this development project. All land above 4500 ft; over 60 % gradient, source areas and all other vulnerable areas should be strictly protected.

Urban development

A new town to accommodate this development thrust and cater to the increased socio-economic needs may have to be opened up in a central place where adequate facilities like land access and water are available. Two sites are proposed for this purpose. They are Geduma and Velangolla. Both are centrally located flat areas lying between the two villages of Meemure and Kaikawala. Enough land is available here. Water could be brought from the proposed Heenganga reservoir. Easy access is also available from the main road.

Velangolla.

I propose the Administrative Town to be sited at Velangolla, where the Central School, Hospital, Post office, Bank, VC office, and shopping complex serving both as a collection and service center and a sales point and other facilities needed for such a town-let are available. Present Kaikawala health center should be improved at least to a cottage hospital till such time.

Geduma

Located on a more scenic and elevated vantage location right at the center of Meemure is to be reserved for a cultural complex. I have a plan to construct a temple, to be named as Lankaramaya here depicting the ancient history of this village, taking it back to Ravana’s period, the Mahvamsa episode of Lankanagara of Kuweni and the famous narrative of Maliyadeva Mahaa Thera vs Sulugulu Upasaka referring to the Lankaa pabbatha and Mahaatissagaama coming in Pali Rasavaahini. Ven. Prof. Kumburugamuwe Vajira Thero Chancellor of Sabargamuwa Univesiity once told me that The Sacred Tooth Relict (Dalada vaahansei) also had been hidden here at Meemure Gallena, on the left bank of Meemure Oya during the tumultuous time of the Kandyan Kingdom. Considering all these episodes I also have a plan to Construct a Sthupa here on the Ruwanweli seya model

My ambition is to make it a traditional Sinhala cultural and religious complex like no other in this country, in order to tell the whole world, the hidden secrets of this ancient and pristine story of this historic village Meemure.

  Mini-hydro projects

Mini- hydro projects are recommended for all the reservoirs proposed. The projects should be connected to the national grid. They will provide the required power for the local needs both domestic and industrial. There is also a 33 KV HT supply proposed by the CECB via Laggala-Pallegama under ADB assistance which I understand is abandoned at the moment. (CEB Ref. No. ADB3 KUDDB 105: File No: UD 105). It is suggested that this project be re-activated. I also suggest that they change the proposed KV line route and take it on the eastern side of Lakegala. It will not only reduce the distance and cost but also the damage that would have caused to the upper watersheds covered with primary forests.

Prospects of wind power should also be studied, as there is a long spell of windy season from April to October in this region.

Tourism

This is another area where there are enormous potentials. The captivating scenic beauty that is not found in any other region in Sri Lanka could attract thousands of tourists from world over. The fantasy that opens up at the Koratuwe muduna (Corbat’s Gap) coupled with the mesmerizing triangular profile of Lakegala alone will create a tourist boom. Lakegala (4329 ft), a vertical bare rock outcrop measuring over 2500 ft from the ground level is the highest bare rock outcrop I have seen in the whole world. Its unparalleled exposed height, enormous beauty and the panorama one could witness from its summit are destined to make it a number one tourist attraction in the whole world. Many a foreigner have already described this are as an area with a unique scenic beauty not seen in any other part of the world.

The following cable car services are also recommended.

a)   Corbet’s Gap –Dumbanagala and Corbets Gap-Dotalugala

b)   Geduma to Meeriyagolla from there to the summit of Lakegala            c) From Geduma to Nitre Cave (According to John Davy this is the biggest Nitre cave in Sri Lanka.)       

Rāvana Asapuwa An aesthetic project at Na Ela

It is proposed that an aesthetic center (A Kala Kendraya) be set up in Na Ela at the foothills of Kosgolla Hills overlooking the panoramic valley of Meemure and Lakegala. This should be called Ravana Asapuwa” in memory of Ravana the Great who, according to legend is supposed to have built his capital Lankapura in the vicinity of Lakegala.  It is also suggested that this center be modeled on the line of Santiniketan of Tagore, but of cause with Sri Lankan identity. This should be developed as the center for all performing Sri Lankan arts with facilities for research and development. It should also have theatres- both open and indoor and residential facilities. The RB Heenganga Road will provide access. There was a similar idea in early 1950 by a group of aesthetic minded people like proctor Meemanapalana but it was later abandoned. They, I understand, bought the land comprising 1000 acres, for this project. 

Foot Note

When implementing this programme of development precaution should be taken not to destroy the purana village between the historic Mee tree and the proposed Wekade weva. The Unique architectural and sociological characteristics of the buildings, stone fences, Bo-maluwa and the traditional cluster type of houses” that is usually found in an ancient Sinhala village demonstrating its unique socio-economic and cultural characteristics must be preserved for posterity as a national heritage. These houses could be used as venues of traditional cottage industries. This traditional village could be preserved and named as the Meemure Under the shadow of Lakegala” like the Shakespeare village by the side of river Avon in England as a tourist attraction displaying the life style of the ancient village. In addition to the items gazetted under the Antiquities Ordinance on 18.6 1999 in No 1085 as protected monuments the following items also should be gazette. Bomaluwa, Katupandure linda, the Meda walawwa site where the two-princess o Sri Wickrama Rajasingha stayed, Dambagahaella burial site of the two Princess and the Historic Meegaha at the entrance to the village.

1    The road,

2    The Naranatte-Meemure oya transbasin ela and

3    The Proposed Irrigation cum Hydroelectricity projects

are the three live wires of this whole proposal. This programme of development should definitely open new vistas of prosperity for this area and transform it to an entirely a different landscape beyond our comprehension. The new road network will link up the East with the West by a new road between Kandy, Trinco and Battticaloa and open up an area hitherto secluded from the outside world. With the new economic activities generated, employment opportunities should increase at an unprecedented scale. Thereby the income levels and the standard of life of the local people will go up. As a result, the new development thrust should be able to support at least ten times the present population (Present population 1614).

This will complete the process of opening up the doors of the 21st century world for this secluded ancient village with new economic, social and educational opportunities that will arrest the present trend of serious ru-urban migration that will obliterate this ancient villages from the map of Sri Lanka as it has already happened to many villages in the Laggala area.

The completion of this project will definitely open a new chapter in the history of this hither to secluded ancient village and usher in  an era of prosperity, dignity and unprecedented fame.

Courtesy The Island

Prof. Roberts / Kadirgamar

In June 1991, the then Army Chief of Staff, Major General Cecil Waidyaratne, submitted to the government a document outlining an overall strategy to conclusively defeat the LTTE. One of the recommendations in the Major General’s proposal was that the Navy should be expanded more than the Army. His argument was that the terrorists were dependent on arms and supplies by sea and the cutting off of such supplies would enable the Army to successfully combat terrorism on land” (The Island, August 11, 2025).

Published below are extracts of a presentation titled ‘Three Questions on Conflict Resolution’ by Sir Adam Roberts, Emeritus Professor of International Relations at Balliol College, University of Oxford, to commemorate the 20th death anniversary of former Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar (Sunday Times, August 10, 2025). The three questions are:

1 ARE CEASEFIRE AGREEMENTS NECESSARILYTHE RIGHT APPROACH?

Quoting from the extract: Calls for ceasefire agreements (CFA) have become an almost standard response of the international community to ongoing armed conflicts …. However, there is a question about whether calls for ceasefires are always the right approach. Have they sometimes been adopted more out of habit than from a realistic appraisal of a particular situation? ….. Kadirgamar, who was on the opposition benches in Parliament…. gradually came to see it structurally flawed, as vulnerable to violations by the LTTE, and as failing to lead on to any broader measures of conflict resolution. His critique of the CFA in his speech in Parliament in Colombo on 8 May 2003 presents a uniquely coherent, even forensic criticism of this agreement. He did not spell out exactly what the alternatives to the CFA might be, but that was evident enough: it was a continuation of the war involving the application of relentless military, economic, and political pressure on the LTTE”.

2 ARE EXTERNAL ROLES IN INTERNAL CONFLICTS BOUND TO RUN INTO DIFFICULTIES?

Continuing, the extract states: In the Sri Lankan conflict, there were broadly speaking three types of external involvement and/or assisting the hard-pressed population of conflict areas. All three ran into difficulties”.

The Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF)which was deployed under the terms of the 1987 Indo-Lanka Agreement to Establish Peace and Normalcy in Sri Lanka, sought to impose disarmament provisions of the agreement on the LTTE, which was not a party to the agreement. The Norwegian –led Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM)established within weeks of signing of the CFA on 22 February 2002, had a strictly defined monitoring role. After operating for six years, its activities were terminated on 16 January 2008, just two weeks after the Sri Lankan Government’s withdrawal from the CFA. Like the CFA to which it was inextricably linked, it was extensively criticised during its active years and subsequently. As a Norwegian report issued in November 2011 stated, some LTTE sympathisers blamed the Norwegians for being complicit in a process that weakened the rebel movement, while among Muslim and Sinhala constituencies there was perceived Norwegian appeasement of the LTTE. Within Sri Lanka a damning critique of the SLMM was included in the December 2011 report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission”.

3 ARE SAFETY ZONES INHERENTLY PROBLEMATIC?

According to the extract: What went wrong in the no fire zone in Sri Lanka that had been unilaterally proclaimed by the Sri Lankan Army? They proved in the end to be a death trap for many who had fled there. Far from being safety zones, they turned out to be extraordinarily unsafe. Why was this so? From a variety of sources, we now have a picture of zones where there were repeated shelling including many on or in the area of hospitals. There is pervasive evidence that there was a strong LTTE presence and that the LTTE did not permit the civilians to leave”.

There are some structural reasons for these failures. A proclaimed safety zone is likely to contain, and even attract, large number of civilians, but also some belligerent forces, who may themselves seek safety there or may plan and conduct military operations from safe area, or may want to control movement of civilians in and out of it. They may even seek to practice ‘lawfare’, where belligerents by inducing or faking attacks on civilians try to present their adversaries as violating the laws of war. Unless there are significant and properly thought-out arrangements for defence management of a safety zone, it can become a magnet for military involvement and activities of all kinds”.

COMMENTS on the THREE QUESTIONS

CFAs and External Roles in conflicts between Sovereign States is vastly different to CFAs and External Roles in Internal Armed Conflicts. The primary reason being that in the case of the former, sovereign States can be held accountable for violations of International Law relating to Armed Conflicts, while in the case of the latter, where non-state actors and sovereign States are involved in internal Armed Conflicts, rules of war are not enforceable to equal degrees between parties to the conflict because non-state actors such as the LTTE, in reality, cannot be held accountable to the same degree as the Sri Lankan State, despite being equal parties to the Armed Conflict as stated in the CFA.

This difference was exploited by the LTTE when they concealed their identities by shedding their distinctive uniforms and took the civilians in the safety zones hostage and used them as a human shield and resorted to ‘lawfare’ as described by Sir Roberts, thus making the safety zones Inherently Problematic”. In the context of how events unfolded, the fourth question that should be asked is whether the Sri Lankan State is more accountable for violations committed by adopting the strategy of safety zones” with the intention of ensuring the safety of the civilians or the LTTE who exploited the opportunity presented to their advantage, by merging with the civilians in complete disregard to their plight.

A fifth question is whether the adoption of the strategy of a CFA was entirely an initiative of the Sri Lankan State or did Sri Lanka capitulate under external pressure of the Norwegians considering the fact that it was the Norwegians who brokered the CFA to give legitimacy to the LTTE similar to current relentless pressures by the likes of Volker Turk for investigation and prosecution? Under the circumstances, should not the Norwegians also be a party to the accountability exercise?

In view of these serious questions to which there are no ready answers, the statement that is reported to be in the forthcoming Report of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Turk, appears to be nothing but an exercise to look for a ready scape goat – the Sri Lankan State, in the absence of anyone to represent the LTTE when it states: While the primary responsibility for investigating and prosecuting crimes under international law and ensuring accountability lies with the Government of Sri Lanka, this can be complimented and supported by international means”(Daily FT, August 14, 2025) For the UNHRC to continue to recommend External Roles, notwithstanding the difficulties raised by Sir Roberts cited above, is not to have learnt any lessons from the past.

One lesson that should be learnt is to acknowledge the complexity of the issues involved with the Armed Conflict in Sri Lanka because the many players associated with it, make it next to impossible to hold one party or individual accountable. Is it the party that recommends a strategy or the one who implements it, despite its structural flaws and vulnerabilities”? Investigating and prosecuting as recommended by Volker Turk can only apply to individual penal responsibility. If Command responsibility also applies, it should apply to all who participate in pressuring the Government of Sri Lanka without diligent appraisal and failing to take into account the demonstrated character of the LTTE was more out of habit than from a realistic appraisal of a particular situation”.as stated by Sir Roberts.

AN ALTERNATIVE

As stated in Sir Robert’s extracts, although Kadirgamar was critical of the CFA, He did not spell out exactly what the alternative to the CFA might be”. However, there was an alternative. In the course of the review of Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda’s The Turning Point”, C.A. Chandraprema states: Throughout the decade of the 1980s, as separatist terrorism developed into a full blown civil war, nobody had given much thought to a comprehensive strategy to defeat the LTTE. However, after the Indian involvement ended in 1990, and Sri Lanka was left to its own devices, the need for such a strategy became evident. In June 1991, the then Army Chief of Staff, Major General Cecil Waidyaratne, submitted to the government a document outlining an overall strategy to conclusively defeat the LTTE. One of the recommendations in the Major General’s proposal was that the Navy should be expanded more than the Army. His argument was that the terrorists were dependent on arms and supplies by sea and the cutting off of such supplies would enable the Army to successfully combat terrorism on land” (The Island, August 11, 2025).

I am personally aware of a similar proposal being sent to former President J.R. Jayewardene, who had it read out to him at his breakfast table. Apparently, it was presented to the Service Chiefs but was dismissed by them on grounds that the conflict in Sri Lanka was a Land war. Whatever the underlying reasons may have been, personal or strategic, the fact that the concept of denying supplies to the enemy is as old as warfare, and therefore cannot and should not have been discounted. The idea of the proposal was to build up the Navy to create a Cordon Sanitaire”, out at sea and away from civilians, instead of along the coast, to prevent arms and supplies from reaching the LTTE and thus gradually ending the conflict through attrition. Had former Governments considered this option seriously, considering that its merits far outweigh the cost of a Land war, Sri Lanka would not be facing the multiplicity of charges it is now being presented with.

CONCLUSION

Emeritus Professor of Balliol College, University of Oxford, Sir Adam Roberts, in his book Democracy, Sovereignty and Terror – Lakshman Kadirgamar on the Foundation of International Order”, presents three defining questions as challenges to Conflict Resolution. They are the Cease Fire Agreement, External Role in the Armed Conflict and Safety Zones. By raising these questions, Sir Roberts highlights the structural flaws and vulnerabilities” of the strategies deployed during Sri Lanka’s Armed Conflict making them a barrier to post-conflict reconciliation.

In such a context for Volker Turk to propose investigating and prosecuting crimes under international law”, reflects his inability to make a realistic appraisal of the challenges involved due to the fact that after 16 years in which the members of the LTTE who were responsible for individual violations and others for command and control of violations cannot be located and identified. Since they are not likely to volunteer, tracking them in various parts of the world would not only be a daunting undertaking but also time consuming not to mention the prohibitive cost. On the other hand, such challenges would be significantly less in the case of Sri Lankan Security Forces. The net effect is a seriously flawed and skewed outcome where investigations and prosecutions against the Security Forces would far outweigh those against former members of the LTTE. Such disparities would NOT facilitate a reconciled nation but instead, one that would be even more bitter and polarized. As for Volker Turk, should he not be held accountable for a failed outcome, as it was with the External Role of Norway.

The only hope for Sri Lanka is for it to be blessed with a Government that has the Chutzpah to make a realistic appraisal of the ground situation and acknowledge that, instead of adopting the strategy recommended by Volker Turk which is in keeping with external values of Retributive Justice followed by inevitable bitterness associated with it, to adopt a strategy that mirrors Sri Lanka’s heritage of Restorative Justice as being in its long term best interests. Such a strategy would be to grant a general amnesty to all associated with the Armed Conflict and focus on the present by attending to the physical wellbeing of the survivors of all communities in a tangible way. (https://island.lk/a-model-for-reconciliation/).

What Sri Lanka is witnessing today is the cost of choosing wrong strategies in the execution of Sri Lanka’s Armed Conflict. Having missed the opportunity to neutralize the capabilities of the LTTE by means of a Naval Cordon Sanitaire” out at sea to prevent arms and supplies reaching the LTTE; a strategy that was adopted only during the latter stages of the Armed Conflict. Even at this late stage, the government should, invest in building a strong Navy to defend the interests and security of Sri Lanka if Sri Lanka is to overcome persistent threats from drug smuggling, human trafficking, illegal poaching etc. and the destruction of maritime resources caused by bottom trawling. In addition, Sri Lanka has to acknowledge that there is a compelling need to equip itself with a strong Navy backed by Air surveillance to ensure its security independent of others, for its security and the protection of its resources in its territorial waters and beyond, in the Exclusive Economic Zone.

ආචාර්ය සුදත් ගුණසේකර මහනුවර

මේ පාපකාරී විකාරයට මුල්වි ක්‍රියා කරණුයේ කවදත් මොණර නැටුමට කැමැති බලලෝභී මුග්ධ  දේශපාලකයින් සහ කහවණු වලට ගිජු හරසුන් මහනුවර නගරයේ   ධනලෝභී කච්චපුට ව්‍යාපාරකයින් පමණි. දේශපාලකයින්ට අවශ්‍ය චන්දය පමණි. ව්‍යාපාරකයින්ට අවශ්‍ය සල්ලි පමණි. ඒ දෙක ලැබෙනවානම් ඔවුන් තමන්ගේ අම්මා වුවද පාවා දෙනු ඇත.ඔවුන්ට කළනොහැකි පාපයක් හෝ වරදක් මිහිපිට නැත. ඔවුන්ට රට,ජාතිය, ආගම, සන්ස්කෘතිය, ශිෂ්ඨාචාරය හෝ හෝ සමාජ හරයන්ගෙන් ඇති වැඩක් නැත.

පූර්ණ රාජ්‍ය අනුග්‍රහය ඇතිව බලධාරීන් විසින් සිදුකරන  මෙවැනි ආගම්ද්‍රෝහි, දේශද්‍රෝහී, ජාතිද්‍රෝහී ඕනෑම අසමජ්ජාති ජරා වැඩකට වුවද, ජීවත්වීම සඳහා රජයෙන් වැටුප් ලබන රාජ්‍ය නිළධාරින්ටද, මෙවැනි වැඩ තම හිතට විරුද්ද වුවද, උපේක්ෂාවෙන් ඒ දෙස අසරණව බලා සිටිම හැර වෙන කිසිවක්ද කළ නොහැක.

මේ විකාරයන්ට නගරයේ බහුතරය විරුද්ධ වුවද දේශපාලන මැර බලය ඉදිරියේ අද ඔවුන්ද තටු කැපූ කුරුල්ලන් මෙන් අසරනව ඇත. ඔවුන් සියළු දෙනාම දේශපාලන මැරකම් ඉදිරියේ අසරණ ඇත. 

යථාර්ථ එය බැවින්, මෙවැනි ව්‍යශනයන්ගෙන් රට,ජාතිය.සාශනය මෙන්ම සිවුරද, එසේම මේ රටේ 2566 ක ඒ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ ශිස්ඨාචාරයද බේරා ගැනීමේ පූර්ණ වගකීම පැවරී ඇත්තේ තුන්සින්හලය පුරා ගමක් ගමක් හා වනගත අසපුවක් අසපුවක් ගානේ වැඩසිටින වසර 2566 ක ඉතිහාශය පුරා මේ රට හා ජාතිය රැකගත් රජුන්ට උපදස්දෙමින්, පාලකයින් යහ මඟට ගත් එසේම ඇතැම් අවස්ථාවලදී ථෙර පුත්ථාභය මහතෙරුන්  මෙන් තාවකාලිකව උපැවිදිවද රට දැය සමය ආරක්ෂාකොට ගැනීම සඳහා  දිවි දෙවැනිකොට යුධ පෙරමුණට පවා වඩිමින්, මේ සින්හල රටේ හා ජාතියේ මුර දේවතාවන් වශයෙන් විරුදාවලත්,   ලක්දෙරණ සහ සින්හල ජාතිය මෙන්ම සම්බුද්ධ සාශනය ද රැකගත් ඒ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ සඟ පරපුරකින් පැවත එන මල්වතු අස්ගිරි උභය නිකායික මහානායක හිමිවරුන්ද සහ   රාමඥ අමරපුර නිකායන්හි මහානායක හිමිවරුන් ඇතුළු 42,000 කට අධික බුද්ධ පුත්‍රයින් වහන්සේලාට මිස වෙනත් කිසිවෙකුට මේ දේශපාලකයින් සහ කච්චපුටයින් සිදු කරන මෙවැනි ජාතික අපරාධ නතරකළ නොහැක.

එබැවින් මේ තීරනාත්මක අවස්ථාවේදී සින්හල බෞද්ධයින්ගේ මුදුන්මල්කඩ වන ශ්‍රි දළදා හිමියන් වැඩසිටින ලොව පුරා  සිටින සින්හල බෞද්ධයිගේ පමණක් නොව සමස්ත ලෝකවාසි බෞද්ධයින්ගේම ඉමහත් ගෞරවාදරයට  හා වන්දනාවට භාජන වී ඇති වර්තමාන ලෝක බෞද්ධයින්ගේ අති පුජනීය වූද වන්දනීය වූද ආගමික හා සන්ස්කෘතික මුදුන්මල්කඩවූ ශ්‍රී දළදා මාලිගාව ඉදිරියේ සිදුකරණ මේ ජාතික,ආගමික හා සන්ස්කෘතික අපරාධය වහාම නතරකරන මෙන් මෙහි දේශපාලන සහ කච්චපුට සන්විධායකයින්ට නියෝගකරණමෙන්ද  තවදුරටත් මේ උතුම් නගරය සල්ලාල මානසික රෝගීන්ගෙන් බේරා ගන්නා මෙන්ද සමස්ථ ශ්‍රී ළන්කා වාසී බෞද්ධ ජනතාව මෙන්ම සමස්ත ලෝකවාසි බෞද්ධයින් වෙනුවෙන් මම ගෞරවයෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිමි.

.එසේ කිරීමෙන් පසුව වුවද සන්විධායක මස් වැද්දන් මෙය නතර නොකළහොත්  ශ්‍රී ලන්කාවාසී මහාසන්ඝ රත්නය දහස්ගණනින් වැඩමකොට මේ කෝලම වහාම නතර කොට එහි ප්‍රධාන සන්විධායකයින්ට වහාම සිය රාජ්‍ය තනතුරුවලින් ඉල්ලා අස්වන මෙන් බලකරන මෙන්ද මම ලිල්ලා සිටිමි

ආචාර්ය සුදත් ගුණසේකර මහනුවර

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, August 20 (Daily Mirror) – Former President Maithripala Sirisena today claimed that the mastermind behind the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings is well known to intelligence services, the military, and governments, but remains beyond Sri Lanka’s reach.

Speaking at an event at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute, Sirisena said that despite ongoing efforts to identify those responsible, the truth cannot be revealed to the public. Everyone knows who the mastermind is. People in every government, the military, and intelligence agencies know where the mastermind is. But we cannot fight him,” he said.

The former President further alleged that serious crimes had been deliberately orchestrated to tarnish his image, destroy his government, and weaken his party.

Turning to geopolitics, Sirisena warned that the recently signed Indo-Lanka defence agreements could lead to major issues in the future, similar to the Indo-Lanka Accord of the 1980s. He also highlighted that provincial councils have remained inactive for more than a decade, wasting millions of rupees annually.

On global affairs, Sirisena said world peace and sustainable development are at risk due to the war mindset” of certain world leaders. Citing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as an example, he accused powerful nations of fuelling conflicts instead of addressing global poverty.

Courtesy The Morning

The main Opposition, the Samagi Jana Balwegaya (SJB) accused the Government of nepotism through appointing those linked to the ruling National People’s Power (NPP) to a number of high-ranking public service and diplomatic positions.

SJB Parliamentarian, attorney Chithral Fernando made these allegations while speaking at a press briefing held yesterday (21).

Before it came to power, the NPP stated that it will not give any person any government position based on friendships. However, a large number of individuals that supported the NPP’s victory have been given chairperson positions in Government institutions and secretary positions in ministries.”

Fernando alleged that an NPP member who contested in elections and lost and another individual who is a member of the NPP-run collective for retired military personnel have been given ambassador positions, which he said goes against President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s statement that only the qualified would be appointed to ambassador positions. Moreover, he claimed that a number of other members of various groups run by the NPP have been appointed to high-level positions in the public sector including those handling disaster management, telecommunication, ports, and excise.

Courtesy Daily Mirror

Colombo, August 21 (Daily Mirror) – Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe has been called before the FCID tomorrow for a statement to be recorded on his  tour to London. 

Wickremesinghe went on a tour to London to attend a convocation of his wife Professor Maithree Wickremesinghe during his tenure as President.

Masood Ashraf, USA

The consumption of pork is unequivocally forbidden in Islam. This command is not merely an arbitrary dietary law but a direct instruction from God. In the Holy Quran, Allah declares: He has made unlawful to you only that which dies of itself, and blood and the flesh of swine, and that on which the name of any other than Allah has been invoked.” (Surah al-Baqarah, Ch.2: V.174)

The term used for pork, lahm al-khinzir, is described as rijs, meaning impure or abominable. This prohibition is repeated across the Quran in several places, thus highlighting its moral gravity and spiritual significance. (See Surah al-Maidah, Ch.5: V.5, Surah al-An’am, Ch.6: V.147, and Surah an-Nahl, Ch.16: V.117)

Islam does not base the worth of a command on whether humans comprehend its wisdom fully. Instead, divine commandments are to be followed out of obedience and trust in God’s superior wisdom.

Interestingly, this view is not unique to Islam. The Bible also clearly prohibits the consumption of pork. In Leviticus 11:7-8, it states: And the pig, though it has a divided hoof, does not chew the cud; it is unclean for you. You must not eat their meat or touch their carcasses; they are unclean for you.” Similarly, Isaiah 66:17 strongly condemns those who eat pork, associating such behaviour with divine punishment.

These texts show a long-standing religious view of the pig as a spiritually impure animal. Jesus^as, though believed by many to have lifted dietary restrictions, never permitted the consumption of pork. In fact, he used the swine metaphorically to denote spiritual ignorance and moral corruption. In Matthew 7:6, he warned, Do not give what is holy to the dogs; nor cast your pearls before swine, lest they trample them under their feet, and turn and tear you to pieces.” This powerful image underscores the perception of swine as unworthy of sacred things, affirming their association with impurity in religious thought.

From a medical and scientific perspective, modern research supports many of the concerns that Islamic teachings raise. Pigs are omnivorous scavengers that will consume waste, excrement, and decaying matter. Their digestive system is notably inefficient at filtering toxins, which can become embedded in their flesh.

Pork has long been associated with diseases such as trichinosis – a parasitic infection caused by Trichinella spiralis – as well as Salmonella, Taenia solium (pork tapeworm), and hepatitis E. Though some of these dangers have been reduced through modern hygiene and cooking methods, the potential risks remain real.

Studies have also linked high pork consumption to chronic illnesses such as colorectal cancer, cardiovascular diseases, and obesity-related complications. The physiological harm of consuming pork continues to validate the divine prohibition, showing how religious laws often precede scientific discovery.

Beyond physical health, Islam strongly emphasises the spiritual impact of food. What we consume influences not just our bodies but our minds and souls. Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad^as, the Promised Messiah, elaborated beautifully on the symbolic and moral implications of pork consumption.

He wrote, In its prohibition of swine, the Torah has gone so far as to forbid even touching it, and it clearly says that the prohibition is for all times […]” (Four Questions by Mr. Sirajuddin, a Christian, and their Answers, pp. 56-57)

He also explained that the pig represents shamelessness, gluttony, and moral decay, and that consuming its flesh can gradually deaden a person’s sense of spiritual refinement. The prohibition, therefore, serves not just to protect the physical body but to cultivate purity of heart and character. (The Philosophy of the Teachings of Islam, pp. 38-39)

Some sceptics ask: if God created pigs, why would He forbid their consumption? This question misunderstands the role of creation and the function of divine commandments. Not everything that exists is created for human consumption. Poisonous plants, harmful substances, or venomous animals are part of the ecosystem but not meant for our direct use.

Pigs, in many ways, serve a vital ecological function. As scavengers, they help decompose waste and dead matter. Their existence benefits environmental cleanliness, but that does not mean their flesh is meant to nourish human beings. The Quran teaches that life is a test. The presence of harmful or forbidden things is a part of that test, to see whether humans can exercise moral restraint and obedience to divine guidance. Just as interest, alcohol, and drugs exist in society but are forbidden, so too pork is a test of whether one will choose divine command over personal desire.

Moreover, Islamic teachings acknowledge that certain forbidden things may have permissible uses in specific contexts. For instance, pig organs, such as hearts, are sometimes used in medical research and education due to their anatomical similarities to human organs. This utilisation is not for consumption but serves scientific and educational purposes, reflecting the nuanced understanding within Islamic jurisprudence that considers intent and necessity.

Islamic law is rooted in five higher objectives: the protection of religion, life, intellect, lineage, and property. Anything that poses a threat to these principles is discouraged or forbidden. Pork consumption, by its association with physical diseases, spiritual dullness, and moral desensitisation, can be seen as undermining multiple values at once.

Moreover, Islam’s dietary laws are structured to promote both physical well-being and moral discipline. In the same way that prayer trains the spirit and fasting develops willpower, abstaining from forbidden foods builds the habit of self-control. This is not merely about food but about the principle of submission.

The Quran states: And it behoves not a believing man or a believing woman, when Allah and His Messenger have decided a matter, that there should be a choice for them in the matter concerning them.” (Surah al-Ahzab, Ch.33: V.37) Thus, the true believer finds beauty and liberation in obedience – even when the command challenges their understanding.

In Islamic teachings, moderation and purity are emphasised across all aspects of life. The Holy Prophet Muhammad^sa advised that one should eat in three parts: one part for food, one part for water, and one part for air. (Sunan Ibn Majah, Kitab al-atʿimah, Hadith 3349)

This promotes not only a healthy lifestyle but a consciousness of what one allows into their body. Food is more than just sustenance; it is part of a holistic spiritual lifestyle. Just as one would not allow immoral entertainment or impure thoughts to pollute the heart, one must be vigilant about what is consumed physically.

In a world increasingly driven by materialism, the Islamic stance on pork serves as a reminder that not all that is available is beneficial. The spiritual dignity of a human being demands that we rise above base desires. Choosing what to eat becomes a reflection of who we are and what values we uphold. The pig, an animal known for its shamelessness and filth, is not suited for those who wish to attain spiritual clarity and moral elevation.

Thus, the prohibition of pork is not an isolated rule but part of a broader moral and spiritual framework that defines the Islamic way of life. It combines divine wisdom, spiritual symbolism, health guidance, and moral training. Through its ban, Islam calls on believers to elevate themselves – to consume that which is pure, avoid that which is impure, and to constantly be mindful that every choice in life, even what we eat, has consequences beyond the surface. This divine law, echoed by previous prophets and confirmed through modern insights, remains as relevant today as it was 1,400 years ago.

Shenali D Waduge

Non-Binding but Deadly: How UNHRC Resolution A/HRC/60/21 (2025) could destroy Sri Lanka’s Sovereignty

UNHRC resolutions are technically non-binding. Yet for Sri Lanka, ending terrorism has been met with relentless scrutiny—a witch hunt targeting select war heroes and commanding officers. Every Resolution since 2009 has been a ticking time bomb, made worse by the 2015 co-sponsorship from the Ranil–Sirisena–Mangala yahapalana” government. While lacking formal legal force, the nations backing A/HRC/60/21 (2025)—notably the UK, Canada, and EU states—can enforce these recommendations through sanctions, aid conditionalities, visa bans, military restrictions, and economic pressure. If passed, these non-binding” recommendations will be weaponized politically, and the Sri Lankan government risks prioritizing their party survival over national sovereignty. This danger is amplified as Sri Lanka’s economic sovereignty is already constrained: the IMF controls key policy levers, the Central Bank operates independently of Sri Lanka’s legislature, and critical national assets remain in foreign hands. The only way forward is clear: Sri Lanka must reject these resolutions outright, realign with the Non-Aligned bloc, deepen ties with traditional friendly nations, and refuse to barter sovereignty for temporary political survival. To concede now is to risk becoming not a partner in the international community — but a protectorate.

Against this backdrop, UNHRC demands — from a Truth & Reconciliation Commission to full 13th Amendment implementation and external accountability — are Trojan horses designed to dismantle sovereignty from within, redraw governance structures, and keep Sri Lanka permanently under watch. 

This is colonialism re-defined & restructured.

Sri Lanka has already erred in the past by believing compromise would ease the pressure. Co-sponsoring resolutions, flirting with hybrid courts, and entertaining international assistance” only emboldened those determined to rewrite the country’s history and dictate its future. The lesson is clear: Surrender and appeasement, only means demands grow more dangerous.

Immediate Term (0–3 months): Sanctions & Diplomatic Pressure

·      UNHRC Resolution Passed – Though non-binding” Western blocs voting for resolution will consider it mandatory.

·      Visa bans / travel restrictions  against military & political figures named in OHCHR/ITJP reports – may even deny children travel, scholarships or admissions.

·      Foreign pressure increases on Sri Lanka to show good faith” – setting up Truth & Reconciliation mechanisms, or else face punitive measures.

·      Economic chokehold begins – IMF conditions tightened; loan tranches delayed unless Sri Lanka cooperates with Geneva.” Carrot.

·      Sovereignty hit: Central Bank already beyond elected government’s control, enforcing IMF austerity without people’s consent.

·      Who is impacted first: Military leadership, political elites, war heroes, and the poor (with fuel, electricity, and tax hikes).

Short Term (3–6 months): Appeasement Phase: Government Trapped

·      Pressure to implement 13A fully – devolution of police & land powers to Provincial Councils, weakening central governance. Even possibility of a UDI/separate state. Military removed from the North and East, Camps closed down.

·      TRC (Truth & Reconciliation Commission) set up under UN guidelines, opening door for foreign experts” to sit in judgment of Sri Lankans.

·      Targeted sanctions expand on businesses linked to military/political figures — banks and companies begin de-risking” Sri Lanka.

·      Asset transfers accelerate – national infrastructure (ports, energy, telecom, plantations) negotiated into foreign hands under debt restructuring.”

·      Sovereignty hit: Sri Lanka loses decision-making over its economy, while national security is compromised by loss of central powers.

·      Who is impacted first: Military families, public sector in North/East, workers in state enterprises facing privatization.

Medium Term (6–12 months): A Nation being disempowered

·      Hybrid accountability demands escalate – calls for international judges, prosecutors, and investigators to override domestic law.

·      UN monitors embedded in Sri Lankan institutions under guise of capacity building.”

·      IMF-driven austerity deepens – currency devaluation, tax hikes, welfare cuts, fuel/electricity privatization.

·      Central Bank, under IMF line, blocks domestic relief measures, widening public suffering.

·      Foreign corporates take control of key resources (energy grids, ports, agriculture, water supply).

·      Sovereignty hit: Government becomes a figurehead, with real decision-making power held by IMF, UN, and foreign investors.

·      Who is impacted first: General population (price hikes, job losses), farmers & fisherfolk (as land/water access shifts to corporates).

Long Term (12–24 months): National Disintegration

·      Permanent UN oversight – Sri Lanka placed under a special human rights monitoring mandate,” legitimizing foreign interference.

·      Provincial Councils emboldened – external actors exploit devolved powers to push federalism/separatism.

·      Economic colonization complete – Ports, airports, utilities, and natural resources are majority foreign-owned.

·      Debt-for-assets swaps finalised – Sri Lanka’s weak anti-national government will trade away sovereignty for survival.

·      Foreign security interests embedded – military bases / strategic access points” leased out under cover of foreign investment.

·      Sovereignty hit: Sri Lanka ceases to function as an independent state — reduced to a protectorate under foreign control. Sovereign in name only.

·      Who is impacted first: Entire population — loss of sovereignty means loss of future generations’ independence.

The danger is not Geneva alone, but Geneva + IMF + foreign corporate takeovers working in tandem. The non-binding” resolutions are the political battering ram; IMF dependency is the economic stranglehold; and asset privatization is the Trojan horse. Together, they dismantle sovereignty piece by piece until Sri Lanka is left independent in name only.

What can and should Sri Lankans do?

Shenali D Waduge

Chanaka Bandarage

True Dr NM Perera was an old Anandian, but it is doubtful whether or not as an adult he had ever attended a Buddhist temple with the true sense of worshipping the Lord Buddha. The LSSP never fought for Sinhala, Buddhist rights. It’s other Marxist partner, the Communist Party was the same.

When DS Senanayake and Dudley Senanayake were busy establishing ‘colonies’ in the North, North Central Province (Rajarata) and the East, these Marxists strenuously opposed it. NM pleaded with the Southerners not to relocate to the North, Rajarata and the East. He fearmongered them stating they will contract Malaria. He stated that in the North and Rajarata there are mosquitos the size of crows.

We all know it is thanks to DS’s and later Dudley’s colonies that the country was saved from Prabhakaran’s terror. During the Elam wars, the agricultural settlements that DS and Dudley established – Padaviya, Sri Pura, Weli Oya, Gal Oya, Aranthalawa, Kanthale etc provided the much-needed buffer for big cities like Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa and Ampara.

If not for these ‘ marginal villages’ Prabhakaran would have easily roamed into Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa etc and killed most of its inhabitants.

NM and few others were briefly in jail during the World War 2. But, that was not for engaging in freedom struggle. They opposed the 1942 budget. As the country was at war, they were naturally sent to prison. NM and the clan escaped from the jail and fled to India. Upon their return, they were pardoned and allowed to resume their MP seats.

It is important to mention that like India, Sri Lanka never had a strong anti-imperialistic movement. Independence was served to us on a platter.

Anagarika Dharmapala conducted a lone battle against the British. For being anti-British, he was imprisoned in India for a long period of time. It was Dharmapala’s brother, a medical doctor, who fought with immense dedication to obtain his release.

DR Wijewardane’s Lake House attacked Dharmapala fiercely, even making the false allegation that Dharmapala was a rogue. DS, FR Senanayake, Sir DB Jayathillake et al did not acknowledge his service but ridiculed him secretly. These were the reasons why Dharmapala left Sri Lanka. At the massive ceremony to intern his ashes in Colombo, DS, FR and Sir DB played a major role. They ‘sang hosannas’ for him.

It is sad that when living, Dharmapala was not given high regard and dignity. The elite despised him. The common masses always loved him.

Without kneeling down to the British, young Edward Henry Pediris bravely gave his life. He was shot dead in the Colombo jail for a crime that he never committed.

In the early 70’s and late 80’s Rohana Wijeweera conducted two brutal insurrections in Sri Lanka. His name is written down in history as the man who introduced terrorism to modern Sri Lanka. Even Prabhakaran learned the trade from him.

Both JVP struggles were utter failures. As a result, many thousands of people lost lives and limbs. The damage caused to public and private property is unprecedented.

Both JVP struggles were not for the safeguarding of Sinhala, Buddhist rights.

Wijeweera’s were selfish and jealous insurrections. He had a hatred against the democratically elected governments of the time. He saw that the country’s security was weak; he decided to take advantage of that.

Through his superb organisational skill and mockery, he mobilised disadvantaged youth to take up arms to topple the governments.

He deceived them too. When hiding in the Ulapane estate, he lived like a ‘king’ in utmost luxury. Drinking whisky and playing chess was his pastime. While in hiding, he produced five children. At the time of capture, his wife was expecting the 6th.

The state looked after this whole family.

In 1987/88, Wijeweera was fond of Prabhakaran. Wijeweera knew that because of the latter’s war, the South was militarily weak. He took advantage of that to wage his terror campaign.

Wijeweera had an unwritten pact with Prabhakaran about fighting against the government – LTTE to attack from the North/East and the JVP to attack from the South.

This is not the thinking of a patriot but a traitor.

One may argue that during this time the IPKF was in Sri Lanka thus the Sri Lankan Army was not in full military combat. This is not fully true.

There was a major war being fought in the North and the East. The Army’s constant focus was on it. The Army was not having much faith on the IPKF.

They were always ready to save the country from the Tamil Tiger terror (that is why R Premadasa demanded the IPKF leave Sri Lanka within a matter of weeks).

The Army never wanted that focus to be broken.

The last thing the government wanted was another war to erupt in the South. That is exactly what Wijeweera wanted; and, he did it.

Basically both Prabhakaran and Wijeweera had the same mindset – destroy and annihilate Sri Lanka.

If Sri Lanka collapsed (came very close to that), Wijeweera and Prabhakaran would have divided Sri Lanka among themselves.

But what happened in Batalanda, Sooriyakanda etc cannot be condoned.

Wijeweera’s cadres (ඉල් මහ විරුවෝ) cannot be described as patriots.

A patriot would never kill government soldiers, the Police or destroy public property.

These terrorists detonated hundreds of CEB transformers, set fire to thousands of SLTB buses/public vehicles, attacked military targets; even the magnificent Health Ministry building in Colombo Fort (in 1987 Sunethra Ranasinghe was the minister) was set on fire by them.

Why did they kill such innocents like Rex De Costa, Vijaya Kumaranathunga, Professor Stanley Wijesundera, Premakeethi De Alwis, Dr Gladys Jayawardane, Sagarika Gomes, Ven Kotikawatte Saddhathissa Thero, Ranjith Wickramarathne et al?

People who have committed such heinous crimes, perhaps crimes against humanity – it is impossible to think that they will ever be good.

It is strange how some JVP veterans relate their crimes now like heroic acts. Some openly state how they attacked military posts and rob banks etc. Under the law, if they were not then prosecuted, they could be prosecuted now. Serious Criminal law acts have no statute of limitation. Those who had been in jail must make a candid disclosure as to why they were so jailed.

In any case, such people can never be patriots.

They may do improvements to stay in power, but they do not have the real ‘passion’ to build Sri Lanka.

When they were the proletariat (the downtrodden) they had a hatred against the bourgeoisie (the ‘upper class’). But, when they become the elite themselves (eg. after winning the 2025 elections), they seem to have forgotten the proletariat.

Marx failed to explain this frequently occurring anomaly.

Because the Marxist JVP leaders do not genuinely love Sri Lanka (otherwise the past JVP members could not have committed such atrocious acts), they can easily form the mind to split this country into pieces. Their inbuilt hatred towards the country that they were born and bred must still be there.

That is why they are ever willing to work with those who have separatist and other vengeful agendas.

Wijeweera was never a practising Buddhist. He married a Catholic woman, but there is no record that he was a practising Christian either.

Prima facie, the JVP is an atheist political party. Being Marxists, we must expect this from them.

The major difference between NM and Wijeweera is that the former was a gentleman par excellence. Though a Marxist, he believed in democracy. Unlike Wijeweera NM (and his cohorts) never possessed murderous intentions.

Wijeweera was cruel and had extreme/bizarre ideas. He believed that old people were a burden to the country. He once stated that tea must be removed from the upcountry estates and grass grown instead. He stated that in that way the country could become self-sufficient in milk.

Marxist Pol Pot killed almost all the elderly people of Cambodia. He even killed those who wore spectacles stating that they were intellectuals. A similar rhetoric prevailed in North Vietnam, thankfully not anymore.

Marxist Stalin shot dead or sent to labour camps almost of every Russian Orthodox clergy member and that faith’s believers.

Marxist Mao Tse Tung destroyed many Buddhist temples in China. It is believed that during the Cultural Revolution (1966 – 1976) about 6,000 Buddhist monasteries and temples were destroyed in Tibet.

Though he had a Christian education and upbringing, Marxist Castro worked to counter the Catholic Church’s influence in Cuba.

Prior to September 2025 election, the current NPP leaders advocated an anti-Sinhala, anti-Buddhist sentiment. Some of the things that they stated are as follows:

• We must get rid of tradition. Tradition is not good as it inhibits economic progress.
• The state must separate itself from religion. The state should not provide assistance/patronage to any religion.
• They stated they were ashamed that for 76 years Sri Lanka was not able to produce a Tamil PM.

Tutsis comprised of about 9% of Rwanda’s population, more than 90% are Hutus. Since the current Tutsi Presidency, Rwanda’s top positions are stacked with Tutsis.

Rwanda is blamed for helping M23 Tutsi insurgents to mount a war against the Hutus in Eastern DR of Congo.

For any person, mental freedom, freedom of expression and freedom to live without fear from anyone including the state are far more important than economic freedom

The writer is not against having a Tamil PM, but we must be careful not to fall into a Rwanda type situation.

Tamil or Muslim President or PM for this country is most welcome as long as they get elected on merit. High positions must not be afforded based on quotas.

The current PM Harini did not come to that position because of being a woman; but because of her talent and skill.

• Article 9 of the Constitution that gives preferential treatment to Buddhism must be abolished.

The NPP has been in power for over 10 months. Thankfully they have not caused major damage to Sinhala and Buddhism during this period. But the future is uncertain, no one knows what sort of outcomes are forthcoming.

The following incidents are reasons for concern:

• They disbanded the Buddhasasana Ministry.
• They removed Jaya Mangala Gatha from an important public event
• They failed to appoint a Sinhalese as the Governor of the Northern Province
• They are planning to hand the newly built Presidential Palace in Jaffna (KKS – 27 rooms, 200 acres) for some other purpose. Where would a future President reside safely when in Jaffna?
• The NPP hierarchy shows an extraordinary keenness to establish close links with the Tamil Diaspora. We all know most of them have not given up on the idea of Tamil Eelam.
• The government plans to give precious Northern land to Tamil Diaspora. Again, most of them believe in the Elam.
• No roadmap has been created for all people to live in all parts of the country. In this regard, the Sinhalese who desire to live in most parts of the North and the East are receiving stepmotherly treatment from government bureaucrats.
• Through education reforms, the NPP seems to have a plan to curtail the teaching of history in schools.
• With the government’s decision to shut down schools that have less than 50 students, does this mean the recently established Sinhala schools (thanks to Ranil’s government) in Mannar and Vavuniya are destined to be shut down?
• People who fake the proud Sinhala Buddhist history have been given prominence and undue recognition.
• The NPP government’s Civil Aviation Department has been entrusted to locate Ravana’s alleged ‘aircraft’ (planes) at extraordinary cost. It is believed that carbon dating costs for this project alone would be in millions of US dollars. A notorious archelogy professor that is famous for producing fake history is alleged to have been involved in this project.
• The NPP government seems continuing with Ranil’s policy of arming farmers to kill wild animals that cause crop damage. If this is true, this cruel policy must be stopped. It is these guns that are used to kill wild elephants.
• No action has been taken to correct the fake history that is produced in our current school history books and other forums, especially in the internet. Eg – Nil or very limited attention given to:

• Vijaya’s arrival from North India more than 2500 years ago. Instead an African Homo Sapiens is being promoted.
• Ven Mahinda’s arrival made the entire country Buddhist (except for few Veddhas).
• the Great Sinhala Buddhist civilization that commenced during King Devanam Piyathissa’s time. Instead a fake civilization that did not exist about 7,000 – 40,000 years ago is being promoted. This is done to dilute the Greatness of the Sinhala Buddhist civilization.
• the Great Kings – Dutu Gamunu, Dhathusena, Vijaya Bahu etc (nothing is mentioned about their Greatness in the current books/history talks)
• the Great Kings Pandukabhaya, Devanam Piyatissa (a suspicion has been created that they may be Tamil; also that Kuveni may be Tamil)
• the Great King Parakrama Bahu who even exported rice to other countries
• Sigiriya that was King Kashyapa’s creation
• the original inhabitants of this land are Hela people not Tamil. The books discreetly state that they are Tamil. Hela people (eg. Balangoda Manawakaya) mixed with Vijaya’s Sinha clan (700) and formed the Sinhala race.

Furthermore;

• Lies have been propagated that rice and iron were first discovered in Sri Lanka (no, in China).
• Lies have been propagated that Barley and Oates were discovered in Sri Lanka (no, in Israel and the Middle East).
• Lies have been propagated that Lions had roamed in Sri Lanka (this lie is to counter the Great Sinhabahu legend).
• Lies have been propagated that the mythology King Ravana was a Tamil (if he existed, he was a Hela).
• Tamil Kings in Jaffna are being promoted; did they really exist? Owing to some prominent historians/scholars No. Sankili, if existed, seems to have been a sub King of the King of Kotte.

As outlined before, historically, the JVP has shown no empathy for Sinhala and/or Buddhism. Let us hope that the NPP will be different.

The NPP is better bear in mind that Sri Lanka is a conservative society that places a high onus on tradition, values, discipline, custom, religion, culture and history. They ought not try to meddle with them.

Leaving aside the treatment of Sinhalese and Buddhism reasonably, let us hope that the NPP will at least not indulge in any discriminatory acts towards the Sinhalese and Buddhism.

Conclusion – the NPP may develop Sri Lanka’s economy. They are likely to do it (SJB too will do it). Given the IMF assistance, it is not much of a difficult task. Our location is crucial – Sri Lanka is sandwiched between the two fastest growing economies of the world – China and India. Also, tourism is booming. Trump, Xi, Modi, EU, Japan – all are supporting Sri Lanka fully. And, NPP must be praised for not indulging in bribery and corruption. This is a great thing that has happened to the country in 76 years. But, this is what is most important for the citizen – ‘Mental freedom, freedom of expression, and freedom to live without fear from anyone including the state. They are more important than economic freedom.’

මාධ්‍ය අංශය, වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන

ජනාධිපති ධූරයේ සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කාලය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83 (ආ) වගන්තියේ ඇති කාරණයක් ඉංග්‍රීසි පරිවර්තනයේ (83 B) වැරදි ආකාරයට සටහන්වී ඇති හෙයින් ජනාධිපතිවරයා වහා දැනුවත් කර එම වරද නිවැරදි කරන ලෙස මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවේ සභාපති ආනන්ද රත්නායක ජනාධිපති ලේකම්වරයාට ලිපියක් යවමින් දැනුම්දී ඇති බව” 2025.08.18 දින ලංකාදීප පුවත්පතේ මුල් පිටුව මගින් වාර්තා කර ඇති බව නීතීඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන මහතා නීතිපතිවරයාට සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නීතීඥ සංගමයේ සභාපති වෙත අවධානයට යොමු කර ඇත.

ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ තවත් දෝෂ පවතින හෙයින් ඔවුන් යටතේ සිටින නීතීඥවරුන් සහ තැනැත්තන් තව දුරටත් දෝෂ සහිත ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ නෛතික කටයුතු වලදී යොදා ගැනීමෙන් වළක්වන ලෙසත් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ හතරවන උපලේඛනය සහ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව ආරක්ෂා කොට අනුගමනය කිරීමේ යුතුකම සම්බන්ධයෙන් අවධානය යොමු කරන ලෙසත් නීතීඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන මහතා නීතිපතිවරයාට සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නීතීඥ සංගමයේ සභාපති වෙතද දැනුම් දී ඇත.

http://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2025/08/blog-post.html?m=1

මාධ්‍ය අංශය, වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන දුරකථන 0712063394
(2025.08.20)

 Dr. Umaharan Thamotharampillai and Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge 

The long-term accumulation of stressors in post-conflict regions is under-discussed. Experts believe that there is a close connection between war trauma and addiction disorders. People living in post-conflict settings are at high risk of developing addictions. The trauma of war can significantly increase the risk of developing alcohol and substance use disorders. Alcohol and substance use addiction has been identified as a war-related social problem.

Complex interaction between biological predispositions and psychological and social factors upsurges substance abuse (Coleman, 1993). There is a comorbidity between problematic alcohol and substance use and war trauma exposure. Victims of war trauma are deeply affected—emotionally, physically, politically, and spiritually. These individuals can be considered a vulnerable population. These individuals with trauma-related distress often use alcohol and drugs as a negative stress coping mechanism and in a problematic manner.

The 30-year armed conflict in Sri Lanka had a negative impact on the health and well-being of people. The aftermath of the Eelam War has triggered mental health problems, including addiction issues. War trauma has been identified as a key risk factor for the emergence of alcohol and substance use disorders. These addictions cause negative health and social outcomes, affecting individuals, families, and communities.

Substance use disorders are cumulative in conflict-affected areas in Sri Lanka. The prevalence of depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, adjustment disorders, and other mental health issues has contributed to a rise in addiction-related behaviors. Moreover, weakened infrastructure, under-functioning healthcare systems, mass unemployment, poverty, and lack of social opportunities have created a breeding ground for addiction issues. Alcohol and substance abuse contribute significantly to the morbidity and mortality in war-affected areas.

There is a strong, bidirectional link between substance abuse and traumatic experiences (Simmons & Suárez, 2016). McFall and colleagues (1992) were of the view that PTSD arousal symptoms are strongly related to the substance.

Mostly the people use drugs/alcohol to escape from their emotional and physical pain. Drug addiction may be regarded as a disease of the brain reward system (Vetulani, 2001). According to Baker and team (1986), drug cravings are organized within a memory network. Addictive substances enhance the functioning of the reward circuitry of the brain, producing the ‘high’ that the drug user seeks (Gardner, 2011). It causes hedonic dysregulation within brain circuits, and it leads to addiction. 

People who persistently abuse substances often experience an array of social, financial, and mental/physical health problems. As described by Liang et al. (2011), there is a strong relationship among alcohol, tobacco, and illicit drug usage and mental disorders. These addictions negatively affect their quality of life. There is a high morbidity and mortality related to alcohol and substance abuse. Data indicate that conflict-affected populations are at risk, and effective psychosocial measures are needed to address these issues. The identification and management of alcohol and substance use disorders are essential in the war-affected areas. A multidisciplinary approach is needed to provide psychosocial support for the conflict-affected population. The affected individuals require intense monitoring and supportive therapy. The mental health authorities should implement programs on drug prevention and rehabilitation in affected areas.

Dr. Umaharan Thamotharampillai, MBBS MD, is a Consultant Psychiatrist at Jaffna Teaching Hospital

Dr. Ruwan M. Jayatunge, M.D., PhD, is a medical doctor and a clinical psychologist, and also a member of the American Psychological Association (APA). He is a guest lecturer at Sri Lankan and North American universities.     

References

Baker TB, Morse E, Sherman JE. The motivation to use drugs: a psychobiological analysis of urges. Nebr Symp Motiv. 1986;34:257-323. PMID: 3627296.

Coleman P. Overview of substance abuse. Prim Care. 1993 Mar;20(1):1-18. PMID: 8464932.

Gardner EL. Addiction and brain reward and antireward pathways. Adv Psychosom Med. 2011;30:22-60. doi: 10.1159/000324065. Epub 2011 Apr 19. PMID: 21508625; PMCID: PMC4549070.

McFall, M. E., Mackay, P. W., & Donovan, D. M. (1992). Combat-related posttraumatic stress disorder and severity of substance abuse in Vietnam veterans. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 53(4), 357–363.

Simmons S, Suárez L. Substance Abuse and Trauma. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin N Am. 2016 Oct;25(4):723-34. doi: 10.1016/j.chc.2016.05.006. Epub 2016 Aug 2. PMID: 27613348.

Vetulani J. Drug addiction. Part II. Neurobiology of addiction. Pol J Pharmacol. 2001 Jul-Aug;53(4):303-17. PMID: 11990077.

Liang W, Lenton S, Allsop S, Chikritzhs T. Does availability of illicit drugs mediate the association between mental illness and substance use? Subst Use Misuse. 2011;46(10):1304-8. doi: 10.3109/10826084.2011.574769. Epub 2011 May 25. PMID: 21612339.

by Carlo Domenico Cristofori

(Are there Lessons to be learned in Sri Lanka when remembering the Express Pearl and MV Diamond maritime disasters off the West and East coasts, also given interest in Submarine Date Cables and the Cloud Under the Sea?” that is vital to keep the Global Internet running?)

The UK’s secret services are planning to enlist NATO allies in a large-scale operation targeting the shadow fleet,” which could lead to an environmental disaster in international waters, the press bureau of the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) said in a statement obtained by TASS.

British secret services are planning ecological disaster in international waters. The press bureau of the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation informs that, according to the information coming to the SVR, the British secret services are planning to involve NATO allies in a massive roundup for the ‘shadow fleet’,” the statement said.

According to London’s plan, the impetus for such a campaign should be provided by a resonant incident involving one or more tankers.”

The plan involves organizing a major act of sabotage the losses of which would allow the transportation of Russian oil to be declared a threat to all international shipping. This would untie Western countries’ hands in choosing methods of counteraction,” the document said.

The sensational denunciation after the Arrest of British MI 6 Officers in Ukraine 

The sensational denunciation by Russian counterintelligence comes just 48 hours after the arrest of three senior British Secret Intelligence Service officers in Ukraine during the SKAT-12 raid conducted by Spetsnaz special forces and the FSB (Federal Service for Internal Security of the Russian Federation).

It is not possible to know whether evidence of the sabotage plot was discovered at the very moment the British spies were captured, who were operating for military purposes on foreign soil in violation of international law, as Moscow has not yet officially confirmed the raid.

But suspicions that today’s formal complaint and the capture of colonels from the British military counterespionage unit MI6 are related are very high at this point.

We also recall that the United Kingdom is also suspected of having played a significant role in planning the disastrous COVID pandemic caused by the laboratory-generated SARS-CoV-2 virus.

In fact, some British research centers collaborated with the Pentagon’s military agency, DARPA, which is the main suspect in manipulating the SARS virus together with the European Union, exploiting the collaboration on biological weapons with China, and then leaving the Wuhan Institute of Virology with the smoking gun” for the virus’s escape from the laboratory.

Two scenarios and actors

According to the SVR, the British are working on two potential casus belli.”

The first scenario implicates setting up an ‘unwanted’ tanker accident in one of bottlenecks of sea communications (for example, in straits). As it is believed in London, oil spills and fairway blocking would provide NATO countries with ‘sufficient’ grounds for establishing a precedent of ‘extraordinary’ vessel inspection under the guise of maritime safety and environmental regulations compliance,”

the statement noted.

The second one involves setting fire to a tanker at loading in a port of a state friendly to Russia. It is expected that the fire would cause significant damage to the port infrastructure and spread to other vessels, which would require an international investigation,” the SVR emphasized.

London is going to entrust Ukrainian security forces with the implementation of both terrorist attacks. Their expectedly dirty work and inability to ‘cover up’ their tracks are considered by the British as a guarantee of impunity for themselves. The international investigation would hold either Russia or at worst Ukraine responsible for the accident, similar to the situation with the Nord Stream gas pipeline explosion,” the press bureau stressed.

Already at the beginning of this year, in January, there were three disturbing explosions on as many oil tankers circulating in the Mediterranean Sea and already then Gospa News indicated the terrorist lead of the pro-Nazi regime in Kiev as also accredited by various international media.

Eying sanctions

The SVR pointed out that the timing of the UK attack is intended to be chosen so as to use the media effect from it to put pressure on the administration of US President Donald Trump.

The aim is to force Washington, in defiance of its national interests, to impose the most severe secondary sanctions against Russian energy resources buyers, making them seen as ‘indirect culprits of the tragedy’,”the statement said.

It seems like nostalgia for the lost dominance at sea and for authorized by the Crown pirate lawlessness have completely deprived the British Intelligence of the remnants of common sense. It’s high time for our British colleagues to understand that their increasingly bold attempts not only ‘to get back at’ their rivals, but also to cause damage to the global energy security and ecology are capable to make even their most loyal allies run out of patience,” the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service concluded.

Are there Lessons to be learned in remembering the Express Pearl and MV Diamond maritime disasters off the West and East coasts of Sri Lanka also given interest in Submarine Date Cables and the Cloud Under the Sea?” that is vital to keep the Global Internet running.

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SOURCE: https://gospanews.net/en/2025/08/07/uk-secret-services-plotting-maritime-ecological-disaster-russian-counterespionage-svr-states-after-capture-of-british-mi6-officers-in-ukraine/

Shenali D Waduge

Sri Lanka’s position should stand firm: The 2025 UNHRC report systematically alleges state misconduct while bypassing its original mandate, due process, impartiality, and sovereignty. Despite pages and pages of reports or statements, condemnations or allegations, that the UNHRC churns annually, it is dangerously diverting from its original mandate given in Resolution 60/251. The UNHRC/OHCHR must be continuously challenged for this overreach. The 2025 UNHRC Report on Sri Lanka (A/HRC/60/21.2025) once again demonstrates how successive High Commissioners have stretched, distorted, and exceeded their mandates under GA Resolution 60/251. UNHRC was created as a subsidiary body to promote cooperation, impartiality & universality of human rights – not to be weaponized into a political tool. Anyone reading the current report on Sri Lanka will understand this overreach. UN internal oversight mechanisms must awaken to stop subsidiary bodies below UNGA/UNSC, acting through a handful of Member States to assume quasi- judicial powers and forming kangaroo courts that threaten all Member Nations. No Member State has faced this level of harassment by UNHRC & its High Commissioners since 2009.

The following highlights key areas of overreach and selective targeting against Sri Lanka in UNHRC’s 2025 report to showcase the bias & overreach.

1. Due Process & Presumption of Innocence

·      UNHRC demand: Calls for removal of alleged perpetrators from office (Para. 63(d)) prior to charge or conviction.

·      Legal Principle: Ei incumbit probatio qui dicit, non qui negat — the burden of proof lies on the accuser.

·      UNHRC Overreach: UNHRC is treating allegations as proof, ignoring UDHR Art. 11(1) and ICCPR Art. 14(2) which guarantee presumption of innocence and trial by a competent court.

·      Sri Lanka Asks: On what legal basis can punitive measures be imposed solely on unproven allegations?

UNHRC Scattergun Targeting

Resolutions on Sri Lanka began about the last phase of the civil conflict in 2009, however over the years UNHRC Resolutions & its 2025 report spans on a plethora of topics, nit picking incidents unrelated to the conflict. 

HR violations can easily be taken up at UPR sessions

·      Emblematic cases: Thajudeen (2012), Lasantha Wickramatunga (2009), Prageeth Eknaligoda (2010), Trincomalee 11, Weliweriya (2013) — criticized as stalled or reversed under public pressure (Paras 40–41).

·      Conflict-related sexual violence: Only one conviction (Krishanthi Kumaraswamy, 1996); OHCHR blames administrative and linguistic obstacles (Paras 42–43).

·      Easter Sunday attacks 2019: Over 300 cases filed; OHCHR demands independent inquiry despite ongoing investigations (Paras 45–47).

Implication: UNHRC cherry-picks incidents across years, creating selective, overreaching accountability, undermining proportionality and due process and it is clear these incidents are being used to justify its kangaroo court design.

2. Ultra Vires Actions of UNHRC

·      UNHRC Allegation: Paras. 62–64 urge international accountability,” cooperation for foreign prosecutions, and targeted sanctions.

·      Legal Principle: Delegata potestas non potest delegari — delegated powers cannot be further delegated.

·      UNHRC Overreach: UNHRC has no mandate to act as a quasi-judicial authority or surrogate ICC/UNSC.

·      Sri Lanka Asks: 

By what authority does the HRC promote quasi-prosecutorial pathways and sanctions? 

Why is the UN internal oversight silent? 

Can UN subsidiary bodies function as they wish?

UNHRC Demands:

·      Paras 44, 63(h–i): Reform AG Department, create independent Public Prosecutor, special counsel for war crimes.

·      Paras 63(f, j): Amend Online Safety Act, Amend ICCPR Act, Amend NGO Registration Act, Amend PDPA (Personal Data Protection Act), and Muslim Marriage & Divorce Act.

·      Paras 64(b–d):  Member States urged to prosecute Sri Lankans abroad, use international legal options, impose asset freezes and travel bans – this is a serious overreach by UNHRC & High Commissioner and must be stopped.

UNHRC Overreach: 

·      Interfering in Sri Lanka’s internal jurisdiction,

·      attempting to dictate domestic legal reforms 

·      press for extraterritorial prosecutions. Under the UN Charter (Art. 2(7)), the UN has no authority to intervene in matters essentially within the domestic jurisdiction” of a member state. 

This represents a serious encroachment on sovereignty and a politicization of human rights, effectively turning a subsidiary body into a quasi-legislative and quasi-judicial entity.

3. Equality Before the Law & Selectivity

·      UNHRC Allegation: Bias & hypocrisy seen in its continuous scrutiny of Sri Lanka even 16 years after the conflict has ended; while other conflicts with graver harms are ignored.

·      Legal Principle: Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbari debet — what affects all must be approved by all.

·      UNHRC Overreach: By dictating constitutional reforms, military vetting, prosecutions, devolution, and even economic policies, the UNHRC far exceeds its human rights mandate. 

GA Res. 60/251 forbids such selective targeting, yet Sri Lanka is made a test case.”

·      Sri Lanka Asks: Is Sri Lanka a laboratory case” for intervention? 

Why are ongoing conflicts being ignored and not shown the same scrutiny levelled against Sri Lanka?

Relevant Allegations:

·      Paras 57–62: Calls for transformative reforms (truth-telling, reparations, military vetting, independent prosecution, devolution, security reforms, austerity impacts).

·      Paras 48–55: OHCHR Sri Lanka Accountability Project” preserves evidence and assists foreign prosecutions; victim consultations framed as survivors abandoned.” – an unlawful parallel justice mechanism that prejudges Sri Lanka’s legal system and undermines its judiciary.

 

4. Victors’ Justice vs. Terror Accountability

·      UNHRC Allegation: Emphasis on state culpability; LTTE crimes, accomplices (local & international) and international networks ignored.

·      Legal Principle: Ex turpi causa non oritur actio — no action arises from a dishonorable cause.

·      UNHRC Overreach: Downplaying terrorist crimes while elevating unproven state allegations, UNHRC is committing a double standard. 

UNHRC is seeking retributive justice for Sri Lanka’s National Army & restorative justice for terrorists being mooted. 

The UNHRC’s hypocrisy is further shown in the omission of the Armed Forces Commander but including a list of select ground commanders only.

·      Sri Lanka Asks: Why is UNHRC not investigating or prosecuting or even bothered to collect evidence against LTTE financiers, arms suppliers, human traffickers, child soldier recruiters, and overseas propaganda hubs that still continue goal of separatism?

5. Sovereignty & Non-Intervention

·      UNHRC Allegation: Paras. 63(k–m) of the OHCHR/UNHRC reports go far beyond human rights review and intrude directly into Sri Lanka’s sovereign governance — demanding constitutional devolution, land allocation to civilians, release of detainees held under anti-terror law, and restructuring of the security sector.

·      UNHRC Overreach: These prescriptions are political, not legal. They violate UN Charter Article 2(7), which prohibits the UN from intervening in matters essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state.” 

For example, whether to accede to the Rome Statute, how to design devolution arrangements, or how to regulate land ownership are sovereign decisions — not matters for international imposition.

·      Sri Lanka Asks: Why is Sri Lanka’s internal governance being subjected to external diktat, while powerful states invoke sovereignty to shield themselves from similar interventions?

Relevant Demands Highlighting Overreach:

Paras 63(a, m):

·       Accede to the Rome Statute (Sri Lanka has consistently and lawfully chosen not to).

·       Release military-held lands (ignores legitimate security considerations).

·       Release PTA detainees (disregards judicial process).

·       Reform the Office on Missing Persons under international oversight (imposing external control on domestic institutions).

·       Implement provincial devolution (a political choice, not a human rights violation).

Paras 63(b, c):

·       Publish all commission reports (ignores confidentiality and national security concerns).

·       Recognize the Committee on Enforced Disappearances jurisdiction (requires voluntary state consent).

Explanation: These demands illustrate that the UNHRC is no longer limiting itself to monitoring human rights but is dictating constitutional, judicial, and security policy — functions belonging solely to the sovereign state. 

If accepted, it sets a dangerous precedent where a handful of states in the Council can rewrite another nation’s constitution, security structure, and laws under the guise of accountability.”

6. Lack of Legal Standing & Evidence Integrity

·       UNHRC Allegation: Para. 62 relies extensively on NGO reports (often funded by individuals & entities with duplicitous goals), advocacy submissions, and unverifiable secondary sources.

·       Legal Principle: Nemo judex in causa sua — no one should be judge in their own cause; audi alteram partem — the other side must be heard.

·       UNHRC Overreach: The HRC admits material that would not meet even the minimum evidentiary threshold in a court of law. Testimonies are anonymous, hearsay is admitted, and NGOs with declared political agendas act as both complainants and evidence-suppliers. This bypasses adversarial testing, cross-examination, and disclosure of sources, violating principles of natural justice.

·       Sri Lanka Asks: Can the HRC justify treating NGO submissions as probative” without applying the judicial safeguards of authenticity, reliability, and impartiality? Will it disclose methodology, allow independent verification, and admit counter-evidence — or continue to weaponize untested advocacy claims as binding truth?

7. Weaponization of Human Rights

·       UNHRC Allegation: Paras. 64(b–d) propose sanctions, asset freezes, travel bans, and universal jurisdiction prosecutions against Sri Lankan officials.

·       Legal Principle: Fiat justitia ruat caelum — justice must be done, but punishment must follow verifiedwrongdoing, not unproven allegations. International law recognizes due process, proportionality, and the presumption of innocence.

·       UNHRC Overreach: The HRC seeks to transform human-rights protection into an enforcement arm for political punishment. Coercive measures — imposed absent judicial determinations — punish not only targeted officials but also the Sri Lankan population through economic, diplomatic, and reputational harm. This creates a chilling effect on State cooperation with the UN system, undermines reconciliation, and effectively weaponizes human rights as a geopolitical tool.

·       Sri Lanka Asks: How can sanctions, asset seizures, and external prosecutions be squared with the principles of fairness, sovereignty, and non-discrimination when no court of law has adjudicated guilt? Will the HRC admit that bypassing judicial processes to impose penalties politicizes its mandate and violates the very human-rights framework it claims to uphold?

Sri Lanka’s response defends not only national interests but the integrity of the UN Charter system. If a non-judicial council can prescribe punitive templates, constitutional outcomes, and quasi-prosecutorial measures, no small state is safe tomorrow. The report demonstrates selective targeting, evidentiary weakness, and overreach that threatens sovereignty, due process, and the universality of human rights.

Shenali D Waduge

Courtesy The Straits Times

BANGKOK – Thailand’s Cabinet has approved the hiring of 10,000 Sri Lankan workers as it tries to address a labour shortage caused by Cambodian workers returning home in the wake of a deadly border conflict between the two countries, a Thai senior official said on Aug 19.

Thailand’s ageing population and shrinking workforce has forced it to rely on at least three million registered foreign labourers across the agriculture, construction, and manufacturing sectors, data from the International Labour Organisation showed.

More than 30,000 workers from Sri Lanka have already registered and 10,000 will be sent to Thailand in the first stage, Thai Labour Minister Pongkawin Jungrungruangkit told reporters, adding that it would also allow workers from Nepal, Bangladesh, Indonesia, and the Philippines to apply.

A long border dispute between Thailand and Cambodia in July 

boiled over into the worst fighting in decades, with at least 43 people killed and over 300,000 displaced on both sides of the border. The two South-east Asian nations now have a fragile ceasefire agreement.

Before the conflict began, more than 520,000 Cambodians worked in Thailand, accounting for 12 per cent of the country’s foreign workforce, according to official data.

About 400,000 Cambodians working in Thailand have left the country during the fighting, according to the Cambodian government.