As part of his clever tactics, the leader of the BJP party, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has started a diplomatic war with Sri Lanka to win the general elections which will start on April 19.
Modi has flagged the issue of Indian fishermen discontented after a 1976 pact between the neighbours barred them from the waters around the island.
Now, he is putting pressure on Sri Lanka to hand over Katchatheevu Island to India. In return, New Delhi is offering financial assistance to Sri Lanka.
However, according to the 1974 mutual agreement signed during the Indira Gandhi regime, the island is owned by Sri Lanka. But in a rally, Modi also took a dig at the late Indira Gandhi.
As a matter of fact, Modi can go to any low to make his election campaign successful. Before the election, he invented a new story of Desh Rakhwali (Negligence).
In this regard, Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Ali Sabry told the domestic Hiru television channel on April 3: Sri Lanka does not see any need to re-open talks on a contentious island ceded to it by New Delhi 50 years ago…the low-key territorial squabble turned into a hot-button election issue in India. This is a problem discussed and resolved 50 years ago and there is no necessity to have further discussions on this…I don’t think it will come up”, adding that no one had yet raised the question of a change in the status of the island, located 33 km (21 miles) off India’s coast in the Palk Strait that divides the neighbours”.
According to Reuters, His comments came after Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party made the 285-acre (115-hectare) island an election campaign issue by accusing the opposition Congress party of having callously given it away. The BJP seeks to make election inroads in the coastal state of Tamil Nadu facing the island after failing to win any of the southern state’s 39 seats in India’s 545-member parliament in the last election”.
It said: Tamil Nadu goes to the polls on April 19 in the first of seven rounds of voting set to end on June 1, India ceded the island to Sri Lanka in 1974, followed by the pact on the fishermen in 1976, but unhappiness over the transfer and the abridged rights spurred two as yet unresolved Supreme Court challenges in the last 20 years”.
Reuters added: On Monday, [April 1, 2024] Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said Sri Lanka had detained more than 6,000 Indian fishermen and 1,175 fishing vessels over the last 20 years, following the no-fishing pact”.
In this respect, Foreign Policy.Com reported in an article on April 3, this year: Sri Lanka showcases its own brand of strategic autonomy, recent terrorist attacks in Pakistan underscore the threat to Chinese workers and infrastructure in the country, and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi seeks to sway voters in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu”.
It elaborated: Most South Asian governments tend to have non-aligned foreign policies, including Sri Lanka, balancing their relations with major powers. This maximizes their diplomatic flexibility and ability to operate independently on the world stage, also known as strategic autonomy”.
It further wrote: Meanwhile, Sri Lanka has strengthened economic ties with China and already hosts many large Chinese infrastructure projects. Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe has also embraced Beijing’s position on key issues, including the AUKUS security alliance between Australia, the United States, and the United Kingdom…Sri Lanka’s actions may be driven by a commitment to strategic autonomy, but its motivations are as much about practicality as principle. The country is emerging from an acute economic crisis, and it needs as much financial assistance as it can get. It’s easier to achieve that goal when it works with all the major powers”.
No South Asian country can accept India’s monopoly under any circumstances. But extremist PM Modi continues sinister designs to keep Indian influence in the region. Undoubtedly, Narendra Modi has started using clever tactics to increase his popularity as the election approaches. Hence, Sri Lanka has become a target of Modi’s unjustified shrewd diplomacy.
Foreign Policy. Com maintained: South Asia has become a battleground for geopolitical rivalry, which puts pressure on the region’s nonaligned governments to take sides. But to this point, Sri Lanka has navigated this state of affairs successfully, demonstrating the capacity of states in the global south to reinforce multipolarity in the current world order”.
In this context, under the title: India and China’s Tug of War Over Sri Lanka-India sets out to check China’s efforts to turn the island into a maritime hub on its Belt and Road, The Diplomat. Com indicated: In recent years, Beijing has invested heavily in Sri Lanka’s infrastructure as part of its string of pearls policy aimed at establishing a naval presence across South Asia by building ports and other facilities in friendly countries, including Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Myanmar. The expansion is part of its One Belt, One Road” (OBOR) project, a new trade route linking China with the West, underpinned by billions of dollars of infrastructure investment. India has been looking on nervously, concerned that China is encroaching on its sphere of influence and eroding its commercial and cultural links with the island, some of whose Tamil minority are descendants of colonial-era indentured workers from the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu. Sri Lanka’s current President Maithripala Sirisena has sought to rebalance relations with the competing regional powers, reaching out to New Delhi with Modi keen to reciprocate”.
It further pointed out: Under Sirisena’s predecessor, Mahinda Rajapaksa, Sri Lanka looked to China for economic and diplomatic backing at a time when the West was threatening to sanction Colombo for crimes committed in its conflict with Tamil separatists. China is the largest investor in Sri Lanka, having spent hundreds of millions of dollars repairing war-damaged infrastructure and developing new projects following the end of the civil war in 2009”.
Nevertheless, Sri Lanka’s strengthened relations with Beijing irritated New Delhi. That is way; Colombo has become a target for the Modi-led regime.
In fact, the aim of Modi’s campaign is to establish hegemony in the region. In this connection, the false flag operation of Pulwama in Pakistan’s side of Kashmir—under the shadow of Modi and the continued atrocities on the Kashmiris in the Indian illegitimate occupation of Kashmir are in front of the world.
And no South Asian country can accept India’s monopoly under any circumstances. But extremist PM Modi continues sinister designs to keep Indian influence in the region.
Undoubtedly, Narendra Modi has started using clever tactics to increase his popularity as the election approaches. Hence, Sri Lanka has become a target of Modi’s unjustified shrewd diplomacy.
Despite political shifts in Maldives towards a pro-China stance under Muizzu’s regime, India continues to provide essential commodities to its neighbours.
The credibility of the Narendra Modi government’s neighbourhood first policy is evident as India is now planning to supply thousands of metric tons of onion to Sri Lanka after supplying vast quantities of essential commodities to Maldives under the pro-China Mohammed Muizzu regime.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi (centre), External affairs minister S Jaishankar (right), and commerce minister Piyush Goyal.
It is understood that besides this, India on April 3 allowed a supply of an additional 10,000 metric tons of onions over and above its quota to close ally United Arab Emirates (UAE) as the Gulf country is always a priority with Bharat. This is over and above 14,400 metric tons of onions agreed for the UAE on March 1.
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Despite the fact that India could have twisted Muizzu on the eve of crucial Majlis elections on April 21, the last paragraph of the export notification to Maldives that export of all essential items will be ‘exempted from any existing restriction/ prohibition on exports.’ This means that India will continue to supply essential commodities to Maldives even if there is any export ban and restriction imposed by India due to unforeseen shortfall in production in the near or distant future.
Fact is that Muizzu’s mission to Turkey, China and UAE to garner funds has turned out to be a cropper as none of the countries have pledged any grants to the Indian Ocean littoral state. Thanks to the short-sightedness of Muizzu, Saudi Arabia is just not interested in the Maldives after the Maldivian Salafi leader went to Turkey on his first foreign visit after he was sworn in as Maldivian President on November 17, 2023. Muizzu has still not visited India as he came to power riding on an anti-India campaign.
The Indian decision to export essential commodities was not based on politics but a reach to the Maldivian public and to also give a signal that Bharat is with Maldives whosoever be the ruler of the tiny island nation.
The Maldivian economy is right now as well as no infrastructure projects have been revived by Muizzu after he came to power and the country owes some USD one billion as debt repayment on account of sovereign bonds in 2026. Male owes USD 50 million as interest to SBI in May and another USD 50 million in September on account of treasury bills purchased by the Indian multinational bank.
Thanks to toxic anti-India policies pursued by Maldives ruler Muizzu, the high-spending Indian tourist arrivals in Male have plunged with the island nation swamped by low-spending Chinese tourists. Even though there is no threat to Muizzu’s government whatever the results of the Majlis elections, the Modi government is keen to ensure that the Maldivian public does to suffer on account of policies of its erratic ruler.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe emphasized that the present Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) lacks the policies of the United National Party (UNP), with its economic strategy now being overseen by individuals who was expurgated by the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP).
Additionally, President Wickremesinghe highlighted that the SJB, once poised to take control of Sirikotha” in 2020 under the UNP banner, has now been influenced by the chairman of the SLPP and other factions.
These remarks were made by President Ranil Wickremesinghe during a meeting of political party representatives convened at the President’s House in Kandy today (07). He noted that the political landscape underwent significant changes following the political turmoil in July 2022, stressing the importance of all parties, regardless of affiliation, to prioritize the nation’s interests and collaborate with the government’s agenda for progress.
Addressing the gathering President Ranil Wickremesinghe commented on the political landscape, noting that the upheaval in July 2022, stemming from the economic crisis, led to a transformation in the country’s party system. He emphasized the collective effort in achieving economic stability today and underscored the shared responsibility of safeguarding and advancing this progress.
Addressing the legislative aspect, President Wickremesinghe highlighted instances where laws passed by Parliament in the last two years have not been fully implemented during their parliamentary term. Despite economic challenges, initiatives like the Aswesuma” program aimed at supporting low-income individuals were launched, with efforts to triple the available allowance. Additionally, the Urumaya” program, focused on providing freehold deeds to two million people, was initiated. The President emphasized that these programs represent on-going efforts, initiated during a period of economic prosperity, which are now being pursued to address current challenges.
The President highlighted that the majority of Parliament has backed the continuation of government programs, with support coming from factions of the SLPP, UNP and SLFP, along with members from other parties. Stressing the importance of unity and coordination, the President emphasized that regardless of party affiliation, the primary decision lies in whether to advance with the government’s program or not.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe expressed his views on recent political developments, noting a division within political parties where the Chairman of the SLPP and a minority faction transitioned to the opposition, subsequently gaining control of the SJB. He highlighted that despite SJB’s previous claim of being the UNP in 2020, the current leadership of SJB comprises individuals who exited the SLPP.
President Wickremesinghe asserted that the true essence of the UNP is no longer present within the SJB, emphasizing his longstanding commitment to the UNP and his collaborative efforts with past leaders such as J.R. Jayewardene, R. Premadasa, and D.B. Wijetunga. He underscored the need for political unity, stressing the landscape of politics has evolved, requiring cooperation with both the SLPP and SLFP for the betterment of the country.
Encouraging grassroots engagement, President Wickremesinghe urged individuals to connect with their communities. He highlighted the progress made with the Urumaya” initiative, with one million out of two million freehold deeds already completed. Expressing confidence in the ability to expedite the distribution process, he called for unified support from the Kandy district in advancing the government’s agenda through effective coordination.
In the meantime, President Ranil Wickremesinghe attended a gathering of Local Government Chairmen from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), orchestrated by the Local Government Members’ Forum of the SLPP. The meeting, held at the President’s House in Kandy today (07), served as a platform for the SLPP members to reaffirm their support for the President.
Addressing the gathering, President Wickremesinghe announced plans to establish an advisory organization comprising former local government Chairmen. This organization will serve to facilitate communication between the government and rural communities, disseminating information about initiatives aimed at bolstering the country’s economy.
Furthermore, President Wickremesinghe outlined the implementation of a mechanism to directly relay village-specific issues to both the President and the Prime Minister. This initiative aims to streamline the feedback process, ensuring timely and effective resolution of local concerns.
The President encouraged former local government Chairmen to actively participate in the on-going government programs such as the Aswesuma” initiative and the Urumaya” land deed program, assuring them of necessary support and facilities.
Additionally, he emphasized the importance of involving youth from local government areas as pioneers in executing government initiatives.
These meetings were attended by Minister Manusha Nanayakkara, Senior Advisor to the President on National Security and Chief of Presidential Staff Sagala Ratnayaka, as well as the General Secretary of the UNP Palitha Range Bandara.
Sri Lanka and a group of its creditors are in final negotiations to suspend debt repayments until 2028, Nikkei has learned, as country creditors including Japan seek to prevent China’s influence from expanding in the debt-ridden island.
Negotiations [with the creditor nations] have concluded. We are hoping that it [a detailed announcement] will take place in the next few weeks,” Sagala Ratnayaka, Sri Lanka’s national security adviser to the president, told Nikkei in a recent interview. The repayment period will be 15 years, from 2028 to 2042, with the interest rate newly set at around 2%. He said that there will be no further debt reduction, despite a request by the island nation.
Sri Lanka in April 2022 announced a temporary suspension of public external debt payments, in effect putting the country into default. A meeting of creditor nations was set up in April 2023. Japan, which is the largest creditor country after China, is serving as the chair in the talks along with India and France.
Sri Lanka and the creditor nations have reached a basic agreement on a repayment moratorium and a reduction in interest. The provision of financial assistance from the International Monetary Fund, which was conditional on debt restructuring agreements being struck with major creditor countries, has also begun.
China, the biggest creditor, has only joined the meeting as an observer. However, the restructuring of debt from China via loans of the Export-Import Bank of China would be similar,” Ratnayaka said. We have a saying which means ‘everyone will be treated equally’,” implying that the terms of debt repayment to China would be similar to those agreed at the creditors’ meeting.
As of the end of 2023, Sri Lanka’s outstanding debt was $37.3 billion, of which China accounted for $4.7 billion.
Sri Lanka handed over control of its southern Hambantota Port to China in 2017. This was seen as a typical example of a debt trap,” where infrastructure rights are taken away amid delayed debt repayments. Some creditors, including Japan and India, are wary of China expanding its influence into the Indo-Pacific, with Sri Lanka as its base.
Ratnayaka explained that this is all purely commercial. There is nothing military [about the port agreement]. Sri Lanka is open to investment and we don’t pick and choose on the basis of what country, unless it affects national security.” He added, But in the north and areas which would affect the security of India, we are conscious.”
By Veeragathy Thanabalasingham Courtesy NewsIn.Asia
Colombo, April 4: President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s recent announcement seems to have put an end to the confusion over the sequence of national elections. He has said that no election will be held until the external debt restructuring process being carried out under the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF ) assistance programme is completed and that process will be over before the Presidential election which is due later this year.
As the President has mentioned the month of July as a deadline, he has given a clear message to those who have been demanding parliamentary elections be held before the Presidential election i. e. no election will be held before July and it is not possible to hold parliamentary elections within a short period of time before mid-October, when Presidential elections are supposed to be held as per the constitution.
The President and his United National Party(UNP) politicians have made it clear to the Rajapaksas who are cranking up pressure to dissolve Parliament and hold general elections first that they want the Presidential election to be held first.
Many political observers believe that unless the President is convinced that the de facto leader of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Basil Rajapaksa, would not be able to muster the support of 113 members to pass a resolution in the House to dissolve Parliament, he would not have outrightly rejected the Rajapaksas’ demand.
Legal luminary Prof. G. L. Peiris MP said recently at a press conference said that in terms of Article 70 of the constitution, the relevant motion should have the backing of a majority of MPs at the time a vote was taken on the motion. That could be adopted even without the consent of a simple majority in parliament.
It is almost certain now that the Rajapaksas are not going to field their party candidate in the presidential election. They are insisting that parliamentary elections be held first because of the fear that a possible resounding defeat in the Presidential election would have further repercussions in the upcoming parliamentary elections for them.
But it is now more and more clear that they have no other option but to support President Wickremesinghe.They have instructed SLPP politicians not to make comments on the prospective Presidential candidates of their party.
At the same time, the Rajapaksas will no doubt be concerned about how to secure as many assurances as possible from Wickremesinghe to ensure their future political prospects in return for their support to him in the Presidential election.
A big problem for the Rajapaksas is the number of SLPP ministers and members of parliament who are voicing their support for Wickremesinghe. They speak openly that there is no political leader other than Wickremesinghe to lead the country amidst the current economic and political crisis. The Rajapaksas need to prevent the party from further splitting.
Meanwhile, even though President Wickremesinghe has not yet publicly announced his candidacy his campaign machinery has started working. He cannot delay the announcement of his candidacy for the Presidency for a long time.
With this being the case, it is interesting to observe the comments made by UNP politicians about the nature of the candidacy of President Wickremesinghe.
UNP chairman, parliamentarian Vajira Abeywardane has said that the President will unite all political parties and be a national candidate at the presidential election.
” The President will contest as a man who will unite all political parties” he said, indicating Wickremesinghe will contest as a common candidate.
Labour Minister Manusha Nanayakkara has said that Wickremesinghe’s candidacy will be a neutral one not representing any political party.
” The President will contest as an independent national candidate on a common platform where people representing all parties , ethnicities and religions as well as people with diverse views can come together. He will once again become President of this country,” Nanayakkara said.
Former parliamentarian P Harrison, a spokesman for UN,P made a bold claim that Wickremesinghe will get 10 million votes at the Presidential election. He also took a shot at the leftist National People’s Power (NPP) /JVP which according to many recent opinion polls, is strongly ahead of any other contenders including the President and the main opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya ( SJB) .
” The JVP thinks that their three plus percent has climbed up to 80. For that to happen, all of us will have to vote for them. That will not be the case If you take the whole country. At the most, it will go up by three percent up to no more than five or 10 percent,” Harrison said.
Former minister and UNP assistant leader Akila Viraj Kariyawasam said few days back that a research conducted by the government has revealed that more than 60 percent of the voters in the country are still undecided on whom they should vote for and added that rumours of certain political parties expected to get a high percentage of vote is false.
” Some political parties are living on illusions. The incumbent President Wickremesinghe will spring a surprise similar to the one the country had during the 2015 Presidential election. There are many things happening behind the scenes. Therefore, don’t come to conclusions seeing from outside,” he said.
Although all these UNP politicians claim that Wickremesinghe will contest the Presidential election with the support of a broader alliance, no significant progress is visible in his efforts to form such an alliance. The president is dependent heavily on other parties, particularly a section of SLPP parliamentarians who defected from the Rajapaksas after the popular uprising two years ago, for alliance – building efforts, with his own party so weakened and lacking organisational framework.
But, as he expected, the members of the SLPP are not interested in joining the ranks of the dissidents and no party with a substantial public support is willing to join them except some individuals.
It is clear that many parties may be interested in joining the President’s efforts to form a broader alliance only if the UNP is in a strong position. In the current situation, the mere claim that there is no other leader but Wickremesinghe to lead the country in the present context, is not enough to make the people rally around him.
The President is hoping to get a massive support from the minority communities. But there is a risk now that his appearance as a Rajapaksa-backed candidate could backfire in the upcoming Presidential election when it comes the support of the minorities
The President believes that the economic restructuring measures carried out with the assistance of the IMF are gradually increasing his support among the people. But the resemblance of normalcy has not brought any significant improvement in the quality of life for most people. Despite the availability of goods in abundance, their prices are not at a level that most people can afford.
If the incumbent President is strong enough, most of the opposition parties will tend to nominate a common candidate against him in the Presidential election. Even so, it cannot be said that all the opposition parties will support such a candidate. The UNP had the experience of supporting former army commander Sarath Fonseka and Maithripala Sirisena, who were fielded as common candidates of the opposition in the 2010 and the 2015 Presidential elections respectively against former President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Wickremesinghe avoided contesting in three consecutive presidential elections after having lost twice. He cannot be said to be a strong ruler even though he is an Executive President today. His government runs with the parliamentary support of the Rajapaksas. In such a situation the opposition parties are not interested in fielding a common candidate against him.
The main opposition parties, SJB and NPP had already announced their candidates several months ago and have been actively campaigning. The idea of declaring an incumbent President as a common candidate is unprecedented in Sri Lankan politics.
Just because certain parties have come forward to support Wickremesinghe the idea of declaring him as a common candidate or national candidate is preposterous.
We have never known anyone contesting as a national candidate in Presidential elections abroad. If anyone has contested in such a way, the UNP politicians should let us know.
Apart from all these, it is necessary to point out one peculiar aspect of President Wickremesinghe’s political life.
During the three decades of his leadership, the UNP has never won a Presidential election. It is the Aragalaya uprising that created an unprecedented political situation for Wickremesinghe to become the executive President, a post that eluded him for more than a quarter century.
UNP stalwart and Sabaragamuwa Provincial Governor Navin Dissanayake had once said that Wickremesinghe was considering even disbanding the party after the UNP was wiped off the electoral map in the 2020 parliamentary elections.
Most of the UNP politicians aligned themselves with Sajith Premadasa because they had lost hope that the UNP would rear its head as an effective political force again under Wickremesinghe’s leadership. That is why many of them are MPs today.
But the irony is that UNP politicians are still have no way out other than relying entirely on Wickremesinghe to rebuild the party. The situation has changed dramatically to such an extent that Wickremesinghe’s former political nemeses, the Rajapaksas, have not only made him the President but also are hailing him now as the best Presidential candidate among present day politicians. That is the paradox of Ranil Wickramasinghe.
‘It is the election time in India, it is not unusual to hear such noises of claims and counterclaims about Kachchatheevu’
Representational image.Shutterstock
The statements coming out of India on “reclaiming” Kachchatheevu island from Sri Lanka have “no ground”, the Sri Lankan Minister of Fisheries Douglas Devananda has said.
The senior Sri Lankan Tamil politician’s comments came days after the Narendra Modi government targeted the Congress Party and its ally the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in Tamil Nadu accusing them of overlooking national interests in the ceding of Katchatheevu island to Sri Lanka in 1974.
The BJP has also been targeting the two parties for not ensuring the rights of the fishermen wanting to fish in waters around the Katchatheevu island.
It is the election time in India, it is not unusual to hear such noises of claims and counterclaims about Kachchatheevu,” Devananda told reporters in Jaffna on Thursday.
I think India is acting on its interests to secure this place to ensure Sri Lankan fishermen would not have any access to that area and that Sri Lanka should not claim any rights in that resourceful area”, Devananda said.
The statements on “reclaiming” Kachchatheevu from Sri Lanka’s hold has “no ground,” Devananda has said.
The Sri Lankan minister said according to the 1974 agreement fishermen from both sides could do fishing in the territorial waters of both countries. But it was later reviewed and amended in 1976.
Accordingly, fishermen from both countries were banned from fishing in neighbouring waters.
Devananda stressed, There claims to be a place called West Bank which is located below Kanyakumari – it is a much bigger area with extensive sea resources – it is 80 times bigger than Kachchatheevu, India secured it at the 1976 review agreement.” Devananda as the fisheries minister has faced pressure from the local fishermen in recent months.
The local fishermen have led widespread protests to stop illegal fishing by their Indian counterparts in the Sri Lankan waters. They say the bottom trawling by the Indians is harmful to Sri Lankan fishing community interests.
So far this year, at least 178 Indian fishermen and 23 trawlers have been arrested by the Sri Lanka Navy.
Devananda, an ex-Tamil militant who now leads the Eelam People’s Democratic Party, was named a proclaimed offender by a court in Chennai in 1994.
On Thursday, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) steered clear of the row surrounding Katchatheevu island.
To a volley of questions on the Katchatheevu issue, MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal referred to External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s recent comments on the matter.
“I would like to tell you that on the issues that have been raised, the external affairs minister has spoken to the press here in Delhi and also in Gujarat clarifying all the issues,” he said.
“I would refer that you please look at his press engagements. You will get your answers there,” Jaiswal said in New Delhi.
Actress Damitha Abeyratne and her husband, who was arrested by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) over an alleged financial fraud, has been remanded on the orders of the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court.
Accordingly, the couple will be behind bars on remand until April 17.
The actress and her spouse, who had been wanted by the CID, were arrested after they appeared before the court on Thursday (04).
The CID is investigating Abeyratne and her husband, in connection with their involvement in an alleged money scam.
The Computer Crimes Division of the CID had initiated an investigation into the alleged defrauding of Rs. 3 million by the couple on the promise of employment in South Korea. Subsequently, the CID informed the court that Abeyratne and her husband would be named as suspects of the relevant case.
Accordingly, Fort Magistrate’s Court recently rejected a writ petition filed seeking to prevent their arrest.
Meanwhile, Fort Magistrate Thilina Gamage imposed an overseas travel ban on the couple on Wednesday (03), with respect to the incident.
Mr. Rajith Keerthy Tennakoon, President Director General of Community Affairs says that after between President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s assumption of office and February 2024, the Sri Lankan government has settled a total of USD 1909.7 million in foreign debt and interest payments.
He also highlighted that from 21 July 2022 to February 2024, the government has disbursed $1338.8 million in multilateral loans and interest, with no outstanding arrears in loan instalments or interest payments up to February 2024. Mr. Rajith Keerthi Tennakone conveyed this information during a special media statement today (05).
Expressing his views further Mr. Thennakoon further commented:
According to the Department of External Resources, payments totalling USD 760.1 million have been made to the Asian Development Bank and USD 7.0 million to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.
Additionally, payments of USD 22.3 million have been made to the European Investment Bank, USD 17.9 million to the International Fund for Agricultural Development, and USD 9.8 million to the EFF 23-26 program of the International Monetary Fund. Furthermore, USD 1.7 million has been disbursed to the Nordic Development Fund, USD 29.9 million to the OPEC Fund for International Development, and US$ 489.9 million to the World Bank. Consequently, the government’s total payments for loans and interest amount to USD 1,338.8 million.
It is noteworthy that the Asian Development Bank (ADB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank have extended further financial support to the government due to its commendable track record in debt repayment. During this period, negotiations are underway with relevant states and institutions to finalize agreements regarding the repayment of bilateral loans and interest, which currently stand at USD 571.0 million.
Additionally, preliminary agreements have been reached concerning debt and interest payments, involving members of the Paris Club, with outstanding interest to be settled by the end of February 2024 amounting to USD 450.7 million.
It is worth noting that several countries, including Japan, have provisionally agreed to resume numerous projects halted during the previous season.
Moreover, bilateral loan transactions have been conducted with nearly 25 other financial institutions, such as Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Japan, South Korea, Kuwait, Pakistan, Russia, Spain, the United States, China Development Bank, Sino-Hungarian Bank, Indian Exim Bank, and American Exim Bank.
These loans and interest payments have been denominated in US Dollars, Euros, Japanese Yen, and Canadian Dollars. The Central Bank of Sri Lanka has bolstered its dollar reserves in foreign currencies to facilitate local payments to institutions like People’s Bank, Bank of Ceylon, and Hatton National Bank after settling local debt and interest obligations.
Furthermore, following the repayment of multilateral, bilateral, and local dollar loans, the country’s cash reserves have surged to over USD 4.9 billion (USD 4950 mill ion). The government is actively engaged in restructuring business loans and interest totalling USD 4,439.2 million, acquired at high-interest rates. It is important to note that payment of these funds will be deferred until negotiations regarding debt restructuring are finalized.
The ongoing discussion regarding the special interest rate offered for fixed deposits of senior citizens warrants attention.
Introduced as a budget proposal in 2015, the special interest rate initiative aimed to provide senior citizens with a competitive interest rate of 15% per annum on their fixed deposits. Initially, the Treasury allocated funds to bridge the gap between the prevailing low interest rates in banks and the proposed higher rate of 15%. This program, implemented through commercial banks, initially covered deposits up to One million rupees, which was later increased to Rs. 1.5 million in the 2018 budget. Consequently, all 1.2 million senior citizen accounts were eligible for this favourable interest rate.
By 2022, the Treasury was allocating Rs. 20 billion per quarter to cover the additional interest payments. This amounted to an annual expenditure of Rs. 80,000 million (Rs. 80 billion). However, due to the country’s economic crisis, this initiative had to be halted from October 1, 2022.
With over 50% of senior citizens relying on monthly interest payments, it’s evident that the government cannot sustain an annual expenditure of Rs. 80,000 million given the current financial situation. The outstanding amount owed to 17 banks for the additional interest payments until October 2022 stands at Rs. 108 billion.
To secure the additional funds required annually, amounting to Rs. 80,000 million, a proposal suggests increasing the current value-added tax (VAT) by 1%.
It’s imperative that any discussion of reinstating the 15% interest rate for senior citizens addresses how the necessary funds will be raised. The Central Bank’s policy of lowering interest rates and fostering competitive investment opportunities to stimulate economic growth should be upheld. Lessons from past instances where unsustainable interest rates led to financial instability underscore the importance of prudence in financial management to prevent such crises from recurring.
A meeting between Korean Prime Minister Han Duck Soo and his Sri Lankan counterpart Dinesh Gunawardena was held on Thursday (04) in Seoul.
During the discussion, the Korean Prime Minister asserted that many new job opportunities would be opened for Sri Lankans.
In addition to the labour force that provides jobs for agriculture, construction and other industries in his country, PM Han also mentioned the possibility of providing new jobs for health services and professional services.
He said that South Korea, as a member of the Paris Club, will always stand therein for Sri Lanka, which is recovering from the recent financial crisis, to successfully carry out its future activities.
PM Han requested to take measures to reduce the time for the preliminary work for future projects to be implemented while the currently agreed projects in the areas of renewable energy, fisheries sector and joint investment areas will be implemented without any change. Further, he pointed out the importance of enhancing the space for floating solar power installations.
PM Han added that the South Korean people are also very interested in visiting Sri Lanka and expressed his agreement to support the provision of more opportunities to visit Sri Lanka, which is one of the most attractive tourist destinations in the world.
When the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka was holding the portfolio of the Minister of Education, the move to include Korean Language as a subject in the curriculum was praised by the Korean Prime Minister.
The support given in the face of the Covid-19 pandemic was greatly appreciated.
The Korean prime minister added that these matters will also strengthen the relations between Sri Lanka and Korea that have existed for a long time.
The two leaders also discussed the further expansion of diplomatic relations.
Leading officials of the Government of Korea, and representatives of the Government of Sri Lanka, namely State Ministers Piyal Nishantha and Anupama Pasqual, MP Yadamini Gunawardena, Prime Minister’s Secretary Anura Dissanayake, Sri Lankan Ambassador to South Korea Savithri Panabokke, and Prime Minister’s Media Secretary Laith Rohan Liyanage also participated in this event.
In a significant development in Sri Lankan political circles, Members of Parliament from the “Nidahasa Janatha Sabha” and the “Samagi Jana Sandanaya” led by the SJB (Samagi Jana Balawegaya) have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU). This agreement reflects a strategic move towards cooperation and collaboration between the two political factions.
The MPs involved in this MOU signing include: Prof. G L Peiris Dilan Perera Dr. Nalaka Godahewa Dr. Upul Galappaththi Wasantha Yapa Bandara K P S Kumarasiri These members of parliament, who had previously broken away from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), chose to sit independently in Parliament under the banner of the Nidahasa Janatha Sabhawa.
The “Nidahasa Janatha Sabha” is a political faction led by these respected MPs. On the other hand, the “Samagi Jana Sandanaya,” under the leadership of the SJB, represents a significant opposition force in the Sri Lankan political landscape.
The formation of the ‘Samagi Jana Sandhanaya’ alliance signifies a new chapter in Sri Lankan politics, consolidating the strengths and resources of the SJB and the Nidahasa Janatha Sabhawa. This united front is poised to play a pivotal role as the main opposition force, advocating for policies that serve the interests of the people and addressing pressing issues facing the nation.
The signing of this MOU signals a mutual understanding and agreement on various political matters and strategies between the two groups. It highlights a shared vision for addressing key issues facing the nation and working towards common goals for the betterment of Sri Lanka and its people.
This alliance could have significant implications for the political landscape of Sri Lanka, potentially shaping the course of policies, reforms, and future electoral strategies. As these two factions join forces, their combined efforts and resources could lead to a stronger political presence and a more unified voice in Sri Lankan governance and decision-making.
When the skeletons came tumbling out after the Supreme Court demanded full disclosure in the electoral bonds scheme, it did not really surprise anyone.
The BJP exudes an almost contemptuous confidence that no revelations can derail its ultimate victory. Where does this confidence come from?
It is 2024 and among the BJP’s star campaigners in the high-stakes electoral battle in Maharashtra are Ajit Pawar and Ashok Chavan. But rewind to the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha campaigns and you will find that Ajit Pawar and Ashok Chavan figured prominently in the BJP’s campaigns then too.
Remarkably consistent, one might say. The only problem is that in 2014 and 2019, Pawar and Chavan were in the opposition and the BJP had grounded its entire campaign on their alleged venality, attacking them fiercely for being tainted” and the face of corruption”.
All it took for the two men to morph from tainted leaders to star campaigners was to swear allegiance to the BJP. In a normal democracy, one would call this opportunism, dishonesty, even brazen duplicity. But in the tumbledown democracy we now inhabit, it is called a masterstroke”. This doublespeak has been in evidence since 2014, when the saffron party came to power riding on the coattails of Anna Hazare’s anti-corruption movement, promising to wipe out graft and crony capitalism. And did anything but that in the 10 years following.
Thus, when the skeletons came tumbling out after the Supreme Court demanded full disclosure in the electoral bonds scheme, it did not really surprise anyone. How could it? A government that does not baulk at using Enforcement Directorate probes to arm-twist opposition party members is not likely to shy away from corporate extortion. What is surprising, however, is the sheer amount of money involved.
The roughly Rs. 12,000 crore received by political parties—with the BJP getting about 55 per cent—is many times more than that ever raised singly by other political funding routes. It added to the obscene amounts of money sloshing about in electioneering. The last Lok Sabha election cost Rs.60,000 crore, making it the most expensive one globally. This year, it is expected to double. Until the system changes, parties need funds to survive, but a party clearly needs much more than ordinary funds if it wishes to continuously engineer defections and neuter any opposition.
The BJP has concentrated on gathering majoritarian approval by manipulating religious sentiments to a degree where it deems both performance and an image of incorruptibility immaterial.”
The other point one notes is that it took six years for the Supreme Court to declare the scheme unconstitutional. This in effect amounted to giving one party a six-year lead to amass wealth. But the wealth was not required for electioneering alone; it yielded something much more important—influence. The last decade has been used to mobilise an unprecedented degree of clout and to wield it unerringly. To embed a certain belief system deeply into the political, social, and cultural fabric of the nation.
As the electoral bonds scheme unravels, what one notices is the almost contemptuous confidence the BJP exudes that no revelations can impact its ultimate victory. Where does this confidence come from? For one, from its control of mainstream media and democratic institutions, but even more importantly, from its belief that it no longer needs approval from democratic value systems. The party has concentrated on gathering majoritarian approval by manipulating religious sentiments to a degree where it deems both performance and an image of incorruptibility immaterial.
Add to this the continuing large-scale efforts to harvest data and information about various sections of the populace and the casual disregard with which the democratic and institutional carapace is being shrugged off and one sees a definite movement towards totalitarian control. This, however, might not be as inevitable as it is being subliminally suggested. After all, the important question remains. Will it really be that simple to mind-control what is easily one of the world’s most unbridled and tumultuous people?
Pathfinder Foundation renews call for establishing a marine research station
Now and then, Kachchativu island, lying halfway between the islands of Rameswaram (India) and Delft (Neduntheevu -Sri Lanka), has been hitting the news headlines. Mainly, such interests are evinced when several of the hundreds of Indian trawlers that cross the International Boundary Line (IMBL) three times a week and engage in bottom trawling in Sri Lankan waters get arrested for a variety of offences, including illegal entry into Sri Lankan waters, engaging in fishing without licenses and practising bottom trawling, which is an offence in Sri Lanka.
Compared with the regularity of these infractions, arrests are few and far between, and those arrested are released within weeks, if not days after court cases are completed in keeping with the country’s laws. Yet, egged by the fishing interests, Tamil Nadu politicians have made it a fine art to complain against arrests to New Delhi, demanding retrieval of Kachchativu, as if it would address the problem. While the eye of the storm remains on the island, the Indian public appears to be unaware that illegal fishing by Tamil Nadu fishermen covers a wide ark from Chilaw in the northwest of Sri Lanka to Mullaitivu in the east of the island, hundreds of kilometres away from Kachchativu. Nobody in India, either in New Delhi or Tamil Nadu, wishes to address the larger problem of illegal entry of Tamil Nadu fishermen into a foreign country, carrying out unlicensed fishing, and, in the process, damaging the fragile marine ecology by resorting to bottom trawling within Sri Lankan waters. Ironically, the Indian side, while demanding humanitarian treatment of its fishermen, seems to be oblivious to the denial of a decent livelihood to Sri Lankan fishermen in the north and the east of Sri Lanka, who are warned by their Indian counterparts not to venture into Sri Lankan waters three times a week, when they pillage their marine resources at will. Sri Lankan Tamil fishermen in the north and the east, being the real victims of the tragedy, ask in unison whether the continuation of this illegal practice for many decades is because New Delhi finds it easier to manipulate the Sri Lankan government than making Tamil Nadu fishermen comply with the bilateral and international agreements?
A new Indian RTI report on Kachchativu
The latest round of the controversy over Kachchativu started with a tweet by the Indian prime minister on March 31 referring to an RTI report provided to the BJP president of Tamil Nadu, which reportedly claimed that the Congress Party callously gave away” the island of Kachchativu in 1974. Indian External Affairs minister followed up on the matter and said that when drawing the maritime boundary in June 1974, Kachchativu was put on the Sri Lankan side.” Quoting relevant Articles of the agreement and a statement made by Minister of External Affairs Sardar Swaran Singh on July 23, 1974, he added that the exchange of letters between the two foreign secretaries on March 23, 1976, ensured that fishing vessels and fishermen of India and Sri Lanka would not engage in fishing in the historic waters, the territorial sea and the exclusive zones of the two countries without the express permission of the two countries.
He referred to continuous arrests of Indian fishermen and detention of their fishing vessels by Sri Lanka over the years, over which Chief Ministers of Tamil Nadu had repeatedly protested to New Delhi. It was evident that he was not making a case for reclaiming the island but striving to restore fishing rights around the waters of Kachchativu.” To strengthen his case, he quoted the legal opinions of former Indian Attorney General M C Setalvad (1958) and the Legal Advisor of the External Affairs Ministry, Dr. K Rao (1960), citing customary rights for Indians to fish around Kachchativu. However, what was not figured in the interview was that thousands of Tamil Nadu trawlers cross the IMBL and engage in fishing over a wide arc from Chilaw in the West to Mullaitivu in the East, covering more than 450 kilometres of Sri Lankan coastline!
Even if Sri Lanka were to concede fishing rights around the Kachchativu island as demanded, how India would prevent the pillage of natural resources by Indian fishermen beyond the shores of Kachchativu of its economically debilitated neighbour covering a vast stretch of coastline was not made clear. It is noteworthy that at least for the last twenty-five years, India has been pressing Sri Lanka for licensed fishing in these waters to facilitate the majority of its 4000-strong trawler fleet to continue bottom trawling in Sri Lankan waters, ignoring the illegality of that practice according to Sri Lankan law.
It may be recalled that in June 2011, the TN government led by Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalithaa filed a petition in the Supreme Court of India seeking to declare the 1974 and 1976 agreements unconstitutional. However, the Indian government objected to the TN government’s arguments, stating that No territory belonging to India was ceded, nor sovereignty relinquished, since the area was in dispute and had never been demarcated” and that the dispute on the status of the island was settled in 1974 by an agreement. Both countries considered historical evidence and legal aspects when arriving at the decision. The legality of the two agreements was confirmed in August 2014 by the Indian Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi, who represented the Centre. He told the Supreme Court bench led by Chief Justice of India R M Lodha, If you want Kachchatheevu back, you will have to go to war to get it back.”
When a previous RTI report was made public in 2015, the Indian side adopted the same position in 2011, that the two agreements did not involve acquiring or ceding territory belonging to India since the area in question had never been demarcated. Against this backdrop, it is not a surprise that three highly respected former Indian High Commissioners of India in Sri Lanka, Shivshankar Menon Nirupama Rao and Ashok Kantha, two of whom later functioned as foreign secretaries, came out publicly against the latest Indian claim over Kachchativu.
Pathfinder is aware that elections in Tamil Nadu at the state or national level are occasions when the issue of Kachchativu receives undue prominence, as happened in March when a report under RTI was released to Tamil Nadu BJP President K Annamalai regarding the 1974 decision of the Indira Gandhi government to hand over” the territory in the Palk Strait to Sri Lanka.
From a legal perspective, India did not hand over” Kachchativu to Sri Lanka as claimed by the Indian side, simply because the island concerned was not a territory owned by India. Both countries claimed the island, and Sri Lanka established that historically, cartographically, and legally, the island had been administered by Sri Lanka since the Portuguese period, going back to 1615.
Indian claims to Kachchativu rebuffed during the colonial period
It has been recorded that even during the colonial period, India made claims over Kachchativu. It will be recalled that an Indian delegation visited Sri Lanka in October 1921 to discuss the fisheries line between the two countries. At the meeting, the Indian side made a vain attempt to establish the fisheries line one mile east of Kachchativu so that the island would be located within India’s waters. B. Horsburgh, the Principal Collector of Customs, who had also been the Government Agent of the Northern Province of Sri Lanka and therefore thoroughly knowledgeable on the subject, threatened not to proceed with the conference if the Madras officials led by C W E Cotton continued disputing Sri Lanka’s sovereignty over Kachchativu seeking to stake a claim over the island[1]. Eventually, both sides agreed to set the fisheries line three miles west of Kachchativu, thus bringing the island firmly under Sri Lanka’s control.
Pathfinder is aware that records confirm that even after the independence of the two countries, India used to seek the approval of Sri Lanka to use the island as a bombardment target. In response to a request made by Indian High Commissioner V. V. Giri in August 1949, his Sri Lankan counterpart Kanthiah Vaithianathan responded that the suggestion made by the Indian side to the effect that Kachchativu was situated outside the territorial limits of Ceylon was not correct and that should the Royal Indian Navy desire to conduct fleet exercises as proposed, it will be necessary to obtain the permission of Ceylon Government to do so,” which response effectively ended the Indian request. Further, except for the claim made at the 1921 conference by the colonial officials of Madras, no other claim had been made by the Government of India until the mid-1950s. Therefore, it can be maintained that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty over the island was based on specific historical documentation, the consistent exercise of jurisdiction and physical control over the island.
The 1974 agreement was concluded after painstaking negotiations spanning the administrations of two Sri Lankan prime ministers, Dudley Senanayake (1965-1970) and Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike (1970- 1977), during the tenure of Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.
It is clear that the RTI episode was election-related propaganda activity, and the Indian side had decided to use the opportunity to obtain approval for licensed fishing in Sri Lankan waters. Against this backdrop, Sri Lanka must prepare itself to respond to future pressures and pleas from the Indian side for licensed fishing.
Establish a fisheries research station on Kachchativu
Meanwhile, Sri Lankan authorities should know that they have been idling for exactly half a century after Colombo established its sovereignty over Kachchativu. The island may be a barren piece of real estate in the eyes of Sri Lankan authorities. However, it is a strategically located island that can be put to productive use, considering that its vicinity is famous for fisheries resources. Overfishing and damaging the sea bed due to continuous bottom trawling could destroy the area’s marine environment, depleting the fish stock, mussels, sea cucumbers, and other aquatic organisms that need to be protected. Sri Lanka is yet to understand how it lost its centuries-old lucrative pearl fisheries breeding grounds in Mannar, for which the island was known for many centuries. Against this backdrop, authorities concerned, including the Ministry of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources, the National Aquatic Resources Research & Development Agency (NARA), and other relevant institutions, should come up with ideas on how to use the island by establishing a permanent marine research station on the island, a proposal made by the Pathfinder Foundation way back in 2017[2].
Meanwhile, Indian authorities and opinion makers should bear in mind that the fly in the ointment affecting cordial India-Sri Lanka relations is not Kachchativu, an issue that was conclusively resolved half a century ago, but the relentless attacks on the fisheries resources in the northeastern sea by Indian trawlers. New Delhi should take proactive measures to address the decades-long issue and not expect the problem to disappear on its own or, eventually, expect Sri Lanka to accept the inevitable, which will come at a considerable economic and political cost to the state. This certainly is not how bilateral relations between India and its neighbours should be conducted, particularly during an enlightened era when Indian leaders do their utmost to stabilize its neighbourhood and see them developing along with resurgent India.
The Sangha for Better Sri Lanka (SBSL) and the Global Tamil Forum (GTF) are saddened by the untoward incidents that took place during the Maha Shivaratri Event (March 8, 2024) at Vedukkunari Aathi Sivan Temple in the North of Sri Lanka.
On the Maha Shiva Rathri night (the most auspicious night in the Hindu calendar), in an alarming escalation of force, the security forces resorted to actions which included depriving the devotees of food, water and other basic necessities, and the forceful and humiliating manner in which the devotees including the temple priests were removed from the site and detained.
We are aware of the history of the conflict in this and other contentious areas which are often fuelled by the suspicions and fears among the minority communities about the broader state agenda of imposing majoritarian character, symbols and practices at the expense of their centuries old cultural traditions and practices. The Archaeology Department is often viewed as a tool to achieve this end. The courts, too, are subjected to unhealthy pressure and in the present crisis there are conflicting interpretations as to whether the night pooja was permitted or not – this in itself is an affront to those who have been following such religious practices over many years.
What was striking the most during the recent escalation was the excessive force and the humiliating treatment inflicted upon the devotees of a particular faith.
As the police couldn’t produce any evidence of damage at the site, and the fact that there was an existing legal determination that worshipping must be permitted and the release of all detainees by the judge is of great relief.
The oral statement by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Turk, presented earlier this month highlighted continuing abductions, unlawful detention and torture by the Security establishment and the present crisis appears to validate his strong concerns. Further, such occurrences go against the reconciliation agenda the government purported to promote, including by setting up a new Office for this purpose.
We are also concerned about the negative fallout such incidents can cause to the initiatives undertaken by SBSL and GTF for promoting religious harmony and understanding among all communities in Sri Lanka.
With the possibility of elections later in the year and the potential for interested parties to stir unrest for electoral benefits, we call upon all citizens of the country – including politicians, government officials, and the legal and security establishments – to take utmost precaution to avoid repeat of such incidents in the future.
In other progressive steps three of the SBSL Buddhist monks, Ven. Madampagama Assaji Tissa Thero, Ven. Kithalagama Hemasara Nayake Thero and Ven. Prof. Pallekande Rathnasara Thero met with the Minister of Buddhasasana, Religious, and Cultural Affairs Vidura Wickremanayake on 14 March. Apart from formally handing over the Himalaya Declaration, they also discussed some of the issues highlighted at the meeting with the Most Ven Nallai Atheenam Kurukkal in December 2023.
It is noteworthy to acknowledge that the SBSL monks visited the sites in January to see it for themselves where issues were identified, including the Thirukoneswarar Temple in Tricomalee, Kurunthoor Malai and in Kankesanthurai within the presidential palace compound which comprises two Hindu temples, namely Lingeswarar Kovil and Krishnar Kovil and a Samadhi (tomb or mausoleum) of Sadayamma Sadhu. The Minister assured the monks that he will assist in finding resolutions to these issues in the near future. On 10 January, at Kurunthoor Malai, with the assistance of the Governor for Northern Province, the monks were able to resolve the issue of water supply to a large part of agricultural land to which water supply was temporarily suspended.
On 12 March, Ven. Kalupahana Piyaratana Thero from the SBSL and Prakash Rajasunderam from GTF – Australia met with the United Nations Resident Coordinator Marc-André Franche in Colombo and formally handed over the Himalaya Declaration. Following the meeting, the UN Resident Coordinator tweeted Today, I received representatives from Sangha for Better Sri Lanka & Global Tamil Forum who shared their ‘Himalayan Declaration’ & plans for ‘National Conversation’. Look forward to further updates of their social & religious dialogue on reconciliation and respect for human rights”.
The third of the five proposed workshops as preparatory district level workshops to upskill coordinators for the National Conversation based on the Himalaya Declaration took place in Batticaloa, on Friday, March, 1 and Saturday, March, 2. Participants from four surrounding districts, namely, Polonnaruwa, Monaragala, Ampere and Trinocmalee also participated.
At the workshop in Batticaloa, thirty religious leaders of all faiths and some civil society members participated. Ven. Kalupahana Piyarathana Thero, Ven. Prof. Pallekande Rathnasara Thero, and Ven. Kithalagama Hemasara Nayake Thero were present and led the discussions on behalf of Sangha for Better Sri Lanka (SBSL). Global Tamil Forum (GTF) was represented by Velupillai Kuhanendran from the United Kingdom.
Visaka Dharmadasa’s Association for War Affected Women (AWAW) facilitated the gathering. Six statements in the Declaration found widespread acknowledgement among the participants. Professional facilitators Indika Perera, Nagaratnam Vijayskanthan and Jinadari Parameshwaram, who also provided translations.
The inaugural workshop was held in Kurunegala on February 9 and 10. At the Kurunegala workshop, participants included Gampaha, Anuradhapura and Puttalam as well. The second workshop was held at Kandy, where participants were from areas such as Mattale, Badulla, Ratnapura, Nuwara Eliya and Kegalle.
These planned workshops are aimed at training the proposed 150 interfaith clergy and civil society members, as coordinators. They will be the key resource persons who will facilitate the planned 25 districts conversations, in the coming months. These proposed five workshops will all be two days workshops, spread around the country.
Next workshop will be on 19 and 20 April in Galle which will have participants from Colombo, Kalutara, Galle, Matara and Hambantota. The final one will be on 26 and 27 April in Vavuniya, where participants from Jaffna, Mullaitivu, Kilinochchi, Mannar and Vavuniya will participate.
Each district will be represented by five inter-religious persons and a civil society member in total six per district. Therefore, from the 25 districts will be 150 coordinators. Once all five workshops are over, the national conversation will begin.
TomDispatch is distinctly a forever-war creation. When I began it almost 23 years ago, the U.S. had just invaded Afghanistan and, of course, there wasn’t the faintest sense that what had been launched then, in the wake of the 9/11 attacks on this country, would still be going on globally so many years later, or that, in all those years, the best-funded military on the planet would achieve so remarkably little (except perhaps in getting itself funded at ever more astronomical levels).
If, in fact, you had told me then that, by March 2024, the U.S. military would have been decisively defeated in Afghanistan, largely defeated in Iraq, and would never have managed to come anywhere close to eradicating the still-expanding terror groups on this planet in what was already (all too ominously) known then as the Global War on Terror, I doubt I would have believed you. If you had told me that, in March 2024, a newly formed junta in Niger (a country I then knew nothing about), five of whose members had been trained by the U.S. military, would be threatening to kick our forces out of their country because our war on terror had failed so dismally in the region, leaving behind an airbase built there for a genuine fortune, I would have thought you nuts.
And yet, here we are. As TomDispatch‘s Nick Turse — who, in all these years, has followed the grim war on terror into Africa in a way no other journalist has — suggests, it’s another one down for the home team (which has been all too far from home all too regularly since September 11, 2001). Consider his striking report just one more nightmare in the Global War That Never Ends, or GWTNE. Tom
Epic Fail
The New Junta in Niger Tells the United States to Pack Up Its War and Go Home
Dressed in green military fatigues and a blue garrison cap, Colonel Major Amadou Abdramane, a spokesperson for Niger’s ruling junta, took to local television last month to criticize the United States and sever the long-standing military partnership between the two countries. The government of Niger, taking into account the aspirations and interests of its people, revokes, with immediate effect, the agreement concerning the status of United States military personnel and civilian Defense Department employees,” he said, insisting that their 12-year-old security pact violated Niger’s constitution.
Another sometime Nigerien spokesperson, Insa Garba Saidou, put it in blunter terms: The American bases and civilian personnel cannot stay on Nigerien soil any longer.”
The announcements came as terrorism in the West African Sahel has spiked and in the wake of a visit to Niger by a high-level American delegation, including Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Molly Phee and General Michael Langley, chief of U.S. Africa Command, or AFRICOM. Niger’s repudiation of its ally is just the latest blow to Washington’s sputtering counterterrorism efforts in the region. In recent years, longstanding U.S. military partnerships with Burkina Faso and Mali have also been curtailed following coups by U.S.-trained officers. Niger was, in fact, the last major bastion of American military influence in the West African Sahel.
Such setbacks there are just the latest in a series of stalemates, fiascos, or outright defeats that have come to typify America’s Global War on Terror. During 20-plus years of armed interventions, U.S. military missions have been repeatedly upended across Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia, including a sputtering stalemate in Somalia, an intervention-turned-blowback-engine in Libya, and outright implosions in Afghanistan and Iraq.
This maelstrom of U.S. defeat and retreat has left at least 4.5 million people dead, including an estimated 940,000 from direct violence, more than 432,000 of them civilians, according to Brown University’s Costs of War Project. As many as 60 million people have also been displaced due to the violence stoked by America’s forever wars.”
President Biden has both claimed that he’s ended those wars and that the United States will continue to fight them for the foreseeable future — possibly forever — to protect the people and interests of the United States.” The toll has been devastating, particularly in the Sahel, but Washington has largely ignored the costs borne by the people most affected by its failing counterterrorism efforts.
Reducing Terrorism” Leads to a 50,000% Increase in… Yes!… Terrorism
Roughly 1,000 U.S. military personnel and civilian contractors are deployed to Niger, most of them near the town of Agadez at Air Base 201 on the southern edge of the Sahara desert. Known to locals as Base Americaine,” that outpost has been the cornerstone of an archipelago of U.S. military bases in the region and is the key to America’s military power projection and surveillance efforts in North and West Africa. Since the 2010s, the U.S. has sunk roughly a quarter-billion dollars into that outpost alone.
Washington has been focused on Niger and its neighbors since the opening days of the Global War on Terror, pouring military aid into the nations of West Africa through dozens of security cooperation” efforts, among them the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership, a program designed to counter and prevent violent extremism” in the region. Training and assistance to local militaries offered through that partnership has alone cost America more than $1 billion.
Just prior to his recent visit to Niger, AFRICOM’s General Langley went before the Senate Armed Services Committee to rebuke America’s longtime West African partners. During the past three years, national defense forces turned their guns against their own elected governments in Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, and Niger,” he said. These juntas avoid accountability to the peoples they claim to serve.”
Langley did not mention, however, that at least 15 officers who benefited from American security cooperation have been involved in 12 coups in West Africa and the greater Sahel during the Global War on Terror. They include the very nations he named: Burkina Faso (2014, 2015, and twice in 2022); Guinea (2021); Mali (2012, 2020, and 2021); and Niger (2023). In fact, at least five leaders of a July coup in Niger received U.S. assistance, according to an American official. When they overthrew that country’s democratically elected president, they, in turn, appointed five U.S.-trained members of the Nigerien security forces to serve as governors.
Langley went on to lament that, while coup leaders invariably promise to defeat terrorist threats, they fail to do so and then turn to partners who lack restrictions in dealing with coup governments… particularly Russia.” But he also failed to lay out America’s direct responsibility for the security freefall in the Sahel, despite more than a decade of expensive efforts to remedy the situation.
We came, we saw, he died,” then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton joked after a U.S.-led NATO air campaign helped overthrow Colonel Muammar el-Qaddafi, the longtime Libyan dictator, in 2011. President Barack Obama hailed the intervention as a success, even as Libya began to slip into near-failed-state status. Obama would later admit that failing to plan for the day after” Qaddafi’s defeat was the worst mistake” of his presidency.
As the Libyan leader fell, Tuareg fighters in his service looted his regime’s weapons caches, returned to their native Mali, and began to take over the northern part of that nation. Anger in Mali’s armed forces over the government’s ineffective response resulted in a 2012 military coup led by Amadou Sanogo, an officer who learned English in Texas, and underwent infantry-officer basic training in Georgia, military-intelligence instruction in Arizona, and mentorship by Marines in Virginia.
Having overthrown Mali’s democratic government, Sanogo proved hapless in battling local militants who had also benefitted from the arms flowing out of Libya. With Mali in chaos, those Tuareg fighters declared their own independent state, only to be pushed aside by heavily armed Islamist militants who instituted a harsh brand of Shariah law, causing a humanitarian crisis. A joint French, American, and African mission prevented Mali’s complete collapse but pushed the Islamists to the borders of both Burkina Faso and Niger, spreading terror and chaos to those countries.
Since then, the nations of the West African Sahel have been plagued by terrorist groups that have evolved, splintered, and reconstituted themselves. Under the black banners of jihadist militancy, men on motorcycles armed with Kalashnikov rifles regularly roar into villages to impose zakat (an Islamic tax) and terrorize and kill civilians. Relentless attacks by such armed groups have not only destabilized Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, prompting coups and political instability, but have spread south to countries along the Gulf of Guinea. Violence has, for example, spiked in Togo (633%) and Benin (718%), according to Pentagon statistics.
American officials have often turned a blind eye to the carnage. Asked about the devolving situation in Niger, for instance, State Department spokesperson Vedant Patel recently insisted that security partnerships in West Africa are mutually beneficial and are intended to achieve what we believe to be shared goals of detecting, deterring, and reducing terrorist violence.” His pronouncement is either an outright lie or a total fantasy.
After 20 years, it’s clear that America’s Sahelian partnerships aren’t reducing terrorist violence” at all. Even the Pentagon tacitly admits this. Despite U.S. troop strength in Niger growing by more than 900% in the last decade and American commandos training local counterparts, while fighting and even dying there; despite hundreds of millions of dollars flowing into Burkina Faso in the form of training as well as equipment like armored personnel carriers, body armor, communications gear, machine guns, night-vision equipment, and rifles; and despite U.S. security assistance pouring into Mali and its military officers receiving training from the United States, terrorist violence in the Sahel has in no way been reduced. In 2002 and 2003, according to State Department statistics, terrorists caused 23 casualties in all of Africa. Last year, according to the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, a Pentagon research institution, attacks by Islamist militants in the Sahel alone resulted in 11,643 deaths – an increase of more than 50,000%.
Pack Up Your War
In January 2021, President Biden entered the White House promising to end his country’s forever wars. He quickly claimed to have kept his pledge. I stand here today for the first time in 20 years with the United States not at war,” Biden announced months later. We’ve turned the page.”
Late last year, however, in one of his periodic war powers” missives to Congress, detailing publicly acknowledged U.S. military operations around the world, Biden said just the opposite. In fact, he left open the possibility that America’s forever wars might, indeed, go on forever. It is not possible,” he wrote, to know at this time the precise scope or the duration of the deployments of United States Armed Forces that are or will be necessary to counter terrorist threats to the United States.”
Niger’s U.S.-trained junta has made it clear that it wants America’s forever war there to end. That would assumedly mean the closing of Air Base 201 and the withdrawal of about 1,000 American military personnel and contractors. So far, however, Washington shows no signs of acceding to their wishes. We are aware of the March 16th statement… announcing an end to the status of forces agreement between Niger and the United States,” said Deputy Pentagon Press Secretary Sabrina Singh. We are working through diplomatic channels to seek clarification… I don’t have a timeframe of any withdrawal of forces.”
The U.S. military is in Niger at the request of the Government of Niger,” said AFRICOM spokesperson Kelly Cahalan last year. Now that the junta has told AFRICOM to leave, the command has little to say. Email return receipts show that TomDispatch’s questions about developments in Niger sent to AFRICOM’s press office were read by a raft of personnel including Cahalan, Zack Frank, Joshua Frey, Yvonne Levardi, Rebekah Clark Mattes, Christopher Meade, Takisha Miller, Alvin Phillips, Robert Dixon, Lennea Montandon, and Courtney Dock, AFRICOM’s deputy director of public affairs, but none of them answered any of the questions posed. Cahalan instead referred TomDispatch to the State Department. The State Department, in turn, directed TomDispatch to the transcript of a press conference dealing primarily with U.S. diplomatic efforts in the Philippines.
USAFRICOM needs to stay in West Africa… to limit the spread of terrorism across the region and beyond,” General Langley told the Senate Armed Services Committee in March. But Niger’s junta insists that AFRICOM needs to go and U.S. failures to limit the spread of terrorism” in Niger and beyond are a key reason why. This security cooperation did not live up to the expectations of Nigeriens — all the massacres committed by the jihadists were carried out while the Americans were here,” said a Nigerien security analyst who has worked with U.S. officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity.
America’s forever wars, including the battle for the Sahel, have ground on through the presidencies of George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Donald Trump, and Joe Biden with failure the defining storyline and catastrophic results the norm. From the Islamic State routing the U.S.-trained Iraqi army in 2014 to the Taliban’s victory in Afghanistan in 2021, from the forever stalemate in Somalia to the 2011 destabilization of Libya that plunged the Sahel into chaos and now threatens the littoral states along the Gulf of Guinea, the Global War on Terror has been responsible for the deaths, wounding, or displacement of tens of millions of people.
Carnage, stalemate, and failure seem to have had remarkably little effect on Washington’s desire to continue funding and fighting such wars, but facts on the ground like the Taliban’s triumph in Afghanistan have sometimes forced Washington’s hand. Niger’s junta is pursuing another such path, attempting to end an American forever war in one small corner of the world — doing what President Biden pledged but failed to do. Still, the question remains: Will the Biden administration reverse a course that the U.S. has been on since the early 2000s? Will it agree to set a date for withdrawal? Will Washington finally pack up its disastrous war and go home?
A NPP victory is highly likely in the forthcoming Presidential/Parliamentary elections. People are jubilant about this.
People will vote for NPP en-mass; this is for sure.
People’s only hope is that NPP will rescue them from the current social and economic plight and bring forth prosperity to them.
What people want is a political party that can rebuild this nation, not a one that will put it further down.
Since 1970 or so all parties have been extremely corrupt. In the past 30 years we have become one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Because the politicians are so corrupt, public servants emulate them. They also engage in all forms of bribery and corruption.
This phenomenon is in NPP’s favour as their leaders boast a good record in relation to honesty. Any doubt about same, people give JVP the benefit.
But, that record itself is not enough. Integrity, foresight, wisdom, empathy, patriotism etc are needed to run a country well.
In 2019 people voted for Gota resoundingly (69 million). They genuinely believed that he would fix the country’s problems and make it prosperous. Gota failed the people miserably; they threw him out within 2 years of coming to power.
Will the same fate fall upon the future NPP President and the NPP government? Let us hope not.
If it is a Yes, it will be disasterous for the nation – a loss for all people.
Let us hope that the NPP Presidency and its government will be a success. This paper is written in that good mindset.
This writer foresees some major practical problems that the NPP administration would face, thus pens them down herein:
NPP boasts that upon its current leader becoming the President, he will not rule the country alone but with his team. This is strange.
We have a Parliamentary Executive that consists of the President and the Cabinet. The topmost government officials can be considered as part of the Executive.
How does the NPP aspire to govern the country in such a surrounding? Why are they saying that rather than the elected, individual leader, the country will be run by a NPP leadership team.
It is true – this is how they run the party now.
Currently the NPP is run by its strong polity-bureau. It has a leader, but it is the Party’s Secretary that is most powerful. It is the Secretary not the Leader that selects the party’s Presidential candidate.
The method that the NPP adopts in Pelawatte will not work in Echelon’s Square.
We have an Executive Presidency. The President has enormous power – some are like dictatorial. If NPP tries to run the government the Pelawatte way, that will amount to violating our Constitution.
NPP wanting to run the country by a leadership team is China way, but we have an Executive government system which is French way. If NPP wants the former, they will have to introduce significant Constitutional amendments. People will not be in favour of such nonsense.
Does the current NPP leader think he does not have the ticker to be the country’s leader (run the country under his total command and control in true leadership spirit– this is what our Constitutions prescribes). If Yes, he is not leadership material .
NPP states that each of their Cabinet ministers (there will be about 25) will be advised by a team of experts (about 5 or 6 per Ministry). This sounds nonsensical.
In our current Westminster system Cabinet ministers run the ministries with the help of the deputy ministers, permanent secretaries and other high ranking government officials. The NPP must adapt this system. They cannot change things willy nilly.
Why do they want at least 150 cabinet advisers appointed? How much will this cost the taxpayer?
Appointment of these advisers (a new layer of administrators?) could be chaotic, duplicative and waste of money. Last thing the people want is another White Elephant.
In a democracy it is the elected representatives who run the administration; not their friends and cronies. If these advisors are so good (this is how the NPP describes them), why not try them as NPP election candidates and ask for the people’s vote?
We must not forget that Gota’s failures commenced from his failed fertilizer policy. A team of experts advised him that the country must disband chemical fertilizer, somewhat within 24 hours; and switch to organic farming. What our farmers had practised for so many generations was abruptly stopped by one Gota Order.
Gota’s expert agricultural panel mainly comprised of a medical doctor, a Buddhist monk, his agricultural minister (a former insurance agent) and a media tycoon. There were few expert agriculturalists in it.
NPP must learn from Gota’s mistakes. It must give regard to the proverb ‘too many cooks spoil the soup’.
We need a leader like Lee Kwan Yew. Our leader must know what is good and bad for the nation. He/she must always take decisions in the best interests of the country. US President Truman had the sign ‘the buck stops here’ placed on his desk.
What guarantee can the NPP give us that their President will govern the country with a NPP leadership team? Their President may abandon the promise and start to rule the country per the Constitution. The leader may say contrary to what was stated during the election time, he would adhere to the Constitution. This could cause a rift in the party, which will inhibit public good.
Empirical evidence shows that our Presidents have always deviated from promises that they make during election times. A lie practised by almost every President since 1994 is that once they come to power they would scrap the Executive Presidency. No one has struck to their promise.
Thus, we have been ruled by a bunch of liars for the last 30+ years.
How can such people who do not have genuine intent to serve the masses build a nation?
In developed countries leaders practice what they preach.
The current NPP leader states words to the effect that he is ashamed that Sri Lanka has thus far not produced a minority Prime Minister. Basically, he was saying that it is time for Sri Lanka to have a Tamil Prime Minister under his Sinhalese Presidency. It is probable that JVP’s powerful Tamil polity bureau member who heads the party’s up-country estate unions would be the NPP’s Prime Minister.
An alarming aspect is that this person has publicly stated words to the effect that it is time for the countrymen to forget ethnicity (race) and think Sri Lankan. He effectively wants the citizens’ race not being mentioned in the Birth Certificate.
Why should we hide our ethnic identity? This is bizarre.
He was preaching this to the Sinhalese in a Sinhala YouTube Channel. Has he ever stated this to his Tamil brethren both in the upcountry and the North/East? To the writer’s best knowledge – No.
In the said YouTube interview, he stated that ethnic identity of the upcountry Tamils must be protected and enhanced. Simply, he advocates double standards.
We must not forget that the country’s Sinhala numbers are declining rapidly. Although some foolishly boasts that Sinhala Buddhists are still about 70% of the population, the writer states it cannot be so. He believes this number now is about 65%.
A powerful section of the NPP seems wanting a female as their Prime Minister. A female JVP MP is also a possibility.
Thus, it is quite likely that the NPP’s Prime Minister will either be a male Tamil or a female Sinhalese.
NPP must have a policy of giving the country’s best positions to best persons. This must be done solely on merit, not on quota.
In relation to the Prime Ministership, it seems there are two NPP sections promoting two concepts. This can lead to chaos and animosity. Let us hope that such a situation would not arise.
NPP should sort out these differences/anomalies now. Otherwise, the country will suffer.
Also, the people must know in advance; they have a right to know.
NPP leader has demonstrated us that he is a strong Liberal. This is alright. But, his recent comments in criticizing the need to uphold traditions and values is a real cause for concern.
Unlike the US, Australia; we are a conservative society. People here know who they are/where they came from. We are proud of our culture, customs and traditional way of life. NPP must not try to change everything overnight. This is a civilization that has existed for 2500 years.
Sri Lanka is a country founded on a Sinhala Buddhist foundation. Sadly many Buddhist priests do not have the guts to say this openly. Several Muslim and Christian leaders (including the Cardinal) have been bold enough to state in public loudly that Sri Lanka is a Sinhala Buddhist country.
Accepting this does not mean others are 2nd class.
We all live like children of one mother. It should be that way.
Contrary to what Rohana Wijeweera, Somawansha Amarasinghe preached, the current NPP hates to believe Sri Lanka is a Sinhala Buddhist nation.
Will the NPP accept the fact that the Sinhalese have the right to live in the North and the East? We need answers to this question now.
Since recently, NPP leaders have started visiting/worshiping Buddhist temples. This is somewhat hilarious. It is well known that JVP has been an atheist party.
Are they doing this to canvass the Sinhala Buddhist vote? NPP must be upfront with the electorate.
We must not forget that JVP has been a marxist party.
NPP has been silent on its stance on the 9th Article of the Constitution. Prior to the election they must clearly articulate their position. Would they support the State giving patronage to Buddhism or not?
Would the NPP preserve the Article 9? People ought to know this.
NPP has slipped away from answering whether or not they would implement the 13th Amendment fully (giving land and police powers to provinces), or even give 13+. It is true that their only female MP in the parliament did state that they support the implementation of the 13A fully. This is an extraordinary statement on NPP’s behalf.
Up to what extent would they go in supporting the 13A or 13+?
The current NPP leaders must not forget that under Somawansa Amarasinghe’s leadership it worked hard to preserve the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. It was the JVP that challenged the merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces in the Supreme Court. The JVP was successful on that occasion.
Today’s JVP (NPP) policies are poles apart from that of Rohaha Wijeweera and Somawansa Amarsinghe. They are most attuned to the philosophies and concepts of the Peratugamis, Lionel Bopage, Jayadewa Uyangoda, Victor Ivan et al.
It is very good for the NPP to promise masses that under its regime all looted money ($) will be returned to Sri Lanka and the looters will be prosecuted. This is their strongest point.
This is the main reason why people will vote for them.
But, will they genuinely do this? If yes, what is their strategy in doing so. NPP must explain.
Ranjan Ramanayake stated ‘brother, all 225 are friends”. According to him, the JVP is included in the 225.
The NPP agrees that the IMF way is the only way; they say they will negotiate with the IMF and vary the terms and conditions to make them more people friendly. This explanation is not enough.
They must articulate what are the unfair IMF terms and conditions, and how they will include more favourable ones.
It is wise for the NPP to clear these practical problems that would pop under their future administration. They should do this now, in utmost good faith.
The Colombo High Court on Tuesday (02) rejected the bail application filed by the General Secretary of Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) General Secretary Ven. Galagodaaththe Gnanasara Thero, who was recently handed a 4-year rigorous imprisonment.
High Court Judge Aditya Patabendige conveyed the decision when the bail application put forward by the defense attorneys requesting the court to release their client on bail was taken up before the court on Tuesday morning.
On March 28, Judge Patabendige sentenced the BBS General Secretary to four years of rigorous imprisonment for the defamatory comments made against Islam in late 2016.
Gnanasara Thero had been accused of making defamatory comments against Islam during a 2016 media briefing convened with respect to the Kuragala Buddhist monastery, causing damage to national and religious harmony.
The judge had found the monk guilty of the two indictments filed by the Attorney General under the Penal Code. Accordingly, the accused was sentenced to two years of rigorous imprisonment for each indictment and was imposed two fines of Rs. 50,000 each. He also ordered that the two sentences be served separately.
Gnanasara Thero’s prison sentence will be extended by two more years in the event of his failure to pay the fine.
The case had been filed based on a complaint filed by former MPs Mujibur Rahman and Azath Salley.
A debate rages over if the SLPP must contest the presidential election or not. Contesting elections only to win them is a disastrous approach. Win or lose, the SLPP must contest the election and remain relevant. Otherwise, it will permanently slip from the top slot and will never be able to get up there again, especially so at the current and future political climate.
SLPP politicians must learn from the UNP. After the 2005 presidential election, UNP didn’t contest a presidential election. In 2010 and 2015 contesting it was outsourced to others and instead of the UNP they contested from the swan” symbol. In 2019 UNP allowed Sajith to contest it but Sajith chose to create his own party (SJB) to contest it. As a result, the UNP which was until recently the single largest political party in the country slipped from the top and was reduced to no elected members and just one national list seat. SLPP will collapse to that level if it evades contesting the presidential election.
SLFP also suffered albeit at a lower level from 1988 to 1993 when it refused to contest provincial council elections. A small breakaway party ate into the SLFP vote base as a result which kept it in the opposition longer than it should have. Things changed only when the PA (led by the SLFP) contested provincial council elections. Despite losing most provincial councils in 1993 and eventually securing just two and marginal support in another, PA came to the limelight which led to its parliamentary and presidential election wins a year later.
Ministers who want the SLPP to support Ranil instead of contesting the election have personal agendas. One of them has an ongoing court case involving extortion. If he does not support the current regime, he will end up in prison. That’s the only reason for him to discourage the SLPP from contesting the election.
SLPP should contest the presidential election, contest at the following parliamentary, provincial council and local government elections and remain relevant. Election fortunes will change as the next regime (just like the current one) will be unable to bring the nation out of the economic mess. The lull in economic troubles is only due to not repaying loans. These loans and their interest must be repaid starting later this year. Economic pain will emerge again.
Sajith and Anura are not the only champions of the youth” as they have passed Sri Lanka’s retirement age by now!
In a rapidly evolving digital landscape, a groundbreaking initiative is set to empower Buddhists across Sri Lanka. The upcoming mobile application, designed to protect Buddhist rights, promises to be a beacon of justice and advocacy. Here’s why this app matters:
Reporting Violations: The app provides a streamlined platform for reporting incidents that violate the sanctity of Buddha Sasana, Dharma, or the Sangha. Whether it’s an act of desecration, discrimination, or injustice, users can swiftly document and report violations. Legal Guidance: Backed by legal experts, the app ensures that aggrieved Buddhists receive accurate guidance. From understanding their rights to navigating the legal system, the app bridges the gap between faith and justice.
Community Unity: By fostering a sense of community, the app encourages Buddhists to stand together. It’s a collective effort to safeguard the teachings of the Buddha and uphold the principles of nonviolence (ahimsa). Metta in Action: The app embodies the spirit of metta (loving-kindness) by advocating for peace, tolerance, and respect. It’s a digital extension of the protect of compassionate teachings that have guided Buddhists for centuries. As we eagerly await the app’s launch, let us remain vigilant and committed to preserving the essence of Buddha Sasana. Stay tuned for updates, and may metta guide our path toward a just and harmonious society.
Remember, the strength of any movement lies in unity and informed action. May this app serve as a powerful tool in protecting Buddhist rights and promoting understanding
”9” The Republic of Sri Lanka shall give to Buddhism the foremost place and accordingly it shall be the duty of the State to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana, while assuring to all religions the rights granted by Articles 10 and 14(1)(e).
MP Yadamini Gunawardena stated that if the precious commitments of our people rendered in the past are not remembered again and again, the battles and legacies will be erased from the history books. He said this while attending the 52nd commemoration of the national hero Philip Gunawardena held at the Foundation Institute, Colombo (31.03.2024).
MP Yadamini Gunawardena addressing the gathering stated that, When Hon. Philip Gunawardena, who is remembered with respect even today as a national hero of the country who made many commitments for the achievements of the public not only in our country but also in many continents, was to enrol for higher education, Anagarika Dharmapala advised Hon. Philip Gunawardena’s father to direct young Philip Gunawardena to a place where he can gather experience to build a future Sri Lanka that can move forward by breaking down the barriers of imperialism. Accordingly, Hon. Philip Gunawardena gained experience at a young age in supporting the second revolution in Mexico together with veteran Professor Scott Nearing at the University of Wisconsin. But there was no end to his revolutionary struggles. While he was supporting the battles on the North American continent, he was pursued by the British secret intelligence service of Scotland Yard. That report was released after 40 years of Hon. Philip Gunawardena’s demise. There is more information in that report about how he went to the imperialists and challenged them and carried forward the fight for the freedom and rights of the people of the colonized countries like our country in Asia, Africa and South America. Philip Gunawardena fought fearlessly to fulfil the needs of the people of countries like ours. Likewise, it is recorded in this secret information that he had participated in the establishment of the first republic of Spain while being in the first revolutionary battle front in Spain. Even though he was educated in his mother tongue from the village temple and Boralugoda Kanishta Vidyalaya, he studied Spanish, French and English and gathered a wealth of experience by supporting the victories of battle fronts through these languages. He started the Surya-Mal movement in our country and worked with the left leaders to get the grand start of the freedom struggle. In the 1936 election, he contested the Avissawella electorate, which stretched from the far corner of the Kelani Valley to Colombo Port, and was elected to the State Council.
Hon. Philip Gunawardena was the first to command the British to go back immediately stating in the State Council that ‘You have no right to acquire the administration and rule this country because the British came as pirates’. That is why there were frequent oppressive incidents in the diplomatic journey he followed. The leaders were imprisoned. After breaking out of prison, they joined hands with the leaders of the Indian peninsula and became strong. Philip Gunawardena played a significant role in the freedom struggle of our country as well as in the freedom of the people of the region. By leading the anti-imperialist struggle, he launched a huge battle for the freedom of our Asian countries.
It is my duty to recall those events. If this is not done, the precious commitments of our country, struggles, and the legacies of our people may be erased from the history book, and buried in the sands of history. After independence, Hon Philip Gunawardena led the nationalisation movement. He wanted to prove that together with the general public of our country, they can build a national movement that can boost the national economy through their great creativity. Special mention should be made of the Bus Nationalisation and Harbour Nationalisation. Colombo Harbour was 126th port in the world at that time and 25 years after the nationalisation, was ranked 26th in the world. The nationalisation movement highlighted the strength of the people of our country. In the same way, the peasants of the country, who worked hard to transform the country into the granary of the East, had a problem of their rights to continue their cultivation. They had no support from the banking system. There was a period when the ordinary farmers of our country did not have a bank to obtain loan facilities. At that time, banking operations were done with selected persons. Hon. Philip Gunawardena brought to Parliament the bill to create the first national bank that can identify the needs of the ordinary people of the country. The first act is the Co-operative Development Bank Act, even though it is called the People’s Bank Act. This Banking Act is an act that has created an opportunity for the ordinary people of our country to negotiate with the world, to develop their business, and to deal within the struggling economy of our country. We need to think anew to reach development goals. These matters can be contributed to the way forward with the general public of our country by thinking creatively.” Prof. Ranil Senanayake, who delivered the Philip Gunawardena Commemoration speech said; Hon. Philip Gunawardena was a product of a time when the nation had focused on social upliftment as the development goal. That was the goal, not economic development, not the amount of money we can make or borrow. The social well -being was the goal. And this was reflected in the actions of Hon. Philip Gunawardena as he demonstrated to us. He is also remembered as the architect of the Paddy Lands Act, which brought relief to the tenant cultivator. He said that he will work with any group of people who are ready to develop this country, who were ready defend and the independence of this country, who are ready to serve the people of this county. Let it be any group of people. Most Ven. Itthepane Dhammalankara Thera presided over this event and President Ranil Wickremesinghe, Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, former Presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa and Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, family members Prasanna Gunawardena, Lakmali Gunawardena, former Speakers Chamal Rajapaksa, Karu Jayasuriya, and Basil Rajapaksa, Ministers and Parliamentarians, Ambassadors of many countries, intellectuals, and party members participated in this event.
Colombo, March 31: The British conquest of Ceylon from the Dutch in 1796 did not result in the wholesale dismissal of Dutchmen from the various institutions of the government. And the British too found it convenient to employ them.
The reasons for employing the Dutch were basically four: The first was the failure of the early British policy of employing British officials drawn from the Madras Civil service. It was from Madras that the military campaign to take Ceylon was launched and it was a group of Madras officials who called the shots in the first few years.
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But the Madras-systems introduced by Robert Andrews, the Superintendent of Revenue, were at odds with the Dutch systems that were in place in Ceylon at that time.
For example, the village headmen, who were all-in-all under the Dutch system, were divested of their traditional role and power. There functions were given to Indian Amildars” popularly dubbed Malabar Mudaliyars”. These were expatriate government-appointed revenue collectors. The side-lined village headmen deeply resented these. The new taxes levied by the British were also not liked by the locals.
In 1797, there was a general revolt in the island which made Robert Hobart, the Governor of Madras, set up an inquiry commission.
The second reason for employing Dutchmen was that many Dutchmen had remained in Ceylon even after the British took over. Many were working for the Dutch East India Company which ruled the island, or had lands and businesses. Many were married or had liaisons with local women and were rooted in Ceylon. Many were of mixed descent. Reportedly about 900 families had decided to remain in Ceylon. But they had to sign a document of loyalty to Britain.
The third reason was that many of the government records were in Dutch and court proceedings too were in Dutch.
The fourth reason was that the status of Ceylon was not clear in 1796 despite the fact that the British were the de facto rulers. Ceylon’s status was to be decided by events in Europe. It was only in 1802 that a decision to hand over the Dutch possessions in Ceylon to the British was taken as per the Treaty of Amiens. Given the possibility of Ceylon being returned to the Dutch, many Dutchmen decided to stay on in Ceylon.
Governor Hobart’s commission which inquired into the revolt of 1797, was headed by Brig,Gen. Pierre-Frederic de Meuron a Swiss mercenary who had earlier worked for the Dutch as commander of the Colombo garrison. The other members of the commission were Major Agnew (Madras service), Robert Andrews and the Galle collector Robert Alexander.
Hobart accepted Brig.Gen.de Meuron’s recommendation that Dutch officials be employed as they were seen to be deserving men”. According Dr. Upali C.Wickremeratne, the author of the Conservative Nature of the British Rule in Sri Lanka, ” the other recommendation of the commission was that the Dutch language should be used as the second official language as it was better understood in Ceylon than English.
The British did not even insist that the Dutch civil servants should take an oath of loyalty to England.
The second most important thing that the committee recommended was that in the Maritime Provinces, which the British had inherited from the Dutch, the status, duties and privileges of the Goigama and Vellala headmen of the villages must be restored. The implementation of the recommendations of the commission defused the crisis in Ceylon.
When Frederick North took charge as the first Governor of British Ceylon in 1798, he enthusiastically appointed Dutchmen to various posts. In the newly created Postal Department for example, 26 of the new recruits were Dutch. Seventeen of the recruits in the Survey Department were Dutch. The Malay Corps and the Ceylon Native Infantry set up by North, were officered by the Dutch.
But the top position in the various departments were given to the British. For example, the Surveyor General was Joseph Joinville. The same was true of the Corps of Engineers and of the medical services. But Dutch names appear in the top echelons of the administrative set up in Galle, Matara, Trincomalee and Meegamuwa.
There was a fair sized translation department in the government which was packed with the Dutch. Governor North set up land courts and civil courts. Here there were British judges from the Madras service as well as Dutch judges. The Secretary of the court and the court clerks and writers were Dutch as indeed most of the clerks in government service as a whole.
One of the reasons for employing the Dutch was the language of the courts and administration at that time was Dutch. After all, the Dutch had been ruling the Maritime Provinces from 1658 to 1796 and had instituted an administrative system on European lines.
But the wide use of Dutch was very disconcerting to the British. If there were no competent translators at a court, case files had to be sent to Colombo for translation. This made Governor North resolve to replace Dutch with English.
In desperation he once wrote: The necessity of carrying on the business of government in a foreign language and the difficulty of finding a sufficient number of persons at all acquainted with our own to keep the daily business from falling into arrears is by no means a trifling inconvenience.”
However, North was generally very accommodative to the Dutchmen. He had a deep sense of gratitude to them as they helped him run the administration during the transition period. In return, he protected them when his jealous British staff threatened them.
North felt closer to the Dutch also because both were against the Madras Civil Servants. Both felt threatened by them. North was not sent from Madras as Robert Andrews was, but from London.
In a letter to the East India Company’s Court of Directors dated January 30, 1800, North vented his feelings about Madras Civil Servants. He said: The systematic spirit of opposition and of hatred which has guided them in all their actions and which has made them turn every mark of confidence which I have shown them and every authority with which I have invested them into engines to discredit my person and to thwart my government.”
But North did not have much of a choice as there were not many public servants who were sent from London. It was only in 1802, when Ceylon was delinked from Madras and turned into a Crown Colony, that the Colonial Office began to send officers from Britain.
But North had one major difficulty with the Dutch civil servants. They refused to take the Oath of Loyalty to Britain probably. This was probably because they hoped that the Dutch would come back to rule Ceylon again. According to Dr. U.C. Wickremeratne, they did not approve of the changes in Holland brought about by the French Revolution. They were more nationalistic than the Dutch in Holland.
However, Sir Codrington Edmund Carrington was the Chief Justice of Ceylon he declared that the proceedings of the Court of Equity with Dutch judges would be invalid if they had not taken the oath of loyalty to the British monarch. Upon this ruling, North dissolved the court.
The Dutch clergy in Ceylon also proved to be recalcitrant. Three clergymen Schroder, Meyer and Phillipsz refused to comply with the rule to pray for the King of England. They said that they would incur the displeasure of their constituents if they did so.
Dr. Wickremeratne says that the clergymen persisted in their refusal till at least 1801 when North wrote to the Court of Directors saying that because of their obstinate refusal to pray for His Majesty he cannot allow them the exercise of any acknowledged authority in the country.”
But according to Dr.Wickremeratne, North did not replace them.
Other Dutch officials were more compliant. As the prospect of restoring Ceylon to the Dutch receded, Dutch officials became more tractable. North himself admitted that the opposition was much diminished” over time. The Dutch/Eurasian community, also known as Burghers, remained a key element in the British administration of Ceylon..
