Shenali D Waduge

Why is it important to go back in time to understand the root causes of every country unable to rise from its colonial past? Why have these nations that have self-sustained themselves for centuries during times when there were no imports or exports, dollar transactions now crippled in debt? While modern conflicts preach about accountability & acknowledgment, there is little or no such by the very entities that engineered, institutionalized, politicized selective and privileged policies that constitute the symptoms behind most of today’s global conflicts. Without understanding this background, people are made to believe the Sinhalese & Tamils have been enemies. Sri Lanka’s civilization is far beyond the 443 years western colonials occupied the island or the over 200 years of South Indian invader rule.

1. Portuguese Period (1505–1658) – Malabars as Foreign Settlers

Portuguese chroniclers consistently labeled Tamil-speaking populations as Malabares”, migrants from South India, not indigenous.

Fernao de Queiroz (1687):

• The Chingalas are the natural inhabitants and ancient possessors of the island.”
• The Malabars are foreigners who came from the coast of India, settling principally in the northern parts.”
• The kingdom of Jaffnapatam was formed by Malabars who crossed over from the Coromandel coast.”

João Ribeiro (1685):

• The Chingalas are the true natives of the land.”
• The Malabars came from the Coromandel coast and settled in Jaffna.”

Key point: No Portuguese source ever recognizes Tamils as indigenous.

2. Dutch Period (1658–1796) – Consolidating Migrant Status

Philippus Baldaeus (1672):

• The Chingalese are the proper natives of the island.”
• The Malabars crossed over from the coast of India and established settlements in the north.”

Francois Valentyn (1726):

• The Sinhalese have inhabited the island from the most ancient times.”
• The Malabars are immigrants from South India who formed colonies in Jaffna.”

Dutch records confirm importation of thousands of Malabars, and explicitly did not recognize them as natives.

3. British Period (1796–1948) – Institutionalizing Artificial Identities

Robert Knox (1681):

• These people are the native inhabitants of the island.” (Sinhalese)

Captain Robert Percival (1803):

• The Malabars are foreign settlers, differing in every respect from the native inhabitants.”

Sir James Emerson Tennent (1859):

• The Sinhalese constitute the aboriginal population of the island.”
• The Malabars derive their origin from Southern India.”

Casie Chitty (1834):

• The Tamils of Ceylon are descendants of Malabars who migrated from Southern India.”

George Turnour (1837):

• The Sinhalese monarchy and civilization existed centuries before South Indian invasions.”

Creation of Ceylon Tamil” – 20th Century Administrative Rebranding

Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam (1901):

The term ‘Malabar’ gave the impression that they were foreigners.”

1911 Census (E.B. Denham, British Administration):

For the first time:

• Ceylon Tamils (localized identity)
• Indian Tamils (indentured laborers)

Before 1911, Tamils were Malabars, classified by occupation, caste, or origin, with no political or territorial identity.

After 1911, administrative labels → political identity → communal consciousness → territorial claims → separatist ideology.

British policies imported over 1 million Indian Tamils as plantation laborers, officially Indian Tamils,” temporary and stateless.

Questioning the Colonial Census – The Ceylon Tamil” Construct

Understanding how artificial ethnic identities were created requires examining the timeline of censuses in Ceylon and the emergence of Ceylon Tamil”.

1. Pre-1911 Censuses – No Ceylon Tamil” Category

Census Year	Classification of Tamils	Notes
1824	Malabars, Sinhalese, Moors, Europeans	Earliest British population survey; Tamils called Malabars, no political identity
1871	Low-country Sinhalese, Kandyan Sinhalese, Tamils, Moors, Malays, Europeans	First scientific census; Tamils grouped as a single category
1881	Sinhalese, Tamils, Moors, Europeans	Tamils not subdivided; identity based on language/caste, not political or territorial claim
1891	Sinhalese, Tamils, Moors, Europeans	No separate Ceylon Tamil” or territorial identity
1901	Sinhalese, Tamils, Moors, Europeans	Classification remained consistent; census purely descriptive

Observation: Until 1911, there was no administrative distinction between local Tamil settlers (Malabars) and other groups.

There was no Ceylon Tamil” identity, no political or territorial implication, only linguistic/caste-based categorization.

Census of 1911 – The Turning Point

Compiler: E. B. Denham, Census Superintendent

Publication: Census of Ceylon, 1911, Volume I – General Report (Government Press, Colombo, 1912)

Racial Classification Introduced for the First Time:

• Ceylon Tamils(local Tamil-speaking population)
• Indian Tamils(indentured plantation laborers from South India)

Significance: This was a completely new political-racial construct. Administrative convenience became a political identity, laying the foundation for communal consciousness, representation, and eventual territorial claims.

Questions Raised by the 1911 Census

1. Why did the British suddenly create Ceylon Tamil” in 1911?

• Previous censuses did not distinguish between Malabars and other Tamil-speaking populations.
• The label had no historical or indigenous basis.

2. Was this merely administrative, or intentionally political?

• Census categories are often neutral, but here the creation of a separate racial-political identityenabled later communal representation and territorial claims.

3. Impact on subsequent politics and separatism:

• This administrative act directly influenced the formation of:
• Federal Party (ITAK)
• TULF political platform
• Vaddukoddai Resolution
• LTTE separatist ideology

4. Historical legitimacy and public perception:

• Can a 20th-century colonial administrative categoryoverride centuries of historical, social, and cultural realities?
• How did the census reframe the narrativeof Sinhalese-Tamil relations, presenting artificial divisions as natural or historical?

Key Observations

Before 1911: Tamils were classified as Malabars — migrants from South India, not a politically or territorially distinct population.

1911 Census: Introduced Ceylon Tamil” for the first time — a politically engineered identity.

Consequence: Administrative convenience → political identity → communal mobilization → separatist ideology.

Takeaway: The very foundation of the Ceylon Tamil” identity used in later political movements originates in a single colonial census, not in historical continuity or indigenous ethnicity.

From Ceylon Tamil” to Separatist Politics: The Colonial Roots of Secessionist Demands

Step	Action	Outcome
1911 Census	Created Ceylon Tamil”	Admin → Political identity
1949 ITAK	Federal Party	Territorial claims
1976 TULF	Vaddukoddai Resolution	Sovereign Tamil Eelam claim
1987 Accord	Provincial autonomy	Partial political legitimacy
LTTE	Armed secession	Northern/Eastern provinces claimed
Diaspora	Global advocacy	International lobbying citing artificial identity

1. Artificial Identity: Ceylon Tamil” (1911 Census)

• Pre-1911: Tamils wereMalabars, migrants from South India; no political or territorial identity.
• 1911 Census:British created Ceylon Tamil” and Indian Tamil” as separate categories.
• Result: Administrative convenience →political identity → communal consciousness → territorial claim.

This act institutionalized division, setting the stage for ethnic mobilization.

2. ITAK & TULF – Political Consolidation of Identity

• Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK, 1949)– Federal Party
  • Directlybuilt upon the Ceylon Tamil” administrative identity.
  • Political goal:federal state for Ceylon Tamils.
• Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF, 1976)
  • Adopted ITAK’s platform.
  • Vaddukoddai Resolution (1976):

Called for a sovereign Tamil Eelam, claiming the northern and eastern provinces based on Tamil majority populations.

The Tamil-speaking people of the North and East have a right to self-determination and to establish a sovereign Tamil Eelam.” – Vaddukoddai Resolution, 1976

Observation: The legal/administrative recognition of Ceylon Tamils in 1911 was the first step in creating a population category that later justified claims for territorial self-determination.

3. Indo-Lanka Accord (1987) – State Recognition of Tamil Political Identity

• Accord wording emphasizedTamil-speaking population of the north and east” and provincial devolution.
• Intended as a compromise: provincial autonomy for areas dominated byCeylon Tamils.
• Consequence: Even limited devolutionrecognized a politically distinct Tamil entity, echoing the 1911 census’s artificial separation.

The Tamil-speaking population of the Northern and Eastern provinces shall have devolved powers, and their distinct identity shall be recognized.” – Indo-Lanka Accord, 1987

4. LTTE Demands – Militarization of Artificial Identity

• LTTE used theCeylon Tamil identity to claim:
  • Entirenorthern and eastern provinces as a Tamil homeland.
  • Exclusive rights based on ethnic majority,” ignoring historical Sinhalese presence.
• Territorial claims inVaddukoddai Resolution and later LTTE manifestos directly trace back to the recognition of Ceylon Tamils as a separate group.

Without the 1911 administrative identity, the ideological foundation for such territorial demands would have lacked legitimacy.

5. Diaspora Advocacy – Global Amplification

• Diaspora groups (Europe, North America, Australia) continue to:
  • Claim rights forCeylon Tamils
  • Lobby UN, EU, and human rights forums using thehistorical political identity of Ceylon Tamil”.
• Examples of demands:
  • Recognition of Tamil Eelam.
  • Autonomy or federal guarantees fornorthern and eastern provinces.
• International intervention citingCeylon Tamil oppression”, framing Sinhalese as the majority oppressor.

This demonstrates colonial administrative classification → local political identity → militant claims → global diaspora advocacy.

6. Summary – The Causal Chain

Step	Description	Effect
1911 Census	Creation of Ceylon Tamil” identity	Administrative identity → Political identity
ITAK (1949) & TULF (1976)	Federalist political platform	Territorial claims, Vaddukoddai Resolution
Indo-Lanka Accord (1987)	Limited devolution	State-level recognition of distinct political Tamil identity
LTTE (1980s–2009)	Armed separatist demands	Northern & Eastern provinces claimed as Tamil homeland
Diaspora Groups	International advocacy	Global lobbying, human rights campaigns

Diaspora Statements on Self‑Determination and Tamil Eelam

From a public Tamil diaspora press release calling for recognition of Tamil self‑determination and political solutions:

We Tamils have been fighting for over seventy years for self‑determination. We are a nation of people living in the merged North and East in the island of Ceylon. We have our right to determine our own destiny… successively suppressed… amounting to genocide.”
— Statement by Tamil diaspora advocacy groups, urging UN recognition, an internationally monitored referendum for people in northern/eastern provinces and their descendants, and recognition of Tamil territories not governed by Tamils.

The State of Tamil Eelam shall consist of the people of the Northern and Eastern provinces… and ensure full and equal rights of citizenship… Tamil shall be the language of the State…”

— Translated extracts from TULF political platform.

The North was under South Indian invader rule but that ruler never extended to present East.

Invader rule does not constitute ethnic homeland” and if invaders never ruled Eastern Province, how can this so-called Tamil Eelam include entire Eastern Province too.

The entire separatist and territorial movement, from ITAK/TULF to LTTE and diaspora activism, originates from a 20th-century colonial administrative act — the artificial categorization of Ceylon Tamil” in 1911.

International Law

• Territorial Integrity:UN Charter Article 2(4) prohibits secession without consent.
• Right to Self-Determination:Only applies to historically oppressed or indigenous people, not administrative constructs.
• Colonial Responsibility:Shows colonial census categories led to long-term conflicts.
• Diaspora / External Recognition:International recognition cannot override historical and legal realities.

Understanding these roots is essential to seeing through modern narratives of ancient ethnic enmity” and recognizing how colonial and neocolonial policies engineered divisions for administrative convenience and political control.

Shenali D Waduge

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

My wife and I recently arrived in Colombo from Singapore on a late-night flight. As dual citizens, I hold both a Sri Lankan passport and a British passport. As is my usual practice, I presented both passports to the immigration officer, since officers typically request to see them.

To my surprise, the officer stated that his system did not show that I was a dual citizen. He was holding my British passport and said, Your dual citizenship is not indicated, and you cannot enter.” I immediately informed him that I had also handed over my Sri Lankan passport, where my dual citizenship status is clearly mentioned.

He appeared hesitant to proceed with stamping the passports. My wife and I were already very tired due to a delayed UL flight and it was well past midnight. Despite my natural frustration in such situations, I remained calm and asked him what needed to be done. He responded that this was a system problem.”

I explained that I am a citizen of this country, holding a valid Sri Lankan passport, and that I have traveled in and out of Sri Lanka many times over the years without facing such an issue. This was the first time I encountered such difficulty.

Fortunately, the lady officer seated next to him, wearing a headscarf, intervened and advised him to allow us to enter. Eventually, he said he would enter into the system” that I am a dual citizen. I remarked that if there was a system requirement, immigration authorities should have updated such records 10–15 years ago, given that my dual citizenship is long-standing.

After some further processing, he finally stamped both passports and allowed us to enter.

This experience raises some questions:
• Why was a valid Sri Lankan passport not sufficient proof of citizenship?
• Why was dual citizenship information apparently missing from the system?
• Are dual citizens at risk of unnecessary inconvenience due to database gaps?
• Was this simply inexperience, or something else?

As senior citizens arriving late at night, we did not expect to face uncertainty about entry into our own country.

I sincerely hope the relevant authorities review such procedures to ensure that dual citizens are treated with clarity, efficiency, and respect.

I repatriated back for to my own motherland and getting my foreign pension in Sri Lanka and contributing to our national coffers I expect better treatment

—
Sarath Obeysekera

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Dr. David Oualaalou

Media M

3,297 views Aug 28, 2025 Thara Online

#SriRahulaThera #GoaHiddenStory #SinhalaHistory

පෘතුගීසීන් විසින් සොරකම් කරන ලදැයි කියන, අවුරුදු 500කට අධික කාලයක් නොදිරා පවතින තොටගමුවේ ශ්‍රී රාහුල හිමියන්ගේ අභිරහස් දේහය පිළිබඳව ඔබ විශ්වාස කරනවාද? ලංකාවේ ස්වර්ණමය කෝට්ටේ යුගයේ බැබලුණු ෂඩ් භාෂා පරමේශ්වර, මහා පඬිවර තොටගමුවේ ශ්‍රී රාහුල හාමුදුරුවන්ගේ දේහය අදටත් ඉන්දියාවේ ගෝවේ පෞරාණික දේවස්ථානයක සුරක්ෂිතව ඇති බවට ජනප්‍රවාදයක් පවතිනවා. මේ නොදිරන දේහයේ රහස සහ එහි ඇති සිංහල කවිය පිටුපස සැඟවුණු සත්‍යය කුමක්ද? ගුප්ත විද්‍යාඥ රොෂාන් චානක තිසේරා මහතා සහ අංගම්පොර ශිල්පී අජන්ත මහන්තාරච්චි මහතා මේ අභිරහස හෙළි කර ගැනීම සඳහා ගෝවේ බලා පිටත්ව ගියා. දස වසරකට වරක් ප්‍රදර්ශනය කෙරෙන මෙම දේහය ඔවුන් දැක බලාගත් ආකාරය, ඔවුන් දුටු සත්‍යය සහ ඒ පිළිබඳව ඔවුන් කළ පර්යේෂණ මේ වීඩියෝවෙන් ඔබට ඉදිරිපත් කරනවා. ශ්‍රී රාහුල හිමියන්ට මහා දැනුමක් ලැබුණු සරස්වතී තෛලය, උන්වහන්සේගේ නොදිරන දේහය සහ පෘතුගීසීන් විසින් එය ගෝවේට ගෙන ගිය ආකාරය පිළිබඳ පුදුම සහගත තොරතුරු මෙහි අන්තර්ගතයි. දකුණු අතේ ඇති සිංහල කවියේ අභිරහස, දේහයේ කොටස් ලෝකයේ විවිධ ප්‍රදේශවලට යැවූ ආකාරය සහ ඊළඟට දේහය ප්‍රදර්ශනය කරන්නේ කවදාද යන්න පිළිබඳව සියලු තොරතුරු දැන ගැනීමට මේ වීඩියෝව නරඹන්න! මෙය හුදෙක් ජනප්‍රවාදයක් පමණක්ද? නැතිනම් සත්‍යයක්ද? ඔබේ අදහස් පහතින් Comment කරන්න! අපේ Channel එක Subscribe කරන්නත් අමතක කරන්න එපා! Do you believe in the mysterious, undecayed body of Thotagamuve Sri Rahula Thera, said to have been stolen by the Portuguese over 500 years ago? Legend has it that the body of the revered scholar Thotagamuve Sri Rahula Thera, who shone brightly during Sri Lanka’s golden Kotte era, is still preserved in an ancient church in Goa, India. What is the truth behind this undecayed body and the Sinhala poem found on it? Mystic and entrepreneur Roshan Chanaka Thisera, along with Angampora martial artist Ajantha Mahantharachchi, embarked on a journey to Goa to uncover this mystery. This video presents their experience of witnessing the body, which is displayed once every ten years, the truths they discovered, and their ongoing research. This video contains astonishing information about the Saraswathi oil that bestowed immense knowledge upon Sri Rahula Thera, the enigma of his undecayed body, and how the Portuguese allegedly took it to Goa. Watch this video to learn all about the mystery of the Sinhala poem on his right hand, how parts of the body were sent to various parts of the world, and when the body will next be exhibited! Is this merely a legend, or is there a truth to it? 

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0:00 – 0:50: හැඳින්වීම: අභිරහස් දේහය සහ ගෝවේ සැඟවුණු කතාව (Hook) 

0:50 – 3:42: කෝට්ටේ යුගය සහ රාහුල හිමියන්ගේ මහා පඬිත්වය.

 3:42 – 3:46: රාහුල හිමියන්ගේ දැනුමේ රහස: සරස්වතී තෛලය සහ වීදාගම හිමියන්. 

3:46 – 4:42: නොදිරන දේහයේ අභිරහස සහ පෘතුගීසීන්ගේ පැහැර ගැනීම. 

4:42 – 5:34: සත්‍යය සොයා ගිය ගමන: රොෂාන් චානක සහ අජන්ත මහන්තාරච්චි ගෝවේදී.

 5:34 – 6:40: දේහයේ සැබෑ ස්වභාවය: ඔවුන් දුටු දේ. 

6:40 – 11:28: දකුණු අතේ අභිරහස, සිංහල කවිය සහ දේහයේ කොටස්. stock materials 

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Senaka Weeraratna (with AI assistance)

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The Vietnamese Buddhist Monk Ven. Pannakara Thero is on the Global centre stage today. His Walk for Peace in the USA lasting 108 Days across 8 States has raised the stature of Vietnam in the Buddhist World to an unparalleled high level. He has brought world attention to a cause of Buddhism –

in the USA  – ‘ Declare Vesak a National Holiday ‘  without firing a single bullet without using a gun without an iota of violence. 

He has created a new dimension for peaceful protests in the USA like what Mahatma Gandhi did in India in his day about 100 years ago when demanding freedom and independence from Britain by use of non – violence and satyagraha.

 All strength to the elbow of Ven. Pannakara and his travelling band of 19 Monks. He has given leadership to the cause of Buddhism at a time when the term ‘leadership’ and ‘outspokenness’ for any cause of Buddhism are virtually non – existent and conspicuous by their absence. 

Ven. Pannakara has the potential of being idolized worldwide like a Rock Star but for noble worthy causes. He has done for Buddhism with his simplicity and directness which no other Buddhist figure has done in recent times. He has become the rage that is sweeping the entire globe and touching the hearts of both Buddhists and Non – Buddhists alike. 

Being the country that has the longest history of uninterrupted Sri Lanka must unhesitatingly invite Ven. Pannakara and his band of 19 Theravada monks visit Sri Lanka to a warm welcome and as part of the oncoming Vesak Celebration. Let us Buddhists tell Ven. Pannakara and his gallant band that ‘ We and them are One’ 

Let us also use this occasion to remind the Vietnamese Buddhists that 63 years ago both the Govt. of Sri Lanka and the Buddhist Public stood by them in their hour of crisis. 

Vietnam and Sri Lanka Buddhist Ties

Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) played a pivotal role in supporting Vietnamese Buddhists during the 1963 Buddhist Crisis, providing both diplomatic pressure and grassroots solidarity. 

Key support from Sri Lanka included:

• Diplomatic Efforts: Prime Minister

Sirimavo Bandaranaike

instructed Sri Lanka’s UN Ambassador,

R. S. S. Gunawardena to raise concerns about the repression in South Vietnam.

• UN Intervention: Sri Lanka’s appeals contributed to the UN General Assembly adopting a motion on October 8, 1963, to send a fact-finding mission to investigate the situation.
• Public Demonstrations: Organizations like the Bauddha Jatika Balavegaya (BJB) led by L.H. Mettananda organized large public protests in Colombo.
• Spiritual Support: Venerable

Narada Maha Thera

undertook “Dharmaduta” missions to South Vietnam.

• Lasting Connection: Sri Lanka established strong ties with Vietnamese Buddhist leaders, a relationship that continues to this day through mutual support and cultural exchange. 

……………..

In 1963,

both the government and the people of Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) provided significant moral, public, and diplomatic support to Vietnamese Buddhists during their crisis against the Ngo Dinh Diem regime. The support was driven by solidarity with fellow Buddhists facing discrimination and religious repression. 

Sri Lanka’s assistance included various actions. 

The Bauddha Jatika Balavegaya (BJB) organized public protests, including a massive rally at Ananda College, Colombo in October 1963

Prime Minister

Sirimavo Bandaranaike

directed Sri Lanka’s UN Ambassador to raise the issue internationally. These efforts, along with those of other nations, led to the UN General Assembly adopting a motion on October 8, 1963, to send a fact-finding mission to South Vietnam. A few days after the arrival of the Sri Lanka instigated UN fact – finding mission in Saigon the dictator Ngo Dinh Diem and his Government were overthrown on November 2, 1963

Religious leaders in Sri Lanka, such as Venerable

Narada Maha Thera , also expressed support. Sri Lanka also acknowledged the sacrifices of Vietnamese monks who protested the regime. This support played a role in the international response to the 1963 Buddhist Crisis. 

See also

Shenali Waduge

Remembering the martyrdom of Vietnamese Buddhist monk Thich Quang Duc on its 50th Anniversary (1963 – 2013)

https://www.onlanka.com/news/remembering-the-martyrdom-of-vietnamese-buddhist-monk-thich-quang-duc-on-its-50th-anniversary-1963-2013.html

see also

https://vufo.org.vn/Buddhist-Sangha-and-Vietnam-Sri-Lanka-Friendship-Association-Give-Gifts-to-Sri-Lankans-07-48632.html?lang=en

https://www.dailymirror.lk/front-page/Beauty-queen-turned-Bhikkhuni/238-184663

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

ත්‍රිකුණාමල ශ්‍රී සම්බුද්ධත්ව ජයන්ති බෝධිරාජ විහාරස්ථානයේ ආගමික කටයුතු තවදුරට ත් සිදු කරන බව ත් මෙම විහාරස්ථානයට අයත් ඉඩම් හෝටලයක් ඉඳිකිරීම සඳහා පැවරීමට උත්සාහ කරමින් සිටින බව ත් බළන්ගොඩ කස්සප හිමියෝ අවධාරණය කළහ.

වර්තමාන ආණ්ඩුව ඉන්දියාව සමග ඇති කරගත් ගිවිසුම්වලට අනුව නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ ඉඩම් ඉන්දියාවට පැවරීමට උත්සාහ කරමින් සිටින බව ත් බෝධිරාජ විහාරස්ථානයේ ඉඩම ඉන්දීය ව්‍යාපාරිකයන්ට හෝටලයක් සකස් කිරීම සඳහා ලබා දීමට සැලසුම් කර තිබෙන බව ත් උන්වහන්සේ ප්‍රකාශ කළහ.

මෙම කටයුතු සිදුකිරීම සඳහා මහ සංඝරත්නය සහ හා බෞද්ධ ජනතාව බාධාවක් වී තිබෙන බව ත් මේ නිසා මහ සංඝරත්නය හා බෞද්ධ ජනතාව මර්දනය කිරීමට පොලිසියේ ඇතැම් පිරිස් හා ඇතැම් රජයේ නිලධාරීන් විවිධ කටයුතු සිදුකරමින් සිටින බව ත් බළන්ගොඩ කස්සප හිමියෝ අවධාරණය කළහ.

කොළඹ 07 බෞද්ධ මහ සම්මේලනයේදී පැවති මාධ්‍ය සාකච්ඡාවකදී මේ බව සඳහන් කළ උන්වහන්සේ මෙසේද ප්‍රකාශ කළහ.

සියම් දේශයේ සිට උපසම්පදාව රැගෙන ආ පුණ්‍ය භූමියට බුදු පිළිමයක් තැන්පත් කර බුද්ධ ආවරණයක් සකස් කිරීම වරදක් ලෙස සිතා ආණ්ඩුව කටයුතු කරනවා.

මෙම ස්ථානයේ කාන්තාවකට අයත් ජූස් බාර් එකක් තියෙනවා කියලා මඩ බළකායන් විසින් ප්‍රචාරය කරනවා. එත් ඇත්තම සිද්ධිය තමයි මෙම විහාරස්ථාන භූමියේ වෙළෙඳසලක් තියෙනවා. ඒක විධිමත් ක්‍රමයට බදු ලබා දීලා තියෙන්නේ. හැබැයි ආණ්ඩුව නියෝජනය කරන මන්ත්‍රිවරයෙකුට පාරෙන් එහා පැත්තේ කඩයක් තියෙනවා. විහාරස්ථානයේ සිද්ධියට මහ සංඝරත්නයට පහර දෙනවා. තර්ජනය කරනවා. රණවිරුවන් ජීවිත පූජාකරලා බේරාගත් භූමිය ගිවිසුම් හතක් යටතේ ඉන්දියාවට දෙන්න යනවා. ඒත් මහ සංඝරත්නය භූමිය රැක ගැනීම වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටිනවා.

ජනාධිපති කියන්නේ තාවකාලික පාලකයෙක්. ඔහු දැන ගන්න ඕනෑ මේ භූමිය ආරක්ෂා කරලා මතු පරම්පරාවට දායාද කරන්න. ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ ඒ ගැන පැහැදිලිවම සඳහන් කරලා තියෙනවා. ත්‍රිකුණාමලය දිස්ත්‍රික්කය තුළ සිංහල, මුස්ලිම් හා දෙමළ ජනතාව සමගියෙන් ජීවත්වෙනවා. එහේ කිසිම ජාතිවාදයක් නැහැ.

පැලවත්තේ මඩ බළකාය විසින් විවිධ මඩ ප්‍රචාරය කරනවා. හැබැයි මහා සංඝරත්නය එවාට නොසැලී කටයුතු කරනවා. මේ ආණ්ඩු විසින් සිංහලයාට බෞද්ධයාට කරන කුමන්ත්‍රණ නවතා දැමිය යුතුයි. එක් සිංහලයකුට පහර දෙන කොට වීර පුතුන් සිය ගණනක් මේ භූමියේ පහළ වෙනවා.

විහාරස්ථානයේ සිද්ධිය මුල් කර ගනිමින් මහ සංඝරත්නයට පහරදුන් පිරිස් සම්බන්ධයෙන් පැමිණිලි සිදුකරලා තියෙනවා. එත් ඒ පැමිණිලිවලට අනුව නීතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක වුණේ නැහැ. මේ සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් මානව හිමිකම් කොමිසමට පැමිණිලි කරලා ඉදිරි නීතිමය කටයුතු කරන්න බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා.”

ඉන්දික හේවාවිතාරණ
Mawbima

Courtesy Adaderana

Minister of Ports and Civil Aviation, Anura Karunatilaka, has resigned from the Special Parliamentary Select Committee appointed to look into the release of 323 containers from the Colombo Port without being subjected to mandatory physical inspection.

The Parliamentary Select Committee, appointed to investigate and report on the release of the 323 containers without mandatory physical inspection and to submit its proposals and recommendations, convened for the third consecutive day on 11 February 2026 in Parliament under the chairmanship of Minister of Justice and National Integration, Attorney-at-Law Harshana Nanayakkara.

At the outset of the proceedings, the chair informed the Committee that Minister Karunatilaka had informed of his resignation from the membership of the committee.

He further stated that another member would be appointed in due course.

A group of officials from Sri Lanka Customs, including Director General Seevali Arukgoda, were summoned before the Committee, and evidence relating to the incident was recorded.

Courtesy Adaderana

The leader of the Sarvajana Balaya and Member of Parliament, Dilith Jayaweera, today (13) claimed that the recent incident involving a Buddha statue in Trincomalee was deliberately used by the government to create unrest in the country.

Speaking at a press briefing in Colombo, he said, We intervened to condemn this organized cultural attack being unleashed on the country. The Trincomalee incident is just one example. In reality, there have been many more serious incidents.

It is clear that this is a tool used by the government to deliberately create instability and disrupt harmony among communities. This is evident to us,” he added.

Embassy of Sri Lanka USA

171 views Feb 12, 2026

The Embassy of Sri Lanka in Washington DC welcomed the ‘Walk for Peace’ on 10 February 2026, a walk by a group of Buddhist monks throughout the United States advocating world peace which was attracted by the people of the United States and around the world. By offering traditional Sri Lankan cuisine, the Embassy joined the Dana organized by the Sri Lankan community in the DMV area held at the National United Methodist Church which was attended by over 200 Buddhist monks. The Ambassador, upon invitation by Secretary of District of Columbia Ms. Kimberly A. Basset attended the interfaith ceremony held at the Washington National Cathedral. Thousands of people were gathered around the Cathedral showing their support for the Walk for Peace. Ambassador Mahinda Samarasinghe was joined by Deputy Head of Mission Mr. Madhuka Wickramarachchi. The Head Priest and the monks stopped momentarily at the Embassy where the Ambassador offered Atapirikara and pinned the Sri Lankan flag on the robe of Ven.Pannakara. The staff of the Embassy and the Sri Lankan community offered flowers and greeted the Walk. The Embassy distributed water bottles to all the devotees on the Walk which was highly appreciated. The Ambassador, staff of the Embassy and the members of the Sri Lankan community then walked with the monks.

උපුටාගැනීම මුහුණු පොත

පෙරේදා දිනයේ මා විසින් Facebook පළ කළ සටහන හරහා මම මතු කළේ එක් ප්‍රබල ප්‍රශ්නයකි. එනම්,

“පිළිම වන්දනාව ගෝත්‍රිකයි” යැයි පැවසූ…

“මල් වට්ටි උස්සගෙන යන්නේ නැහැ” යැයි ප්‍රතිපත්ති ප්‍රකාශ කළ…

“මාධ්‍ය පිරිවරාගෙන වඳින්න යන්නේ නැහැ” යැයි කී…

හිටපු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී, වර්තමාන ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක ඇතුළු ජවිපේ නායකයන්ගේ වෙනස පිළිබඳවයි.

මේ “පරිවර්තනය” කෙතරම් දුරදිග ගොස් තිබේද?

එදා ආගමික වතාවත් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළ පිරිස අද නිතරම පන්සල් යති.

නිතර මහ නායක හිමියන් හමුවෙති.

දළදා වහන්සේ ප්‍රදර්ශනය කරති.

අවසානයේ ඉන්දියානු ධාතු ප්‍රදර්ශනය දක්වාම පැමිණ ඇත!

මහජන මතය කුමක්ද?

මා මතු කළ මෙම කරුණට ප්‍රතිචාර දැක්වූ ඔබගෙන් අතිබහුතරයකගේ මතය වූයේ මෙය

“බලය රැකගැනීමට කරන රංගනයක්” සහ “මහජනතාව මුළා කිරීමක්” බවයි.

ඇත්තම අනතුර රංගනයට එපිටින්!

නමුත් අප වටහා ගත යුතු සැබෑ සත්‍යය මීට වඩා භයානකය. මෙම “නිතරම පන්සල් යාම” සහ “ආගමික ප්‍රදර්ශන” පිටුපස ඇති සැබෑ අනතුර හුදෙක් දේශපාලන රංගනයක් පමණක්ම නොවේ.

එම ආගමික ආවරණය තුළින් සිදුවන්නේ

“පෙර ආණ්ඩුවලට කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය වුවත්, කර ගැනීමට නොහැකි වූ දේවල්” ඉතා සූක්ෂම ලෙස ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමයි!

“අපේ නෙවෙයි – පෙර ආණ්ඩුවල ඒව!”

වර්තමාන ජවිපේ/මාලිමා පාලනයේ නායකයන්ගෙන් අපට නිතරම අසන්නට ලැබෙන එක්තරා සුවිශේෂී කතාවක් තිබේ. එනම්, ඔවුන් වර්තමානයේ ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන ඕනෑම මතභේදාත්මක පනතක් හෝ ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණයක් “ඔවුන්ගේ ඒවා නොව පෙර ආණ්ඩුවල ඒවා” බවයි.

මෙන්න ඊට මෑතකාලීන උදාහරණ කිහිපයක්:-

අගමැති හරිනි අමරසූරිය: “මේ අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ අපි ගෙනාපුවා නෙවෙයි, පෙර ආණ්ඩු ගෙනාපුවා” යැයි පවසමින් මේවා සාධාරණීකරණය කරයි.

ඇමති වටගල: පසුගියදා කුලීකරුවන් ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට යැයි පවසමින් ගෙන ආ පනත් කෙටුම්පත ගැන පවසන්නේද, එය “පෙර ආණ්ඩු ගෙනා එකක්” බවයි.

මේ ප්‍රකාශය පිටුපස ඇති ඇත්තම කතාව කුමක්ද?

ඔවුන් පවසන “අපේ නෙවෙයි – පෙර ආණ්ඩුවල ඒව” යන කාරණය 100% ක්ම සත්‍යයකි. මෙහි ඇති වඩාත්ම බැරෑරුම් තත්ත්වය වන්නේද එයයි.

අද අප දකින්නේ ජවිපෙ/මාලිමා ආණ්ඩුව අලුතින් යමක් නිර්මාණය කරනවාට වඩා, 2015 සිට පැවති රජයන්ට කරගත නොහැකි වූ දේ කරලියට පැමිණීමයි. එනම්,

පෙර රජයන් ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට බලාපොරොත්තු වූ නමුත් මහජන විරෝධය නිසා නතර වූ දේවල්.

විවිධ හේතූන් මත ක්‍රියාත්මක කර ගැනීමට නොහැකි වූ ගිවිසුම්.

අඩක් නිම කර තිබූ හෝ ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට ඉතිරිව තිබූ ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ ක්‍රියාවලීන්.

කෙටියෙන් පවසන්නේ නම්, එදා පාලකයන්ට ජනතා බලය හමුවේ ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට “බියක්” හෝ “බාධාවක්” තිබූ අජෙන්ඩාවන්, අද රජය විසින් කිසිදු චකිතයකින් තොරව කරට ගෙන ඇත.

මෙම ක්‍රියාවලිය තහවුරු කරන තවත් පැහැදිලි උදාහරණ කිහිපයක් පෙන්වා දෙන්නම්…

IMF වැඩපිළිවෙළ: රනිල්ටත් වඩා තදින් ජනතාව මත!

බලයට පත්වීමට ප්‍රථම අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක ප්‍රමුඛ මාලිමා පාර්ශවය පැවසුවේ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ එකඟ වූ IMF කොන්දේසි වෙනුවට අලුතින් DSA (Debt Sustainability Analysis) එකක් සකස් කරන බවයි.

වර්තමාන තත්ත්වය: බලයට පත්වීමෙන් පසු කිසිදු වෙනසක් නැත! රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ එකඟ වූ DSA එක ඒ ආකාරයෙන්ම, ඊටත් වඩා කැපවීමෙන් වර්තමාන රජය ක්‍රියාත්මක කරමින් සිටියි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ඉන්දියාවේ ප්‍රාන්තයක් ද? India Connectivity Plan එකේ සැබෑ හෙළිදරව්ව!

​පෙර ආණ්ඩුවලට කර ගැනීමට නොහැකි වූ, රටේ ස්වෛරීත්වය පාවා දෙන “ඉන්දු-ලංකා” සූදුව දැන් කරලියට පැමිණ ඇත.

මොකක්ද මේ India Connectivity Plan එක?

​මෙය 2014 වසරේදී ඇමරිකානු MCC ඉඩම් කොල්ලයේ නිල නියෝජිතයා වන, මිලින්ද මොරගොඩ ප්‍රධානත්වය දරන ඇමරිකානු පාත් ෆයින්ඩර් (Pathfinder) රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානය හරහා එළිදැක්වූ ව්‍යාපෘතියකි.

​ මේ දක්වා පැමිණි ගමන් මඟ:-

​2015 යහපාලන රජය:- මෙය ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට උත්සාහ ගත් නමුත් සාර්ථක වූයේ නැත.

​ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ පාලනය:- ඇමරිකානු ඒජන්ත මිලින්ද මොරගොඩව කැබිනට් බලතල සහිතව ඉන්දියාවේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා තානාපති ලෙස පත් කරමින් මූලික අඩිතාලම දැමීය.

​රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ පාලනය:- “අරගල” කැම්පේන් එක හරහා බලයට පැමිණ, ඇමරිකානු ඉන්දු ගේම් එකේ කොටසක් ලෙස මූලික ගිවිසුම්වලට එකඟ විය.

​ මාලිමාවේ සහ අනුරගේ “පරිවර්තනය”

​බලයට පත්වීමට ප්‍රථම මෙයට දැඩි විරෝධයක් දැක්වූ ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක ප්‍රමුඛ ජවිපෙ/මාලිමා පාර්ශවය, අද ක්‍රියා කරන්නේ රටේ ස්වාධීනත්වය හදවතින්ම පාවා දුන් රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහටත් වඩා උනන්දුවෙනි!

​සිදුවූයේ කුමක්ද?

​ඉන්දියාවේ අගමැති නරේන්ද්‍ර මෝඩි ලංකාවට ගෙන්වා සම්මාන පිරිනමන ලදී.

​රනිල්ට ඉතිරි වී තිබූ සියලුම කටයුතු කිසිදු හිරිකිතයකින් තොරව නිම කිරීමට පියවර ගන්නා ලදී.

​2025/04/05 දින රටට හෙළි නොකළ අභිරහස් ගිවිසුම් 07ක් අත්සන් කරමින් රටේ ස්වෛරීත්වය සහ භෞමික අඛණ්ඩභාවය ඉන්දියාවට පාවාදීමට කටයුතු කර ඇත.

​ සාක්ෂි සහිතව සත්‍යය දැනගන්න!

​මේවා හුදු චෝදනා නොවේ. පහත සබැඳි (Links) හරහා ගොස් වීඩියෝ සහ වාර්තා කියවා අවබෝධ කර ගන්න:-

​ 2025 ඉන්දු-ලංකා ගිවිසුම් සහ ජාතික භෞතික සැලැස්ම (විශේෂ විමර්ශන වාර්තාව)

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/17v2T8ZFig

​ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව නම් වූ රාජ්‍යයෙහි ස්වාධීනත්වය අවසන් හුස්ම හෙළමින් ඇත…

https://www.facebook.com/share/v/1JuAsDbVFv

විකෘති අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ: අපේ දරුවන්ගේ අනාගතය පාවාදීමේ “කළු මෙහෙයුම”!

වර්තමානයේ සිදුවන අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ යනු අහම්බයක් නොව, 1981 සිට පැවත එන සහ 2018 සිට ලෝක බැංකුව හා ආසියානු සංවර්ධන බැංකුව (ADB) හරහා තල්ලු කරන සූක්ෂම සැලසුමක ප්‍රතිඵලයකි.

ඉතිහාසය සහ සැඟවුණු අතීතය

1981 ආරම්භය: එවකට අධ්‍යාපන අමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ඉදිරිපත් කළ “අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ – යෝජිත ජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්තිය” (Proposals for a National Policy on Education) හෙවත් මතභේදාත්මක ධවල පත්‍රිකාව.

2015 යහපාලන උත්සාහය: ලෝක බැංකුව, IMF සහ NGO ගණනාවක උවමනාව මත පාසල් විෂය නිර්දේශයෙන් “ඉතිහාසය” විෂය ඉවත් කිරීමට එවකට ඇමති අඛිල විරාජ් කාරියවසම් උත්සාහ කළේය.

එදා විරෝධය: එදා මෙම “කළු මෙහෙයුමට” එරෙහිව ජවිපෙ ප්‍රමුඛ වෘත්තීය සමිති සහ ශිෂ්‍ය ව්‍යාපාර දැවැන්ත ලෙස වීදි බැස එය පරාජය කළහ.

මාලිමාවේ “අපූරු” පරිවර්තනය

එදා මේවාට විරුද්ධ වූ ජවිපෙ නායකයන්ම අද බලයට පත්වී, රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහටවත් කර ගැනීමට නොහැකි වූ එම විනාශකාරී ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ අගමැති හරිනි අමරසූරිය හරහා ඊටත් වඩා වේගයෙන් ක්‍රියාත්මක කරමින් සිටියි.

“පෙළ පොත” වෙනුවට “මොඩියුලය” (Module): දැවැන්ත නීතිමය සූදුවක්!

පෙළ පොතක් (Textbook) වෙනුවට මොඩියුලයක් දරුවන් අතට පත් කිරීම පිටුපස ඇත්තේ සරල වෙනසක් නොව, රටේ අධ්‍යාපන නීතිමය ව්‍යුහය මඟහැර යන දැවැන්ත සූදුවකි. මෙහි භයානක ප්‍රතිඵල දැනටමත් කරලියට පැමිණ ඇත:

අසභ්‍ය වෙබ් අඩවි සබැඳි: 6 ශ්‍රේණියේ ඉංග්‍රීසි ආධාරක මොඩියුලයේ (English Support Module) අසභ්‍ය වෙබ් අඩවි සබැඳියක් ඇතුළත් වීම හරහා මුළු රටම කම්පනයට පත් විය.

වැරදි බහුල වීම: දිනෙන් දින මෙම මොඩියුල තුළ දක්නට ලැබෙන බරපතල වැරදි ප්‍රමාණය ඉහළ යමින් පවතී.

අනාගතය අනතුරේ: මොඩියුල මාෆියාව හරහා දරුවන්ගේ අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රමිතිය බිඳ දැමීමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය රජය විසින් හරි අපූරුවට ඉදිරියට ගෙන යනු ලබයි.

වැඩිදුර විමර්ශනය සඳහා සාක්ෂි

මෙම ඛේදවාචකය පිළිබඳ මා විසින් ලියන ලද සම්පූර්ණ විස්තර සහිත ලිපි මාලාව කියවා සත්‍යය වටහා ගන්න:-

1) අධ්‍යාපන ඇමතිවරිය සහ අගමැතිවරිය ලෙස හරිනි අමරසූරිය මෙම ඛේදවාචකයට සෘජුවම වගකිය යුතුය

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1AcJUf8y5r

2) දරුවන් බිලිගන්න හැදූ ‘මොඩියුල මාෆියාවේ’ ප්‍රකාශය!” (අධ්‍යාපන අමාත්‍යංශයේ ලේකම් නාලක කළුවැව විසින් සිදුකළ සම්පූර්ණ ප්‍රකාශය ඇසුරින් කල ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම)

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1C5mLtddvv

3) මොඩියුල මාෆියාව” සහ නීතියේ හිඩැස (පැහැදිලි කිරීම)

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/17kL6p7ybu

4) විශේෂ මාධ්‍ය අනාවරණය

“මොඩියුල මාෆියාව” සහ ළමා පරපුරට එල්ල කළ ව්‍යවස්ථාපිත ද්‍රෝහිකම

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1Aqg3xZTRB

5) “දරුවන්ගේ අනාගතය පාවා දුන්

‘මොඩියුල’ මාෆියාවට එරෙහිව”

(කන්නංගර මැතිතුමාගේ ප්‍රකාශය)

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1B8XB3DXwV

6) දරුවන්ගේ අතට අසභ්‍ය වෙබ් අඩවි දී “බබා වෙන්න හදන” අගමැතිනියට සහ අධ්‍යාපන ඇමතිනියට දැඩි පිළිතුරක්!

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1CBAoWoAbz

7) විකෘති අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ ජනපති බලහත්කාරයෙන් දරුවන්ට ලබා දීමට දඟලන්නේ ඇයි?

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1CM1Zdtb7q

“විකෘති අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ වලට එරෙහිව ඇයි කවුරුත් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයට

(Supreme Court) යන්නේ නැත්තේ?”

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1DV87uaZAH

9) ලස්සන පිටකවරවලින් වහපු “මොඩියුල මාෆියාව”: මාලිමාවේ සූක්ෂම කැම්පේන් එකට ඔබත් හසුවෙලාද?https://www.facebook.com/share/p/17r8AvERjw/

10) දරුවන්ගේ අනාගතය සහ වගවීමේ දේශපාලනය: නිලධාරීන්ට පමණක් දඬුවම් කිරීම සෑහේද?

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/17nEB22wNV

11) ආර්ථික සමුලුවට ගිය හරිනිගෙ සැබෑ අරමුණ!

ස්විට්සර්ලන්තයේ ඩාවෝස් නුවරින් ඇසෙන නරක ආරංචිය…

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1FyLUpFLeg

12) 6 ශ්‍රේණියේ ඉංග්‍රීසි මොඩියුලයට (English Module) අසභ්‍ය වෙබ් අඩවි සබැඳියක් ඇතුළත් වීම හුදෙක් වැරදීමක් හෝ අත්වැරදීමක් හෝ අතපසුවීමක් හෝ නොදැනුවත්ව හෝ සිදු වූ දෙයක් ලෙස බැහැර කළ නොහැක

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1DYWgvhMfU

MCC හෙවත් ජාතික භෞතික සැලැස්ම: නම වෙනස් වූවත් “ඉඩම් පාවාදීම” තවමත් සක්‍රීයයි!

ඇමරිකානු MCC (Millennium Challenge Corporation) ව්‍යාපෘතියට අද වූයේ කුමක්දැයි ඔබ දන්නවාද? බොහෝ දෙනා සිතන්නේ එය නතර වී ඇති බවයි. නමුත් සත්‍යය ඊට වඩා හාත්පසින්ම වෙනස්ය.

ව්‍යාපෘතියේ ආරම්භය සහ “පෙළ ගැසීම”

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප්‍රවාහන හා ඉඩම් පරිපාලනය වැඩිදියුණු කිරීම සඳහා යැයි පවසමින් ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 480ක ආධාර මුදලක් මේ සඳහා අනුමත විය. රටේ පුරවැසියන් සහ මාධ්‍ය මෙය දැන් අමතක කර දමා ඇතත්, දේශපාලන සිතියම තුළ එය ඉතා සූක්ෂමව ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙමින් පවතී.

2019 ජුනි 12: නම වෙනස් කළ “ගැසට්” මෙහෙයුම

2019/06/12 දින එවකට මෙගාපොලිස් අමාත්‍ය පාඨලී චම්පික රණවක විසින් “ජාතික භෞතික සැලැස්ම 2048” නමින් ගැසට් පත්‍රයක් නිකුත් කරන ලදී. මෙහි ඇති රහස නම්,

MCC ව්‍යාපෘතියට අදාළ සිතියම් (Maps) එලෙසම මෙයට ඇතුළත් කිරීම.

MCC හි අන්තර්ගත සියලු කරුණු, අකුරු සහ නම් පමණක් වෙනස් කර සූක්ෂම ලෙස ප්‍රතිස්ථාපනය කිරීම.

පාලකයන් වෙනස් වුවත් “සැලසුම” වෙනස් නොවේ!

දේශපාලන සාක්ෂරතාව ඇති පුරවැසියන් පමණක් දන්නා මෙම රහස

ව්‍යාපෘතියේ ගමන් මඟ: ආණ්ඩු මාරු වුවද නොවෙනස් වූ අරමුණ

පෙර අවධිය (ගෝඨාභය / මහින්ද පාලනය)

නිහඬ ආරම්භය: සැලසුම පිළිබඳව ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ කතා නොකර, පදනම සකස් කරමින් ව්‍යාපෘතිය නිහඬව ඉදිරියට රැගෙන යාම.

පසුගිය අවධිය (රනිල් / දිනේෂ් පාලනය):

නිල එකඟතාව: ජාත්‍යන්තර මට්ටමින් සහ ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය මට්ටමින් ඇති කරගත් එකඟතාවන් තවදුරටත් ස්ථාවර කරමින් ශක්තිමත් කිරීම.

වර්තමාන අවධිය (අනුර / හරිනි පාලනය):

පූර්ණ ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම: පෙර ආණ්ඩු විසින් සැකසූ සියලුම සැලසුම් ඒ ආකාරයෙන්ම, කිසිදු වෙනසකින් තොරව බිම මට්ටමින් ක්‍රියාවට නැංවීම.

දැවෙන ප්‍රශ්නය: එදා මේවාට විරුද්ධ වූ ජවිපේ/මාලිමා පාර්ශවය, අද කිසිදු වෙනසකින් තොරව මෙම “ඉඩම් පාවාදීමේ සැලසුම” ඉදිරියට ගෙනයන්නේ ඇයි?

සත්‍යය තේරුම් ගැනීමට මෙම වාර්තා කියවන්න

වැඩි විස්තර සහ සාක්ෂි සඳහා මා විසින් සකස් කළ මෙම විශේෂ විමර්ශන වාර්තා පරිශීලනය කරන්න:-

1) විශේෂ පර්යේෂණ වාර්තාව

MCC හෙවත් ජාතික “භෞතික සැලැස්ම – භූ-දේශපාලනික මහා සැලසුම (2000 – 2025)”

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1WnRbGcA78

2) “අලි ඇතුන් ඝාතන මතින් සැකසෙන MCC හෙවත් ජාතික භෞතික සැලැස්ම”

2048/2050 https://www.facebook.com/share/p/19CMFdxSrj/

3) “2025 ඉන්දු-ලංකා ගිවිසුම් සහ MCC හෙවත් ජාතික භෞතික සැලැස්ම “(විශේෂ විමර්ශන වාර්තාව)

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/17v2T8ZFig

4) මිලින්ද මොරගොඩ න්‍යාය සහ බලවතුන්ගේ “නිහඬ එකඟතාව” (The Silent Consensus)

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1FVh7LJX9A

5) විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කිරීම සහ ජාතික භෞතික සැලැස්ම (MCC) අතර භූ-දේශපාලනික සම්බන්ධය(විශේෂ විශ්ලේෂණ වාර්තාව)

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1aoy7ycfrP

6) “ගෝඨාභය – මොරගොඩ සහ “කැබිනට් බලතල” ගනුදෙනුව”(විශේෂ විමර්ශන වාර්තාව)

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/17mtKzXf3N

7) MCC හෙවත් ජාතික භෞතික සැලැස්මෙහි කොළඹ – ත්‍රිකුණාමලය කොරිඩෝවට ජලය සැපයීමට ජනපති අනුරගේ අඩි 5000???(විශේෂ විමර්ශන වාර්තාව)

https://www.facebook.com/share/16ZV39Zrz8

වර්තමාන ජවිපේ මාලිමා පාලනය බුදුදහමට ප්‍රමුඛතාව, ගෞරවය, වන්දනාමානය කරන බව පෙන්වමින්, තිරය පිටුපස , MCC ඉඩම් කොල්ලය වෙනුවෙන් පහත මාරාන්තික ව්‍යාපෘති ඉදිරියට ගෙන යමින් සිටී:-

1) ඉන්දියාව සමග අභිරහස් ගිවිසුම් 07

අපේ බලශක්තිය, වරාය සහ උපායමාර්ගික සම්පත් අසල්වැසි රටට ලියා දෙන රහස් න්‍යාය පත්‍ර ක්‍රියාත්මකයි.

2) “මොන්ටානා” (MONTANA) හෙවත් මෘදු සෝෆා (Soft SOFA): රටේ ආරක්ෂාව පාවාදීමේ නිහඬ මෙහෙයුම!

​ඇමරිකානු බලපෑම් හමුවේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආරක්ෂාව සහ ස්වෛරීභාවය උකස් කරන “මොන්ටානා” සැලසුම දැන් රහසිගතවම ඉදිරියට ගලා යමින් පවතී.

ගිවිසුම්වල කළු ඉතිහාසය

2007 වසර: එවකට ආරක්ෂක ලේකම් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ විසින් ඇමරිකානු ACSA ගිවිසුමට ප්‍රථම වරට අත්සන් තබන ලදී.

2017 වසර: අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ විසින් වඩාත් බරපතල කරුණු ඇතුළත් කරමින් එම ACSA ගිවිසුම දීර්ඝ කරන ලදී.

වර්තමාන තත්ත්වය: සෝෆා (SOFA) වෙනුවට “මොන්ටානා” (MONTANA)

වර්තමාන ජනපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක ප්‍රමුඛ මාලිමා රජය අත්සන් කර MONTANA (Soft SOFA) ගිවිසුම.

මෙහි ඇති අන්තරාය කුමක්ද?

මෙයට පෙර දැඩි මහජන විරෝධයක් එල්ල වූ ඇමරිකානු සෝෆා (SOFA) ගිවිසුමේ අඩංගු බරපතල කරුණු, සෘජුවම නොවුවත් “මෘදු ලෙස” (Softly) මෙම මොන්ටානා ගිවිසුමට ඇතුළත් කර ඇති බවට සැක පළ වේ. මෙහි අවසාන ප්‍රතිඵලය වන්නේ:

මුහුද, ගුවන සහ ගොඩබිම යන සමස්ත ක්ෂේත්‍රයන් ඇමරිකානු හමුදාවන්ගේ ඕනෑම මෙහෙයුමකට විවෘතව තැබීමයි.

සැකයට තුඩු දෙන “ඇමරිකානු නිවේදනය”

මෙම ගිවිසුම සම්බන්ධයෙන් මෙරට ඇමරිකානු තානාපති කාර්යාලය විසින් නිකුත් කරන ලද නිවේදනය පදනම්ව, රටේ ස්වෛරීභාවයට එල්ල වී ඇති තර්ජනය පිළිබඳව දැඩි සැකයක් මතුව ඇත. රජය විසින් ජනතාවගෙන් වසන් කරන මෙම ක්‍රියාවලිය පිටුපස ඇති සැබෑ අරමුණ කුමක්ද?

වැඩිදුර විමර්ශනය සඳහා

මෙම ගිවිසුමෙන් රටේ ආරක්ෂාවට සිදුවන බලපෑම සහ එහි සැඟවුණු කරුණු පිළිබඳ සම්පූර්ණ විස්තර සහිත ලිපිය කියවීමට පහත සබැඳිය භාවිතා කරන්න.

සම්පූර්ණ ලිපිය මෙතැනින් කියවන්න: මාතෘ භූමියට එල්ල වන ඇමරිකානු හමුදා සෙවණැල්ල! රහසිගත US MONTANA ගිවිසුමේ සැබෑ අන්තරාය!

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1DUhjB3CzC

3) විහාර හා දේවාලගම් පනත: සඟ සතු දේපළ පාලනය රජයට ගෙන බෞද්ධ උරුමය දුර්වල කිරීමට පිඹුරුපත් සැකසේ.

වර්තමාන මාලිමා ආණ්ඩුවේ බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍ය සුනිල් සෙනෙවි මහතා අවස්ථා ගණනාවකදී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී මෙන්ම ඉන් පිටතදීත් විහාර හා දේවාලගම් පනත දුර්වල කිරීම පිළිබඳව අදහස් පළ කර ඇත.

[Video සාක්ෂි මෙතැනින් බලන්න https://www.facebook.com/share/v/1AQkxuAknA/]

නවම් පෝදා සීලය අමතක වන විහාර හා දේවාලගම් ඉඩම් පද්ධතිය බිලිදීමේ සූදානම!

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1Q93oYvPYb

4) ස්වභාවික සම්පත් කොල්ලය: කළු ව්‍යාපෘති සඳහා බිම් හිස් කිරීමට අලි ඇතුන් පාලනය කරමින් පරිසර විනාශයට පසුබිම හැදේ. මෙයට අදාල වැඩි විස්තර සඳහා පහත ලින්ක් එකෙහි ලිපිය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම කියවන්න

පරිසර ඇමතිගේ ප්‍රකාශය,MCC හෙවත් ජාතික භෞතික සැලැස්ම වෙනුවෙන්ද???

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1KG2Hhtm2Q

5) සංස්කෘතික විනාශය: LGBTQ වැනි බටහිර ලිබරල් මතවාද හරහා අපේ රටේ සදාචාරාත්මක සහ පවුල් සංස්ථාවේ ව්‍යුහය බිඳ දැමීම.

6) විකෘති අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ: ලෝක බැංකු වුවමනාවට දේශීය අනන්‍යතාවය නැති කරන අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමවේදය දරුවන් මත පැටවීම.

7) රට, ජාතිය සහ සම්බුද්ධ ශාසනයේ ආරක්ෂාවට තව ඉතිරි වෙලා තියෙන්නේ ව්‍යවස්ථාමය ආරක්ෂාව පමණයි. එයද ඉවත් කිරීමට කළු මෙහෙයුම් ක්‍රියාත්මකයි.

වර්තමාන 1978 ව්‍යවස්ථාව අහෝසි කර නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් කියමින් 2015 සිට 2019 දක්වා ක්‍රියාත්මක වූ යහපාලන රජය හරහා ප්‍රසිද්ධියට පත් වූ ඇමරිකානු ඒජන්ත මිලින්ද මොරගොඩට අයත් පාත් ෆයින්ඩර් රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානය සැකසූ නව ව්‍යවස්ථාව නම් වූ හොර ලියවිල්ල ඇවිල්ල නැවත ගෙන ඒම.

9 ) 1978 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 9 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව හෙවත් බුදු දහමට ප්‍රමුඛස්ථානය, සුරක්ෂිත කොට පෝෂණය කිරීම අහෝසි කිරීම හෝ දුර්වල කිරීම හෝ නාමික කිරීම මගින් රට අනාගාමි කිරීම

10 ) විධායක ජනාධිපති ධූරය අහෝසි කිරීම හෝ දුර්වල කිරීම හෝ නාමික කිරීම මගින් විධායක අගමැති ධුරයක් නිර්මාණය කර පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඔළු ගෙඩි හරහා රටේ ස්වාධීනත්වය, ස්වෛරී භාවය, භෞමික අඛණ්ඩතාවය, ඒකීයත්වය බරපතල අවධානමක් හෙලමින් තොරම්බල් කිරීම.

2024 බල පෙරළිය පිටුපස ඇති සැබෑ “රසායනිකය” සහ මිලින්ද මොරගොඩගේ මෙහෙයුම!

ඇමරිකානු – ඉන්දු හාම්පුතුන්ගේ “ඉන්දු-ශාන්තිකර කළු මෙහෙයුම” සහ MCC ඉඩම් කොල්ලය කරා යන ගමනේදී, වරින් වර සිදුවන බල පෙරළි පිටුපස ඇත්තේ අප නොදකින ඉතා සූක්ෂම සැලසුමකි.

අනුරගේ ආගමනය: මහජන කැමැත්තද? නැතිනම් කෘතිම නිර්මාණයක්ද?

2024 වසරේ සිදුවූ අනුර කුමාර දිසානායකගේ බලප්‍රාප්තිය මහජන ඡන්දයෙන් සිදු වූ බව මුළු රටම දන්නා සත්‍යයකි. නමුත්, එම ජයග්‍රහණය සඳහා අවශ්‍ය කරන “දේශපාලන රසායනිකය” හෙවත් පසුබිම කෘතිමව නිර්මාණය කළේ කවුද?

ඒකාබද්ධ මෙහෙයුමක “නළුවන්” සහ “අධ්‍යක්ෂවරයා”

මෙම දේශපාලන රසායනිකය නිර්මාණය කිරීමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය මෙහෙයවූයේ මිලින්ද මොරගොඩ විසිනි. එම මෙහෙයුමට සෘජුව හෝ වක්‍රව දායකත්වය ලබා දුන් පිරිස අතර මෙරට ප්‍රධාන පෙළේ දේශපාලන චරිත ගණනාවක් සිටී:

ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ

බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ

පාඨලී චම්පික රණවක

සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස

කුමාර් ගුණරත්නම් ප්‍රමුඛ පෙරටුගාමීන්

ඇතුළු පක්ෂ විපක්ෂ කණ්ඩායම්

සැබෑ අනතුර: MCC සහ ඉන්දු-ශාන්තිකර අජෙන්ඩාව

මෙම බල පෙරළිය යනු හුදෙක් පාලන මාරුවක් පමණක් නොවේ. එය ඇමරිකානු සහ ඉන්දීය උවමනාවන් මත මෙරට ඉඩම් සහ සම්පත් අත්පත් කර ගැනීමේ (MCC) දීර්ඝකාලීන ගමනේ තවත් එක් තීරණාත්මක මංසන්ධියකි.

ඔබ විමසිලිමත්ද?

පාලකයන්ගේ මුහුණු සහ පක්ෂවල වර්ණ වෙනස් වුවද, පසුබිමින් ක්‍රියාත්මක වන මෙම “කළු මෙහෙයුමේ” අරමුණු වෙනස් වී නැත. මහජන ඡන්දය භාවිතා කරමින් ඔවුන් ඉටු කර ගන්නේ තමන්ගේම හාම්පුතුන්ගේ අජෙන්ඩාවන්ය.

ඉන්දීය ආශිර්වාදය පිටුපස සැඟවුණු “ඉන්දු-ලංකා” රහස් ගිවිසුම්!

2024 ජනාධිපතිවරණයටත් පෙර සිටම දිගහැරුණු මේ දේශපාලන මෙහෙයුමේ තිරය පිටුපස ඇති සත්‍යය ඔබ හරිහැටි වටහා ගත්තාද?

ඡන්දයට පෙර වූ “ඉන්දීය කැඳවීම”

2024 ජනාධිපතිවරණ සටන උණුසුම් වීමටත් පෙර, ඉන්දියාව විසින් අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක ප්‍රමුඛ මාලිමා පාර්ශවය එරටට නිල වශයෙන් කැඳවන ලදී. එහි සැබෑ අරමුණ වූයේ ඉදිරියේදී විය යුත්තේ කුමක්ද යන්න සහ ඉන්දීය අභිලාෂයන් පිළිබඳව ඔවුන්ව දැනුවත් කිරීමයි.

මාලිමා පාක්ෂිකයන්ගේ “මුළාව”

මෙරට සිටි මාලිමා ප්‍රේක්ෂකයන් සහ පාක්ෂිකයන් මෙම ඉන්දීය සංචාරය දුටුවේ ඉතා සරල අයුරිනි. ඔවුන් සිතුවේ එය “ඉන්දියාව පවා අනුරට ආශිර්වාද කරන්නාක් මෙන්” පෙනෙන සුබ නිමිත්තක් බවයි. නමුත් එය හුදු ආශිර්වාදයක් නොව, දීර්ඝකාලීන ගිවිසුම්ගත වීමක මූලාරම්භයයි.

2025/04/05: අභිරහස් ගිවිසුම් 07!

මෙම පූර්ව මැතිවරණ ගනුදෙනුවේ නියම ප්‍රතිඵලය කරළියට පැමිණියේ 2025 අප්‍රේල් 05 වනදාය.

ප්‍රතිඵලය: ජනපති අනුර සහ ඉන්දීය අගමැති මෝඩි අතර අත්සන් කරන ලද ගිවිසුම් 07ක්.

තත්ත්වය: මෙම ගිවිසුම් 07 අදටත් රටේ ජනතාවට අභිරහසකි!

එදා “ආශිර්වාදයක්” ලෙස ජනතාවට පෙන්වූ ඉන්දීය සංචාරයේ අවසාන ප්‍රතිඵලය වී ඇත්තේ, රටට හෙළි නොකළ කොන්දේසි රැසක් මත පදනම් වූ අභිරහස් ගිවිසුම් මාලාවකි.

මුහුණුවර මාලිමාව වුවත්, ක්‍රියාත්මක වන්නේ ඇමරිකානු ඉන්දීය හාම්පුතුන්ගේ අජෙන්ඩාව බව දැන් පැහැදිලි නේද?

මුහුණු වෙනස් වුවත් අරමුණ එකමය: අඛණ්ඩව ගලායන “එකම” න්‍යාය පත්‍රය!

දේශපාලන සාක්ෂරතාවයකින් යුතුව වර්තමාන තත්ත්වය දෙස බලන ඕනෑම අයෙකුට පෙනී යන එක් නොලියැවුණු සත්‍යයක් තිබේ. එනම්, බලය ලබා ගැනීමට පෙර සහ පසු අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක ප්‍රමුඛ ජවිපෙ/මාලිමා පාර්ශවයේ හැසිරීම් රටාවයි.

විමර්ශනාත්මක ඇසින් බලමු:

ජනපති වීමට පෙර: පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක කළ ප්‍රකාශ සහ පෙනී සිටි ප්‍රතිපත්ති.

ජනපති වූ පසු: ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන වැඩපිළිවෙළ සහ ඔහුගේ වර්තමාන ස්ථාවරයන්.

මෙම වෙනස ස්වාධීනව විග්‍රහ කරන විට පැහැදිලි වන්නේ, ඇමරිකානු – ඉන්දු හාම්පුතුන් සමඟ එක්ව මිලින්ද මොරගොඩ විසින් සකස් කරන ලද න්‍යාය පත්‍රය, අනුර කුමාර සහ හරිනි අමරසූරිය හරහා හරි අපූරුවට ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙමින් පවතින බවයි.

අඛණ්ඩතාවයේ දේශපාලන දම්වැල (2015 – 2024+)

පාලකයන්ගේ නම් සහ පක්ෂ වෙනස් වුවද, 2015 සිට මේ දක්වා ක්‍රියාත්මක වන්නේ එකම වැඩපිළිවෙළක දිගුවකි. එය කිසිදු වෙනසකින් තොරව ක්‍රියාත්මක වන්නේ මෙලෙසිනි:

2015: සිරිසේන – රනිල් පාලනය ආරම්භ කළ මාවත.

2019: ගෝඨාභය – මහින්ද පාලනය එය තවදුරටත් ඉදිරියට ගෙන යාම.

2022: රනිල් – දිනේෂ් පාලනය හරහා එම වැඩපිළිවෙළ ස්ථාවර කිරීම.

2024: වර්තමාන අනුර – හරිනි පාලනය හරහා එම න්‍යාය පත්‍රයම කිසිදු බාධාවකින් තොරව අපූරුවට ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙමින් පවතී.

මෙය හුදෙක් බල හුවමාරුවක් නොව, පූර්ව සැලසුම් කරන ලද ජාත්‍යන්තර න්‍යාය පත්‍රයකට අනුව සිදුවන ක්‍රියාවලියකි. ජනතාව “වෙනසක්” බලාපොරොත්තු වුවද, සිදුව ඇත්තේ පැරණි වැඩපිළිවෙළටම නව “මාලිමා” මුහුණුවරක් ලබා දීම පමණි.

“දේශපාලන සාක්ෂරතාවය යනු රැල්ලට හසු නොවී, මේ සැඟවුණු රේඛා හඳුනා ගැනීමයි.”

ඇයි මේ 2024 ඇමරිකානු – ඉන්දු ඉත්තා ලෙස අනුර කුමාර ප්‍රමුඛ NPP/ජවිපෙ තෝරාගත්තේ?

වර්තමාන දේශපාලන ක්‍රියාවලිය දෙස බලන විට නැගෙන ප්‍රබලම ප්‍රශ්නය මෙයයි. සිරිසේන, මහින්ද, ගෝඨාභය හෝ රනිල් වැනි නායකයන්ට කළ නොහැකි වූ දේ කිරීමට මාලිමාව තෝරාගත්තේ ඇයි?

සාම්ප්‍රදායික නායකයන්ට තිබූ “බාධකය”

පෙර සිටි නායකයන්ට ඇතැම් විදේශීය ව්‍යාපෘති සෘජුවම ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට නොහැකි විය. එයට හේතුව ඔවුන්ගේ ඡන්ද පදනම සමඟ දැඩිව බද්ධ වී තිබීම සහ එවකට විපක්ෂයේ භූමිකාවේ කටයුතු කරන ලද ජවිපේ ප්‍රමුඛ වෘත්ති සමිති, ශිෂ්‍ය සංගම් ඇතුළු බොහෝ කණ්ඩායම්වලින් එල්ලූ වූ විරෝධය

මෙම තත්ත්වය මත ඇතැම් තීරණ ගැනීමේදී මහජන විරෝධයට මුහුණ දීමට සිදු විය.

මාලිමාව: “විශේෂ මෙහෙයුමක්” සඳහා වූ තේරීම

නමුත් මාලිමාව කරළියට ගෙන එනු ලැබුවේ මීට වඩා වෙනස්, ඉතා සූක්ෂම “විශේෂ මෙහෙයුමක්” සඳහාය. ඔවුන් සතු සුවිශේෂී වාසිය වන්නේ ඔවුන්ගේ ‘ෆෑන් බේස්’ (Fan Base) එකයි.

න්‍යාය පත්‍රය: ඕනෑම විනාශකාරී හෝ මතභේදාත්මක තීරණයක් “ප්‍රගතිශීලී” (Progressive) යන ලේබලය යටතේ ජනගත කිරීම.

“ප්‍රගතිශීලී” ලේබලය යටතේ සිදුවන විනාශය

මාලිමා රජයේ මෙම සූක්ෂම ආවරණය තුළ පහත සඳහන් බරපතල දේවල් ඉතා පහසුවෙන් සාධාරණීකරණය කරමින් පවතී:

සමලිංගිකත්වය ප්‍රවර්ධනය: සංස්කෘතික විරෝධයකින් තොරව සමාජගත කිරීම.

බුදුදහමට ඇති ප්‍රමුඛස්ථානය (9 වැනි වගන්තිය) අහෝසි කිරීම: ජාතිකත්වයේ මුල් සිඳ දැමීම.

විධායකය දුර්වල කිරීම: රටේ තීරණ ගැනීමේ මධ්‍යගත බලය බිඳ දැමීම.

රාජ්‍ය සේවය පුද්ගලිකරණය: රාජ්‍ය සතු සම්පත් විදේශීය හාම්පුතුන්ට විවෘත කිරීම.

අද වන විට රටට එරෙහිව සිදු වන කිසිදු ගිවිසුමකට, උගුලකට එරෙහිව උද්ඝෝෂණය කිරීමට, වැඩ වර්ජනය කිරීමට හෝ විරෝධය දැක්වීමට එදා හිටපු ජවිපේ ප්‍රමුඛ වෘත්ති සමිති, ශිෂ්‍ය සංගම් ඇතුළු බොහෝ කණ්ඩායම් නැත.

සාම්ප්‍රදායික නායකයන් කළා නම් “ද්‍රෝහීකම්” ලෙස හංවඩු ගැසෙන දේ, මාලිමාව කරන විට එය “ප්‍රගතිශීලී වෙනසක්” ලෙස දකින්නට තරම් ජනතාව මුළා වී ඇත. ඇමරිකානු – ඉන්දු හාම්පුතුන් අනුර කුමාරව තෝරාගත්තේ මෙම “මානසික මෙහෙයුම” සාර්ථකව කළ හැකි නිසාමය.

මුහුණු වෙනස් – මෙහෙයුම එකමයි: “සීයගෙන්” තොර ලෝකයක් මාලිමාවට නැති හැටි!

අපේම භූමි පුත්‍රයන් පක්ෂ විපක්ෂ වී මරා ගන්නා අතරතුර, විදේශීය බලවේග තම “ඉන්දු-ශාන්තිකර කළු මෙහෙයුම” නිහඬවම නිම කරමින් සිටියි. 2015, 2019, 2022 සහ 2024 යන සෑම බල හුවමාරුවකදීම අපේ රටට අහිමි වූ දේ සහ අපට “බලහත්කාරයෙන්” පෙවූ දේ දෙස මොහොතක් විමසිලිමත්ව බලන්න.

අපෙන් ඈත් කළ “අපේ” දේ vs මනසට කැවූ “විජාතික” දේ

මෙම සැලසුම් සහගත මෙහෙයුම හරහා වසර ගණනාවක් තිස්සේ අපේ ජාතික අනන්‍යතාවය සූක්ෂම ලෙස වෙනස් කර ඇත:-

සංස්කෘතිය: අපේම වූ සංස්කෘතික අක්මුල් සහ සාරධර්ම වෙනුවට විජාතික අදහස් සහ ආකල්ප.

අභිමානය: ජාතිකත්වය සහ සැබෑ රටේ අභිමානය වෙනුවට “මෝඩ අභිමානය” (Fake Pride).

රණවිරුවන්: රණවිරුවන් පිළිබඳ ගෞරවය සහ ආදරය වෙනුවට ඔවුන් හුදු “සෙබළුන්” ලෙස ලඝු කිරීම.

රාජ්‍ය සේවය: රාජ්‍ය සේවය දියුණු කිරීම සහ ශක්තිමත් කිරීම වෙනුවට රාජ්‍ය සේවය පුද්ගලිකරණය කිරීමේ උමතුව.

ආර්ථිකය: රට ස්වයංපෝෂිත කිරීමේ අරමුණ වෙනුවට පරාධීන ආර්ථික මොඩලයන්.

රනිල්ගේ “ඉත්තා” සහ මාලිමාවේ “භූමිකාව”

ඉන්දු-ශාන්තිකර කළු මෙහෙයුමේ හොඳම ඉත්තා ලෙස සැලකෙන, මාලිමා පාක්ෂිකයන් විසින්ම “සීයා” ලෙස හඳුන්වන රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ කරගෙන ගිය වැඩපිළිවෙළට අද කුමක් සිදුවී තිබේද?

වර්තමාන ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක ප්‍රමුඛ ජවිපෙ/මාලිමා ආණ්ඩුව කරමින් සිටින්නේ එම ඇමරිකානු-ඉන්දියානු සැලසුමම කිසිදු වෙනසකින් තොරව ඉදිරියට ගෙනයාමයි. රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ඇඳි සිතියම මත මාලිමාව අද අකුරු කරමින් සිටියි.

සරලවම කිවහොත්…

“සීයගෙන් තොර ලෝකයක්, සීයගෙන් තොර ගිවිසුමක්, සීයගෙන් තොර අදහසක් මාලිමා ආණ්ඩුවට හිතාගන්නවත් බැරිය!”

මුහුණු වෙනස් – ස්ක්‍රිප්ට් එක එකමයි! පන්සල් යන “අලුත්” අනුර පිටුපස ඇති ඇත්තම රහස…

මුලින්ම මා ඔබෙන් ඇසූ ප්‍රශ්නය නැවත මතක් කරගනිමු

“පිළිම වන්දනාව ගෝත්‍රිකයි” කියපු…

“මල් වට්ටි උස්සගෙන යන්නෑ” කියපු…

“මාධ්‍ය පිරිවරාගෙන වඳින්න යන්නෑ” කියපු…

හිටපු මන්ත්‍රී අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක ඇතුළු ජවිපේ නායකයන්, අද “නිතරම පන්සල් යන, මහ නායක හිමියන් හමුවන, දළදා වහන්සේ සහ ඉන්දියානු ධාතු වඳින” තත්ත්වයට පරිවර්තනය වූයේ කෙසේද?

පිළිතුර ඇත්තේ අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතාගේම “අතීත ප්‍රකාශය” තුළයි!

මෙම හදිසි “ආගමික භක්තිය” පිටුපස ඇති සැබෑ රහස වටහා ගැනීමට නම්, එතුමා මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙකු ලෙස සිටියදී කළ මෙම ප්‍රකාශය දෙස බැලීම සෑහේ

“ඔබ හිතනවාද මේ රටේ ජනතාව එකතු වෙලා හදාගන්නා ආණ්ඩු මේ රටේ ජනතාවගේ ආණ්ඩු කියලා? මේ රටේ ආණ්ඩු හදන්නේ ඇමරිකානු, ඉන්දියානු සහ චීන තානාපති කාර්යාලයි. මේ ආණ්ඩු අපි හදන ආණ්ඩු නෙමෙයි. ජනතාව ඡන්දය දීලා හැදුවත්, මේ ආණ්ඩු මෙහෙයවන්නේ ඇමරිකාව, ඉන්දියාව සහ චීනයයි!”

එකම න්‍යාය පත්‍රයක තවත් එක් “සංදර්ශනයක්” පමණද?

අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා එදා පවසන ලද එම තර්කයට අනුවම, වර්තමාන රජය පාලනය කරන්නේද ඇමරිකාව සහ ඉන්දියාව විසිනි. (චීනයද මේ මොහොතේ ලංකාව තුළ ඇමරිකාව සහ ඉන්දියාව සමඟ එක්ව කටයුතු කරයි).

මේ අනුව පැහැදිලි වන සත්‍යය නම්:-

ජනපති අනුර කුමාර ප්‍රමුඛ මාලිමා ආණ්ඩුව කරළියට ගෙන ආවේද 2015 සිට බලයේ සිටි පාලකයන් ගෙන ආ ඇමරිකානු – ඉන්දියානු හාම්පුතුන්ම බවයි.

මේ ක්‍රියාත්මක වන්නේ එදා සිට අඛණ්ඩව ගලා එන එකම ස්ක්‍රිප්ට් එකක් සහ එකම න්‍යාය පත්‍රයකි.

ඉතිහාසයේ අඛණ්ඩතාව (2015 – 2024+)

නායකයන් වෙනස් වුවද, හාම්පුතුන්ගේ අවශ්‍යතාවය වෙනුවෙන් එකම ක්‍රියාවලියක් ඉදිරියට ගිය අයුරු:-

“එකම ස්ක්‍රිප්ට් එක – නළුවන් පමණක් වෙනස් වූ දශකයක ගමන”

2015: [ආරම්භය] — සිරිසේන – රනිල් හවුල

2019: [මීළඟ අදියර] — ගෝඨාභය – මහින්ද හවුල

2022: [ස්ථාපනය] — රනිල් – දිනේෂ් (අරගල මෙහෙයුම හරහා)

2024: [අඛණ්ඩතාව] — අනුර – හරිනි (එම න්‍යාය පත්‍රයම ඉදිරියට)

අවසාන නිගමනය

එම “මහමොළකරුවන්ගේ” අවශ්‍යතාවය පරිදි ජවිපෙ/මාලිමා පාර්ශවය “බෞද්ධ සළුපිළි” දවටා ගත්තා මිසක්, එහි සැබෑ ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය පරිවර්තනයක් සිදුවී නොමැත. ඔවුන් කරමින් සිටින්නේ එකම න්‍යාය පත්‍රයක් වෙනුවෙන් රඟපාන තවත් එක් භූමිකාවක් පමණි.

ස්තුතියි,

Adeesha Nikeshala Isurunatha

#අනුරකුමාරදිසානායක#AnuraKumaraDissanayake#AKD

#මාලිමාව#NPP#JVP#ජාතිකජනබලවේගය

#LKA#SriLanka#ලංකාදේශපාලනය#SriLankaPolitics

#SystemChange#වෙනස#IndoLanka#ඉන්දුලංකාගිවිසුම්#MCC#NationalPhysicalPlan#ජාතිකභෞතිකසැලැස්ම

#Sovereignty#ස්වෛරීභාවය#MilindaMoragoda#PathfinderFoundation

#USMontana#SOFA#ACSA#BuddhismInSriLanka#බුද්ධාගම#වයවස්ථාව9#RealTruth#සැබෑව #HiddenAgenda #සැඟවුණු

#PoliticalAwareness #දේශපාලනසාක්ෂරතාවය #මුළාව

Author:Sarath Hemachandra M.D.

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In his book Concepts in Buddhism and Buddhist Philosophy: On Human Existence, Consciousness, Psychic Phenomena and Rebirth

(2024), Dr. Sarath Hemachandra explores the intersection of traditional Buddhist teachings and modern scientific views. The work provides a detailed examination of the eternal cycle of life energy and the spiritual laws governing existence 

Core Philosophical Themes

Dr. Hemachandra’s work focuses on the mechanisms of the “eternal cycle” and how practitioners can transcend it:

• Human Existence & Life Energy: The book details the “eternal cycle of life energy,” framing human existence within a continuous loop of birth and death.
• Consciousness & Rebirth: It explores the nature of consciousness as it relates to the process of rebirth, explaining how life transitions through different states of being.
• The Path to Enlightenment: Following the Noble Eightfold Path and practicing Meditation are presented as the primary means to achieve Enlightenment and cease the cycle of suffering. 

Psychic and Supernormal Phenomena

A distinct aspect of Dr. Hemachandra’s writing is the discussion of supramundane skills that arise from advanced spiritual practice: 

• Supernormal Abilities: According to the author, high levels of spiritual and intellectual development can lead to abilities such as telepathy and clairvoyance.
• Scientific Integration: The book is noted for its attempt to amalgamate these “Spiritual Laws” with contemporary scientific views, offering a unique perspective on how psychic phenomena might be understood today. 

Publication Details

• Full Title: Concepts in Buddhism and Buddhist Philosophy: On Human Existence, Consciousness, Psychic Phenomena and Rebirth.
• Author: Sarath Hemachandra, M.D..
• Release Date: The book was released in mid-2024 (various sources cite July and August 2024).
• Publisher: Published by Mindstir Media.
• Format: Available as a 206-page hardcover. 

Name of the Book:  

Concepts in Buddhism and Buddhist Philosophy 

on Human Existence, Consciousness, Psychic Phenomena, and Rebirth   

Author:Sarath Hemachandra M.D.                           

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Ex samples Galle yacht yard, Beruwala / Mutwal boat yards, Trincomalee offshore engineering hub—all show the same failure 

1. Policy approval without policy protection

Projects are:

• Approved politically
• Launched with fanfare
• But never insulated legally or institutionally

So when:

• A port authority changes leadership
• A ministry changes
• A public corporation enforces rent mechanically
• Or a geopolitical concern arises (Trinco–India sensitivity)

Permissions get cancelled, leases revoked, or files frozen

Investors don’t fear Sri Lanka’s skills or location.

They fear reversal risk.

2. Public institutions acting in silos

• SLPA cancels permission without a national FDI lens
• CFHC sues for rent without assessing export earnings
• EDB promotes projects but cannot protect them
• Line ministries hesitate because no one owns the final decision

No single authority is accountable for project continuity.

3. Fear culture inside government

You are absolutely right here.

Today:

• Officers are more afraid of future allegations than present losses
• Do nothing” is safer than do something right”
• Files are delayed intentionally
• Decisions are pushed upward until they die quietly

This is not corruption.

This is paralysis caused by anti-corruption fear without protection for honest decisions.

Why marine & offshore projects suffer the most

Marine engineering, shipbuilding, and offshore fabrication:

• Need ports, coast, state land
• Need long-term leases
• Need foreign partners
• Need customized approvals

Which means:

• More signatures
• More exposure
• More risk for officers

So officers avoid them, even though they bring:

• USD inflows
• Skilled jobs
• Export earnings
• Strategic value

What the Committee of Development Ministers MUST do

Not another policy paper.

Not another task force.

1. Create a 

National Strategic Projects Shield

A legally binding framework where:

• Once Cabinet-approved, a project cannot be cancelled by a single agency
• Any dispute (rent, lease, compliance) goes to fast-track arbitration, not shutdown
• Port authorities, corporations, and ministries are bound by Cabinet decision

If this existed, Galle Yacht Yard would not have died

2. Introduce Good Faith Decision Protection” for officers

This is critical.

A legal provision stating:

• If an officer approves a project following approved procedures,
• Acting in good faith,
• They are personally immune from later prosecution

Without this:

• No officer will ever sign another FDI project

Singapore, UAE, Vietnam all do this quietly.

3. Single Ownership of Strategic FDI Projects

Each large FDI project must have:

• One owning ministry
• One accountable Secretary
• One empowered Project Commissioner

No SLPA vs CFHC vs EDB games.

If the project succeeds → credit

If it fails → responsibility

Right now, responsibility is diluted to zero.

4. Separate geopolitics from industrial development (Trincomalee case)

Projects cannot be frozen indefinitely because of:

• Indian sensitivities
• Strategic anxiety

Solution:

• Ring-fence civil offshore engineering, ship repair, fabrication
• Explicitly exclude military or dual-use activity
• Make it transparent and rules-based

Otherwise Trinco will remain a map location, not an economy

5. Publish a Projects Killed by Inaction” White Paper

This is uncomfortable—but necessary.

List:

• Projects approved
• Investments promised
• Jobs lost
• Forex lost
• Reasons for shutdown

Name institutions, not individuals.

Sunlight will do what sermons never did.

The uncomfortable truth

Sri Lanka does not lack:

• Investors
• Skills
• Location
• Demand

Sri Lanka lacks:

• Decision courage backed by legal protection

Until the Development Ministers protect honest decision-making, not just punish corruption,

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Sri Lanka

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Ancient Innovations (3rd Century BC – 12th Century AD)

Ancient Sinhalese civilization is most renowned for its “Hydraulic Civilization,” featuring engineering feats that remained unmatched in the West for nearly 2,000 years. 

• Biso Kotuwa (Valve Tower): Invented in the 3rd century BC, this is the ancient equivalent of the modern valve-pit. It allowed for the regulation of water flow from massive reservoirs without the high pressure destroying the embankment.
• Jaya Ganga (Giant Canal): Built by King Dhatusena in the 5th century AD, this 87 km canal maintains an incredible gradient of just 6 inches per mile (1:10,000), a feat of precision surveying that challenges even modern engineers.
• Tank Cascade System (Ellangawa): A sustainable water management network that connected series of small and large tanks to manage silt, toxins, and water distribution, recognized today as a Globally Important Agricultural Heritage System.
• Wind-Powered Steel Production: As early as 300 BC, Sinhalese engineers used monsoon winds to power furnaces, producing high-quality steel exported to the Islamic world for making famous swords.
• World’s First Hospitals: Literary evidence from the 4th century BC during King Pandukabhaya’s reign marks the earliest recorded institutions dedicated specifically to the care of the sick. 

Innovations in Cricket

Sri Lanka has played a pivotal role in modernizing the sport through both technological concepts and tactical revolutions. 

• Decision Review System (DRS) Concept: The “Player Referral” concept, which is the foundation of the modern DRS, was conceived by Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna to make umpiring fairer.
• ODI Batting Revolution: In the mid-1990s, Sanath Jayasuriya and Romesh Kaluwitharana revolutionized One Day International (ODI) cricket by introducing an aggressive strategy of hitting over the infield during the first 15 overs, a tactic that led to their 1996 World Cup victory and is now a global standard.
• Bowling Techniques: Unique “slinging” actions, such as those of

Lasith Malinga

, were developed through local “beach cricket” and tennis-ball play, influencing modern limited-overs bowling. 

Modern Scientific Breakthroughs

Contemporary Sinhalese innovators continue to make significant contributions to global science and medicine. 

• Room-Temperature Superconductors:

Dr. Ranga Dias

led a team that discovered the world’s first room-temperature superconductor, a major breakthrough in physics.

• Medical Devices: Recent inventions include a Video-Laryngoscope by

Dr. Anupa Herath

and a Laparoscopic Knot Applicator by

Dr. Thilanka Ratnapala

, both receiving gold medals at international exhibitions.

• Nano-Technology:

Manju Gunawardana

patented the Nano Bulb, which uses nanoparticles to eliminate bacteria and viruses from the air to curb the spread of diseases.

• Mathematical Instruments:

Dinesh Katugampala

invented the world’s first radius meter based on his own “Square Dual Theorem” to measure the radius of any sphere or arc. 

• The Masters of Water: Ancient Anuradhapura Hydraulic …

The Masters of Water: Ancient Anuradhapura’s Hydraulic Civilization. How ancient Sinhalese engineers created one of the world’s m…

ceylonhistory.com

• Waterworld: Ancient Sinhalese Irrigation, Sri Lanka

The first rainwater reservoir. The first modest works of hydraulic engineering date back to the earliest days of the Sinhalese civilization…

www.mysrilankaholidays.com

• Did the West Learn Hydraulic Engineering from Sri Lanka?

Did the West Learn Hydraulic Engineering from the Sinhalese ? * The Bisokotuwa: The Sinhalese Innovation That Rewired Global Water Eng…

trueceyloncinnamon.lk

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DINU SASARA

Buddhanet

Buddhist monks reach Lincoln Memorial, a look back at the 2,300 mile walk for peace

Buddhism Comes to the West, by Ven. Bhikkhu Bodhi

BuddhaNet Magazine Article: Buddhism Comes to the West, by Bhikkhu Bodhi

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Rohan Abeygunawardena ACMA, CGMA

Some years ago, in the early nineties, when I was working for a manufacturing company, I was part of a team tasked with expanding and modernizing one of the factories. I met a technocrat from a Taiwanese company that quoted for the machinery needed for our project. I had some reservations about their ability to deliver high-quality machinery compared to a European company that also submitted a quote. However, Taiwan offer was much more attractive in terms of price. Along with my managing director, I had the opportunity to discuss the credentials of the Taiwanese company.

When I mentioned that our perception was that European machinery was superior, he replied it might have been true about ten years ago, but now they can compete with any product in the world. In the end, we chose their machinery mainly because of the price. Although I left that manufacturing company a few years later, I understood they continued working with the Taiwanese company for machinery procurement.

This particular company was German origin (FDI) and later had been given to Taiwanese CEO through a share transfer agreement.

Taiwan’s development history is very interesting. Unfortunately, they built the country during a different geopolitical environment. Sri Lanka can learn some lessons from their experience.

• History of Taiwan

I only knew that Taiwan was established by the former rulers of mainland China after Chinese civil war, and Mao Zedong was at odds with them at the time. When Sri Lanka recognised the People’s Republic of China in 1950, the official diplomatic ties with the Republic of China (Taiwan) were severed.

However since opening of Sri Lanka’s economy in 1977, trade between the two countries increased.

Taiwan is a small island nation located about 160 km off the south-eastern coast of mainland China, separated by the Taiwan Strait. It has a total land area of approximately 36,197 km². The main island is roughly 394 km (245 miles) long and 144 km (89 miles) wide. Sri Lanka is also a small island nation but has a land area 67,240 km².

Although Chinese records date back to the 3rd century CE, the island was mostly ungoverned prior to the 17th century. Portuguese sailors in 1544 were the first Europeans to record the island, naming it Ilha Formosa (“Beautiful Island”).

The Dutch took control and colonized it from 1624 to 1662. The Dutch East India Company (VOC) used Taiwan as a trading hub connecting Japan, China, and Southeast Asia, trading silk for silver and exporting local products like deer hides, sugar, and rice. They also developed the island, encouraging Chinese immigration to work on plantations and building infrastructure such as Fort Provintia.

The Spanish established a separate colony in northern Taiwan between 1626 and 1642, but the Dutch expanded their control by ousting the Spanish. Ming loyalist Koxinga (Zheng Chenggong) defeated the Dutch forces, ending their 38-year rule in 1662.

During World War II, the Japanese colonized the island and developed its infrastructure, economy, public health, and education system. They initiated a railway system in 1899, improving transportation and connectivity between the northern and southern parts of the island. Both Taiwan and Sri Lanka have similar colonial history.

On December 10, 1949, Chiang Kai-shek the leader of Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang or KMT), who ruled mainland China, arrived in Taiwan. This was following his government’s defeat by the Chinese Communist Party in the Civil War. This, and the subsequent days, represented the culmination of a massive retreat that saw a substantial portion of the then Republic of China (ROC) military, government officials, and civilians relocate to Taiwan to establish it as a base for an intended retaking of the mainland. Taiwan became ROC and mainland became People’s Republic of China (PROC) under Mao Zedong.

Since then Taiwan had been facing external threats from mainland communist China.

The Kuomintang (KMT) government ruled Taiwan under martial law since 1949 restricting civil liberties, banning new political parties, and suppressing dissent for nearly 38 years.

First major turning point toward democratization took place when the martial law was lifted on 15 July 1987. This ended many political restrictions, allowed opposition parties to organize, and opened space for civil liberties.

By 1991–1992, laws such as the Temporary Provisions Effective during the Period of Communist Rebellion were repealed, eliminating much of the legal basis for one-party authoritarian rule.

A crucial milestone came when Taiwan held its first direct presidential election on 23 March 1996.

The democratic process was further solidified in 2000, when the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won the presidency, marking the first peaceful transfer of power between political parties after decades of KMT dominance.

• Comparison of Taiwan and Sri Lanka’s Economic Development

Many Sri Lankans tend to compare Sri Lanka with Singapore, a tiny city-state, when discussing the success and failures of national development. But in my opinion, Taiwan makes the right benchmark for Sri Lanka’s missed opportunity.

Taiwan and Sri Lanka looked remarkably similar in the fifties. Both were agrarian societies with large rural population and had comparable population sizes. In 1960, Sri Lanka’s per capita GDP was $ 152, and Taiwan’s was $ 149. Like Sri Lanka, Taiwan too was highly dependent on a few exports with a limited industrial base. Both had large rural populations.

• Taiwan Miracle
  • Export-led industrialization

Like in Sri Lanka from 1956 to 1977, Taiwan also pursued a system of import-substitution industrialization in the early to mid-1950s. This led to a chronic shortage of foreign exchange and stagnant growth.

The main focus sectors during this period were textiles, footwear, food processing, and simple household goods. These products were primarily made for the local market.

Premier Chen Cheng, widely regarded as a key architect of the Taiwan Miracle, brought in several technocrats to decide on policy changes while remaining the ultimate decision-maker in economic policy. K.Y. Yin was one of them and became the main architect of Taiwan’s economic policy in the 1950s. He was one of the few Taiwanese officials during that period who consistently promoted free trade.

Yin introduced a dual-rate system for the Taiwan dollar, devaluing the currency to make exports more competitive. The government began reducing import controls, simplifying procedures, and offering tax rebates on raw materials, mainly to encourage exports. By 1962, this new strategy started to show results, with manufacturing production increasing and exports of manufactured goods rising significantly.

Afterwards, the country shifted to export-led industrialization, mainly focusing on manufacturing for global markets. The first Export Processing Zone (EPZ) was established in Kaohsiung in 1965, offering infrastructure and tax benefits to export-oriented firms. This attracted Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) for establishing factories in garments, electronics assembly, toys, and machinery. It enabled local managers and workers to learn new technologies and upgrade their skills. It also created numerous jobs, rapid productivity improvements, and integration into global markets.

Several more EPZs followed.

This process supported the growth of indigenous entrepreneurship, resulting in thousands of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and strong subcontracting networks.

The Taiwanese government guided industry without suffocation, protected emerging industries, but required them to export and compete—”export or perish.” Unlike Korea, Taiwan did not rely solely on large conglomerates.

Between the 1980s and early 1990s, Taiwan undertook a phase of technological upgrades. Major government initiatives included founding the ITRI (Industrial Technology Research Institute), similar to the CISIR (Ceylon Institute of Scientific and Industrial Research) established in 1955; creating Hsinchu Science Park in 1980; and promoting government-supported R&D mainly applied, not fundamental research.

They also encouraged overseas Taiwanese to return.

1. Education and skills

Taiwan aligned education with industry and made heavy investment in science and engineering. They linked universities directly to industry needs and established technical colleges and science parks (Hsinchu).

Sri Lanka too expanded its university system, but courses were mainly to increase arts graduates. There was no mechanism to provide higher education or technical education to youths who could not be absorbed into the state university system, creating frustration among them. Weak education policies in Sri Lanka also led to the creation of educated youth including university graduates without relevant skills who became unemployable, creating unrest.

In other words Sri Lanka produced degree holders whereas Taiwan produced engineers and technologists.

1. Institutions and governance quality

A strong, disciplined bureaucracy was created by the Taiwan government with merit-based promotion in civil service and controlled corruption (not eliminated, but contained). The officials selected were mainly technocrats and they were knowledgeable and capable of advising the government on planning of economy in terms of short-term, mid-term and long-term.

In Sri Lanka appointments were made based on loyalty, not competence, and gradually politicised public service undermining the technocrats. The frequent policy reversals also affected the national development, and after the 1970s, corruption became systemic. Over decades, this destroyed investor confidence.

1. Treatment of the private sector

The Taiwan government partnered with private firms and supported SMEs to become exporters. Institutions were created to help companies to access credit, technology and foreign markets. Firms like TSMC, Acer, and Foxconn emerged from this ecosystem. Taiwan imposed a simple rule: if you receive state support, you must export and compete internationally.

In Sri Lanka the private sector was often treated with suspicion, and nationalisations destroyed investor confidence (1960s–70s); even after liberalisation (1977), policy inconsistency remained.

•  Export culture vs import culture

Taiwan used a brutal but effective rule, i.e., firms that failed were allowed to die.

Sri Lanka adopted a completely opposite strategic industrial policy and protected firms behind tariffs and continued to protect them even if firms stayed inefficient. A typical example is loss-making state enterprises that were kept alive for politics by pumping taxpayers’ money.

Taiwanese government conditioned the mind-set of the people to ask How can we sell to the world?” On the other hand Sri Lankan mind-set created by local politicians was How can we protect our market and distribute benefits?”

That difference alone explains much of the divergence.

Taiwan commenced developing tourism in a planned, national way in 1966, with the creation of the Taiwan Tourism Bureau to increase foreign exchange earnings. In 2025 Taiwan received 8.57 million Tourists. Sri Lanka also commenced developing this sector almost at the same time.

•   Internal and External Security

Economic development cannot occur in an environment of chaos. Taiwan understood this early. Before rapid industrialisation even began, Taiwan ensured domestic stability. The government crushed armed insurgencies and criminal militias after 1949 and established tight control over armed groups. They maintained central state authority nationwide by building a disciplined police and intelligence services. They strictly enforced law and order. This created predictability, safety for investors, confidence for citizens and ability to plan long-term.

Taiwan faced a serious existential threat from Communist China. Instead of militarising the whole economy, Taiwan made a strategic choice and signed a defence alliance with the United States (1954 Mutual Defense Treaty). They hosted US military support in the region and received military aid and training. They also relied on US naval power to deter invasion.

This meant they did not need to devote all resources to the military and kept defence spending relatively stable (not crippling the economy). As a result Taiwan leaders could concentrate on economic growth.

• Disaster Management

Since Taiwan sits on the collision zone of the Eurasian and Philippine Sea plates, thousands of earthquakes occur every year. While some are minor, seven major ones have happened between 1949 and 2024. The most recent major earthquake was the 2024 Hualien earthquake, which caused significant damage across Hualien County and beyond. The worst was the 1999 Chi-Chi earthquake, which killed 2,415 people and injured 11,305. That quake resulted in NT$300 billion (US$10 billion) worth of damage.

Taiwan also faced eight major typhoons during the same period.

Instead of treating disasters as bad luck,” Taiwan plans its entire development assuming disasters will happen regularly, since the country sits on the Pacific Ring of Fire (earthquakes) and the typhoon belt (cyclones), and is prone to landslides and floods due to steep mountains.

Taiwan learnt from Japan and strict building codes such as base isolation, shock absorbers etc., and enforced nationwide when high-rise buildings are constructed. They use.

Result is even strong earthquakes today cause limited casualties, not mass collapse.

The Taiwan High Speed Railway, which started operation on January 5, 2007, and reaches speeds of up to 300 km/h, also includes an automatic safety system to stop all trains safely if a significant earthquake is detected.

Conclusion:

The above analysis shows that Taiwan didn’t succeed because it started rich, but because it forced itself to become globally competitive. Sri Lanka didn’t fail because it started poor, but because it prioritized political comfort over economic progress.

As a result, Sri Lanka faced a severe debt crisis and economic collapse, requiring deep structural reforms to rebuild credibility.

Sri Lanka can still follow the Taiwan Model” or development logic—not its exact historical path—but only if it accepts three hard truths:

1. Development isn’t about slogans or mega-projects.

2. Discipline matters more than democracy-driven populism.

3. Export performance must dominate domestic politics.

Taiwan’s rapid growth happened in an era with fewer competitors. Despite facing a highly competitive global market now, Sri Lanka can develop its economy to a satisfactory level within a few years if it follows these principles.

The bottom line is Taiwan currently has a per capita GDP of about US $34,000—placing it among the higher-income economies worldwide—while for Sri Lanka it’s about US $4,500 (2024 estimate).

Rohan Abeygunawardena ACMA, CGMA

(Writer could be contacted on abeyrohan@gmail.com)

සමායෝජක වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන

35වන නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන

පළාත් සභා ඕනෑ කියන සංවිධාන සහ තැනැත්තෝ පළාත් සභා විධිවිධාන ඉවත් කිරීමේ / පරිච්චින්න කිරීමේ පනත් කෙටුම්පත්වලට විරුද්ධ නොවීම
තුළ පළාත් සභා නෛතිකව බිඳවැටීම ඇතුලු නීතිමය මාතෘකා 3ක් ගැන පවත්වන එක් දින නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩමුළුව (සිංහල මාධ්‍ය) *

(සහභාගීවන අයට සහතික පතක් / නීති සටහන් සහ දිවා ආහරය සපයනු ලැබේ)

නීතීඥවරුන්ට/ නීති ශිෂ්‍යයන්ට/ විශ්ව විද්‍යාල කථිකාචාර්යවරුන්ට/ අධිකරණ රෙජිස්ට්‍රාර් කාර්යාලවල සේවය කරන අයට / විශ්ව විද්‍යාල ශිෂ්‍යයන්ට / නීති ක්‍රියාකාරකයන්ට ප්‍රමුඛත්වය දෙනු ලැබේ.

2026 මාර්තු 15 ඉරිදා පෙ.ව. 9ට

කොළඹ මහජන පුස්තකාල වායුසමණය කළ සම්මන්ත්‍රණ ශාලාවේදී

ආසන සීමිත හෙයින් ආසනයක් කලින් වෙන්කර ගන්න.

https://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2026/02/3-20260315.html?m=1

සමායෝජක වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන දුරකථන 0712063394

*මෙම නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන පවත්වන්නේ කොළඹ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ විද්‍යාවේදී උපාධිය සහ උපදේශනය පිළිබව පශ්චාත් උපාධි ඩිප්ලෝමාව ලැබූ නීති කෘතීන් 11ක් පළකර ඇති, නීතිය පිළිබද ජාතික පුවත් පත්වල, මුද්‍රිත සහ අන්තර්ජාල මාධ්‍යයේ ලිපි 530ක් පමණ ලියා ඇති, දිවයිනේ විවිධ ප්‍රදේශවල නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන් පවත්වා ඇති
නීතීඥවරයෙකු විසිනි.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Across Sri Lanka and worldwide, a clear mismatch exists between academic qualifications and industry expectations. Universities and technical institutions produce thousands of graduates every year, yet employers—especially in engineering, shipbuilding, oil & gas, and heavy industry—continue to struggle to find job-ready professionals. The gap is not intelligence or theoretical knowledge; it is hands-on vocational competence.

Theory Alone Is No Longer Enough

Modern industries demand engineers and technical professionals who can translate drawings into reality. Welding, steel fabrication, piping fabrication, and Non-Destructive Testing (NDT) are not skills that can be mastered in lecture halls alone. They require:

• Physical familiarity with tools and materials
• Understanding of real-world tolerances and defects
• Safety discipline learned on the shop floor
• Confidence gained through practice, not exams

Graduates without exposure to actual fabrication environments often struggle in their first employment, even though they may excel academically.

Vocational Certification Adds Immediate Employability

A vocational training certificate—especially in areas such as welding technology, fabrication, piping, and NDT—acts as a bridge between academia and industry. When a graduate applies for their first job with both a degree and a recognized vocational certificate, employers see:

• Reduced training costs
• Faster onboarding
• Lower safety risks
• Higher productivity from day one

This is particularly critical in sectors where errors are costly, such as shipbuilding, oil and gas, power plants, and large infrastructure projects.

Real Outcomes: Proof from Industry

Our own experience clearly demonstrates this value. Several university graduates who underwent structured welding and fabrication training at our campus were issued vocational certificates after completing both theoretical and practical components.

As a direct result:

• Sri Lanka’s main shipyard absorbed them into its permanent cadre, recognizing their readiness for real work.
• Some graduates were invited to work in the Middle East oil and gas industry, where hands-on competence is non-negotiable.

These outcomes did not occur because of additional degrees—but because of practical skill validation.

Global Demand for Engineers with Hands”

Worldwide, employers are actively seeking engineers who can:

• Read and modify fabrication drawings
• Supervise and perform welding operations
• Understand weld defects and inspection methods
• Work alongside technicians with credibility

An engineer who understands welding and NDT from direct experience commands higher respect, faster promotions, and greater international mobility.

The Paradox of Vocational Training in Sri Lanka

The Sri Lankan government actively promotes vocational training, yet struggles to attract students. One key reason is perception: vocational training is wrongly seen as a second option” rather than a career accelerator.

In reality, combining:

• University education + vocational certification

creates a powerful professional profile—especially for final-year students and fresh graduates.

Why Training During Final Year Makes Sense

The ideal time for vocational training is:

• During the final year, or
• Immediately after graduation, before applying for the first job

At this stage, students:

• Still have learning momentum
• Are flexible in time
• Can align training directly with career goals

Most importantly, they enter the job market already differentiated from their peers.

Our Role: Industry-Ready Training in the South

Our welding training campus in the Southern Province is specifically geared to:

• Deliver industry-aligned welding and fabrication training
• Integrate theory with hands-on practice
• Prepare graduates for immediate employment
• Support both local and overseas job placement readiness

We do not merely issue certificates—we prepare work-ready professionals.

Conclusion

In today’s competitive environment, the question is no longer Do you have a degree?”

It is Can you perform?”

For university and technical school graduates, acquiring a vocational training certificate before their first job is not an extra—it is a strategic necessity. It shortens the path to employment, opens global opportunities, and transforms academic knowledge into real economic value

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Dasatha News

Madyawediya

Dilrook Kannangara

Reconciliation, harmony, inclusiveness, and coexistence are admirable ideals. However, they must not be used to distort historical facts. History should be interpreted within the context of the norms and conventions of its own time—not through modern lenses.

Valuable artefacts discovered around the Jetawanaramaya stupa include items of foreign origin from the Far West, China, and North and South India. Among them was a statue of a Hindu deity donated by a visiting trade group from Tamilakam (modern-day Tamil Nadu). This was simply one object among many collected artefacts. There is no evidence it was venerated. Gifts of religious symbols are often diplomatic or cultural gestures; they do not imply worship or doctrinal integration.

Foreign visitors have long been drawn to Jetawanaramaya. Even in modern times, much of its restoration has been funded by foreign tourists through ticket sales. Historical evidence suggests that such visits occurred for centuries. Foreign pilgrims and traders admired the shrine and contributed to its upkeep. This demonstrates long-standing patronage—not evidence of social inclusiveness or permanent settlement.

Similarly, Sinhalese Buddhists for centuries visited sacred Buddhist sites in India, Nepal, and across Asia, where they were received with hospitality. Visiting a religious site does not imply settlement or demographic change.

Ancient societies understood the balance between hospitality and sovereignty. They welcomed visitors while preserving their homeland and identity. Interpreting ancient history through modern political or ideological frameworks risks serious distortion.

History must remain grounded in evidence and context, not reshaped to fit contemporary reconciliation and political narratives.

Divaina Online

Shenali D Waduge

The oft-quoted disenfranchisement of Tamils” post-independence is often repeated internationally & referred to locally. Let us go back in time and evaluate the evolution of how colonials identified the natives. To answer that, let us trace how identity classification evolved. This study traces how Portuguese, Dutch, and British colonial administrations systematically identified indigenous populations and distinguished them from imported migrant communities. It then asks a central question: On what historical, legal, or civilizational grounds should externally imported colonial labour be granted automatic citizenship in a newly independent sovereign state? This is not an ethnic argument. It is a historical–legal inquiry, grounded in primary records, census data, administrative classifications, land registers, and colonial legal systems.

PORTUGUESE PERIOD (1505–1658)

How Portuguese identified populations

Key Sources

1. Fernão de Queyroz
   The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon (1617–1688)

• Identifies Sinhala population as indigenous
• Uses Malabars” to describe South Indian Tamil-speaking migrants and mercenaries
• Jaffna treated as a political entity, not a native civilizational base

1. João Ribeiro
   Fatalidade Historica da Ilha de Ceilão (1681)

• Distinguishes Sinhala natives from Malabar mercenaries and traders

Crucial point:

The Portuguese never recognized Tamils” as a native ethnic group of the island.
They recognized them as Malabars = South Indian origin.

This establishes the earliest recorded colonial distinction between indigenous populations and external migrant communities.

Term	Meaning
Chingalas / Singalas	Native inhabitants of the island
Gentios da terra	People of the land (natives)
Malabares	People from the Malabar coast (South India)
Coromandel	Eastern South Indian coast
Mouros	Muslims

DUTCH PERIOD (1658–1796)

Dutch Civil administration was more systematic

The Dutch created Thombo registers — land, population & tax records.

Their classification:

Term	Meaning
Inlanders	Natives of the land
Singalezen	Sinhalese
Malabaren	South Indian Tamils
Topasses	Mixed Portuguese descendants

Key Source Authors

• L. Brohier– The Dutch Thombo Registers of Sri Lanka
• Arasaratnam– Dutch Power in Ceylon 1658–1687
• VOC Archives – Colombo & Jaffna Thombos

Dutch Thombos:

• Record Sinhalese villagers as indigenous landholders
• Record Malabars as migrants, traders, mercenaries, and labour
• Land ownership overwhelmingly Sinhalese (strongest legal marker of indigeneity)
• Even in Jaffna, Malabars appear as occupational and migrant groups

Key finding:

Even in Jaffna, Tamil populations are documented mainly as service, trade, or mercenary groups, not as original indigenous settlers.

Under Dutch Roman-Dutch law — later inherited by the British and post-independence Sri Lanka — land ownership and ancestral rootedness defined legal belonging.

Thesavalamai Law (1707 / Dutch Period)

• TheThesavalamai is a codified customary law in Jaffna, officially recorded by the Dutch in 1707.
• Appliedexclusively to the Tamil/Malabar population of northern Sri Lanka.
• Regulated: property, inheritance, marriage, caste, and civil matters for Tamils.

1. Exclusive application to Malabars:

• Thesavalamai never applied to Sinhalese; how many of the Ceylon Tamils” enjoy this legal status for land ownership?

2. Colonial acknowledgment of external origin:

• By codifying Thesavalamai, Dutch and later British authorities treated Tamil-speaking populations as aself-contained, migrant community, distinct from the indigenous Sinhalese.

3. Legal precedent for citizenship and land ownership:

• Under Roman-Dutch law (and inherited British administration), land rights and ancestral rootedness defined legal belonging.
• The Thesavalamai codification reinforces that Tamils weredistinct settlers, with customs and property laws different from the island’s indigenous legal systems. The law is another headache of the colonials.

Implication for Separatist Claims:

• If Tamils were truly indigenous, there would beno need for a separate, codified law governing only their community.
• Colonial administration consistentlytreated them as external settlers, not as part of the indigenous Sinhalese civilization.

How Colonial Records Constructed ‘Native’ Identity

Colonial administrations were not anthropological institutions.

Their classifications were designed for governance, taxation, land tenure, military control, and population management. Yet across three successive colonial regimes — Portuguese, Dutch, and British — a remarkable continuity emerges in how indigeneity was defined.

Across all three COLONIAL administrations, native identity was determined by three consistent criteria:

1. Ancestral rootedness
2. Land inheritance
3. Long-settled village-based civilization

Populations satisfying these conditions were recorded as people of the land — the indigenous inhabitants. Only the Sinhalese fitted all 3 criteria.

Those lacking these characteristics were classified separately as (2^nd category):

• Migrants
• Mercenaries
• Traders
• Imported labour

From the 16th to the late 19th century, Tamil-speaking populations were consistently placed in the second category, not the first.

This demolishes the modern claim that Ceylon Tamil” indigeneity is ancient.

Instead, the evidence demonstrates that colonial bureaucratic convenience — not historical reality — manufactured the modern ethnic category.

EARLY BRITISH PERIOD (1796–1870)

Identity Categories still external-origin based

British continued Dutch classification:

Term	Meaning
Cingalese	Indigenous population
Malabar	Tamil-speaking South Indians
Coast Tamils	Migrants from Coromandel
Coolies	Imported labour

Key British Sources

• James Emerson Tennent– Ceylon: An Account of the Island (1859)
• Percival– Account of the Island of Ceylon (1803)

They describe:

• Sinhalese as the ancient people of the island
• Malabars as immigrant traders, soldiers, and labour

This confirms over three centuries of continuous administrative classification recognizing Sinhalese as indigenous and Tamil-speaking populations as external-origin groups.

Scholars such as Dr Karthigesu Indrapala and Mahindapala H.L.D. confirm that Tamils only became permanent settlers in the 12th–13th centuries.

Before that, Jaffna was not a native civilizational base, but a political and isolated outpost. Cultural development in Jaffna remained derivative of South India, with no independent artistic or state-building achievements comparable to Sinhala civilization.

THE CRITICAL SHIFT — BRITISH CENSUS ENGINEERING (1871–1911)

This is the turning point.

1871 Census — No Ceylon Tamil” Category

Tamils classified mainly as:

• Malabars
• Coast Tamils
• Indian Tamils

1881 Census — Transitional Identity Stage

First bureaucratic attempts to separate:

• Tamils of Ceylon”
• Tamils of Indian origin”

This was not historical recognition — it was administrative convenience.

Colonial Manipulation of Identity & the Birth of ‘Ceylon Tamil’

The 1911 Census formalized Ceylon Tamil” as an administrative category.

This was not historical recognition — it was colonial political engineering, designed to simplify electoral representation, allocate Legislative Council seats, and stabilize communal governance.

The creation of this identity gave rise to a politically privileged Tamil elite that dominated civil service, missionary education, and legislative influence — far beyond their historical numbers or civilizational contribution.

Meanwhile, Sinhalese were consistently recorded as indigenous inhabitants with ancestral land rights — a continuity that persisted across all colonial administrations.

1911 Census — The Political Reclassification

This is when Ceylon Tamils” formally appear as a census ethnic category.

Why?

Because:

1. Britain needed stable communal representation structures
2. Legislative Council reforms required ethnic group allocation
3. Political representation required simplified identity blocks
4. Census became a political instrument, not a historical one
5. Registrar-General was a Tamil – Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan

Key Source

• Patrick Peebles– The History of Sri Lanka
• M. de Silva– A History of Sri Lanka
• British Census Reports 1871–1946

Ceylon Tamil” is a 20th century colonial administrative construction — not an ancient historical identity.

This census shift later became the foundation of ethnic politics and separatist ideology.

PLANTATION TAMIL IMPORTATION (1820–1939)

British Import Policy

• Over 1,000,000 South Indian Tamils imported
• Purpose: Plantation labour
• Legal status: Temporary migrant workforce

This represents one of the largest organized labour migrations in colonial Asia. Comparable migrations in Malaya, Burma, Fiji, Kenya, and South Africa did not result in automatic citizenship upon independence.

Sri Lanka’s post-1948 approach was therefore consistent with global post-colonial legal norms.

Identified in British records as:

• Indian Immigrant Labour
• Estate Tamils
• Coolies
• Malabars

Key Sources

• H. Farmer – Pioneer Peasant Colonization in Ceylon
• Holmes Report on Indian Labour in Ceylon (1915)
• British Blue Books of Ceylon

THE KEY LOGICAL QUESTION FOR READERS

If the Portuguese, Dutch and British all identified all Tamils as – South Indian Tamils, Malabars, immigrants, labourers, and external populations, on what historical or legal basis should they suddenly become citizens?

1911 RECLASSIFICATION DOES NOT CREATE INDIGENEITY

Census categories are administrative tools, not historical truth engines.

They reflect:

• Political needs
• Governance convenience
• Electoral engineering

They do not confer ancestral legitimacy.

WHY THE 1948 CITIZENSHIP ACT WAS LEGALLY CONSISTENT

https://hrlibrary.umn.edu/research/srilanka/statutes/Citizenship_Act.pdf

The Act:

• Used ancestral descent
• Required generational rootedness
• Reflected pre-existing colonial classifications

Citizenship and Historical-Legal Question

This raises a key question:

On what historical or legal basis should South Indian migrant labour, imported for plantations, be granted automatic citizenship in a newly independent state?

International post-colonial practice provides clear guidance:

• Citizenship is granted based onancestral rootedness and generational permanence
• Migrant labourers, even if resident for decades, werenot considered founders or indigenous

Sri Lanka’s 1948 Citizenship Act was therefore consistent with global norms, codifying historical continuity rather than inventing exclusion.

HOW COLONIAL ENGINEERING FUELED SEPARATISM

The artificial 1911 Ceylon Tamil” identity produced a politically privileged Tamil elite, which benefited from:

• Missionary education
• Foreign scholarships
• Colonial civil service dominance
• Political over-representation

This elite:

• Advanced50–50 communal representation demands
• Formed theIlankai Tamil Arasu Katchchi (1949)
• Issued theVaddukoddai Resolution (1976)
• Paved the ideological path toarmed separatism

Thus, separatism did not arise from ancient grievances — it arose from colonial political engineering and elite privilege.

The Dutch and later colonial administrations also manipulated caste structures, elevating the Vellala caste artificially as a ruling elite in Jaffna.

Arumuka Navalar (1822–1879) codified Vellala dominance, creating a hierarchical structure that reinforced political control but had no basis in Sri Lankan indigenous society.

The transformation of the Bellala labourer into the Vellala landowner illustrates the colonial-engineered social hierarchy in Jaffna. As Wagenar notes, when the Bellala became landowners, a simple linguistic shift — B → V — symbolized their elevated status.

There is no equivalent Vellala caste in South India, highlighting that this was a Ceylon-specific construct.

This newly privileged Vellala class gained a strategic advantage during the arrival of American missionaries. The British, wary of empowering the majority Sinhalese with English education, effectively monopolized schooling for the Vellala, consolidating their socio-political influence.

This artificially created Vellala elite later became the backbone of political separatism, dominating peninsular Jaffna society and controlling education, social privilege, and access to resources, which ultimately fed into the rise of Tamil separatist ideology in the 20th century.

The British failed to comprehend the indigenous Sinhalese village-based structure.

Colonial administrators instead opened governance and education to select elites — the Mudaliyar system, inherited from the Portuguese — allowing a few families to amass wealth, collect taxes, and gain social respectability, while the majority remained marginal.

Modern neo-colonial actors continue this pattern, propping up and rotating power among these elite families across ethnic lines — their understanding being that maintaining elite privilege ensures influence, while preventing true mass empowerment.

The above may raise some counter questions:

The Tamils have lived in Sri Lanka for centuries — doesn’t that make them indigenous?”

• Portuguese, Dutch, British records classify Tamils asmigrant populations, not ancestral natives.
• Permanent settlement in Jaffna only begins around12th–13th centuries, much later than the Sinhalese, whose civilization spans millennia.
• Being resident for centuriesdoes not automatically confer indigeneity under international post-colonial legal norms. Indigeneity is linked to ancestral rootedness, land inheritance, and long-settled village-based civilization, criteria consistently recorded by colonial administrations.

The 1911 Census recognized Ceylon Tamils — isn’t that official historical recognition?”

• The 1911 Census wasadministrative and political, designed for electoral convenience, representation quotas, and colonial governance stability.
• Census categories arenot historical truth engines; they are tools for bureaucracy.
• Recognition on paperdoes not change historical or civilizational reality. Legal systems, land records, and prior colonial documents continue to show Sinhalese as indigenous landholders.

 The Vellala caste proves ancient Tamil roots — they are indigenous elite.”

• TheVellala caste in Jaffna emerged from colonial-engineered transformation of Bellala labourers.
• Linguistic shift (B → V) symbolizedcolonial social elevation, not ancestral legitimacy.
• There isno Vellala caste in South India, confirming this is a Ceylon-specific construct.

 What about Tamil contributions to culture, religion, or statecraft?”

• Jaffna culture and political systems werederivative of South India, with no independent Sinhalese-comparable civilization.
• Tamil settlements were mainlytrading, mercenary, or service-based communities until colonial times.
• Contributions of an elite minoritycannot redefine entire population identity as indigenous.

 Doesn’t denying plantation Tamils citizenship violate human rights?”

• International post-colonial normsdo not automatically grant citizenship to imported labour, even after decades of residence (e.g., Malaya, Fiji, Kenya, South Africa).
• Citizenship in 1948required ancestral rootedness and generational permanence, consistent with global standards.
• This approachprotected the sovereignty of a newly independent state, rather than discriminating against individuals.

 Why are Sinhalese considered fully indigenous — isn’t that biased?”

• Colonial classifications consistently recorded Sinhalese aslong-settled villagers with ancestral land ownership, a factual record, not bias.
• Sinhalese civilizationpredates European arrival by millennia, with continuous village-based governance, agriculture, and militia structures.
• Recognition is based onobjective historical and legal markers, not ethnic favoritism.

Doesn’t this dismiss Tamil grievances?”

• The argument doesnot dismiss Tamils as citizens; it distinguishes historical claims of separate-state indigeneity from administrative, elite-driven constructs.
• Tamils who seek coexistence areguaranteed full citizen rights and security
• Separatist claims arise fromcolonial engineering and elite privilege, not genuine historical exclusion.

Isn’t this an anti-Tamil racist narrative?”

• The narrative ishistorical-legal, not ethnic or racist.
• Those who have no solid arguments to counter hide behind racist slogans.
• Focus is oncolonial records, land registers, and census classifications.
• Itexposes manufactured political identities rather than targeting the community.
• The conclusion supportsshared national belonging and reconciliation, not exclusion.

Doesn’t British education policy justify Vellala dominance?”

• British policymonopolized schooling for a small elite to control administration; it was not evidence of ancient status.
• Sinhalese majority and other Tamil groups remainedlargely marginalized in governance, showing colonial manipulation of caste, not historic legitimacy.

 If Tamils were migrants, how can they now claim citizenship?”

• Citizenship post-independence islegally distinct from ancestral indigeneity.
• The 1948 Citizenship Actcodified historical continuity, granting rights to descendants with generational rootedness, not temporary imported labour.
• This aligns withinternational post-colonial precedent and is not discriminatory against individuals or communities.

shouldn’t Tamils be demanding accountability from the British for the uprooting of Tamils, importing them across seas and then planting separatist ideology”

Most definitely. It’s not too late to redirect the separatist campaign to demanding accountability from the British.

STRATEGIC MESSAGES TO ALL COMMUNITIES

To Tamil Separatists – mostly living overseas

• The historical bluff is now exposed.
• Chronology, land records, census classifications, and colonial administrative lawcollectively dismantle the claim of ancestral indigeneity.
• Separatism rests not on history, but oncolonial political manipulation and present day PR campaigns and well-funded lobbying.
• There existsno credible legal, historical, or civilizational foundation for a separate Tamil state in Sri Lanka.

To Peace-Loving Tamils who seek Coexistence

• This historical evolution offersreassurance, not rejection.
• Your future lies incoexistence, security, and shared national belonging — not in resurrecting colonial constructs that serve foreign geopolitical interests.
• Any hidden aspiration for separation exposes communities toregional domination, particularly by India, whose strategic doctrines openly emphasize subcontinental consolidation and subservience.
• Living as equal citizens within Sri Lanka is infinitely safer, freer, and more dignified than living as a peripheral minority under Indian dominance. It is a question the Tamil people must ask themselves.

To the Sinhalese People

• History calls formagnanimity grounded in truth
• Understanding these realities allows the Sinhalese majority toembrace Tamil citizens fully, once separatist demands cease.
• True national reconciliation is built not on denial, but onhonest historical clarity and mutual trust.

The colonial era engineered identities.

Independence demands decolonizing historical myths.

There exists no historical or legal justification for Tamil separatism.

There exists every moral, civilizational, and strategic reason for unity.

Sri Lanka’s future security, sovereignty, and harmony depend not on resurrecting colonial distortions and continuing the divisions — but on shared belonging, historical honesty, and national reconciliation.

Shenali D Waduge

Shenali D Waduge

Sri Lanka has been governed continuously by Sinhala-Buddhist monarchies for over 1,700 years, supported by advanced systems of governance, irrigation, taxation, law, and religious institutions. Despite intermittent South Indian invasions and mercenary occupations, the island has never experienced indigenous Tamil political sovereignty at any point in recorded history.

Modern claims for Tamil Eelam” do not arise from archaeology, epigraphy, genetics, history, or international law. Instead, they are constructed from colonial administrative distortions, selective historical interpretation, political myth-making, and post-colonial separatist ideology. These claims collapse under rigorous historical and legal scrutiny.

This dossier brings together prehistoric, archaeological, historical, genetic, colonial, and international legal evidenceto establish Sri Lanka’s unitary sovereignty and to decisively refute separatist narratives.

The conclusion is unambiguous:

Tamil Eelam is historically false, legally impossible, and geopolitically dangerous.

At the same time, the ultimate purpose of this analysis is not division, but unity — to ensure that all communities live together in peace, equality, dignity, and security, while firmly rejecting separatism promoted by external actors and overseas lobbies who bear no responsibility for Sri Lanka’s long-term stability, harmony, or survival.

Critically, Tamil Eelam ideology does not genuinely serve Tamil interests.
The Eelamist movement, driven largely by overseas lobbying networks, does not seek justice, development, or security for Sri Lankan Tamils. Instead, it weaponizes Tamil identity for geopolitical objectives that ultimately undermine both Tamil welfare and Sri Lankan sovereignty.

When the Eastern Province — which was never ruled, administered, settled, or conquered by South Indian powers — is forcibly included within the Tamil Eelam claim, it automatically exposes the entire Eelam project as a political fabrication, thereby casting decisive doubt even on the northern claim itself.

If the eastern claim collapses historically and legally, the northern claim collapses by logical extension, because the ideological foundation is revealed as territorial expansionism rather than historical justice.

Evidence indicates that the strategic objective of these overseas lobbies is not Tamil self-determination, but territorial reconfiguration — specifically, the merging of Sri Lanka’s Northern and Eastern Provinces with Tamil Nadu, thereby breaking Sri Lanka’s territorial integrity.

Such a geopolitical outcome would inevitably result in external dominance over Sri Lanka’s northern and eastern regions, as these actors already rely on historical South Indian origin narratives to justify political absorption.

Once territorial fragmentation is achieved, further expansionist claims would logically follow, including over Sri Lanka’s Central Plains, where new ethnic identity constructs — such as the recent Malayalam minority” narrative — are already emerging.

This pattern reflects a classic strategy of incremental territorial destabilization:

• Fragment sovereignty,
• Manufacture identity claims,
• Internationalize grievances,
• And progressively expand geopolitical influence.

Such a trajectory threatens not only Sri Lanka’s territorial unity but long-term regional stability, placing all communities — including Tamils — at risk.

Therefore, rejecting Tamil Eelam is not anti-Tamil.

It is a pro-peace, pro-sovereignty, pro-stability, and pro-coexistence position that protects all Sri Lankans equally.

In fact, rejecting Tamil Eelam is mostly beneficial for the Sri Lankan Tamils more than anyone else.

1. Prehistoric & Early Human Settlements

(38,000 BCE – 543 BCE)

Era	Territory (Present-Day)	Key Notes
Balangoda Man / Late Stone Age (~38,000 – 28,500 BCE)	Uva, Central Highlands, Horton Plains, Kitulgala, Ratnapura	Hunter-gatherers, microlithic tools, earliest evidence of humans on the island.
Mesolithic / Neolithic (~10,000 – 2000 BCE)	Dry zone plains (Anuradhapura, North Central, NW), Eastern river valleys	Early agriculture, cave settlements, pottery, ritual practices, organized communities.
Iron Age (~1000 BCE onward)	North Central (Anuradhapura), South-West (Kalu River basin), Eastern coast	Farming, early irrigation, local chieftains; island fully populated, no empty land”.

Key Takeaways:

• Indigenous civilization existed across Sri Lanka long before any founding myths.”
• Archaeology and inscriptions show organized societies with governance, agriculture, and religion.
• Genetic studies indicate modern Sinhalese directly descend from prehistoric inhabitants; Sri Lankan Tamils trace largely to later South Indian migration.
• Continuous human presence establishes long-term indigenous governance, meeting international legal standards of historical sovereignty.

2. Early Sinhala Kingdoms (543 BCE – 1215 CE)

Anuradhapura Kingdom

Total Sinhala Kings Pre-1215 CE: ~190–205 (Anuradhapura + Polonnaruwa periods)

Administrative Provinces (Not Ethnic):

Ancient Province	Modern Equivalent
Rajarata	North Central + Northern
Ruhuna (Rohana)	Southern + Southeastern
Maya Rata	Western + Southwestern
Pihiti Rata	Northwestern
Digamadulla	Eastern Province
Malaya Rata	Central Highlands
Vanni	North-central frontier forests

Evidence of Island-Wide Control:

• Centralized irrigation, taxation, and military administration.
• Buddhist monastic network across all provinces.
• Foreign invasions occurred but were temporary
• never establishing permanent Tamil sovereignty.

Key Kings:

• Pandukabhaya
• Devanampiyatissa
• Dutugemunu
• Valagamba
• Mahasena
• Dhatusena
• Aggabodhi series
• Mahinda IV

Major Foreign Occupations (Anuradhapura Era)

Period	Invader	Duration (years)	Notes
237–215 BCE	Sena & Guttika (Tamil mercenaries)	22	Overthrown by Prince Asela
205–161 BCE	Elara (Pandya)	44	Defeated by Dutugemunu
103 BCE	Five Dravidian Chiefs	14	Overthrown by Valagamba
433–473 CE	Pandyan mercenaries	~6	Defeated by Dhatusena
7th–8th c CE	Pallava naval raids	<1	Short coastal raids, repelled
993–1017 CE	Chola Empire	24	Partial control of northern Rajarata; expelled by Vijayabahu I

Total 110 years South Indian occupation

INVASION STATISTICS ANURADHAPURA ERA

Metric	Data
Total duration of Anuradhapura era	~1,400 years
Total foreign invasions	6 major + several minor raids (including naval raids)
Total years under full foreign occupation	110 years  (out of 1400 years – 110 occupied by foreign forces)
% of time under foreign rule	~7.9%
% of time under Sinhala sovereignty	~92.1%

Key Insight:

• Sena Guttika was the first recorded foreign occupation in Anuradhapura, before Elara.
• Occupation ≠ Homeland; invaders never created Tamil administrative systems, provinces, or infrastructure.
• Chola empire invasion of Anuradhapura (993-1017CE) when Rajadhiraja Chola/successive Chola kings controlled northern and central Sri Lanka.
• King Vijayabahu 1 began expelling Cholas and established Polonnaruwa as new capital in 1070 CE.

3. Polonnaruwa Kingdom (1055 – 1215 CE)

After Chola Expulsion (1070 CE) Until 1215 CE

• There was no major full‑scale successful South Indian invasionthat temporarily occupied or displaced the Sinhala monarchy between Vijayabahu I’s victory and Magha’s 1215 invasion.
• Vijayabahu I expelled the Chola occupation, re‑establishing Sinhala rule by 1070 CE, and Polonnaruwa became the capital.
• Parakramabahu I (1153 – 1186 CE) strengthened the kingdom and pursued foreign campaigns fromSri Lanka — there’s no historical record of another major South Indian power occupying Sri Lanka in this era.
• The next major foreign takeoverafter the Cholas was iMagha of Kalinga in 1215 CE, whose forces invaded and seized Polonnaruwa.

Smaller South Indian Interactions

• Pandyan involvement during Queen Lilavati’s reign (1197–1198 CE)
  – A Pandyan claimant momentarily deposed Lilavati and ruled for a few years — but this was not a full, lasting occupationof the kingdom like Chola (1017–1070 CE) or Magha (1215 CE).
• Some evidence of Chola or South Indian raids or military pressurein the later 12th century linked to wider regional conflicts, but none resulted in long occupation or conquest of the Sinhala state.
• The Polonnaruwa kingdom remained under Sinhala sovereignty, ruled by a succession of Sinhala kings.
• Minor South Indian influence or brief incursions (e.g., Pandyan claimant to Lilavati’s throne) occurred but did not constitute occupation or a replacement of sovereignty.
• Magha of Kalinga in 1215 CE is therefore the next major foreign intrusion after the Cholas.

Capital succession after Anuradhapura & Polonnaruwa: Dambadeniya → Yapahuwa → Kurunegala → Gampola → Kotte → Kandy.

Sovereignty Restored:

• Vijayabahu I (1055–1110) expelled Cholas, restored centralized governance.
• Parakramabahu I (1153–1186) consolidated administration, irrigation, and naval power.
• Island-wide irrigation networks (Kala Wewa, Parakrama Samudra) = proof of hydraulic state sovereignty.
• Archaeological and epigraphic evidence confirms Sinhala presence across north, east, and south (Polonnaruwa, Trincomalee, Batticaloa, Jaffna).

External Confirmation:

• Faxian (5th c) & Greek geographers: single sovereign ruler of Taprobane.
• Arab traders: Sinhala kings recognized as rulers of entire island.

Key Takeaway: By 1215 CE, Sri Lanka was a unitary Sinhala-Buddhist civilization controlling the entire island.

4. Magha of Kalinga & Arya Chakravarti

(1215 CE Onwards)

Feature	Details
Magha Origin	Kalinga (Odisha), East India — not Tamil
Force	~24,000 mercenaries
Actions	Destroyed Polonnaruwa, Buddhist monasteries, irrigation networks; massacred monks
Outcome	Short-term occupation, limited to Rajarata; Sinhala resistance restored sovereignty

Arya Chakravarti Dynasty in Jaffna (Post-1215 CE):

• Installed by Magha as administrators/tributaries.
• Territory: Jaffna Peninsula + fringe Vanni, parts of Mannar.
• Role: revenue collection, maritime oversight, tribute to Sinhala kings.
• Did NOT rule entire island; did not build major Hindu temple infrastructure.
• Evidence: Yalpana Vaipava Malai, Pandya inscriptions.

Key Insight: Northern Tamil administration was an imposed, limited, tributary system — not indigenous sovereignty.

5. Post-Polonnaruwa Sinhala Kingdoms (1220–1815)

Kingdom	Period	Capital	Key Kings	Territory	Notes
Dambadeniya	1220–1345	Dambadeniya	Vijayabahu III, Parakkamabahu II	SW, Central, parts of East & North-Central	Reunited core Sinhala lands; tribute from north
Yapahuwa	1272–1293	Yapahuwa	Bhuvanaikabahu I	Central, NW, SW	Defensive capital
Kurunegala	1300–1340	Kurunegala	Bhuvanaikabahu III, Parakkamabahu IV	NW, Central, South	Consolidation of central authority
Gampola	1341–1412	Gampola	Bhuvanaikabahu IV	Central, South	Tribute maintained from Jaffna
Kotte	1412–1597	Kotte	Parakramabahu VI	SW, Central, East	Maritime trade expansion; tribute from Arya Chakravarti
Kandy	1597–1815	Kandy	Last kings	Central Highlands, parts of South-Central	Last bastion before British conquest

Tribute System Evidence: Jaffna rulers acknowledged Sinhala kings, paying grain, elephants, and taxes.

6. Colonial Construct: Northern & Eastern Provinces

• Pre-colonial: No ethnic provinces; all administered for governance efficiency.
• British (Colebrooke–Cameron reforms, 1833):
  • Northern Province = Jaffna + Mannar + Vanni (formalizing Arya Chakravarti tributary area)
  • Eastern Province = Trincomalee, Batticaloa, Ampara (formerly Digamadulla under Sinhala kings)
• Implication:North & East as Tamil homelands” = British administrative invention, not historical reality.

7. Comparative Impact: Arya Chakravarti vs Europeans

Feature	Arya Chakravarti (1215–1505)	Europeans (1505–1948)
Origin	South Indian administrators	Foreign colonial powers
Territorial Control	Jaffna Peninsula, Mannar, Vanni fringes	Coastal forts → entire island eventually
Sovereignty	Tributary to Sinhala kings	Full political & military control
Governance	Local administration, tribute	Administrative overhaul: taxation, legal systems, plantations
Cultural Impact	Limited; Sinhala Buddhist culture persisted	Major cultural, religious, linguistic, economic transformation
Infrastructure	Minimal new hydraulic works	Some forts/ports; ancient irrigation often neglected
Duration	~300 years	Portuguese: 150 yrs; Dutch: 140 yrs; British: 152 yrs

Arya Chakravarti rule = limited tributary administration; did not replace Sinhala sovereignty.

8. Key Historical Realities

1. Continuous Sinhala sovereignty:~1,758 years (543 BCE – 1215 CE) and unbroken capitals/monarchies post-1215.
2. Unitary hydraulic civilization:Island-wide irrigation, Buddhist monastic network, central taxation.
3. No indigenous Tamil kingdom pre-1215:Tamil presence = migrants, mercenaries, tributary administrators post-1215.
4. North & East provinces = colonial constructs; Northern Tamil claims based on artificial division.
5. Post-invasion north:Limited administration, no island-wide sovereignty, Sinhalese continued in hinterlands.

Sri Lanka historically functioned as a unitary Sinhala-Buddhist civilization, with sovereignty, administration, irrigation, and culture centered under Sinhala kings. Claims of an indigenous Tamil homeland prior to European colonization are unsupported by archaeology, epigraphy, chronicles, or external records.

1. Genetic evidence of Tamils in the North and their civilization

• Modern genetic studies (e.g.,Bamshad et al., 2001; Silva et al., 2017) show that the Sri Lankan Tamil population is genetically close to Indian Tamils but also shows significant admixture with Sinhalese and other Sri Lankan populations.
• No evidence exists of a distinct, continuous Tamil civilization in northern Sri Lanka prior to historic South Indian invasions.

2. Scientific evidence connecting South Indian Tamils with present-day Sri Lankan Tamils

• Mitochondrial DNA and Y-chromosome studies confirm aSouth Indian connection among Sri Lankan Tamils.
• Linguistically,Tamil language in Sri Lanka shows strong continuity with South Indian Tamil
• Anthropological studies indicate the bulk of Tamil settlements werepost-Anuradhapura migrations, often linked to mercenaries, laborers, or colonial plantation workers.

3. Presence of Tamils before Sena & Guttika (after Anuradhapura formation)

• Historical chronicles (Mahavamsa) mentionmercenary rulers like Sena & Guttika arriving from South India.
• No evidence exists of a structured Tamil polity or autonomous Tamil rule in the North before these arrivals.
• Northern populations were predominantlySinhalese, Vedda, and minor tribal communities, according to archaeological and inscriptional evidence.

4. Did Sena Guttika, Elara, Magha, Arya Chakravarti bring South Indians to settle?

• Sena & Guttika (237–215 BCE): Mercenary rulers; no record of mass settlement.
• Elara (205–161 BCE): Military ruler;Mahavamsa mentions administration but not permanent colonization.
• Magha (1215–1236 CE): Brought troops and possibly families from Kalinga and Tamil regions (Culavamsa).
• Arya Chakravarti (13th – 14th C CE, Jaffna Kingdom): Established Tamil kingdom in the North; some immigration likely, but primarily elite political families and military personnel.

Evidence: Chronicles, inscriptions, and land grants show limited migration, mostly administrative or military, not large-scale population replacement. Even if they were, it proves they were of South Indian origin not indigenous Tamils.

5. Did South Indian rulers ruling Sri Lanka also rule South India?

• Sena & Guttika, Elara, Magha, Cholas: All retained power bases in South India.
• Implication:Sri Lanka was an extension of foreign conquest, not an independent Tamil polity.
• Legal argument:Self-determination requires indigenous, continuous political control, which was absent.

6. Evidence of South Indian rulers ruling Eastern Province

• Elara, Cholas, Magha: Mostly controlledNorth & parts of North-Central Province.
• No evidenceof control over Eastern Province before colonial administration.
• Claims for Tamil Eelam including Eastern Province are historically baseless.

7. Sinhala kings marrying South Indian Tamils

• Historical records showoccasional intermarriage for alliances, e.g., Dutugemunu’s mother or other minor alliances, but the number is small.
• Limited cultural or genetic influence; Sinhalese polity remained dominant.
• These marriages do not legitimize Tamil sovereignty claims.

8. Biggest influx of South Indians came during colonial rule

• Dutch & British periods: Large-scale migration for labor, especially forcoffee, tea, and coconut plantations in Central Highlands (1820–1930).
• Many were Tamils from Tamil Nadu (estate Tamils) brought as indentured laborers.
• Proof:Colonial census data (1871, 1921), labor records, and plantation archives.
• Major Tamil presence in North & Central areas ispost-Anuradhapura, not indigenous.

9. Foreign invader rule cannot justify Tamil Eelam

• International law recognizesself-determination only for indigenous peoples with historic sovereignty, not for settlers or post-conquest migrants.
• Sri Lanka’s North was never under indigenous Tamil rule; all Tamil rulers wereforeign invaders with short-term military control.
• Legal argument:No indigenous Tamil polity existed → no claim to independent state or internal self-determination.

10. Questioning Indo-Lanka Accord original habitat”

• The Accord (1987) suggested North-East as Tamil original habitat.”-factually incorrect
• Evidence contradiction:Archaeological, inscriptional, and genetic data show Sinhalese presence predates any significant Tamil migration while Indian rulers cannot claim original habitat”
• Therefore, Accord’s premise isfactually false.

11. Additional arguments to counter Tamil Eelam claims

• Chronology of occupations:Sena & Guttika, Elara, Magha, Cholas → all temporary foreign rulers.
• Limited territorial control:Northern and North-Central only;

Eastern Province never under independent Tamil rule.

• Colonial migration:Most Tamils settled during 19th–20th C → cannot claim historic homeland.
• Sinhala sovereignty continuity:Except brief invasions, Sinhalese kings ruled uninterruptedly for 1,400+ years.
• International law:Self-determination requires indigenous continuous political authority, which historical evidence does not support for Tamils.
• Tamils were migrants, mercenaries, and colonial laborers, not an indigenous sovereign people of Sri Lanka.
• Foreign rulers’ presencedoes not equate to indigenous Tamil sovereignty.
• Northern Tamil claim, Eastern Province claim, and Tamil Eelamhave no historical or legal basis.

Legal & International Law Framework — Why Tamil Eelam Has No Legal Standing

1. Uti Possidetis Juris
   Territory remains with the existing sovereign state unless lawfully transferred.
   → Sri Lanka’s territorial integrity isinviolable.

2. Doctrine of Effectivité (Effective Control)
   Sovereignty belongs to the authority exercising continuous, stable, and legitimate governance.
   → Sinhala monarchies exercisedcontinuous island-wide governancefor over 1,700 years.

3. Doctrine of Conquest (Modern International Law)
   Temporary military occupation does not confer sovereignty or political legitimacy.
   → Sena–Guttika, Elara, Chola, Magha, and Arya Chakravarticannot generate self-determination rights.

4. UN Charter – Article 1 (Self-Determination)
   Applies to colonized or subjugated indigenous peoples with historical sovereignty.
   → Sri Lankan Tamilsdo not meet this threshold— no prior sovereign Tamil polity existed.

5. International Court of Justice (ICJ) Jurisprudence
   Self-determination cannot override territorial integrity of sovereign states.
   → Secession requiresexceptional conditions, none of which exist in Sri Lanka.

6. Sri Lanka Citizenship Act & Constitution
   → Confirmsunitary sovereignty, indivisible territory, and equal citizenship— no legal space for ethno-territorial partition.

• Sri Lanka’sNorth and East were never indigenous Tamil homelands.
• Tamil political authority existed only asforeign occupation or tributary administration, never as sovereign statehood.
• Colonial administrative boundariescannot create legal ethnic homelands.
• Post-colonial migrationcannot generate territorial self-determination rights.
• Therefore,Tamil Eelam has ZERO standing under international law.

Responsibility of the State & Call for National Unity

Having established beyond reasonable doubt that Tamil Eelam is a fiction of political imagination unsupported by history, archaeology, genetics, or law, it becomes imperative that the Government of Sri Lanka — as:

• Custodian of the State
• Trustee of national sovereignty
• Caretaker of all citizens and resources

— ensures that all communities live together in unity, dignity, security, and equality, without permitting the creation of ethno-religious enclaves, exclusive homelands, or separatist territorial claims.

No group — whether internal political actors or external diaspora organizations operating safely from overseas — should be allowed to fracture national unity, destabilize social harmony, or resurrect divisive separatist ideologies that have already inflicted immense suffering on all communities.

Any attempt to revive ethnic territorial separatism must be firmly, lawfully, and decisively rejected.

Sri Lanka’s future lies not in ethnic division, but in mutual respect, national integration, and collective progress.

Shenali D Waduge

Walk for Peace

This is a subject worthy of deep contemplation and reflection

This is what the world in particularly the western world needs today 

The monks know what they are doing. 

The Buddha’s path cannot be wrong.

This is exactly what the Buddha did in his life and time.

Walked Walked Walked.

He was the greatest walker of all time

When people saw the Buddha walk they dropped everything they had and started walking behind him. 

So the story goes. 

The Buddha was handsome and strong and  eye-catching.

A human magnet.

History is repeating itself 2, 600 years later. 

not in India but in USA

When the Buddha walked people who saw him walk were so impressed with his physical beauty and magnetic personality that they dropped everything they had and simply followed him

It is a beautiful and evocative image—the idea of a figure so radiant that their mere presence changes the trajectory of a person’s life instantly. You’ve captured the essence of many traditional Buddhist accounts regarding the Buddha’s “magnetic” presence.

While the stories vary, they often touch on several fascinating aspects of how people reacted to him.

The “Marks of a Great Man”

In Buddhist tradition, it wasn’t just “beauty” in the modern sense, but a specific set of physical characteristics known as the Lakkhana (the 32 Major Marks of a Great Man). These included: 

• A golden complexion.
• Deep blue eyes.
• A “halo” or aura of light (Prabhashvara) that supposedly extended for some distance around him. 

These features were said to be so serene and commanding that even those who intended to argue with him often found themselves silenced by a sense of peace.

Famous “Drop Everything” Moments

There are several key stories that align perfectly with what you’ve described:

• Upaka the Ascetic: Shortly after his enlightenment, the Buddha was walking to Sarnath. He met an ascetic named Upaka. Upaka was so struck by the Buddha’s radiant appearance and clear faculties that he stopped and asked, “Friend, your clear senses are very bright. Who is your teacher?”
• The Kasyapa Brothers: They were powerful fire-ascetics with 1,000 followers. After witnessing the Buddha’s composure and wisdom, they and all their disciples famously threw their ritual implements into the river and followed him.
• Angulimala: Even a feared brigand like Angulimala was stopped in his tracks. He tried to chase the Buddha to kill him, but despite the Buddha walking at a normal pace, Angulimala could not catch up. This “miracle of the walk” led him to drop his weapons and become a monk. 

A Nuanced Reality

While many were moved by his appearance, the Pali Canon also suggests that the Buddha’s personality and speech were the real “magnets.” 

1. The “Call to Reason”: He often discouraged people from following him based on blind faith or physical attraction. He famously told a monk named Vakkali, who was obsessed with the Buddha’s physical beauty: “He who sees the Dhamma (the truth), sees me.”
2. Calmness as Power: In a world of chaos and rigid social castes, his absolute stillness and lack of ego were likely what felt most “magnetic” to the people of ancient India. 

---

May Buddhism bring Peace and usher in Non – Violence to the USA and rest of the World. 

May all living beings be well and happy. 

Song for Walk for Peace | True Story: Monks & Aloka Walk from Texas to Washington D.C.

A heartfelt, inspirational song dedicated to peace, kindness, and compassion — inspired by the real 120-day, 2,300-mile journey of Buddhist monks walking from Fort Worth, Texas to Washington D.C., accompanied by their loyal dog Aloka. Their mission:

Calming May All Beings Be Happy” Mantra | Lokah Samastah Sukhino Bhavantu with Peaceful Music

Courtesy – AI Overview

https://share.google/aimode/4GCZoPCxoK0rmMgjb

The Buddha’s “walk” refers both to his historical 45-year teaching ministry across northern India and a continuous living tradition of “Peace Walks” (Padayatra) that symbolize mindfulness and compassion

. Historically, the Buddha rejected a stationary life, traveling on foot between villages and kingdoms to share his insights, which laid the foundation for Buddhism as a missionary religion. 

The Historical Walk: Key Sacred Sites

The Buddha’s life and ministry are anchored by four primary pilgrimage sites, which he personally recommended for his followers. 

Lumbini

The birthplace of Siddhartha Gautama. According to tradition, he took seven steps immediately after birth, with lotus flowers blooming beneath his feet.

Bodh Gay

Bodh Gaya

(India): Where he attained enlightenment under the Bodhi Tree. Following this event, he spent seven weeks in meditation and “walking contemplation” around the site.

Sarnath

Sublocality1

Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India

Where he delivered his first sermon, “Turning the Wheel of Dharma.” This site marked the official beginning of his teaching career.

Kushinagar

Town in India

(India): The site of his final steps and death (Parinirvana) at the age of 80. 

Societal and Cultural Impact

The Buddha’s journeys and teachings fundamentally transformed Asian social structures and sparked global philosophical shifts. 

• Social Equality: Buddhism challenged the rigid Indian caste system, advocating for the equality of all individuals, including women and marginalized groups (Shudras).
• Democratic Governance: The Buddha established the Sangha (monastic community) with a consensual, democratic structure, where major decisions required open discussion and common approval.
• Global Spread: Via the Silk Road and maritime trade routes, Buddhist missionaries and merchants spread the faith to China, Japan, Korea, and Southeast Asia by the 1st–2nd centuries CE.
• The Buddhist Missionaries from Asian Countries have disseminated the faith in Western Countries after attending the Parliament of Religions in Chicago in 1893. Anagarika Dharmapala who attended the Parliament of Religions became the World’s First Global Buddhist Missionary. He visited Britain and established the London Vihara (the first Buddhist Temple in England) in 1926. Another Sri Lankan inspired by the Missionary life of Anagarika Dharmapala followed suit by leading the First Buddhist Mission from Sri Lanka to Germany in 1957. He was Asoka Weeraratna, founder of the German Dharmaduta Society (1952). He established the First Buddhist Vihara (Berlin Vihara with Resident Monks from Theravada Buddhist Countries especially Sri Lanka) in Germany in 1957 which is housed in Das Buddhistische Haus in Berlin – Frohnau which was founded by Dr. Paul Dahlke, a German Doctor in 1924. It celebrated its 100th year anniversary in 2024 as the First Theravada Buddhist Temple in Europe.
• Education and Science: The Buddhist tradition established the world’s first residential universities, such as

Nalanda , which taught not only philosophy but also medicine, logic, and mathematics. 

Modern Continuation: The “Walk for Peace” 

The tradition of walking continues into 2026 as a form of “spiritual offering.” In February 2026, a group of Buddhist monks completed a 108-day, 2,300-mile “Walk for Peace” across the United States, concluding at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C.. This modern walk aimed to promote mindfulness and nonviolence, illustrating that the Buddha’s “walk” remains a relevant symbol of inner peace rippling outward into society. 

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The 2025–2026

Walk for Peace is a 2,300-mile (3,700-km) pilgrimage led by Vietnamese and Thai Theravada Buddhist monks from Texas to Washington, D.C., aimed at promoting mindfulness, compassion, and nonviolence. The walk, which began on October 26, 2025, and concluded in mid-February 2026, has captured national attention for its message of peace in a divided world, despite challenges including severe injuries to participants. 

The Walk and Its Origins

• Purpose: The journey is not a political protest or demonstration, but a “spiritual offering” designed to encourage inner peace and mindfulness through daily actions, say leaders.
• The Route & Duration: Led by Ven. Bhikkhu Pannakara from the Huong Dao Vipassana Bhavana Center in Fort Worth, Texas, the monks walked for 108 days through eight states, concluding at the Lincoln Memorial.
• Participants & Support: Approximately two dozen monks, accompanied by a rescue dog named Aloka, walked 20 to 30 miles per day.
• Hardships: The journey was physically demanding, with monks often walking barefoot or in socks to remain connected to the moment, even through snow and cold.
• Incident: In November 2025, a truck struck the group’s escort vehicle near Houston, Texas, resulting in the amputation of a monk’s leg. The group continued the walk after his recovery. 

Impact and Reception

• Massive Public Response: The walk drew thousands to the roadside and garnered millions of followers on social media (Facebook/Instagram), as of February 2026.
• Cultural Connection: The monks’ presence—characterized by silence, alms bowls, and calm, mindful action—prompted reflection and emotional responses from diverse groups of people.
• Interfaith Dialogue: The walk fostered unity, with many non-Buddhists joining for parts of the journey, offering aid, or participating in interfaith receptions.
• Significance of 108 Days: The 108-day duration is a sacred number in Buddhism, symbolizing spiritual completion and cosmic order.
• Message of Calm: The walk encouraged people to slow down, “put down their phones,” and cultivate inner peace to impact society. 

The journey concluded with a request to Congress to recognize Vesak (Buddha’s birthday) as a national holiday, reinforcing their message of compassion.

Courtesy – AI Overview

Nava Thakuria

As Bangladesh heads for 13th Parliamentary election and  the referendum on  July National Charter simultaneously on Thursday (12 February 2026), the interim government chief Professor Muhammad Yunus urged all participating candidates to rise above personal and party interests to prioritize greater interest of the Muslim majority nation regardless of the poll-outcomes. Addressing the nation of over 170 million people ahead of the much watched electoral exercises, Nobel peace laureate  Dr Yunus commented that victory as well as defeat is an integral part of democracy and hence after the election, they should dedicate themselves to build a new, just, democratic, and inclusive Bangladesh together. Chief adviser of the caretaker government also asked all voters to participate in the process enthusiastically in a festive spirit. Prof Yunus made a special appeal to the women and young voters, many of whom were deprived of the opportunity to exercise their franchise in earlier occasions, to come forward showing their commitment for a new beginning.

The campaigning that began on 22 January came to an end on 10 February by 7:30 pm. The electoral authorities have imposed a ban on all public rallies and processions for 96 hours before and after voting day. The polling on Thursday will begin at 7:30 am to continue till 4:30 pm. Nearly  400 foreign election observers including around 200  journalists representing 45 global media outlets  arrived in the south Asian nation. On 12^th parliamentary elections (held on 7 January 2024), there were only 158 global observers comprising a few foreign media persons. Meanwhile, a two-day government-announced general holiday began on 11 February, whereas Friday and Saturday (13,  14 February) are weekly holidays in Bangladesh.

Notably, ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s party Awami League is barred from participation in the electoral process leaving a fair space to the arch rival Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in the election. The country had the last general election in January 2024, but the overthrowing of Hasina’s government following a student-led  mass uprising just after six months necessitated the polls. The interim government in Dhaka had invited many countries including India, Nepal, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Egypt, France, Kuwait, Morocco, Nigeria, Romania, etc to send election observers. Global bodies like the European Union, Commonwealth Secretariat, SAARC Human Rights Foundation, Asian Network for Free Elections, Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, SNAS Africa, Polish Institute of International Affairs, US-based International Republican Institute and National Democratic Institute, etc agreed to send their  election observers.

Meanwhile, the New York-based press watchdog Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has urged all major Bangladesh political parties to protect press freedom in the troublesome country. The CPJ in a statement called for urgent steps to safeguard press freedom and journalists’ safety on the eve of national election. Sending separate letters to the office bearers of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, student-led National Citizen Party  and Jatiya Party, the global body  urged them  ‘to make public commitments to protect journalists during the election period’ by rejecting violence, intimidation and also misuse of criminal or national-security laws. Mentionable is that ousted premier  Sheikh Hasina’s party Awami League is barred from participation in the electoral process.

The CPJ statement argued that the risks to journalists intensified in the pre-election period across Bangladesh with continuing  imprisonment of scribes on unverified charges and also longstanding impunity for violence against media professionals that contributed to a climate of fear and self-censorship. Addressing  BNP chairman Tarique Rahman, the CPJ letter reminded that a free press is essential to the credibility of any election. Journalists play a critical role in informing voters, scrutinizing those in power, and enabling meaningful public debate. The BNP can demonstrate national leadership and strengthen public trust in the electoral process by committing to this foundational democratic value. It also added that  Bangladesh remains one of Asia’s leading jailers of journalists, with five currently behind bars for murder and national-security offences that appear to be in retaliation for their reporting and perceived political affiliations. At the same time, impunity for journalist murders, where usually attacks, threats and violence against scribes are rarely investigated or prosecuted, creating a climate of fear and intimidation, remains high in Bangladesh.

CPJ’s Asia-Pacific program coordinator  Kunal Majumder, while speaking to this writer indicated that risks to Bangladeshi journalists escalated sharply in the pre-election period, where the mobs attacked the offices of The Daily Star and Prothom Alo in December 2025, many reporters, editors and commentators faced intensified digital harassment and  coordinated hate campaigns and threats linking to political polarization existed. This form of abuse was enabled by the previous Hasina government to intimidate journalists and remains prevalent, despite a change in administration and promises of media reforms,” said Majumder, adding that real reform means breaking from the past, not replicating its abuses. He insisted on erasing all kinds of barriers to official information, press briefings and public records that weaken fair and accurate election coverage.

Earlier, the Geneva-based media safety & rights body Press Emblem Campaign (PEC) condemned the murder of Bengali Hindu journalist Rana Pratap Bairagi (45) in Jessore locality on 5 January and demanded a thorough probe to book the culprits and punish them under the law. Moreover, at least 12 Bangladeshi journalists sustained injuries in an attack by extortionists in Narsingdi on 26 January. Denouncing the incident, PEC chairman  Blaise Lempen urged Dhaka to bring the group of extortionists to justice. Bangladesh Editors’ Council also called on the authorities to ensure the safety and security of journalists during the election period. The council in a statement argued that the working  journalists while gathering information during elections often face various threats and hence the interim government, election commission and other responsible law enforcement agencies should take effective measures to guarantee adequate security for the media professionals.

Meanwhile, the western media outlets pour views that the BNP led alliance is the front runner in the coming election and chairman Rahman is  projected as the new premier of Bangladesh. When Rahman returned to his home country  on 25 December ending a self-imposed exile in the United Kingdom for 17 years, he was greeted by millions of people. The son of former Bangladesh President Ziaur Rahman and former premier Khaleda Zia responded to the public with a visionary line ‘I have a plan’ imitating the historic speech (I Have a Dream) of Martin Luther King Jr in  1963. Bangladesh’s first female head of the government Begum Zia died on 30 December at the age of  80, following which he received pouring condolences from sympathizers amid the  government declaring three days of state mourning.

The US-based news magazine The Diplomat recently carried an analytical piece predicting the electoral progress for Rahman to become Bangladesh’s next premier. Similarly, Time magazine and Bloomberg media agency, referring to several opinion polls, projected him as the front-runner ahead of the election. Earlier, the UK-based weekly The Economist also anticipated the 60-year-old scion of a famous political family to emerge as  head of the government in Dhaka. In various election rallies,  Rahman promised to prioritize  job creation, technical education, information technology,  sports, etc. The soft spoken politician also emphasized on creating a new Bangladesh with mutual trust, respect and benefits to everyone living in a peaceful state under the rule of law and freedom of speech.

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir

As the US-Iran negotiations regarding the latter’s nuclear program and the threat of attacking Iran loom high, both the Trump administration and Iran ought to consider very carefully the potentially colossal regional repercussions if they do not reach an agreement. If Netanyahu convinces Trump during their meeting, at the time of this writing, that attacking Iran now, amid Tehran’s weakened proxies and internal turmoil, will bring regime change, they’ll both be gravely mistaken. Every peaceful avenue must be explored to prevent a war because there will be no winners, only long-term regional instability, punctuated by horrific cycles of violence the war would leave in its wake.

A US attack would carry a high risk of regional war. Iran has vowed to strike US bases and Israel. The Gulf states, which host US installations, would face missile strikes, destabilizing their security. Turkey and Saudi Arabia would face pressure to balance their commitments to the US alliance with regional stability, while global energy markets would be severely disrupted.

Iran’s Retaliatory Options

Iran’s retaliatory calculus is shaped by its current weakness—a degraded proxy network, internal unrest, and economic distress that significantly constrain its options. An all-out response risks triggering escalation that could threaten regime survival, so Tehran would likely calibrate its retaliation to signal resolve while avoiding a full-scale war it cannot win. Nevertheless, Iran has multiple retaliatory options in the event of a US attack, drawing on its missile arsenal, naval capabilities, and strategic geography.

1-Iran would launch ballistic missiles and drones at American military installations across the Persian Gulf, including Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, which it already struck in June 2025 after the US bombing of Iranian nuclear sites.

2-Iran could fire up to 2,000 ballistic missiles at Israel in a single assault, roughly four times what it used during the 12-day war, targeting military and strategic infrastructure, exacting a heavy price.

3-Iran would attempt to block the Strait of Hormuz using naval mines, attack boats, and submarines, disrupting over 20 percent of global liquefied natural gas and 25 percent of maritime oil trade, causing a worldwide energy price shock.

4-Iranian-backed Iraqi militias such as Kataib Hezbollah would launch drone and rocket attacks on US troops and bases in Iraq and Jordan, replicating the January 2024 strike that killed three American soldiers at a Jordanian outpost.

5-Iran would hit US installations housed within Gulf nations like Bahrain (home to the US Fifth Fleet), Kuwait, and the UAE, though Iranian officials frame these as targeting not neighboring states but US bases stationed in them” to limit blowback from Arab states.

Why Externally Imposed Regime Change Would Be Disastrous It is important to remember that although the Iranians want regime change, they are fiercely nationalistic. Foreign-imposed change would instigate nationalist backlash and unite even regime opponents behind the government. The historical precedent of the 1953 CIA-backed coup’s failure remains seared into Iranian national consciousness, fueling decades of anti-American sentiment and ultimately leading to the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

Destroying the regime without viable successors risks a power vacuum, civil war, and chaos. Iraq’s de-Baathification showed that dismantling entrenched security structures can create ungovernable, failed states. Military strikes could scatter weapons, empower extremists, trigger refugee crises, and destabilize neighboring states — consequences US planners have repeatedly failed to anticipate.

Finally, foreign-installed governments are perceived as puppet regimes, provoking sustained internal opposition, insurgency, and instability — as documented in the failure of over 60 percent of the US’ 64 covert regime-change operations between 1947 and 1989.

Why Internal Regime Change Has Better Prospects Iranian scholars broadly agree that the military, as I stated in my previous article—either the Artesh or the IRGC—is best positioned to lead the transition, maintaining institutional continuity and control over weapons, finances, and governance. A change driven by Iranians avoids the foreign puppet” stigma, giving a successor government far greater public acceptance and political durability.

Military insiders understand the regime’s levers of power and can manage transition without the catastrophic institutional collapse that follows external decapitation. And, contrary to the claims that Iran lacks credible successors, prominent activists, Nobel laureates, and imprisoned dissidents provide viable political alternatives.

Iran Seeks a Sustainable Deal with the US Although Iran has signaled its willingness to dilute its 60 percent enriched uranium stockpile, Tehran insists enrichment is non-negotiable and refuses to discuss missiles.  However, an agreement on Iran’s nuclear program is definitely within reach. Likewise, Iran may end its support for proxies like Hamas and Hezbollah, as they’ve been degraded by Israel, and Iran now faces economic and logistical constraints to reconstitute them, especially after losing its foothold in Syria following the Assad regime’s collapse.

The limitation on the scope and range of its long-range missile program are still within reach, provided that 1) the agreement on Iran’s ballistic missiles must appear as though Iran has made no concession to save face, 2) the US commits not to attack Iran in the future and would also rein in Israel to follow suit, and 3) the US would normalize relations so long as Iran fully complies with the agreement and stops threatening Israel existentially.

To effectuate such an agreement, the US could offer comprehensive sanctions relief — lifting both primary and secondary sanctions to restore banking, oil exports, and trade ties. Additional inducements include assistance in building civilian nuclear power reactors, limited enrichment permitted under international monitoring, the gradual unfreezing of Iranian assets held abroad, security, and the gradual normalization of diplomatic relations.

Trump and Netanyahu must remember that Iran is a proud nation of enduring resilience steeped in thousands of years of history, with a vast cultural heritage, abundant natural resources, and a deeply ingrained sense of national dignity.  The Iranians’ collective memory of independence and defiance ensures that no pressure, US or Israeli, could force Iranian capitulation. Trump and Netanyahu must abandon their illusion of controlling Iran.

Ultimately, the US and Iran must remember that, as Sun Tzu observed, the greatest victory is achieved without fighting.

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU. He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.