Courtesy The Morning

The Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance (CoPF), MP Harsha de Silva, has questioned the independence of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC), citing its lack of financial autonomy. 

Speaking at a CoPF meeting, Harsha de Silva argued that an institution cannot be truly independent without control over its own finances and staff appointments.

CIABOC Director General Ranga Dissanayake informed the committee that despite a provision for dedicated staff, it has not been implemented for almost two years. 

The Deputy Secretary to the Ministry of Finance, A.K. Seneviratne, also acknowledged the validity of Harsha de Silva’s concerns, agreeing that the issue of financial independence for CIABOC is a serious one.

By A. Jathindra, Courtesy Eurasia Review

In South Asia, history shows that setting streets ablaze rarely leads to constructive change. Yet, the region continues to see such upheaval, which only worsens domestic politics in the affected countries. Bangladesh has been a terrible witness,” engulfed by unrest, and now Nepal faces its own crisis.

The tragic death of the wife of Nepal’s former Prime Minister Jhalanath Khanal—killed after her house was allegedly set on fire by protesters, reportedly led by Gen Z activists—has become the latest flashpoint, underscoring how dire the situation has become.

Why do violent protests so often become tools of political manoeuvring in India’s neighbouring countries? The answer is not simple. Political turmoil is often blamed on sudden events, but beneath every eruption lies a deeper cause. Even when spontaneous incidents spark unrest, the roots often run far deeper.

Nepal’s political scene has been in constant flux. Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli, a four-term incumbent who once said, Indian Virus Looks More Lethal than Chinese, Italian,” resigned amid worsening unrest following a strict ban on social media. In the shadow of this ban, a youth movement calling itself the ‘Voice of Nepal’s Gen Z’ rose up against the political elite. This raises a critical question: Can a social media blackout alone ignite such an uprising?

Nepal has long maintained close economic and social ties with India. Some even saw Nepal as an informal extension of India, although it has always remained sovereign. Recently, however, Nepal—like other Indian neighbours—has drifted strategically closer to China. Under Prime Minister Oli’s leadership, Nepal’s foreign policy began to resemble Sri Lanka’s approach during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s tenure, when heavy borrowing forced Colombo to pivot toward Beijing. Although China claims to follow a policy of non-interference, its ambassador to Nepal reportedly held a series of meetings with key leaders of the Nepal Communist Party to broker a deal that would keep Oli as Prime Minister for a full five-year term. This shows how China is becoming increasingly involved in Nepal’s domestic politics, pulling the country further into Beijing’s orbit.

In December 2024, Oli visited China, breaking an unwritten diplomatic tradition that neighbouring leaders first visit India. The Nepalese ambassador to China later dismissed claims of such a tradition during an interview in Beijing. During Oli’s visit, Nepal signed several agreements under Beijing’s One Belt One Road” initiative, aimed at transforming Nepal from landlocked to land-linked. This deal promised both virtual and physical connectivity, including roads, railways, aviation, power grids, and telecommunications. It also restarted Nepal-Tibet trade, which had been cut off after China’s occupation of Tibet in 1959.

August 2024 saw a student uprising in Bangladesh that ousted Sheikh Hasina. The head of the caretaker government, Mohammad Yunus, soon met with Xi Jinping in Beijing and invited China to treat Bangladesh as an extension of the Chinese economy, using Dhaka as a maritime conduit to India’s northeastern states, Nepal and Bhutan”. Bangladesh thus became the first country in South Asia to openly invite Chinese expansion into the Indian Ocean region.

There is a visible thread running through the region’s recent turmoil. Is China’s growing interference the common factor? The answer is not straightforward. Increased Chinese involvement often brings a surge of loans and investments, but when these are accepted without oversight, corruption and abuse of power inevitably follow.

Sri Lanka offers a cautionary tale. During Mahinda Rajapaksa’s rule, Chinese loans fueled the construction of the strategic Hambantota port—ultimately trapping Colombo in a debt trap.” The $216 million Pokhara International Airport in Nepal, financed by China Exim Bank, has raised similar concerns and is linked to massive corruption. Just as the Chinese-built Hambantota port faced criticism for potential dual-use, Pokhara Airport has attracted similar scrutiny. Allegations swirl that $71 million from China’s Exim Bank was embezzled through deals between Chinese firms and Nepali politicians. While some individuals have faced charges, investigations have led nowhere. Corruption festers, fueling political instability.

Despite glaring parallels, Nepal’s political elite seems unwilling to heed Sri Lanka’s lessons. Since 2007, China’s presence has grown on India’s periphery—most notably in Sri Lanka and Nepal. During the final phase of Sri Lanka’s civil war in 2008–09, China extended military support to Rajapaksa. Meanwhile, in March 2008, protests and crackdowns swept Tibet, deepening Beijing’s ties with Kathmandu. Since then, China-Nepal relations have revolved around financial support and a tacit understanding: in exchange, Nepal is expected to suppress ‘anti-China’ activities within its borders.

Nepal’s current unrest is a symptom of deeper geopolitical shifts and unresolved domestic issues. The cycle of protests and violence is unlikely to yield positive change unless leaders learn from the region’s troubled history. The fires burning in Nepal are fueled not just by local grievances but by the complex interplay of regional power, debt, and diplomacy.

Arundathie Abeysinghe Courtesy PIME Asia News

Every year, approximately 500,000 metric tonnes of fruit and vegetables are lost – enough to feed the country for up to four months. Among the causes are poor transportation and packaging. Losses could be reduced to 5.7 per cent by following the Ministry of Agriculture’s guidelines. The Circular Project sponsored by the FAO and the EU aims to reduce food waste with a circular economy approach and digital tools.

Colombo (AsiaNews) – According to a new study by the Department of Agriculture in co-operation with other partners, post-harvest losses of fruit and vegetables in Sri Lanka are estimated to be around 180 billion rupees per year (almost US$ 600 million)

More than 500,000 metric tonnes of agricultural produce are wasted per year, especially during transportation, about 200,000 tonnes of vegetables and 300,000 tonnes of fruits, enough to feed the entire country for two to four months.

If best practices and guidelines were followed, including transportation methods and proper packaging, waste could be reduced to 5.7 per cent.

Currently, crop losses are between 30 and 40 per cent, especially during transit; the greatest damage occurs between farms and retail markets.

The research found that transportation-related waste is approximately 10 per cent annually, which could be reduced, thus allowing for 60 per cent growth in the national and agricultural economy.

Researchers have noted, however, that farmers, intermediaries, and retailers have not yet adopted the recommended guidelines and measures introduced to reduce losses, thus perpetuating the problem.

We’ve been growing vegetables for over 15 years. Despite good harvests, we’re unable to provide fresh produce to consumers because most of our produce spoils during transportation,” said Vadivel Aruliah, 56, and Sinnathamby Joseph, 52, vegetable growers in Nuwara Eliya, speaking to AsiaNews.

For example, we harvested cabbages the size of a medium jackfruit. However, when they are ready to eat, they shrink to the size of a breadfruit, with several outer leaves that rot, become damaged, and need to be removed.”

Heenbanda Dissanayaka, 50, and Mahinda Wijepala, 43, fruit growers in Dambulla, also report that fruit spoils during transportation.”

Agriculture experts Daminda Kahawita and Rashmi Mendis note that Sri Lanka has an institution dedicated to this problem, the National Institute of Post Harvest Management (NIPHM), which operates under the Ministry of Agriculture, with the aim of improving post-harvest technologies.

Senior NIPHM officials regularly visit harvest sites and conduct awareness campaigns,” they note. However, most of these guidelines are not followed at the local level to effectively reduce losses.”

Due to poor handling and packaging, some 221,955 tonnes of vegetables and 290,151 tonnes of fruit are wasted during transportation each year. This represents 19 per cent and 20 per cent, respectively.

In more developed countries, packaging is a separate industry. Farmers’ associations or private investments manage packaging in the agricultural sector,” they explain.

In Sri Lanka, There is a critical need to increase storage facilities for fruits and vegetables, as adequate storage allows surplus harvests to be preserved for future use, stabilising prices and benefiting both farmers and consumers,” they added.

Meanwhile, an initiative called the Circular Project, led by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) with the assistance of the European Union, seeks to address the problem of food loss and waste using a circular economy approach to reuse, recycle, and optimise resources throughout the food supply chain.

The project will be implemented in Colombo, Nuwara Eliya, and Galle and will include data-driven assessments of food losses and waste.

The project will support the adoption of digital tools to help food supply chain stakeholders identify and address the root causes of waste, contribute to the recovery and reuse of food waste, improve access to food for vulnerable communities, and reduce the environmental footprint of the food supply chain.

By addressing food losses and waste, the project aims to improve food security, rural livelihoods, and support sustainable agricultural growth.

by Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D. PhD 

The rich tapestry of Sri Lanka’s cultural heritage is intricately woven with mythology and legends, which serve as a profound reflection of the island’s history and identity. These narratives, passed down through generations, encompass a diverse array of tales that highlight the values, beliefs, and traditions of the Sri Lankan people.  The mythological tale of Sinhabahu serves as a foundational narrative for the Sinhala nation, intricately weaving together themes of identity, heritage, and cultural pride.

Prof. Gananath Obeyesekere argues that the myth of Sinhabahu serves as a quintessential representation of the Sri Lankan Oedipus narrative. In his notable work, “The Work of Culture: Symbolic Transformation in Psychoanalysis and Anthropology,” Prof. Obeyesekere highlights a particularly striking aspect of the Sinhabahu myth: the complete absence of any expressions of remorse or ethical dilemmas regarding the act of patricide. This lack of moral conflict sets the myth apart, suggesting a cultural framework in which such actions are not only accepted but perhaps even normalized, thereby inviting deeper exploration into the implications of familial relationships and societal values within the context of Sri Lankan folklore.

Sinhabahu Narrative

The myth of Sinhabahu narrates the legendary beginnings of the Sinhala people, an ethnic group indigenous to Sri Lanka. The Sinhalese communicate in Sinhala, an Indo-Aryan language (Lewis, 2009), and the term “Sinhala” itself translates to “lion people.” Central to this mythology is the tale of Princess Suppadevi from the Vanga Kingdom, situated in the eastern region of the Indian Subcontinent, who was abducted by a fierce lion and taken into the wilderness. During her time in captivity, she gave birth to twins: a son named Sinhabahu, which means “hands like a lion’s paws,” and a daughter named Sinha Seevali. The lion confined the family in a cave, sealing the entrance with a massive rock.

At the age of sixteen, Sinhabahu managed to lift the stone and escape with his mother and sister to the Lala Kingdom, evading their captor. Upon discovering their flight, the enraged lion rampaged through nearby villages in search of the princess and her children, prompting the terrified villagers to implore their king for assistance. The king then tasked Sinhabahu with confronting the lion, leading the young hero to track down and slay the beast with a lethal arrow. This act of bravery earned Sinhabahu the admiration of the people, who hailed him as a hero.

Prince Sinhabahu established a city known as Sinhapura, which translates to “The Lion City.” In a significant familial union, he married his sister, Sinha Seevali, and together they welcomed a son named Vijaya. The chronicles of the Mahawansa, a revered historical text, identify Prince Vijaya as the first documented monarch of Sri Lanka, reigning from 543 BC to 505 BC. His ascension marked a pivotal moment in the island’s history, laying the foundation for a lineage that would shape the cultural and political landscape of Sri Lanka for centuries to come. The legacy of Sinhapura and its royal inhabitants continues to resonate in the annals of Sri Lankan heritage, symbolizing the intertwining of myth and history in the formation of a nation.

The tale of Sinhabahu has been passed down through generations, embodying the essence of oral tradition. These narratives often depict the evolution of their heroes through a recurring motif of exile and return, which places them in circumstances that continually test their strength and determination (Scot, 1990). Within these stories, archetypes emerge in various forms, including typical characters, plotlines, imagery, and overarching themes, creating a rich tapestry for analysis. One of the most prevalent archetypes found across cultures is that of the hero and the hero’s journey, a narrative framework that resonates universally. This journey not only highlights the trials faced by the hero but also reflects the values and beliefs of the culture from which the story originates, making it a vital component of storytelling across different societies.

Mythical Stories and Culture

Obeysekara probes into the rich tapestry of traditional folk tales, myths, and narratives that characterize the cultural heritage of Sri Lanka, revealing a world imbued with both myth and enigma. As an anthropologist, he meticulously examines the stories that have been transmitted through generations, recognizing their significance not only as entertainment but also as vessels of cultural identity and collective memory. His analysis reveals underlying sociological and psychological themes, suggesting that these folk narratives reflect societal values, beliefs, and human experiences. Through this lens, Obeysekara highlights the intricate connections between folklore and the social fabric of Sri Lankan life, illustrating how these tales encapsulate the complexities of human nature and community dynamics.

The tale of Sinhabahu is often regarded as a work of mythology, steeped in the rich traditions and cultural narratives of its origins. A mythical story is a traditional narrative that often carries deep symbolic meaning, serving to illuminate the beliefs, historical events, and cultural practices of a particular society. These tales frequently delve into the origins of the world, the exploits of legendary heroes, and the actions of deities, providing insight into the values and moral lessons that shape a community’s identity. Through rich imagery and allegorical elements, mythical stories not only entertain but also educate, preserving the collective memory and wisdom of a culture for generations. They act as a bridge between the past and present, allowing individuals to connect with their heritage while exploring universal themes of existence, morality, and the human experience.

Obeysekara investigates the intricate essence of traditional folk tales, offering a comprehensive examination of their underlying themes and motifs. In his analysis, he not only unravels the narrative structures and cultural significance of these stories but also contextualizes them within their historical and sociological frameworks. By doing so, he provides readers with a deeper understanding of how these tales reflect the values, beliefs, and social dynamics of the communities from which they originate. This multifaceted approach allows for a richer appreciation of the folk tales, highlighting their role as both artistic expressions and vital components of cultural heritage.

Mythical Narratives and the Collective Unconscious

Mythical narratives are deeply connected to the collective unconscious and act as expressions of inherited, universal archetypes that form a shared layer of human experience across cultures and history. These mythical narratives posit a profound, universal aspect of the human psyche that is shared among all individuals. This collective unconscious houses archetypes—fundamental symbols and themes, such as the hero or the nurturing mother—that recur in myths, dreams, and symbols across various cultures. The presence of these archetypes elucidates the striking similarities found in mythological themes and motifs across diverse societies, suggesting a common psychological heritage.

Carl Jung’s exploration revealed that these universal patterns transcend cultural and historical boundaries, leading him to propose that a segment of the human mind contains a collective unconscious, akin to a shared, primal memory that connects all members of the human race. Numerous mythological tales, such as Sinhabahu, exemplify this phenomenon, illustrating how ancient cultures have woven similar narratives that resonate with the collective human experience. It’s unclear if Carl Jung was familiar with the Sinhabahu legend itself; though there is no direct evidence that he wrote about it, his theories are applied to it by later Sri Lankan scholars like Obeysekara.

Mythical narratives play a significant role in shaping the collective unconscious by serving as reflections and manifestations of universal archetypes and patterns inherent within it. Carl Jung posited that these myths unveil the common psychological frameworks that are passed down through generations, highlighting the shared mental structures that define humanity. Archetypes such as the hero, the mother, and the trickster emerge consistently across diverse cultures, illustrating fundamental themes that resonate deeply within the human experience. These motifs not only influence our perceptions and emotions but also guide our behaviors, providing a vital framework for comprehending and integrating the more profound dimensions of the human psyche. Through the exploration of these archetypal stories, individuals can gain insights into their own lives and the collective human experience, fostering a deeper understanding of the psychological forces that shape our existence.

The Lion as a Totem Animal

The lion has emerged as a significant totem animal for the people of Sri Lanka, especially among the Sinhalese community, largely due to the legendary tale of Sinhabahu. A totem is a natural entity, often an object or an animal, that holds profound spiritual significance for a specific community or society. This belief system imbues the totem with a sense of identity and connection, leading the group to adopt it as a symbol or emblem that represents their values, heritage, and collective spirit. The totem serves not only as a marker of cultural identity but also as a source of guidance and inspiration, reflecting the community’s connection to nature and the spiritual realm. Through rituals, storytelling, and artistic expressions, the totem becomes a vital part of the society’s traditions, reinforcing bonds among its members and fostering a sense of belonging and continuity across generations.

The lion, often referred to as a beast, serves as the father of Prince Sinhabahu, who famously abducted his mother from her clan. This lion can be interpreted as a metaphor for a man of extraordinary strength or even as a figure with a lion-like visage, particularly relevant in the context of Hansen’s disease, where individuals may exhibit a leonine appearance.

The lion has emerged as a powerful totem for the Sinhala nation. The lion represents not only the physical prowess associated with the animal but also embodies the cultural identity and heritage of the Sinhalese. This legendary figure, believed to be the progenitor of the Sinhalese people, has established the lion as a significant emblem of both the Sinhalese identity and the monarchy since ancient times. The intertwining of history and mythology has reinforced the lion’s status as a quintessential symbol of strength, courage, and resilience. Over the centuries, this association has culminated in the lion’s prominent depiction on the national flag of Sri Lanka.

The lion, revered as a totem animal, embodies the qualities of leadership, strength, courage, and protection, serving as a powerful source of inspiration for individuals to embrace boldness, resilience, and self-assurance. This majestic creature symbolizes an inner strength that empowers one to confront and surmount obstacles, fostering a spirit of self-expression and active participation within the community. When the lion appears as a spirit guide, it often heralds a significant phase of spiritual development, emerging at pivotal moments when an individual must assert their authority, safeguard their domain, or lead with compassion and integrity. This connection to the Lion encourages a deeper understanding of one’s capabilities and the importance of standing firm in one’s beliefs while nurturing the bonds that unite us with others.

The lineage of Prince Sinhabahu, traced back to a lion, symbolizes the embodiment of masculine power and vigor. Such symbolic representations are deeply rooted in social, ideological, and political constructs, as noted by Miller (2011), which is why the lion has come to represent the ‘Sinhala’ race. Across various cultures, lions are revered for their innate qualities of strength, nobility, and bravery, traits that resonate universally. Their status as apex predators positions them as protectors against malevolence, while their majestic presence conveys dignity, authority, and leadership. This widespread admiration has led to their incorporation into religious practices, mythological narratives, heraldic traditions, and use as guardians in both ancient and contemporary societies.

Carl Jung posited that animals often symbolize instinctual drives, with the lion serving as an archetype for the Sinhalese people. At the core of any symbol lies a vital energy, whether instinctual or archetypal, often referred to as libido or anima, as discussed by Jutta von Buchholtz (2000). Furthermore, Obeyesekere explores the concept of “symbolic remove,” which describes the cultural evolution of symbolic forms. These symbols, although regressive due to their origins in individual psychological development and unconscious processes, also possess a progressive aspect, as they enable the transformation of primitive motivations from early experiences into a more profound understanding of the sacred, as articulated by Nuckolls (1997).

The Lion—the Emblem of Sinhalese Identity

The lion has emerged as a powerful symbol of Sinhalese identity, deeply rooted in ancient folklore and its association with the island’s inaugural monarch, Prince Vijaya. This connection is primarily derived from the Sinhabahu legend, which narrates the tale of Sinhabahu, a lion-man who is said to be the progenitor of the Sinhalese people. According to this legend, Sinhabahu, born of a lion and a human princess, embodies strength, courage, and nobility, traits that resonate with the Sinhalese culture. As Prince Vijaya, a descendant of Sinhabahu, established his reign in Sri Lanka, the lion became an enduring emblem of the Sinhalese heritage, representing not only royal lineage but also the resilience and identity of the Sinhalese people throughout history. This rich tapestry of myth and history has solidified the lion’s status as a national symbol, reflecting the pride and unity of the Sinhalese community.

The lion has long served as a powerful emblem of Sinhalese identity, much like the peacock represented the Mauryas, the fish symbolized the Pandyas, and the tiger stood for the Cholas. This majestic creature is deeply woven into the historical narrative of Sri Lanka, with King Dutugemunu famously carrying a lion flag during his legendary battle against Elara, a moment immortalized in a painting at the Dambulla temple from the Kandyan period. Furthermore, the Sinhalese kings of Anuradhapura minted coins adorned with the lion, reinforcing its significance in their reign. Additionally, King Kashyapa’s creation of a colossal lion statue at Sigiriya exemplifies the lion’s enduring status as a national symbol, reflecting the pride and cultural heritage of the Sinhalese people throughout the ages.

Bestiality Narrated in the Sinhabahu Story

The Sinhabahu legend contains elements that can be interpreted as bestiality, particularly in its portrayal of the protagonist’s origins and the relationships he forms. Bestiality, defined as sexual intercourse between humans and animals, raises significant ethical, legal, and moral concerns across various societies. This practice is often viewed as taboo.

The myth of Sinhabahu delves into complex themes, including the controversial subject of bestiality. This ancient narrative, rooted in the cultural and historical context of its origin, presents a tale that intertwines human and animal characteristics, ultimately exploring the boundaries of morality and nature. Sinhabahu, a character born from a union between a lion and a human, symbolizes the intersection of the primal instincts of the animal kingdom with the rationality of humanity. The story raises profound questions about identity, lineage, and the consequences of transgressing natural laws.

The Mahavamsa recounts the tale of a king from Vanga, an ancient region corresponding to modern-day Bengal, who took as his wife the daughter of the Kalinga monarch, now part of Odisha. This union produced a daughter named Suppadevi, who was foretold to engage with the king of beasts. As she matured, Princess Suppadevi sought to carve out her own destiny and departed from Vanga, joining a caravan that was en route to Magadha. However, their journey was abruptly interrupted when they were ambushed by a creature referred to as Sinha, meaning “lion,” in a forest located in the Lala region, which has been variously identified with either Rarh, an area within the Vanga-Kalinga territory, or Lata, a region in present-day Gujarat. During the chaos of the attack, Suppadevi managed to escape but soon found herself face-to-face with Sinha once more. Captivated by her presence, Sinha was drawn to her, and in a moment of recognition of the prophecy, she reciprocated his affection. Subsequently, Sinha imprisoned Suppadevi in a cave, where they had two offspring: a son named Sinhabahu, which translates to “lion-armed,” and a daughter named Sinhasivali.

The cultural implications of bestiality differ significantly across various societies, encompassing a wide range of historical, mythological, and ritualistic contexts. In some cultures, it is intertwined with specific rites or considered a forbidden practice, while in others, it appears in modern media portrayals that often mirror societal fears or notions of moral transgression. Although bestiality is frequently regarded as a taboo subject in many parts of the world, there are historical instances where it has been recognized as a form of sexual expression. The ancient Egyptian religious customs included elements that could be interpreted as bestiality, illustrating its varied significance throughout history. 

In mythology, the theme of bestiality carries profound cultural implications that extend beyond mere taboo. It serves to delineate the distinctions between human and divine realms, often reflecting societal anxieties surrounding sexuality and the institution of marriage. These narratives frequently delve into the complexities of desire, illustrating how the intertwining of human and animalistic traits can symbolize deeper connections to the natural world. Furthermore, bestiality in myth acts as a powerful metaphor for the primal forces of power and lust, revealing the underlying tensions between civilization and the wild. Through these stories, cultures grapple with their fears and fascinations, using the motif of bestiality to explore the boundaries of morality and the essence of human nature itself.

As Sinhabahu navigates his existence, the myth serves as a reflection on the darker aspects of desire and the societal implications of such unions, prompting audiences to confront their own perceptions of normalcy and taboo. Through its vivid imagery and allegorical depth, the myth invites a critical examination of the human condition and the often-blurred lines between civilization and the wild.

Sinhabahu and the Oedipus Complex

The Oedipus complex emerges during Freud’s phallic stage of development, which typically occurs between the ages of three and six. During this critical period, a young boy begins to experience unconscious feelings of attraction towards his mother, while simultaneously perceiving his father as a competitor for her affection. This internal conflict often leads to intense emotions such as jealousy and anger, as well as a profound fear of castration, which represents the boy’s anxiety regarding potential retribution from his father. According to psychoanalytic theory, resolving these complex feelings is essential for forming a robust psychological identity and developing the superego. This resolution is achieved when the child identifies with the father figure, thereby suppressing his desires for the mother and internalizing paternal values, which ultimately contributes to a healthier psychological framework as he matures.

The term “Sri Lankan Oedipus” refers to the legend of Sinhabahu, a mythical figure credited with founding the Sinhala people, and it draws intriguing parallels to the Greek myth of Oedipus. Both narratives revolve around a central character who unwittingly engages in patricide and incest, resulting in profound consequences that shape their respective cultures. In Sinhabahu’s story, this tragic fate is symbolized through a totemic relationship with a lion, which serves as a powerful emblem of national identity and heritage. Furthermore, the influence of Sophocles’ “Oedipus Rex” is evident in Sri Lanka, where adaptations and performances of the classic play have been integrated into the local cultural landscape. This connection not only highlights the shared themes of fate and familial conflict but also underscores the enduring impact of these myths on the formation of national narratives and theatrical traditions in Sri Lanka.

Dr. Wijaya Dissanayaka, a distinguished consultant psychiatrist and respected lecturer, posits that many narratives center around the theme of a hero vanquishing a formidable beast or dragon. This recurring motif, he argues, serves as a profound representation of the Oedipal conflict, a concept rooted in psychoanalytic theory. The act of slaying the dragon can be interpreted as a symbolic confrontation with paternal authority, where the hero’s triumph signifies a resolution of inner turmoil and the quest for identity. Through this lens, these stories not only entertain but also delve into the complexities of human psychology, reflecting the struggles individuals face in reconciling their desires and familial relationships.

In the narrative of Sinhabahu, parallels can be drawn to the classic tale of Oedipus, particularly in the tragic act of patricide, as Sinhabahu also kills his father. However, a significant divergence exists in their respective stories; unlike Oedipus, who unwittingly marries his mother, Sinhabahu chooses to marry his sister instead. This crucial difference highlights the unique aspects of the Sinhabahu tale, positioning it as a semi-Oedipal narrative. While both stories explore themes of fate, familial conflict, and the consequences of one’s actions, the resolution in Sinhabahu’s story diverges from the archetypal tragedy of Oedipus, offering a distinct interpretation of similar motifs within the realm of mythological storytelling.

Buddhist philosophy, particularly as illustrated in the narrative of Prince Ajatasatru, encompasses profound themes that parallel the Oedipus complex, including elements such as parental abandonment, the act of patricide, and the intense rivalry for parental affection. In this tale, Prince Ajatasatru grapples with the psychological turmoil stemming from his relationship with his father, King Bimbisara, and the subsequent actions that lead to a tragic confrontation. The prince’s journey is marked by a deep-seated conflict, as he seeks to assert his identity and claim his rightful place in the royal lineage, often at the expense of his father’s life. This struggle not only highlights the complexities of familial bonds but also reflects the broader existential questions of desire, power, and the consequences of one’s actions. The interplay of these themes within the context of Buddhist teachings invites a deeper exploration of the human psyche, revealing how ancient narratives continue to resonate with contemporary understandings of familial dynamics and psychological conflict.

Moreover, the Thayo Darma Jātakaya can be viewed as a rich metaphorical tale that encapsulates themes reminiscent of the Oedipus complex, particularly highlighting a son’s tumultuous quest to overthrow his father and ascend to the throne. In this narrative, the father-king embodies a figure who actively stifles the growth of his male heirs, preventing them from reaching maturity and posing a challenge to his authority. However, one son manages to evade this oppressive fate, fueled by a burgeoning animosity towards his father, which is secretly nurtured by his mother’s support. This complex relationship culminates in the son’s violent act of patricide, as he seeks to seize not only the throne but also the companionship of women associated with his father. The story intricately weaves together the fundamental aspects of the Oedipus complex, including the intense conflict between father and son, the rivalry for maternal affection, and the son’s relentless pursuit of power, thereby offering a profound exploration of familial dynamics and the darker facets of ambition.

Patricide in the Sinhabahu Story

Prince Sinhabahu, a figure of both valor and tragedy, found himself in a harrowing situation that would forever alter the course of his life. Sinhabahu confronted his father. The confrontation culminated in a dramatic and fateful encounter, where the prince, fueled by a mix of courage and sorrow, ultimately took the life of Sinha. Finally, he had to kill his own father. He killed the totem animal. 

The act of Sinhabahu killing his father carries profound significance within the narrative, symbolizing a complex interplay of destiny, power, and familial conflict. The act itself can be interpreted as a tragic assertion of autonomy, where Sinhabahu, in a desperate bid to escape the shadow of paternal authority, commits an irreversible act that alters the course of his life and the lives of those around him.

Freud defines patricide as the act of killing one’s father, which he interprets as a manifestation of the unconscious desire to remove the paternal rival within the framework of the Oedipus complex. He further theorizes that this concept extends beyond individual psychology to encompass a collective phenomenon, wherein a group of brothers collectively murders the “primal father” of a primitive horde. This act, according to Freud, serves as a foundational moment in the development of civilization, morality, religion, and social structures. The repercussions of such a primal act lead to feelings of collective guilt among the brothers, which in turn fosters the creation of the totem—a symbolic representation of the slain father that embodies both reverence and remorse. This intricate interplay of familial dynamics and societal evolution underscores Freud’s belief in the profound psychological underpinnings of human culture and social organization.

Patricide, defined as the act of killing one’s father, transcends mere literal interpretation and instead serves as a profound symbolic archetype within the collective unconscious. This concept, introduced by Carl Jung, refers to a deep-seated psychological framework that is universally shared among humanity, encompassing archetypes that reflect common human experiences and conflicts. In this context, patricide symbolizes the struggle against paternal authority, the rejection of established traditions, and the dynamic tension between generations, where the younger generation seeks to challenge and ultimately supplant the older one. This archetype is vividly illustrated in various myths and narratives across different cultures, highlighting a fundamental human conflict that resonates through time and space, revealing the complexities of familial relationships and societal evolution.

Freud proposed a theory centered around the concept of a primitive horde, characterized by an all-powerful father figure. This dynamic culminates in the fratricidal act of the brothers who conspire to kill their father, an event that subsequently paves the way for the emergence of the totemic clan. This theoretical framework explores the psychological conditions that allow such thoughts to manifest.

In the context of the Sinhala Nation, the legend of Sinhabahu plays a pivotal role in establishing totemism, a belief system that fosters a mystical connection between the Sinhala people and the lion, a spirit being. This relationship has evolved into a profound symbol of identity and continuity for the Sinhala Nation, representing not only their cultural heritage but also their enduring spirit.

Patricide Described in the Mahabharata and in the Other Ancient Mythical Stories

The ancient Indian epic Mahabharata and the Sri Lankan myth of Sinhabahu exhibit no recorded parallels in their narratives or themes. The Mahabharata is a monumental text that chronicles the intense dynastic struggle between two factions, the Pandavas and the Kauravas, ultimately leading to the climactic and devastating Battle of Kurukshetra. This epic not only explores the complexities of duty, righteousness, and moral dilemmas faced by its characters but also delves into the broader implications of war and its consequences on society.

In contrast, the Sinhabahu myth serves as a foundational story for the Sinhala people, detailing the legendary origins of their nation through the tale of a princess who unites with a lion, resulting in the birth of twin sons. This narrative emphasizes themes of identity, lineage, and the intertwining of human and animal realms, reflecting the cultural and historical significance of the Sinhala heritage. Thus, while both texts are rich in their respective cultural contexts, they remain distinct in their storytelling and thematic focus.

The narratives found in both the Mahabharata and the Sinhabahu tales prominently feature the theme of parricide, a grave act that carries profound moral and ethical implications. In the Mahabharata, the complex relationships among family members, particularly the conflict between the Pandavas and Kauravas, culminate in tragic events that often involve the betrayal of familial bonds, leading to the ultimate act of killing one’s own father. Similarly, the Sinhabahu story explores the consequences of such actions, where the protagonist’s struggle against his lineage and the resulting violence against his father highlight the tragic dimensions of duty, honor, and the quest for power. These narratives not only serve as cautionary tales but also delve into the psychological turmoil faced by characters who grapple with their identities and the weight of their actions, ultimately reflecting on the broader themes of fate, justice, and the moral dilemmas inherent in human relationships.

In the epic narrative of the Mahabharata, one of the most poignant instances of patricide unfolds when Babruvahana, unaware of his true lineage, fatally wounds his father, Arjuna, with an arrow. This tragic event occurs during the Ashwamedha Yagna, a significant ritual that symbolizes royal authority and sovereignty. The backdrop of this act is steeped in a curse laid upon Arjuna by the river goddess Ganga, who sought retribution for the death of her son, Bhishma, at the hands of Arjuna. Ganga’s curse foretold that Arjuna would meet his end at the hands of his own offspring, a fate that Babruvahana unwittingly fulfills in a moment of conflict. The encounter serves as a profound exploration of destiny and the intricate web of cause and effect that permeates the Mahabharata. However, the narrative does not conclude with this tragic act; Babruvahana, upon realizing the gravity of his actions and the bond he shares with Arjuna, utilizes a magical gem to restore his father to life, thus intertwining themes of loss, redemption, and the complexities of familial relationships within the epic’s broader tapestry.

Patricide emerges as a prominent motif in ancient epics, particularly within the realm of Greek mythology, where it is vividly illustrated through the acts of Cronus, who castrated his father Uranus, and the tragic tale of Oedipus, who unwittingly killed his own father. These narratives delve into the theme of the overthrow of established orders by the younger generation, often fueled by a relentless quest for power or an inescapable fate. Additionally, the Babylonian epic Enûma Elish presents a parallel instance with the god Ea slaying his father Apsu, while in Hurrian mythology, Teshub defeats Kumarbi, both of which signify a recurring divine cycle of conflict and the generational struggle for supremacy. Such stories not only reflect the complexities of familial relationships but also serve as allegories for the broader societal transitions and the inevitable clash between the old and the new.

Parricides Recorded in Ancient Sri Lankan History

The influence of Sinhabahu on the theme of parricide is profound and multifaceted, reflecting deep cultural and psychological undercurrents within the narrative. The earliest documented case of parricide in ancient Sri Lankan history involves King Kashyapa (also known as Kassapa), who infamously killed his father, King Dathusena, in a bid to usurp the throne during the 5th century CE. Historical narratives, including the accounts from Portuguese sources such as De Queros, suggest that King Seethawaka Rajasinghe may have murdered his father, King Mayadunne. This claim, however, remains a subject of considerable debate among historians. The allegation of patricide is often associated with a broader conflict involving Buddhist monks, which subsequently led to Rajasinghe’s notable conversion to Hinduism. This shift in religious allegiance is seen as a significant turning point in his reign, reflecting the complex interplay of power, faith, and familial loyalty during a tumultuous period in Sri Lankan history. The implications of these events continue to resonate in discussions about the political and religious dynamics of the time.

 Sinhabahu and the Laius Syndrome

The Laius Syndrome is a conceptual framework primarily derived from Silke-Maria Weineck’s (Professor of German and comparative literature at the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor) analysis in “The Laius Syndrome, or the Ends of Political Fatherhood.” This term encapsulates the intricate and often detrimental dynamics between a father and his son, drawing inspiration from the mythological narrative of King Laius within the Oedipus mythos. In this context, the father figure is emblematic of various themes, including the exertion of political authority, the propensity for violence, the obsessive desire to dictate one’s lineage, and the tragic inevitability of fate. These elements converge to illustrate a poignant narrative where the father’s attempts to control his destiny ultimately culminate in his own downfall at the hands of his son. Notably, Laius Syndrome shares thematic parallels with the Sinhabahu myth, further enriching the discourse on paternal relationships and the tragic consequences of power and control.

Killing of the Totem Animal

Sinhabahu made a fateful decision to eliminate the totem animal that held significant cultural and spiritual importance to his community. This totem, revered for its symbolic representation of strength and protection, was not merely an animal but a vital part of the tribe’s identity and heritage.

In a courageous quest to rid his village of a menacing lion that had terrorized the inhabitants, Sinhabahu embarked on a perilous journey into the heart of the wilderness. Armed with a finely crafted bow and a quiver full of deadly arrows, he tracked the beast through dense underbrush and treacherous terrain, driven by the cries of his fellow villagers who lived in constant fear. After a tense and arduous pursuit, Sinhabahu finally confronted the formidable creature, his heart pounding with determination. With a steady hand and unwavering focus, he released a well-aimed arrow that struck true, bringing the ferocious lion to a swift end. The villagers, witnessing this act of bravery, erupted in cheers and expressions of gratitude, hailing Sinhabahu as their savior and protector, forever grateful for his valor in liberating them from the clutches of the evil beast that had plagued their lives.

The clan totems hold a significant place within the community, treated with the same reverence as human members of the group. This deep-seated respect extends to the belief that any act of eating, killing, or otherwise harming these totems is not merely a physical act but a profound violation of the clan’s values. Such an offense is thought to have dire consequences, particularly in the form of a decline in the clan’s population. The community believes that breaching taboos associated with the totems can lead to a corresponding reduction in clan size, reflecting a direct connection between the spiritual and physical realms. This belief underscores the importance of maintaining harmony with the totems, as they are seen as integral to the clan’s identity and survival.

Killing a totem animal is considered a profound violation of a sacred taboo, which can result in dire spiritual repercussions for both the individual responsible and their community. Such actions may invite misfortune, illness, or a disconnection from spiritual realms, as the totem is not merely an animal but a symbol of the group’s ancestral lineage, protective spirit, and their bond with the natural world. This act is perceived as an affront to the totem, which embodies the spiritual essence that connects the clan to its heritage and the environment. While the majority of cultures strictly prohibit the killing of a totem animal, some traditions permit this act under specific circumstances or during particular rituals. However, even in these cases, it is imperative that the act is performed with the utmost reverence and respect for the spirit of the animal, acknowledging its significance and the potential consequences of such a grave decision.

Dr. Vamik Volkan, Professor of Psychiatry at the University of Virginia, luminously writes on the killing of the totem animal, or the patricide, thus. 

Long ago, primitive people lived in small tribes led by despotic leaders. With his unlimited power, the leader or father considered all the women of the tribe his exclusive property. If the young men of the tribe, or sons, expressed jealousy, they were killed, castrated, or excommunicated. Their fate unbearable, the young men joined forces, killed the father, and ate him. But the father’s influence would not disappear. In death he became more powerful. Haunted by the ghost of their father, the sons replaced him with a horrible and strong animal, a totem. It absorbed the sons’ ambivalence—the simultaneous hate and love they were experiencing for their dead father. Since the ghost of their father lived in the totem, however, the sons were still not free of his influence, and their hate for him, as well as their love for him, continued. Totemism is thus both a religious and a social system.” (Hence, the totem animal was used to maintain two useful prohibitions—one against killing the totem animal (patricide) and the other against having sexual relations with women of the same totem or clan (incest).(Totem and Taboo in Romania: A Psychopolitical Diagnosis—Dr. Vamik Volkan) 

However, the concept of “killing one’s spirit animal” has emerged in contemporary discourse as a metaphor for personal transformation, suggesting that such an act, whether literal or figurative, can serve as a powerful catalyst for addressing and confronting deeper spiritual or personal challenges. This duality highlights the complexity of the relationship between individuals and their totem animals, where the act of killing can simultaneously represent a violation of sacred bonds and an opportunity for profound self-reflection and growth.

Incest in the Sinhabahu Story

The concept of incest is notably illustrated in ancient Sri Lankan folklore through the tale of Sinhabahu, a significant legend that recounts the origins of the Sinhala people. According to this narrative, Prince Sinhabahu, who is credited with establishing the Sinhala lineage, entered into a union with his sister, Sinha Seewali. This controversial marriage resulted in the birth of their son, Prince Vijaya, who would go on to become the first king of Sri Lanka. The legend not only highlights the complexities of familial relationships in the context of royal lineage but also serves as a foundational myth that shapes the cultural identity of the Sinhala people. Through this story, themes of power, destiny, and the intertwining of familial bonds are explored, reflecting the intricate tapestry of Sri Lankan history and mythology.

The legend of Sinhabahu narrates the tale of a prince who, in a controversial act, wed his own sister, Sinha Seewali, thereby engaging in incestuous relations. This narrative raises intriguing questions about the social norms and familial structures of ancient societies. Sontakke (2017) suggests that in prehistoric times, there were likely no prohibitions against mating among close relatives, indicating a vastly different understanding of kinship and marriage compared to contemporary standards. Such practices may have been influenced by various factors, including the need to preserve lineage, consolidate power, or ensure the continuation of certain bloodlines. This historical context invites further exploration into the evolution of societal norms surrounding incest and the implications these legends have on our understanding of ancient cultures.

Greek mythology often explores the origins of various cultural deities, including those associated with music and dance, through narratives of incestuous relationships among divine figures. For instance, the siblings Shu and Tefnut gave rise to Geb and Nut, who themselves were a brother-sister duo that eventually entered into marriage. This pattern of familial unions continues with their grandson Horus, who, in a strikingly complex twist of mythology, chose his mother, Isis, as his consort. This relationship not only highlights the intricate web of connections among the gods but also symbolizes the intertwining of maternal and romantic bonds within the divine narrative, reflecting the multifaceted nature of love and power in ancient Greek culture.

For over three millennia, incestuous unions among siblings and other closely related individuals were a prevalent cultural norm among the ancient Egyptian pharaohs, primarily aimed at safeguarding the purity of the royal bloodline and reinforcing the divine status attributed to the king. This practice ensured that power and wealth remained concentrated within the royal family, thereby maintaining a sense of continuity and stability in governance. However, the implications of such marriages were dire, as they significantly increased the risk of genetic disorders, resulting in various health complications and physical deformities among the offspring of these unions. A notable example of this is Pharaoh Tutankhamun, whose remains exhibited several signs of genetic abnormalities, underscoring the detrimental effects of these incestuous practices on the health of the royal lineage.

The incest taboo represents a nearly universal cultural norm that forbids sexual relationships among close blood relatives, although its interpretation and enforcement can differ significantly from one society to another. While the majority of cultures uphold this prohibition, the specific relationships deemed unacceptable can vary widely; for instance, some societies may allow marriages between certain cousins, while others strictly prohibit such unions. Additionally, various cultural myths, such as those depicting ancestral siblings who survive cataclysmic events like floods and subsequently repopulate the earth, illustrate the intricate and often contradictory nature of incest within different cultural frameworks. These narratives not only reflect the complexities surrounding familial relationships but also reveal how cultural beliefs shape the understanding and acceptance of incestuous relationships in diverse contexts.

Sinhabahu- the Archetypal Hero

The figure of Sinhabahu exemplifies the archetypal hero, a character type that transcends cultural boundaries and appears in narratives worldwide. This hero embarks on a transformative journey, confronting various challenges that ultimately lead to personal growth and the achievement of significant goals, which often resonate deeply within their society. Central to this archetype is the Hero’s Journey, or monomyth, a narrative framework that encompasses a departure from the familiar world, a series of trials and initiatory experiences, and a return enriched with newfound wisdom or gifts intended for the community. Essential traits of this archetypal hero include unwavering courage, selflessness, a strong moral compass, and a readiness to make sacrifices for the greater good. Through these qualities, Sinhabahu not only navigates his own path but also leaves a lasting impact on those around him, embodying the timeless essence of heroism that inspires and uplifts.

His triumph over the lion firmly established him as the quintessential hero, a notion thoroughly examined by Joseph Campbell in his seminal work, “The Hero with a Thousand Faces” (1968). In this influential text, Campbell articulates the essence of a hero as someone who ventures beyond the confines of the mundane world to undertake a profound and transformative journey. Throughout this odyssey, the hero confronts various challenges and personal fears, ultimately striving to fulfill a quest that not only tests their mettle but also serves to uplift and benefit their community. This archetypal narrative underscores the hero’s role as a catalyst for change, illustrating how their extraordinary experiences resonate with universal themes of courage, sacrifice, and the pursuit of a greater good.

The archetypal hero holds profound significance within a culture, serving as a universal template for both individual and societal advancement. This figure inspires people to confront and surmount obstacles through acts of bravery and selflessness, while simultaneously embodying the fundamental values and aspirations of the culture from which it originates. Narratives such as the Hero’s Journey encapsulate these themes, providing a structured approach to understanding personal transformation, ethical growth, and the victory of human consciousness over various internal and external challenges. Through these compelling stories, cultures foster a sense of collective identity and shared ambition that resonates across generations, reinforcing the importance of resilience and moral integrity in the face of adversity.

Sinhabahu is revered as a quintessential hero within Sri Lankan culture, symbolizing the archetypal journey of triumph over adversity and representing the mythological roots of the Sinhala people. His narrative encapsulates the essence of resilience and the struggle for identity, making him a pivotal figure in the cultural consciousness. In contrast, Madduma Bandara epitomizes the child hero, showcasing remarkable courage in the face of imminent execution, thus highlighting the theme of innocence confronting grave challenges. Additionally, other notable figures such as King Dutugamunu, Keppetipola Disawe and Puran Appu emerge as significant heroes, each embodying distinct archetypes of national resistance, cultural revival, and military strength. These warriors not only reflect the valor and determination of their time but also serve as enduring symbols of the collective spirit and heritage of the Sri Lankan people, reinforcing the narrative of heroism that is deeply woven into the fabric of the nation’s history.

Transformative Journey of Sinhabahu

The transformative journey of Sinhabahu is a profound narrative that encapsulates themes of identity, redemption, and the quest for belonging. Sinhabahu’s early life is marked by a struggle to reconcile his dual heritage, which sets the stage for his eventual metamorphosis. As he navigates the complexities of his existence, he faces numerous challenges that test his strength and resolve. His journey is not merely a physical one; it is also an emotional and spiritual odyssey that leads him to confront his fears and embrace his true self. Through trials and tribulations, Sinhabahu evolves from a being caught between two worlds into a figure of strength and leadership, ultimately finding his place within the societal fabric. This transformation is not only significant for him personally but also catalyzes change within his community, illustrating the power of self-discovery and the importance of embracing one’s roots.

The Connection Between Sinhabahu and Hindu Mythology

The narrative of Sinhabahu, a prominent figure in Sri Lankan folklore, exhibits intriguing parallels with elements of Hindu mythology, particularly in its themes of heroism, divine lineage, and the interplay between human and supernatural realms. Sinhabahu is often depicted as a superhuman with enormous strength and nobility. This dual heritage resonates with the Hindu concept of avatars, where divine beings take on various forms to fulfill cosmic duties. Furthermore, the tale of Sinhabahu’s journey to establish a kingdom in Sri Lanka mirrors the epic quests found in Hindu epics, such as the Ramayana and Mahabharata, where protagonists face formidable challenges and engage in battles that determine the fate of their realms. The lion, a symbol of power and courage in both traditions, further cements the connection, as it appears in various forms across Hindu texts, representing divine protection and royal authority. Thus, the story of Sinhabahu not only enriches the cultural tapestry of Sri Lanka but also reflects the broader themes present in Hindu mythology, illustrating the shared narrative motifs that transcend geographical boundaries.

Beowulf and Sinhabahu

The ancient English epic poem Beowulf shares notable similarities with the tale of Sinhabahu. Beowulf, recognized as the oldest surviving epic in the English language, dates back to around 700 AD and has undergone numerous retellings before being transcribed. This narrative follows the heroic journey of a prince who confronts and defeats the fearsome monster Grendel, ultimately liberating his people from terror. Both Beowulf and Sinhabahu, along with contemporary narratives such as Star Wars, particularly the conflict between Luke Skywalker and Darth Vader, illustrate a recurring theme of paternal conflict. In these stories, the son often rises against the father’s authority, embodying a primal animosity that culminates in acts of patricide. This motif underscores a deep-seated struggle for identity and power, reflecting the complexities of familial relationships across different cultures and eras.

Although Beowulf and the Sri Lankan myth of Sinhabahu originate from different cultural backgrounds and possess unique storylines, they share several notable similarities. Both narratives feature heroic protagonists who are of noble descent, embodying the ideals of bravery and valor. Central to their tales is the confrontation with formidable, monstrous adversaries that threaten their realms, highlighting the theme of the hero’s struggle against chaos and evil. Furthermore, the legacies of these characters are deeply intertwined with their extraordinary feats and the strength they exhibit, which ultimately shape the destinies of their people and kingdoms. Each story serves as a foundational myth within its respective culture, symbolizing a significant era marked by heroic endeavors and the establishment of societal values, thus reinforcing the importance of these figures in the collective memory and identity of their cultures.

Symbols and Cultural Meanings in the Legend of Sinhabahu

In the legend of Sinhabahu, the lion, or Sinha, serves as a pivotal symbol, embodying the origins of the Sinhala ethnic group and representing a powerful male archetype that resonates deeply with the identity of the Sri Lankan people. Within this rich narrative, Sinhabahu himself emerges as a significant figure, symbolizing the collective history and cultural heritage shared by the community. The story also introduces the theme of incest, which not only transgresses established social norms but also signifies a rupture in familial ties, thereby reflecting the totemic roots of the Sinhala nation. This complex interplay of symbols highlights the intricate relationship between identity, history, and cultural values in the context of Sri Lanka’s past.

Cultural symbols encompass a range of objects, words, and actions that embody the shared meanings, values, and beliefs prevalent within a particular society, thereby facilitating communication and reinforcing a sense of group identity. These symbols can take various forms, including tangible items, specific behaviors, and linguistic expressions, all of which offer a window into the collective consciousness of a culture and act as vital tools for both individual expression and communal solidarity. It is important to recognize that the significance attributed to a symbol is not universal; rather, it is shaped by cultural context and can differ markedly between societies or even evolve within the same culture over time. This dynamic nature of symbols underscores their role in reflecting and shaping the identities and experiences of individuals within a cultural framework.

Obeyesekere offers a deep exploration of how symbols, cultural meanings, and individual concepts undergo transformation, adaptation, and redefinition over time, significantly impacting Sri Lankan society. This evolution can manifest on a societal scale, leading to shifts in cultural norms and collective identities, or on a psychological level, where it fosters personal development and the integration of previously unrecognized aspects of consciousness. Such changes are not merely superficial; they reflect a dynamic interplay between tradition and modernity, revealing how individuals and communities navigate the complexities of their cultural landscapes. Through this lens, one can appreciate the intricate processes that shape human experience, highlighting the fluidity of meaning and the ongoing dialogue between the past and the present.

The Application of Psychoanalytic Concepts to the Sinhabahu Myth

The application of psychoanalytic concepts to the Sinhabahu myth is explored through the lens of ethnopsychoanalysis, which interprets the narrative as a profound psychological drama that encapsulates the archetypal conflicts inherent in the human psyche. This approach delves into the myth’s characters and their interactions, revealing the underlying emotional and psychological struggles that resonate with universal human experiences. By examining the myth in this context, one can uncover the symbolic representations of internal conflicts, such as the battle between primal instincts and societal expectations, as well as the quest for identity and belonging. The rich tapestry of the Sinhabahu story thus serves as a mirror reflecting the complexities of human nature, illustrating how these timeless themes continue to shape our understanding of self and society.

Integrating psychoanalytic theories into the field of anthropology enriches the analysis of cultures by delving into the unconscious motivations that shape human behavior. This exploration allows for a deeper understanding of subjective experiences, illuminating how cultural expressions such as myths and rituals are often grounded in universal psychological frameworks. By adopting this interdisciplinary perspective, researchers can uncover the intricate power dynamics and processes of socialization that exist beneath the surface of cultural variances. Such insights enhance ethnographic studies by revealing the often-overlooked dimensions of life, thereby refining our comprehension of why certain experiences resonate with social significance while others remain on the periphery. This approach not only broadens the scope of cultural analysis but also fosters a more nuanced appreciation of shared human experiences across diverse societies.

Symbolic Transformation in the Sinhabahu Myth

Symbolic transformation encompasses the dynamic processes through which symbols, meanings, and cultural elements undergo change and development across various contexts and over time. This phenomenon significantly impacts societal norms, shapes personal identity, and influences our comprehension of the world around us. It manifests in cultural evolution, where symbols adapt to reflect new social realities and dynamics, as well as in individual psychological growth, exemplified by Carl Jung’s exploration of how symbols facilitate the transformation of the individual psyche. Additionally, symbolic transformation is evident in the realms of art and design, where creators skillfully manipulate existing images to forge new symbolic interpretations and convey complex ideas. Furthermore, this concept extends into more technical domains, such as the transformation of mathematical objects within symbolic languages, illustrating the versatility and breadth of symbolic transformation across diverse fields of human endeavor.

Obeyesekere explores the intricate ways in which cultures create and utilize symbolic frameworks, such as myths and rituals, to address and reinterpret fundamental psychological challenges that are universally experienced. His analysis delves into the mechanisms through which these cultural constructs serve not only as coping strategies but also as means of understanding and giving meaning to the human experience. By examining various cultural contexts, Obeyesekere highlights how these symbolic systems reflect the collective psyche and provide individuals with a sense of identity and belonging. This investigation reveals the profound relationship between cultural expressions and psychological phenomena, illustrating how societies navigate existential questions and emotional struggles through the lens of their unique traditions and narratives.

Anthropological Interpretation of the Sinhabahu Myth

Anthropological interpretation involves deciphering the complexities of cultures and human behaviors by exploring the intricate “web of significance” or “webs of meaning” that individuals construct and navigate, rather than attempting to identify overarching universal principles. This approach emphasizes the importance of context and the subjective experiences of people within their cultural frameworks. In this light, Obesekara provides a comprehensive analysis of the Sinhabahu myth, illustrating how this narrative serves as a reflection of the values, beliefs, and social structures inherent in the culture from which it originates. By examining the myth through an anthropological lens, one can uncover the deeper meanings and implications it holds for the community, revealing how such stories shape identity and influence social dynamics.

The Anthropological Interpretation of the Sinhabahu Myth delves into the cultural and social significance of this narrative within the context of Sri Lankan society. Sinhabahu becomes the progenitor of the Sinhalese people and serves as a foundational legend that encapsulates themes of identity and power.   From an anthropological perspective, the myth can be seen as a reflection of the historical and social dynamics of the Sinhalese community, illustrating their quest for legitimacy and unity in a diverse cultural landscape. The lion, a symbol of strength and royalty, represents not only the valor of the Sinhalese but also their aspirations for sovereignty and cultural pride. By examining the myth through an anthropological lens, one can gain insights into how such stories function as vehicles for cultural transmission, reinforcing social norms and collective memory while also addressing existential questions about lineage, belonging, and the human condition.

Sinabahu – A Paradigmatic Myth

A paradigmatic myth serves as a crucial, archetypal narrative that lays the groundwork for understanding the origins, identity, and values of a culture. This foundational story acts as a narrative framework that not only shapes the beliefs and social structures of a society but also influences its worldview. By providing a culturally significant reference point, such myths are often invoked to elucidate contemporary issues and to offer guidance for future directions. A prime example of such a myth is the tale of Sinhabahu in Sri Lanka, which plays a pivotal role in forging a national identity through a shared origin narrative. This myth encapsulates the essence of the culture, reinforcing communal bonds and collective values that resonate through generations.

Cultures are characterized by foundational myths that serve to create and uphold a collective worldview, elucidate the origins and essence of the universe, and define humanity’s role within it. These narratives not only reinforce societal norms and values but also offer essential guidance for navigating life’s complexities. By legitimizing various customs, rituals, and aspects of identity, these myths provide a framework through which individuals can understand their place in the world. They encapsulate the symbolic interpretations of a community’s shared reality, acting as a navigational tool for successive generations as they confront the challenges of existence. Through these stories, cultures transmit wisdom and insights that shape the moral and ethical landscape of society, ensuring continuity and cohesion across time.

The tale of Sinhabahu serves as a quintessential example of an ideal myth, encapsulating the cultural heritage, origins, and identity of a nation. Such narratives are not unique to any single culture; rather, they resonate across various societies worldwide, each offering a unique lens through which to view human experience. These paradigmatic myths function as foundational stories that help individuals comprehend the complexities of existence and human behavior. For instance, the Greek myth of Sisyphus poignantly illustrates the concept of futile labor, while the Old Testament’s Exodus narrative stands as a cornerstone for the identity of Israel. Similarly, the myth of Romulus and Remus provides the legendary backdrop for the founding of Rome. Beyond these examples, myths often encompass creation stories, heroic journeys, and explanatory tales that seek to clarify the underlying reasons for existence and the nature of the world. Through these rich narratives, societies articulate their values, beliefs, and collective memories, thereby reinforcing their cultural identity and continuity.

Conclusion

Gananath Obeyesekere’s “The Work of Culture: Symbolic Transformation in Psychoanalysis and Anthropology” delves into the intricate ways in which cultural symbolic systems in South Asia, with a particular focus on Sri Lanka, serve to navigate and reshape psychological challenges. The book critically examines the Oedipus complex through the lenses of Hindu and Buddhist traditions, juxtaposing these interpretations with Freudian theories to highlight their relevance within specific cultural practices. By investigating the dynamic relationship between psychoanalysis and anthropology, Obeyesekere seeks to illuminate the nuances of human symbolic expression and the deeper meanings embedded in cultural contexts. This exploration not only enriches our understanding of psychological dilemmas but also underscores the significance of cultural frameworks in shaping individual and collective identities.

He explores the notion of “symbolic remove,” a term he uses to describe the intricate process through which symbolic forms, deeply embedded in cultural frameworks, are both created and redefined through the lens of individual cognition. This concept highlights the interplay between personal and cultural symbols, illustrating how they collectively influence individual identity while simultaneously contributing to broader societal meanings. Obeyesekere’s analysis offers a sophisticated perspective on the ways in which cultural symbols evolve, emphasizing the dynamic relationship between individual experiences and the collective cultural narrative.

Obeyesekere highlights a notable aspect of the Sinhabahu myth: the absence of any indication of remorse or ethical concerns regarding the act of parricide, which is the killing of one’s father. This lack of emotional conflict within the narrative is particularly striking, as it raises questions about the moral implications of such a grave act. In many cultural stories, parricide is often accompanied by feelings of guilt or regret, serving as a reflection of the societal values surrounding familial bonds and the sanctity of life. However, in the case of Sinhabahu, the narrative seems to present the act as a straightforward event, devoid of any moral scrutiny or emotional fallout. This absence invites deeper analysis of the cultural context in which the myth was created, suggesting a different set of values or beliefs regarding authority, power, and familial relationships. The implications of this narrative choice are significant, as they challenge conventional understandings of morality and the human experience in relation to familial obligations.

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By Dr. Sarath Obeysekera

India’s declaration to become a leading naval and shipbuilding nation by 2047 under its Blue Economy vision marks a strategic shift in the Indian Ocean. With new subsidies, policies and ambitious targets, India is seeking to dominate global shipbuilding and maritime services. This development is not merely an Indian story; it is a regional one — and Sri Lanka stands to gain if it acts now.

Geography Is Sri Lanka’s Greatest Asset

Few countries are as strategically located as Sri Lanka. Sitting at the very centre of the East–West maritime corridor and only 22 nautical miles from India at its closest point, Sri Lanka is the natural hub for shipping, logistics and naval support. As India’s shipbuilding capacity expands, the demand for repair, maintenance and resupply facilities close to major shipping lanes will rise sharply. Colombo, Trincomalee and Hambantota are uniquely positioned to provide this.

Ports as Twin Engines of Growth

Colombo Dockyard has a long history of partnership with international investors. With India’s Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited (MDL) and other firms looking outward, Sri Lanka could host satellite repair yards, dry docks and refitting facilities. Trincomalee, one of the world’s finest natural harbours, could emerge as a joint logistics and fleet base, while Galle could be developed into a specialised dry-dock hub for green fuels, LNG bunkering and submarine servicing. Such diversification would strengthen Sri Lanka’s economy and maritime security simultaneously.

Naval Logistics and Training Opportunities

India’s naval expansion also creates opportunities in logistics, training and supply chains. Sri Lanka can provide refuelling, replenishment and crew rest facilities to Indian and other friendly navies transiting the Indian Ocean. Joint training academies, simulation centres and vocational institutions could be established in collaboration with Indian partners to develop welders, marine engineers and naval architects. This would provide thousands of skilled jobs to Sri Lankan youth.

Synergy in the Blue Economy

Beyond shipbuilding, both countries share common interests in the Blue Economy: marine technology R&D, offshore energy, undersea cables, and sustainable fisheries. By aligning policies and regulations, Sri Lanka can attract Indian private investment into marine services and offshore manufacturing, positioning itself as a complementary hub to India’s industrial base.

Diplomacy and Strategic Balance

Deepening maritime cooperation with India does not mean sacrificing neutrality. On the contrary, it can enhance Sri Lanka’s security guarantees and bargaining power with other major powers, including China and the US. Multi-lateral funding and private investment are more likely to flow when a small country is seen as stable, strategically connected and open to partnerships.

The Road Ahead

To fully capitalise on India’s naval ambition, Sri Lanka should:

• Conclude Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) with Indian shipyards for joint training, repair work and supply chain integration.
• Position Trincomalee as the flagship Indo-Lanka maritime project under a public–private partnership framework.
• Offer incentives for Indian private shipbuilders to set up satellite operations in Sri Lanka.
• Streamline security and regulatory frameworks to ensure confidence among international stakeholders.

Conclusion

India’s march toward becoming a naval and shipbuilding power by 2047 is a generational shift in the Indian Ocean. For Sri Lanka, this is not a threat but an opportunity. By acting strategically now, Colombo can turn its geographical advantage into sustainable economic growth, maritime security and long-term relevance in the regional order.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Courtesy Biometric  Update.com

The Department for Registration of Persons (DRP) in Sri Lanka is raising concerns about the proposed unique digital identity project (SL-UDI), especially pertaining to the role of a foreign master system integrator (MSI) accountable for the project’s delivery, maintenance, and integration.

A senior DRP official told Biometric Update on Wednesday that the DRP has to be aligned with the 1968 Number 32 Persons Registration Act in the country, which is a law that provides for the registration of all citizens and the issuance of National Identity Cards to eligible individuals, and will not do anything that goes beyond this act.

The Indian National Institute for Smart Government (NISG) is seeking bids from Indian companies to appoint an MSI for this initiative, to collect citizens’ demographic and biometric data, similar to India’s Aadhaar system. At least 40 Indian firms have applied for this.

P.T.G. Perera, the Acting Project Director of Sri Lanka’s electronic national identity card (e-NIC) project, raised 22 specific concerns to the Digital Economy Ministry in a letter. A major issue is that the MSI would have control over sensitive data and profile management, which traditionally falls under the DRP’s IT department, potentially undermining established oversight and data security protocols.

The senior official noted that signing off on this will need the Attorney General’s clearance.

The SL-UDI project is positioned as a basis of Sri Lanka’s digital economy, aiming to provide citizens with a unique digital identifier that enables seamless digital transactions and interactions. However, Perera’s letter highlights several risks, including restricted bidding of the MSI to Indian entities, vague clauses regarding data export, and the potential for data leakage during the data migration process. The MSI’s control over critical security components raises further alarms about data sovereignty.

At this point, we need the roles and responsibilities of the DRP to be clearly outlined. There are concerns about data migration and setting up data centers, etc, which need more clarity. Also, the arbitration process outlined in the bid documents would take place in New Delhi, effectively side-stepping Sri Lanka’s judicial system, while intellectual property rights may remain with the contractor,” the senior official further stressed. The limitation of liability clause poses a major risk, as it limits the contractor’s liability to only 10% of the contract value in cases of data breaches, leaving the Sri Lankan government susceptible to substantial financial losses.

Perera’s letter also notes overlaps with existing systems, such as the e-NIC, and warns that the MSI’s management of IT assets could upset governance and security protocols. Legal frameworks for certain biometric data collection, like iris scans, are still not enabled by law, which is also a setback.

The Supreme Court is set to consider a petition challenging the India-Sri Lanka Memorandum of Understanding related to SL-UDI on October 17, underscoring the ongoing legal and governance challenges surrounding this major digital initiative.

Courtesy The Washington Post

The deadly protests in Nepal that forced the country’s prime minister to resign on Tuesday were a result of long-simmering discontent ignited by the government’s ban on major social media platforms

A protester wearing flak jacket and carrying a shield snatched from a policeman shouts slogans at the Singha Durbar, the seat of Nepal’s government’s various ministries and offices during a protest against social media ban and corruption in Kathmandu, Nepal, Tuesday, Sept. 9, 2025. (AP Photo/Niranjan Shrestha)

NEW DELHI — The swelling wave of public anger first swept through the island nation of Sri Lanka in 2022 and ousted the president. Two years later, it erupted in Bangladesh as protesters toppled the ruling government. On Monday public fury exploded in Nepal , forcing its prime minister to resign a day after.

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Each protest movement began with a specific grievance that flared up, ending in the rejection of the government or its leaders.

In many ways, the protest movements share a common feature: disillusioned peoples’ resentment against the ruling elite and an entrenched political system they hold responsible for rampant corruption, deepening inequality and economic disparities.

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Often led by young people, the protests have sparked deadly violence and sometimes left behind a political vacuum filled by unelected leaders and a worsening law and order situation.

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A perception of ruling elites as being both corrupt and ineffective at delivering a plausible path forward has created a structural basis for major crises,” said Paul Staniland, a politics professor specializing in South Asia at the University of Chicago.

Nepal’s public fury is largely against the political elite

The youth-led protests in Nepal began on Monday as simmering discontent over years was ignited by the government’s ban on major social media platforms. Many were particularly angry that the children of political leaders seem to enjoy a lavish lifestyle, while most of the population was dealing with economic problems, rising unemployment and widespread corruption.

The unrest has left at least 19 people dead.

Protesters — who have not clearly spelled out their demands apart from rallying under the anti-corruption call — burned the parliament building, presidential house, and residences of several ministers and other politicians. Bending to mounting public pressure, Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Oli reversed the social media ban and quit. However, he will still lead a caretaker government until a new one is in place.

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It is unclear what the new government would look like and whether it will constitute the old political guard. Many Nepalis fear a familiar sequence of bargaining among the same political class they want to overthrow.

Nepal is fraught with frequent political instability and each prime minister’s tenure has lasted just a year or two since the new constitution came into effect in 2015. The country abolished its monarchy in 2006, after a violent uprising that forced its former king to give up his authoritarian rule.

Staniland said the violence could make it much harder to determine who should be in charge or how they should proceed.”

The big question now in Nepal will be whether order can be restored and new, stable political dispensation forged,” he said.

Before Nepal there was Bangladesh and Sri Lanka

Those in Nepal looking for answers about its future will not find solace in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

The lack of consensus on basic reform demands like elections and anti-corruption mechanisms, and an uncertain road map for the future, have dented the democratic progress in those countries and further exacerbated the problems they face.

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In Bangladesh, student-led protests started with anger against rules that limited the number of civil service jobs based on merit. They morphed into a massive nationwide uprising in July last year that culminated in the ousting of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Hundreds of people, mostly students, were killed in violent protests.

Hasina fled to India, and an unelected interim administration, headed by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, was installed. He promised to restore order and hold a new election after necessary reforms.

One year on, Bangladesh remains mired in instability. Politic parties are bickering over election dates. Mob violence, political attacks on rival parties and groups, and hostility to vulnerable minority groups by religious hard-liners have surged.

In Sri Lanka, the then-Prime minister Ranil Wickremensignhe took over the country after protesters forced the powerful Rajapaksa clan out in 2022. The country later had a democratic transition of power after Marxist lawmaker Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected as president last year. He promised to improve standards of living, clean up government and hold corrupt politicians responsible for their actions.

Almost a year later, Sri Lanka’s problems seem far from over. Its people continue to deal with issues like economic hardships, human rights concerns and foreign-debt default.

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There is no sign of the ideals of change desired by the protesters,” said Veeragathy Thanabalasingham, a Colombo-based political expert.

Wider instability in the region

Recent popular revolts have also rocked other nations in the region.

In Indonesia, deadly protests last week over lawmakers’ perks and the cost of living forced the country’s president to replace key economic and security ministers. The protests have led to the death of at least seven people.

In Myanmar, imprisoned former leader Aung San Suu Kyi ’s democratically-elected government was ousted by the military in 2021. Resistance to the military government has grown, and the country is now in the midst of a brutal civil war.

Staniland said while most protests come and go without such dramatic results” as those seen in Nepal, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, the kindling is there for miscalculations and unexpected events to spiral.”

I think Nepal represents the new politics of instability in South Asia,” he said.

Courtesy Adaderana

The Commanding Officer of the army camp in Palinagar, a Lieutenant Colonel, has been arrested by the Western Province North Police Crime Division.

He has been arrested for allegedly selling 260 rounds of ammunition used in T-56 rifles for Rs. 650,000 to the underworld criminal figure known as ‘Commando Salintha’, who was recently arrested in Jakarta, Indonesia. 

He is currently in the custody of the Criminal Investigations Department (CID).

Police said that the Lieutenant Colonel of the Sri Lanka Army was arrested by officers of the Western Province North Police Crime Division while serving as the commanding officer of the army camp in Palinagar.

It has been revealed that 260 live rounds of ammunition used in T-56 firearms were given by the arrested suspect in two batches of 200 and 60 bullets to the underworld figure, and that he had received a sum of Rs. 650,000 in return for them.

It is also reported that the Lieutenant Colonel had previously served at the Commando Regiment Headquarters in Ganemulla in 2017, where ‘Commando Salintha’ had served under him.

However, it is reported that the arrested army officer was later removed from the regiment due to a disciplinary issue and was assigned to serve in the Light Infantry Regiment.

Courtesy Hiru News

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa has arrived at his Carlton House residence in Tangalle, where he was greeted by a large crowd of supporters and well-wishers.

The former president arrived at around 5:00 PM this afternoon, after travelling from his Wijerama official residence.

The crowd, which included Buddhist monks, was so large that he had difficulty entering the house.

Buddhist monks chanted blessings for him, and Venerable Pannarathana of the Tangalle Ran Kothmalu Viharaya and Venerable Dhammawansa of the Dangala Vajiragiri Viharaya delivered special addresses.

During the event, former Member of Parliament Sanjeeva Edirimanna gave a vote of thanks, stating that the people gathered had come from their hearts to see their beloved leader.

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ වේදනාවෙන් විජේරාම නිල නිවසෙන් ගිය හැටි ”සර් පරිස්සමෙන් යන්න.. බුදු සරණයි”-Hiru News

Shenali D Waduge

Across Europe (the Colored Revolutions), the Arab world (Arab Spring), and parts of Asia (the Asian Spring”), movements that appeared as spontaneous youth uprisings often bore the fingerprints of external intervention and local opportunism. Genuine grievances existed, but they were amplified and redirected to produce political outcomes that benefited external powers and selfish local elites, while ordinary tax paying citizens bore the cost — little do the youth realize that the very upheavals they ignite often boomerang back upon themselves.

By the time the consequences hit, the youth often realize too late: they have helped destroy their nation, erased its history, saddled it with debt, allowed foreign actors to dictate policies, and lost all control over their own future — the very same youth, taught to ask what’s the use in learning history”, now see their own place in it erased as ‘mischief makers.

Victim countries:

• Europe / Eurasia:Serbia (Otpor), Georgia (Rose), Ukraine (Orange/Maidan), Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Belarus (attempts).

• Middle East / North Africa:Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Bahrain.

• Asia:Hong Kong, Thailand, Sri Lanka (2022), Nepal (2024–25), Bangladesh, Indonesia.

The template (how it’s done)

Youth Manipulated Regime-Change Template” — is the operational playbook:

1. Select or create a grievance
   — pick a real or small issue (corruption, new laws, social-media ban, fuel shortages) and portray it as existential for youth/public – build momentum.

• Digital seeding & emotional branding
  — memes, short videos, music, hired influencers and hashtags manufacture outrage. Social media algorithms amplify anger in echo chambers, making dissent appear universal.

• Mobilize youth physically
  — student unions, campus networks, cultural stars and event organizers are used to get people on the street. Attention seeking pop stars, athletes, celebrities and artists glamorize rebellion, making protest look heroic and fashionable.

• Insert a hero” or face
  — an outsider (artist, rapper, local celebrity, or a known personality pumped to popularity as the hero”– Maithripala in 2015) is elevated as the clean” political alternative. Nepal’s case a rapper” emerges.

• Plug in local opportunists seeking political revenge
  — disgruntled elites, corporates, media owners and lobbyists ride the wave to gain contracts, market advantage, or political power.

• External amplification & enabling
  — NGOs, donor networks, media outlets and diplomatic channels amplify the narrative, provide training/funding, and offer political cover. Often, youth leaders were pre-groomed abroad through scholarships, exchange programs, or activist training camps gifted laptops, smart phones etc.

• Escalate to delegitimization
  — sustained protest, targeted attacks on institutions or leaders, and international pressure delegitimize incumbent authority. The hit lists are prepare well in advance.

• Install the preferred outcome
  — forced removals, resignation, caretaker government, or new leadership aligned to external and local stakeholder interests (Bangladesh has Yunus flown from overseas to take over)

Toying with Youth Minds — Psychological Levers

1. Identity & Belonging
2. Young people seek meaning, purpose, and power.
3. Protest culture offers instant identity: I matter, I am part of something big, I am powerful.” offering youth an instant sense of meaning and power without long-term responsibility or even accountability for the violence unleashed.
4. Moral Champions
5. Youth are framed as warriors of justice — good vs evil.”
6. This moral high ground is used to justifyextreme acts, including violence and destruction at times even murder (Sri Lanka murder of a MP & his security), Nepal’s Finance Minister dragged naked across the streets, youth screaming at the faces of armed forces personnel, under the excuse of righteous anger.” this framing allows outsiders to justify funding and media bias under the guise of supporting ‘justice
7. Social Proof
8. Viral videos, trending hashtags, and celebrity endorsements create a bandwagon effect.
9. International media glorifies protest leaders, giving themsuperstar status and amplifying their influence.  illusion of majority support makes dissenters feel isolated or guilty.”
10. UNHRC head Volk Turk’s statement asks the security forces to exercise utmost restraint” – is he asking them to be onlookers & watch State buildings burn to ground and elected leaders burnt alive?
11. Anger + Optics
12. Emotional images (queues, corruption, poverty, repression – Nepali’s emotion was aroused by showing leaders & their families enjoying luxury lifestyles to build envy jealousy & hate) are amplified daily to sustain the protest further
13. Outrage is deliberately stoked faster than reasoned dialogue — youth are fueled by emotions, not analysis.
14. Escalation Inertia
15. Once crowds fill the streets, momentum takes over.
16. Fear of missing out (FOMO) keeps participation growing, even as protests radicalize.
17. Media doesn’t help matters by their 24×7 broadcast – automatically lure others to join and be part of the system change”.
18. Nobody wants to be seen as the one who stayed home – many feeling they may be targeted if they did not take part. Ironically, the system change is a change from national freedom into international fiefdom.

What happens after the riots

1. Economic collapse and who pays
2. Markets flee, investors flee, tourists vanish, foreign reserves drain, credit lines freeze.
3. Ordinary citizens pay: job losses, inflation, shortages, reduced public services, public records burnt or missing,
4. Public officials too scared to work
5. Elites who engineered changefrequently reposition to capture privatized assets; the public bears the cost (bailouts, IMF conditionality). often buying public wealth at fire-sale prices during IMF-driven restructuring
6. Post-protests = Who is now in control & who is now being controlled? – Sri Lanka is today trapped by IMF & international creditors, its Central Bank is now independent & the State has no control over it.

1. Institutional destruction & loss of sovereignty
2. When state institutions (finance, security, judiciary) are destroyed or weakened, external actors impose conditionality (loans, advisors, technical” governance). Violent youth cannot touch them.
3. Sovereignty is replaced by dependency (financial, military, diplomatic).

Youth can never take out their frustrations against them.

1. Destruction of heritage & iconic symbols
2. Attacks or cleansing” of monuments, museums, libraries, court houses erase physical memory and civic identity.

Nation’s history erased by their own. No foreign boots are needed.

• Iconic buildings are targeted not only for symbolic shock but to destroy continuity of law, history and national pride.
• What colonials invaders did – the nation’s youth have duplicated.

1. Digitalization as the new control layer
2. Crises accelerate digital ID, databases, and surveillance systems — usually designed abroad.

Youth have no say to even change.

• These systems embed foreign leverage into national governance.
• Once digitized, records can be monitored, altered, or deleted.
• Protesters become most exposed: their data can be flagged, restricted, or erased with a key stroke.

1. Erasure of protesters & weaponizing records
2. If you become listed” as an enemy (legally or administratively), your digital footprint can be narrowed or removed: bank access restricted, social records wiped, travel blocked, even medications restricted.

What can youth do now – nothing?

• Digital control makes past protests traceable and punishable; it also enables remote control(platform bans, financial blacklists, algorithmic silencing).
• They could take to the streets for a social media ban – if everything is digitally controlled from abroad & social media is removed – how will these youth take out their anger?

Larger motive: why destroy buildings, erase history and push digitalization?

• Destroying symbolssevers links to national memory and weakens civic cohesion — easier to re-model society when people lose a shared past.
• Erasing historiesof radicalized youth or inconvenient movements prevents future mobilization and lets new elites rewrite legitimacy.
• Digitalizationconsolidates state power in technical systems that are controlled or influenced by external tech companies and advisory networks — a convenient lever to monitor, profile, and neutralize dissent remotely.

Together, these actions move a society from a territorial, community-based polity to an environment where behavior is governed by data, algorithms, and third-party platforms controlled overseas — and where rebels can be made invisible on paper and online.

What this means politically & socially

Short term: regime change or strong concessions to external actors and local winners.

Medium term: economic pain, social fragmentation, brain drain, cultural erosion. Media footage is likely to ensure none of these youth are given passports to live or work overseas after they have completed their task.

Long term: digital dependency and reduced civic freedoms — the ability to protest, dissent, or reclaim history is constrained.

The Boomerang Effect

Across continents, the same playbook has been used: manufacture or magnify grievances, mobilize youth, hijack civic outrage, and exploit the aftermath to weaken sovereignty and capture national assets.

But as the world sinks deeper into economic fragility, cultural erosion, and digital dependency, one question remains: what do the architects of these manipulations ultimately seek — and why engineer more chaos when global stability is already collapsing?

By the time the consequences hit, the youth often realize too late: they have helped destroy their nation, erased its history, saddled it with debt, allowed foreign actors to dictate policies, and lost all control over their future.

Ironically, the so-called system change” transforms national freedom into international fiefdom — the youth themselves have given away the keys to their nation.

Sadly, where are the leaders and key participants of these protests?

Across continents, they are seldom seen or heard — never held accountable, and rarely facing the fallout.

Shouldn’t the youth ask themselves:

What have we truly achieved? What have we unleashed?”

Instead of convincing themselves they did the right thing, they now face outcomes far worse than the injustices they accused those they chased out of committing.

This silence of leaders, combined with the very visible consequences for ordinary citizens, exposes the core manipulation: the youth are used as tools, and then abandoned to bear the cost.

Shenali D Waduge

By Rohana R. Wasala

Professor Michael K. Jerryson of Youngstown State University, Ohio, USA,  testified on the subject of ‘Human Rights Concerns in Sri Lanka’ before the ‘Subcommittee on Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations, House Committee on Foreign Affairs (of the U.S. House of Representatives) on June 20, 2018. While delivering his statement, Jerryson submitted a written testimony into the record. He thanked Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, and other Members of the Committee  for ‘addressing a very important issue facing Sri Lanka, which is also a larger issue of peace and stability for South and South Asia today’.

The witness described himself as ‘a professor of religious studies at Youngstown State University’ who had ‘worked on Buddhism and violence for over 20 years’ from 1998 until then (2018). He claimed that he had travelled, and done his fieldwork, in Asia. His work involved ‘living and interviewing Buddhist civilians and monks involved in Buddhist-supported violence’ (!). Then he mentioned a list of his then recent publications including his ‘Mongolian Buddhism: The Rise and Fall of the Sangha (Silk Worm, 2008)……….., and ‘Violence and the world’s Religious Traditions (Oxford, 2016).

Jerryson explained that his ‘position’ as a scholar of religion was ‘not to judge a religion or its adherents, but rather to illuminate the ways in which religious values motivate or influence people and social patterns’. He said that, in his work, he ‘found that religion is one of the most undervalued and misunderstood causes for violence and for reconciliation in the contemporary world’. Moving towards his central topic, he identified ‘strong pervasive identifications’ as the basic cause of the current problems in Sri Lanka. Jerryson asserted that for many Sri Lankan Buddhists ‘a true Sri Lankan is a Sinhala Buddhist’.  He arbitrarily concluded that this was ‘a powerful normative influence throughout Sri Lanka’, and that the same social conformity inducing Buddhist influence was found within the larger South and Southeast Asian societies at present. So he avers that ‘the change necessary in Sri Lanka……… requires a systemic shift in the way Sri Lankans identify themselves and their concept of the nation (and, concurrently, patriotism)’. He told the Committee that, while drawing on the information that he gathered from scholars, journalists and NGO workers, he expressed his own (independent) views in his testimony.  

I (RRW) was surprised to find that he mentions my name in a footnote with an extract from an article of mine published in the online news forum Lankaweb/June 17, 2018, that he uses as an example of what he alleges to be ‘Buddhist propaganda’ (something that I would have confidently challenged, had I known it at that time); but I came across Jerryson’s statement quite by chance only a couple of months ago while scouring the internet for any information about a possible letup in the strong bias against Sri Lanka that still persists in Western countries for no other reason than successfully overcoming mindless separatist terrorism in 2009 against their domestic votebank based unholy expectations. 

The footnote number 8 pertains to the following paragraph in the section of the written testimony under the heading ‘The power of Buddhist monks’:

‘The power behind Buddhist propaganda are Sri Lankan Buddhist monks. The more public and vocal conservative monks have stroked (sic) Sinhala Buddhist fears and angers of minority and marginalized identities. This behavior is distinctly modern. Prior to British colonialism (1815 1948), Buddhist monks legitimated Sri Lankan governments; however, they did not directly participate in any political system. This historic role explains the Sri Lankan Buddhist monk’s  symbol as society’s moral foundation. When Buddhist monks publicly speak, they do so not only as religious voices, but also as political moral authorities.’

The footnote (8) is as follows:

‘A recent editorial by Rohana R. Wasala exemplifies this. Rohana writes, Buddhist monks feel compelled to respond to what they perceive as aggressive acts by non-Buddhist religious extremists that adversely affect the rights of the exceptionally tolerant, accommodative Buddhists. Anti-Buddhist propaganda with an academic veneer – III,” LankaWeb, June 11, 2018,…….’

The word ‘this’ at the end of the first sentence here refers to what is said in the paragraph above, beginning ‘The power behind……’ quoted from Jerryson’s attestation. He says there  that Sri Lankan Buddhist monks, through their ‘Buddhist propaganda’, spread fears among Buddhists while at the same time infuriating ‘minority and marginalized identities’. But he argues that this behaviour of the monks is a new development. Jerryson takes a sweeping view of the Buddhist monks’ relationship with the Lankan state before the period of British colonial rule (1815-1948) as one of ‘legitimating’ governments without participating in any political systems. So the alleged new element in Sri Lankan Buddhist monk’s conduct is that they have started interfering in politics fomenting social unrest to the detriment of so-called minorities and marginalised groups. (This implicit allegation is totally false.) He refers to my Lankaweb article cited above, which he erroneously calls ‘an editorial’ (implying misleadingly that I was the Editor of Lankaweb that he probably saw as a pro-Buddhist website carrying out ‘Buddhist propaganda’). The truth about me is that I am not a professional journalist. I can’t be called a freelancer either, for I don’t write for money. It’s only a post-retirement hobby for me. I write about these things purely  because I love my Motherland. Jerryson has arbitrarily let me be taken for the Editor of Lankaweb. I don’t know why he did that. Further, I abandoned religion at age 15 or 16, when I realised that Buddhism is not a religion at all, except in a cultural sense. I may be called a cultural Buddhist. I don’t subscribe to any particular political or economic ideology. But I believe that the secular democratic system of government is most compatible with Buddhist moral and ethical values. 

I must say at this point that everything that Jerryson maintains against Buddhist monks is false. He relies almost exclusively on questionable sources/biased non-Buddhist informants, while taking casual remarks made by persons like Piyadassi Thera and Dilanthe Vithanage who are highly knowledgeable about the issue involving Buddhist monks vs minority religious extremists as serious but false assertions. It is incredible that a professor who claimed to have done over twenty years’ research about the ridiculously implausible subject of ‘Buddhism and violence’ occurring in many Buddhist countries including Sri Lanka, showed so little knowledge of Buddhism, its history in Sri Lanka, and its vital importance for the majority Buddhist Sri Lanka. Shouldn’t the Sinhalese Buddhist community also enjoy the basic human right of freedom of religion. Buddhism co-exists with any other religion provided that extremist adherents of  other religions do not tread on Buddhists’ toes. 

  Jerryson mentions in his affidavit that, in 2013, he participated in a panel discussion with A.R.M. Imtiaz at the Association for Asian Studies (I found that this is a Michigan/USA based academic NGO, and that Imtiaz, a researcher with an impressive array of academic qualifications acquired in the West, had been teaching in the South Eastern University of Sri Lanka, but is currently, in 2025, serving as a professor at Delaware Valley University, Pennsylvania, USA). At that discussion, Imtiaz read a paper on ‘the persecution of Sri Lankan Muslims in the post-civil war era’, where he argued that ‘the Sri Lankan flag serves as a harbinger for the Sri Lankan ethno-religious strife throughout the last four decades’ (that is, since 1972, the year that Sri Lanka declared itself an independent sovereign republic completely free from British colonial influence, an epoch making event for all Sri Lankans). ‘In his conference presentation, Imtiyaz explained that the Sinhala Buddhists first turned their sword” to the Sri Lankan Tamils during the 26-year civil war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE, 1983-2009). After the Sinhala Buddhist government conquered the last strongholds of the LTTE, they turned their sword” to the next largest minority in their country: the Sri Lankan Muslims.1 For the last five years,….’ 

I quoted this piece of Imtiaz’s academic brilliance to prove that Jerryson’s testimony about alleged Buddhist propaganda and violence against ‘minority and marginalised identifications’ (there has never been any such problem in Sri Lanka) was not worthy of that august body in America, which claims to the only superpower in the world. Imtiaz’s argument was not original, though probably he didn’t tell Jerryson about it. ‘The lion turning its sword menacingly towards Tamils and Muslims’ meme  was popularly known in Sri Lanka before 2013. When an ordinary Muslim articulated this argument to his Sinhalese friend, the latter retorted: ‘Then let’s ask the government to reverse the picture of the lion, but then, won’t you grumble, saying that the lion is turning its tail-raised backside to Tamils and Muslims?’ 

Incidentally, before I conclude, let me point out a very real form of discrimination or even harassment that the majority Sinhala speakers were or probably still are being subjected to by the powers that be, due to anti- Sinhalese Buddhist prejudice (apparently repeated in Jerryson’s own thesis): the appointment of a local office to keep tabs on Sinhala language FB content during the Yahapalanaya of 2015-2019. The Island newspaper published (Thursday, May 3, 2018) an article by me criticizing this anomaly under the title ‘A local office to monitor FB content: Is it a wise move?’

Following this, I wrote a long article about ‘Anti-Buddhist propaganda with an academic veneer’, which was carried in the online Lankaweb in three installments I, II, and III, respectively on June 5, 8, and 11, 2018. It was prompted by the writing of a similarly ill informed Swedish intellectual

mentioned in the opening paragraph of my ‘Anti-Buddhist propaganda with an academic veneer – I’ published on June 5, 2018, thus:

‘A recent  article titled ‘Why Violent Buddhist Extremists Are Targeting Muslims in Sri Lanka’ by Andreas Johansson of Lund University in Sweden available at ………… is a classic example of the relentless anti-Buddhist propaganda carried on by the Western and allied media outlets for a long time now. Johansson’s inexplicable antipathy towards the Sinhalese Buddhist majority of Sri Lanka is clearly reflected in both the title and the opening paragraph ……’ 

It’s as if Michael K. Jerryson of Youngstown State University, USA, responded to my reply to Andreas Johanson of Lund University in Sweden with a better example of anti-Buddhist propaganda with an academic veneer. 

Whatever social unrest took place in the past in the field of interreligious relations in Sri Lanka, it was not initiated by Buddhists; it was always triggered by non-Buddhist extremists bent on proselytising and on encroaching on the traditional Buddhist religious space. The Tamil Hindu minority faces the same threat from those extremists, who promote separatism and proselytisation, pampered and manipulated by the global geopolitical puppet masters in the Indo-Pacific Ocean region where Sri Lanka is located at such a geostrategically sensitive point. It goes without saying that unity between the religiously nonrigid Sinhalese Buddhist majority and the similarly religiously nonrigid Tamil Hindu minority joined by the non extremist majority of mainstream Christian and Muslim communities is the eminently feasible ideal solution to Sri Lanka’s existing problems, if only our pan-Sri Lankan national political leaders develop the collective will to do so without  unnecessarily succumbing to the temporary regional and global hegemonies that try to exploit our internal divisions and rivalries to their advantage and to our detriment.

Dilrook Kannangara

Too much of a good thing can be toxic. A nation must invest only so much in education that its economy needs and can sustain. Investing too much in education is a sure way to invite disaster. This is the main root cause of violent youth uprisings in South Asia. They all started in universities or started by university students. This happened in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Pakistan and now Nepal. It will not happen in Maldives, India and Bhutan as these countries don’t waste too much on education compared to other sectors of the country; and their economies are growing faster than the growth of education spending. However, if they too end up spending more on education than their economies can sustain, then they too will collapse into violence. Prior to coming to South Asia, Libya and Tunisia also suffered the same fate due to the same reasons.

According to economic theory, spending on education must be driven by available economic opportunities. Overspend leads to waste and underspend leads to lower productivity. Sri Lanka does not get the benefits of its tertiary education. Most graduates leave the country without making a sufficient contribution back to the nation. The cost of brain drain runs into billions of dollars every year considering the value of their qualifications in their new home countries and is far worse than corruption by politicians.

In other words, poor taxpayers of the nation don’t get anything from their massive investments in educating most doctors, IT professionals, engineers, commerce graduates, etc. Certain other study streams like arts produce little economic worth anyway. Money spent on tertiary education is mostly wasted. Had these funds been kept with taxpayers or invested in tangible investments, the country would have a better economy for everyone to enjoy.

On the other hand, the large university population have their grievances and they often boil over into the public. The poor economy simply cannot meet their expectations. Had the numbers been kept under control, they would not have been able to create such a big impact.

Investing too much in university education has this twin evils – brain drain on one side and unrest on the other. It’s one or the other and both cost the nation dearly.

The Premadasa approach of 1989 to 1993 is not a sustainable approach to manage it. That approach is inconsistent with modern humanitarian and human rights laws and still cannot stop brain drain and the massive loss it creates.

The right approach is to reduce the university intake to a sustainable number that the Sri Lankan economy can sustain (sustainable spend and sustainable brain drain loss) and the number the local economy can take in (employ). Producing Toronto’s doctors at the expense of poor Lankan taxpayers is insane. Compulsory 10 years of local employment or foreign employment as a Sri Lankan taxpayer should be a condition that should be enforced. If both fail, free education should be restricted to schools only as it was originally intended.

Blaming social media is unwise. Social media is an essential element of modern life. It cannot and should not be banned. The switch is elsewhere.

New laws and means should be introduced to handle financiers of violence, financiers of those who engage in violence and financiers who sustain the basic needs of those who engage in violence. These financiers are accustomed to a comfortable life and basic third world military tactics are sufficient to tame them. Democracy should not be allowed to be hijacked through violence.

However, regimes should not instigate violence by indulging in corruption and waste, disregard of public grievances and taking sensible governance for granted. Ultimately it is the fault of the rulers that creates violent uprisings and possibly lead to the end of their regimes.   

National Development Bank PLC

NDB Bank ceremoniously opened its relocated Akkaraipattu branch on 10th September 2025 at its new premises, No. 71, Ampara Road, Akkaraipattu, marking a significant milestone in its continued journey of serving the community.

Originally established in 2015, the Akkaraipattu branch has proudly served its customers for over nine years, supporting families, entrepreneurs, and businesses across the region. The relocation to a more central and accessible location is driven by the Bank’s intention to offer enhanced convenience, modern facilities, and an elevated banking experience to its valued customers.

The opening ceremony was graced by senior representatives of NDB Bank, including the Sanjaya Perera – Senior Vice President, Zeyan Hameed – Vice President, Retail Banking, Brinthapan Selvanayakam – Regional Head North East, Ganga Wanigaratne – Assistant Vice President, Operations – Trade Finance, Payments & Settlements, Vinjaya Jayasinghe – AVP Head of Branch Operations, and Bahar Nayan – Head of Islamic Banking, alongside distinguished scholars, staff and esteemed customers.

Speaking at the event, the Sanjaya Perera of NDB Bank stated, This relocation represents not only a new beginning for the Akkaraipattu branch but also a renewed commitment to the people of this region. We are proud to bring enhanced facilities and a modernised banking experience closer to our customers, while also taking an inclusive step forward with the establishment of a dedicated Islamic Banking Unit under NDB Shareek. Our vision is to remain a trusted financial partner for individuals, families, and businesses in Akkaraipattu and beyond.”

Additionally the event also ceremoniously acknowledge the first customers to the new branch under Leasing, Deposits, Credit Cards, Araliya, Fixed Deposits, Business Banking (SMEs) and shipa Children’s Savings.

Additionally, the event ceremoniously acknowledged the first customers to the new branch across several key banking services, including Leasing, Deposits, Credit Cards, Araliya Savings, Fixed Deposits, Business Banking (SMEs), and Shipa Children’s Savings

The relocated Akkaraipattu branch stands ready to serve individuals, families, and businesses across the region with the reliability, innovation, and excellence synonymous with NDB.

NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. The Bank was named Sri Lanka’s Best Digital Bank for SMEs at the Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2025 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.

By Lt Gen A B Shivane, PVSM, AVSM, VSM (Retd)  Courtesy The Week

The upheavals across Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal may not be isolated incidents but part of a larger “regional rhythm of a Tsunami” in South Asia

Protesters celebrate at the parliament building after it was set on fire during a protest against social media ban and corruption in Kathmandu, Nepal | AP

South Asia is once again in the eye of the storm. What we are witnessing is not a collection of separate crises but a regional rhythm of a Tsunami. The past few years have produced strikingly similar upheavals. In Sri Lanka, the economic collapse of 2022 brought citizens onto the streets in fury, chasing the once invincible Rajapaksa clan from power. In Bangladesh, the 2024 student-led revolt against discriminatory job quotas snowballed into a nationwide uprising against Sheikh Hasina’s long dominance, ending with her exit from Dhaka. In Nepal, the riots of 2025 began with a social media ban but quickly spiralled into a revolt against corruption, privilege, and Chinese-leaning governance, forcing Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli to resign. Corruption, arrogance, and dynastic privilege have created the conditions. The energy of the young has supplied the spark. And in the shadows, the competing toolkits of Washington and Beijing have ensured that no uprising remains entirely domestic. Each country carries its own cracks. A detailed analysis connects the dots.

Sri Lanka showed the first tremor. The Rajapaksas built their dominance on wartime victory and family control. By 2022, they were undone by empty fuel stations, runaway inflation, and an economy wrecked by debt. People who had never imagined storming state buildings did exactly that. For many, it was not politics but survival: how to cook, how to find medicine, how to keep children in school. The collapse exposed the scale of Chinese lending that had trapped the island, forced India to scramble with credit lines and fuel, and gave Washington a chance to call out Beijing’s ambitions in the Indian Ocean. The slogans on the streets, however, were simpler. They were about anger at theft, rage at privilege, and the right to live with dignity.

Bangladesh followed two years later. Student protests over unfair job quotas seemed at first a contained issue. Within weeks, it had become a full-scale rejection of Sheikh Hasina’s long rule. The state answered with bullets. Over a thousand were killed. Yet the violence did not frighten the young into silence. It deepened their determination and turned the movement into a national revolt. Hasina’s tilt towards China had already irritated Washington, and many in Dhaka saw signs of American encouragement. NGOs and activist networks with external links played their part. India, meanwhile, was caught in an awkward position. For New Delhi, Hasina had been a known acquaintance, a partner it could work with despite her Chinese connections. Her fall left uncertainty on India’s eastern frontier and the prospect of instability spilling across a long and porous border.

Nepal’s storm came in 2025. The trigger was almost absurd in its pettiness: a government order to block Western social media platforms while sparing Chinese ones. To a generation that lives, trades, and earns online, this was an assault on survival. Within hours, it became something much larger. The slogan against nepo kids captured the mood of a country tired of elites who monopolised every opportunity. The state chose repression. Nineteen people were killed, hundreds were injured, but the pressure broke Oli’s government. Here, too, suspicion of outside influence spread quickly. Washington had no patience for Oli’s tilt to Beijing, while China bristled at every American-funded project in Kathmandu. For the United States, Nepal has become part of its anti-China and South Asian footprint calculus. The Millennium Challenge Corporation and broader development aid provided Washington with a foothold in South Asia at a time when Chinese influence was expanding rapidly. US-backed NGOs like ‘Hami Nepal’ gave channelised momentum to the protests. For the youth in Nepal, it was a revolt for dignity. For rival powers, it was another round of their contest.

Placing these three upheavals tells us something more serious. The triggers may differ, but the structure is the same. Weak institutions, corruption without consequence, dynastic capture of politics, and a generation that refuses to remain silent. What makes the moment different from earlier decades is the centrality of youth. They are not marching under old banners of ideology or monarchy. They are marching with smartphones in hand, mobilising through hashtags, demanding jobs and fairness. This is both the region’s strength and its danger. When engaged, they are the source of renewal. When excluded, they become combustible.

Big powers understand this better than local elites. That is why American aid programmes, scholarships, and US-funded NGOs are not just altruism but instruments. That is why Beijing ties infrastructure, loans, and digital platforms to its strategy. Each sees South Asia’s young generation as a constituency to capture. The result is that every domestic protest quickly becomes entangled with outside rivalry. Sri Lanka’s debt became a story of Chinese ports. Bangladesh’s revolt was read as Washington’s pushback. Nepal’s riots were described as the new fault line of the great power rivalry. The region’s citizens want dignity. The outside powers want leverage.

India’s position is the hardest of all. It cannot escape the consequences of unrest around it. Sri Lanka lies across vital sea lanes. Bangladesh shares rivers, borders, and migration flows. Nepal is bound to India by geography and culture. Instability in any of these places reaches India’s own doorstep. Yet heavy-handedness brings its own costs. Past interventions in Nepal and Sri Lanka have left scars. Nationalist politics thrives on suspicion of Indian overreach. New Delhi must remain engaged, but it must not smother. It has to speak to the aspirations of South Asia’s young directly through education, connectivity, and start-up opportunities, while also acting as a steady partner in crises.

Also read

• Why ‘Gen Z’ protesters of Nepal want Sushika Karki as the head of interim government
• Darkest chapter in modern Nepal? With breakdown of law and order, governance, public security, the nation faces uncertainty
• India blocks Nepalis at border amid escaped prisoner fears: Report
• Indian tourist stranded in Nepal asks for help as ‘mob torched hotel’: Nepal Army orders curfew as ‘unruly groups infiltrate protests’

The deeper question is whether these upheavals represent the painful birth of more accountable democracies or whether they mark the beginning of cycles of revolt and repression. The Rajapaksas are gone, but Sri Lanka’s finances remain fragile. Hasina has fallen, but Dhaka is unsettled. Oli resigned, but Nepal’s politics remains paralysed. The societies remain fragile unless faultlines of corruption, demographic change, exclusion and unemployment are not addressed, and nations transition to healthier democracies with little space for external powers to exploit faultlines for their vested agenda. But if despair hardens further, the region may move beyond protest into radicalisation. South Asia has lived through insurgencies before. There is no guarantee it will not happen again.

What we see today is a region at an inflexion point. Youthful energy can drive reform if leaders listen, or it can turn destructive if ignored. External actors can choose to stabilise or continue to exploit fragility. India can be either resented as overbearing or respected as a partner, depending on how it plays its hand. The storm over South Asia has already toppled leaders who thought themselves unassailable. Whether it now clears into renewal or sinks into cycles of unrest will depend on choices made in the years ahead. Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal show that the storm clouds are not lifting. The next flashpoint in South Asia may be only a spark away.

Opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not purport to reflect the opinions or views of THE WEEK.

Courtesy India Today

Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has emerged as Gen Z’s top choice for Nepal’s head of interim government after over 5,000 young people backed her during a nationwide virtual meeting.

Nepal’s former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has emerged as the leading choice of Gen Z after more than 5,000 young people joined a virtual meeting to choose the head of the country’s interim government, following violent protests against a now-withdrawn social media ban.

The online discussion focused on possible candidates for the top post. While Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah was initially viewed as the favourite, participants said he did not respond to repeated attempts to contact him.

“Since he did not take our calls, the discussion shifted to other names. The most support has gone to Sushila Karki,” a Gen Z representative was quoted as saying by Nepali media.

Karki had earlier been approached with the proposal and reportedly asked for at least 1,000 written signatures as a show of support. According to sources, she has now secured over 2,500 signatures, exceeding the demand.

Although Karki emerged as the leading contender, several other prominent names were discussed in the virtual meeting. Participants mentioned Kulman Ghising, the chief of Nepal Electricity Authority, along with youth leader Sagar Dhakal and Dharan Mayor Harka Sampang.

A YouTuber, Random Nepali, also drew considerable backing. However, he said he would only step forward if no other figure accepted the position.

However, it is still a long way to go. If Sushila Karki accepts the proposal, experts in Nepal say she would first meet Army Chief General Ashok Raj Sigdel, followed by seeking approval from President Ram Chandra Poudel.

This comes after Gen Z-led protests against corruption and a now-withdrawn social media ban turned violent, killing at least 30 people. Protesters clashed with security forces on Monday, torching the Parliament House, the President’s Office, the Prime Minister’s residence, party headquarters, and homes of senior leaders.

Foreign Minister Dr. Arzu Rana Deuba, wife of former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, was attacked when protesters stormed their Kathmandu residence. The unrest has seen widespread arson, vandalism, and assaults as anger mounts against Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s government.

WHO IS SUSHILA KARKI?

Sushila Karki, now 72, holds a distinguished place in Nepal’s history as the first woman to serve as Chief Justice. She was appointed in 2016 by then-President Bidya Devi Bhandari on the recommendation of the Constitutional Council led by then-Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli.

Karki began her professional journey as a teacher before entering the judiciary, where she built a reputation as a fearless, competent, and incorruptible figure.

She was part of the 2006 Constitutional Drafting Committee and was appointed as an ad-hoc Supreme Court justice in 2009, becoming permanent the following year. In 2016, she briefly served as Acting Chief Justice before formally taking the top post.

Courtesy India Today

The Nepal Army, led by General Ashok Raj Sigdel and his regional commanders, has assumed control of Kathmandu and key districts after Gen Z-led protests toppled the KP Sharma Oli government.

As Nepal reels from violent protests that forced Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli to resign and flee the country, the Nepal Army has stepped into the breach, taking control of key locations including Tribhuvan International Airport and Singhdurbar. The intervention is being led by the Army’s top commanders, whose strategic deployment aims to restore calm and secure vital infrastructure of the country.

At the helm is Army Chief General Ashok Raj Sigdel, whose career spans command of the Counter Insurgency and Jungle Warfare School, tenure as Director of Military Operations, and service as Vice Chief of Army Staff. A trusted figure in Nepal’s security apparatus, General Sigdel was also conferred the honorary rank of General of the Indian Army, highlighting the close military ties between the two nations.

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Since the unrest began, he has personally overseen nationwide security operations and appealed to protesters to resolve disputes through dialogue rather than violence.

Supporting him are three regional commanders managing ground operations: Major General Bigyan Dev Pandey at Western Command, Major General Binaya Bikram Rana at Central Command, and Major General Santosh Kumar Dhakal at Eastern Command. Each has been tasked with safeguarding critical areas, preventing further vandalism, and ensuring the safety of citizens amidst ongoing unrest.

The army deployed troops early Wednesday to enforce restrictions across Kathmandu, Lalitpur, Bhaktapur, and other cities, securing government buildings, political offices, and national infrastructure. Firefighters were called in to control blazes at the Parliament, the President’s Office, the PM’s residence, and homes of senior leaders, which were set on fire by protesters.

Earlier in the day, streets of the capital city Kathmandu remained largely deserted as residents complied with orders to stay indoors. Only a few residents ventured out, primarily to stock up on daily essentials.

According to sources, the Indian Foreign Ministry, intelligence agencies, and Army are maintaining close contact with Nepal’s top military leadership to help stabilise the situation. The intervention by General Sigdel and his commanders underscored both the severity of the security vacuum left by the Oli government’s collapse and the Army’s central role in shaping the country’s immediate future.

PM Oli resigned soon after hundreds of protesters stormed his office, demanding accountability for the deaths of at least 22 people during Monday’s Gen Z-led demonstrations against corruption and the government’s short-lived social media ban.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Viral videos on TikTok and Instagram have contrasted the lavish lifestyles of political families — involving designer clothes, foreign travel and luxury cars — with the harsh realities faced by young people, including unemployment and forced migration

Deadly protests in Nepal have so far claimed the lives of at least 19 protesters. What began as an outrage towards a government-imposed ban on at least 26 social media platforms has dragged the country towards a state of anarchy. 

On Sept. 29, 2024, the Nepali Supreme Court ordered all social-media platforms in Nepal to register before operating so that authorities could monitor undesirable content,” with the text of the court verdict made public in August 2025. While platforms such as TikTok had already registered, several other platforms ignored this order. When the deadline passed, the government banned many social media platforms including Meta’s Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp. 

But while these platforms were being banned, a trend emerged on TikTok exposing lavish lifestyles of Nepokids. Nepali citizens took to platforms like TikTok and Reddit to post images and videos of the children of political leaders, including those of former Prime Ministers and ministers. The focus of these protests were to expose broader corruption. But what began as a peaceful protest escalated to an angry riot when the government deployed a heavy security presence in the protest area. 

Today, a state of anarchy prevails in a country that is otherwise yearning for change. But analysts opine that it had also become an opportune moment for monarchist groups to campaign for the return of the royal family, while some parties are making it an opportunity to release corrupt individuals who have already been imprisoned. 

Viral videos on TikTok and Instagram have contrasted the lavish lifestyles of political families — involving designer clothes, foreign travel and luxury cars — with the harsh realities faced by young people, including unemployment and forced migration. The slogans have become symbolic of a deeper frustration with inequality, as protesters compare the lives of the elite with those of everyday citizens. Similar protests were seen in Bangladesh in July 2024, which resulted in the ever-so-powerful Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fleeing the country, abruptly ending a 15-year rule. 

This trend of exposing lifestyles of ‘Nepo kids’ is a lesson for all political families in South Asia. There was a time when nepo kids ruled Sri Lanka with the blessings of their kith and kin in powerful positions. One kid even tried to open the door of a plane during a flight! There were those who  engaged in drunk driving like a habit, and some who were caught but eventually bailed out for hit and run cases — to name a few. There are several other examples of how taxpayers’ money was wasted by nepo kids which compelled the majority of the populace to take to the streets during the aragalaya.

The prevailing disparity of wealth distribution has created a widening gap that makes the rich richer and the poor poorer. High cost of living and other social indicators aggravate this disparity further. Wealth is concentrated among higher rungs of society while it never trickles down to the working class. Endless cycles of debt, heavy expenses and no savings have encouraged those at the lower rungs of society to opt for various kinds of contract labour.

Today, people have become fed-up of Nepo kids and their antics. The age of going after popular political rhetoric seems to be fading away. With more awareness, it seems that the people, especially the youth or Gen Z are demanding for transparency, equality, accountability and justice. Perhaps the time is right for Sri Lanka to tread along this path and usher in a clean culture of politics.

Courtesy Hiru News

Parliamentarian Ramanathan Archchuna has announced that he will travel to Geneva next week to file a complaint against Speaker Jagath Wickremaratne and Leader of the House Bimal Ratnayake with the United Nations Human Rights Council.

According to the MP, he was denied the opportunity to speak in Parliament for nearly a month and a half, from March 19 to May 9, without any valid reason.

He stated that this interference with his right to freedom of speech in Parliament is the basis of his complaint.

The MP claims the Speaker decided to prevent him from speaking in response to a complaint from Minister Bimal Ratnayake.

He had previously raised the issue as a matter of privilege with the Privileges Committee, which, according to him, found him to be innocent.

With evidence of the injustice done to him and the findings of the Privileges Committee, the MP says he will now take his case to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva.

He also mentioned that he has already filed a complaint with the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and will visit their office in Geneva to provide further details on the matter.

චානක බණ්ඩාරගේ

රටේ ආර්ථිකයට මරුම මරු  පහරකි දැවැන්ත ට්‍රැෆික් ප්‍රශ්නය. මිනිසුන්ගේ වැයවෙන කාලය, නිරපරාදේ දහනය වන ඉන්ධන පමණක් නොවේ මිනිසුන්ගේ මානසිකත්වය පවා එය නිසා පිරිහේ. සංචාරකයෝ/ආයෝජකයෝ  ඒමද අඩු විය හැකියි.

පැය ගණන් කාර්/බස්  ඇතුලේ ට්‍රැෆික් එකට හිරවී තම වටිනා කාලය නිරපරාදේ වැය කර ගන්නේ මේ රටේ ආර්ථිකය ඉදිරියට ගෙන යාමේ කර්තව්‍යට කෙලින්ම උරදී සිටින රටේ වැඩ කරන ජනතාවයි.

එනම්, ට්‍රැෆික් නිසා වන පලදායීතාවයේ පිරිහීම රටේ ආර්ථික උන්නතියට ඍජු පහරකි.

සතියේ දිනවල බොරැල්ල හන්දියේ තද ට්‍රැෆික් එකට විනාඩි 10  හෝ ඊට වැඩි වෙලාවක් හසුවෙනවාමයි.

ට්‍රැෆික් තද වූ විට පෙව්මන්ට් උඩින් මෝටර් සයිකල් පැදවීම අද සාමාන්‍ය දෙයක් වී ඇත. මෙය පොලීසියද ගණන් නොගනී. මෙයින් පදික වේදිකාවේ ගමන් කරන්නාගේ ජීවිතය තදබල අනතුරේය.  

අද පාපැදියකින් (පුෂ් බයිසිකලයක්) මහා පාරේ පැද ගෙන යනවා කියනුයේ නිසැකයෙන්ම මරුවාට අත වැනීමකි. එදා පාරවල් පුරා පාපැදි පිරී තිබුණි.  අද දියුණු රටවල තත්ත්වය නම් මෙයයි.  ඒ රටවල නගර ඇතුලේ මිනිස්සු පාපැදි පාවිච්චි කරත්; ඒ සඳහා වෙනම මාර්ග සාදා තිබේ.

පොදුවේ ගත් කල ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පාරවල් ඉතා පටුය. මේ පාරවල් පළල් කිරීම, මාර්ග පද්ධතිය දික් කිරීම, නව පාරවල් හැදීම, ගුවන් පාලම් වැනි බොහෝ දේ අපි කර ඇතත් ට්‍රැෆික් තදබදය නම් අඩුවී නැත.

සුද්දා ගොස්  දැන් අවුරුදු 80කට ආසන්නයි.  පාරවල්වල දුවන   රථ සංඛ්‍යාව නම් සුද්දා ගියාට පසු දස දහස් ගුණයකින් වැඩි වී ඇතත් රටේ පාරවල තත්ත්වය දස දහස් ගුණයකින් කෙසේ වෙතත් සිය ගුණයකින් වත් වැඩි දියුණු වී නැත.

ලොකු බස් අප රටේ ඉතා පටු පාරවලට කොහෙත්ම ඔරොත්තු නොදේ. බොහෝ  පාරවල  බස් දෙකක් මාරු වෙන්නේ නූලක වැනි ඉඩක් තබා.  වාහන අනතුරුවලට හොඳම අවස්ථාවක්.

දියුණු රටවල මෙවැනි දේට ඉඩ නොදේ.  

ලොකු බස් අනතුරක් සිදු වූ විට තුවාල වෙන්නේ හෝ මැරෙන්නේ පොඩි වාහනේ යන අය සහ පාරේ ගමන් කරන්නන්.

ලොකු බස් රියදුරන් නිතර මුළු පාරම අල්ලා ගනිමින්, කන් අඩි පැලෙන හෝන් ගසමින්, බසය තුල අනවශ්‍ය සින්දු අධික  ශබ්ධයෙන් වාදනය කරමින්, සිතු සිතු තැන නතර කරමින් අපට කෝචෝක් කරමින් බස් එලවන්නේ අනතුරක් වුවත් ඔවුනට වන ශරීර හානිය ඉතා අවම බව දන්නා නිසයි.

ලොකු බස් මහජනයා විශාල ලෙස ගැවසෙන පටු මාර්ගවල අධික වේගයෙන් යයි. බොහෝවිට ත්‍රි විලර්ස්/පොඩි ඇල්ටෝ වගේ වාහන  කුඩු පට්ටම් වෙලා යාමට මේක හේතුවක්.

එදා පොඩි බස් නම් දීවේ  නම් (මගී 26, 35, 42 වැනි) ගැරඬි ඇල්ල (මැයි 2025), ගිය සතියේ වූ රවාණා ඇල්ල අති බිහිසුණු බස් අනතුරු සිදු නොවනු ඇත. විශාල මගීන් සංඛ්‍යාවක් මිය ගියහ.

බහුතරය බස් වලින් ගමන් කරන අපේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බස් මගී ප්‍රවාහනය සඳහා රජය විසින් යොදවා ඇති බස් ප්‍රමාණය ඉතා අල්පයි – ඇත්තෙන්ම මෙය ආපස්සට ගමන් කිරීමක්.

සාඩින් වගේ පිරිච්ච බස් එකක හිටගෙන යන මඟින් හිතනවා ඇති අනේ මේ මම පෙර ආත්මේ කල පවක්ද විඳින්නේ කියලා.

බස් මගී ප්‍රවාහනය වැනි අති වැදගත් කර්තව්‍යයක මුලික වගකීම පෞද්ගලික අංශයට පවරා ආණ්ඩුව හාන්සි පුටුවට වී බලා නොසිටිය යුතුයි. පුද්ගලික අංශයේ මුලික අරමුණ උපරිම ලාභ ලැබීමයි. රජය වැඩි බර කරට ගත යුතුවාක් පමණක් නොව මගී හිතකාමී ප්‍රතිපත්තියක්  උඩ වැඩ කල යුතුයි. 

රාත්‍රී 8න් වීතර පසු මේ රටේ බස් ධාවනයක් (දුර ගමන් සේවා නොවේ) නැති තරම්ය.  අඩුව පුරවන්න ත්‍රී විල් හොඳ සේවයක් කරයි, ඒත් කීදෙනාටද ඒවාට ගෙවීමට මුදල් තිබෙන්නේ?

යු ටියුබ් කරුවන් කෑ ගැසුවාට, 155 බස් සේවය රජය විසින් පසුගියදා නැවත පිහිටු වීම ඉතාම හොඳ දෙයකි. අනෙක් අභාවයට ගිය බස් මාර්ගද නැවත ස්ථාපිත කළ යුතුයි.

එදා, රාත්‍රී 930 චිත්‍රපටය බලා අවසන් වූ විට පවා ගෙදර යාමට බස් තිබුනි – CTB පමණක් තිබුණු කාලේ – 1980 පෙර.

JRගේ පුද්ගලික බස් හඳුන්වා දීම (1978) MH මොහොමඩ් සමඟින් CTB මුළුමනින්ම වාගේ මරා දැමිය.

අක්කර සිය ගණනක් විශාල වූ, බස් දහස් ගණනක් තිබු  වේරහැර CTB  ඩිපෝව අද කෝ?

හිටපු හොඳ ලංගම සභාපතිවරයෙකි – අනිල් මුණසිංහ. ඔහු බස් රථවල ගමන් කළේය.

අද මගී ප්‍රවාහන ප්‍රතිපත්තියට මුල් තැන දෙන බවට පෙනෙන්නේ බස් මගියා සුරක්ෂිත කිරීම වෙනුවට ප්‍රය්වට් බස් හිමියා සුරක්ෂිත කිරීමටය කියා පෙනේ.

පෞද්ගලික බස් මඟී කාල සටහන් සාදන විට ඒ අය හදන්නේ සෑම බස් එකක්ම පුරවන විදියේ කාල සටහන්.  මේ කාල සටහන් හදන විට බස් මඟී සමිතිද එකතු කරගත යුතුයි.

ලොකු බස් භාවිතයේ අවාසිය නම් බස් එකම ලෝඩ් වෙනකම් ඔවුන් තැනින් තැන නවතා සිටීමයි. ගමන පටන් ගත්තාට පසු තැන තැන නවත්වාගෙන සිට – එක ‘කෑල්ලක්’ හරි වැඩියෙන් දා ගැනීමට බලයි. මෙයට බස් මගීන් කියන්නේ කොටනවා කියායි.

තමන් පිටි පස්සෙන් බස් එකක් එනවා දැක්කහම තමා කොටන බස් එක අද්දලා යන්නේ.

මට්ටක්කුලිය බලා යන 178 පුද්ගලික බසයක් කොස්ගස්හන්දියේ විනාඩි 20ක් නතරකර ඉඳ ඇත. ඒ බසයේ සිටි මගීන්ගේ මානසිකත්වය කෙසේ තිබෙන්න ඇද්ද? අද්දා තිබෙන්නේ ලංගම බස් එකක් පිටු පසින් නැවත වූ නිසයි.

මේවා ‘මොනිටර්’ කිරීමට කිසිවෙක් නැත. අඩුම තරමින් මගීන්ට ක්ෂණයකව පැමිණිලි කිරීමට ඒ සඳහාම වෙන්වූ හොට් ලයින් නොම්බරයක් වත් නැත. මගීන්ට SMS පණිවුඩයක් මඟින් බලධාරීන්ට එවලේම දැනුම් දිය හැකියි. – බසය තුල වන අකටයුතු.

එසේ තිබුනා නම්, මගී ප්‍රවාහන අධිකාරියට එවලේම බස් රියදුරු ඇමතිය හැකියි. ගැරඬි ඇල්ල, රවාණා ඇල්ල යළි මතක් වේ.

සමහර තැන්වල විනාඩි 15 – 20 මෙන් නවතා (කොටලා), හැකි  තරම් බසයට නංවා ගැනීමයි පුද්ගලික බස් හිමියාගේ ඒකායන පරමාර්ථය. මේ නිසා හදිසි ගමනාන්තයක් සඳහා බසයට ගොඩ වන්න්නාට එය ඉටු කර ගැනීමට හැකි වන්නේ නැහැ. 

සියළු බස් කාළ සටහනකට දිවිය යුතුයි.

මේ ප්‍රශ්ණ විසඳීමට කිසිම ප්‍රවාහන ඇමතිවරයෙකුට ඒකායන උවමනාවක් තිබුනේ නැත. ඔවුන් බොහෝ බස්/දුම්රිය ප්‍රශ්ණ හඳුනා ගත්තේද නැත.

ප්‍රවාහන අමාත්‍යාංශයේ වැඩ ඉතා අසතුටුදායකයයි කියන්නේ මෙවැනි හේතු නිසයි.

කිසිදා හොඳට වැඩක් කරන්න පුළුවන් දක්ෂයෙකුට ප්‍රවාහන ඇමතිකම ලැබී නැත. විද්‍යාරත්න, වි හේරත්, හේවගේ, නාමල් කරුණාරත්න, ව සමරසිංහ වැනි ප්‍රායෝගිකත්වය පිළිබඳව හොඳ අවබෝධයක් ඇති කෙනෙකුට මේ අමාත්‍යාංශය භාර දිය යුතුයි, නියම ලෙස දියුණු කිරීමට නම්.

පිටරටින් ආ බඩු බොහෝ විට කොළඹ වරාය අංගනයකදී සොරකම් කළේය යන්න පිළිබඳව හදිසි තත්ත්වයක් යටතේ සාකච්චා කිරීමට ඉඩ ප්‍රස්ථාවක් ලබා නොදෙන, හමුවී සාකච්චා කිරීම පිණිස කරන ලද ඉල්ලීම්වලට කිසිදු ප්‍රතිචාරයක් නොදක්වන, ටෙලිෆෝනයටවත් නොඑන දැන් සිටින වරාය ලොක්කාගෙන් ඇති පලය කීම? පොල් පිත්තක් වරායේ සභාපති කරලා දැම්මා නම් මීට වඩා හොඳය.

ලොකු බස්, පොඩි බස් සම්මිශ්‍රණය කර මාර්ගයට දැමිය යුතුයි, එවිට බස් මගියාට වාසියක් සිදුවේ. ලොකු බස් වගේ නොවෙයි පොඩි බස් ඉක්මනට ලෝඩ් කර ගනීමට පුළුවන – ආසන ගණනට.

පසුගියදා ලංගම විසින් ආනයනය කරන ලද රතු පාට පාන් ගෙඩි වැනි මධ්‍යම ප්‍රමාණයේ බස් තමා මේ රටට වැඩියෙන්ම හරියන්නේ. ඒවා නිසා දරුණු සහ සාමාන්‍ය මාර්ග අනතුරු අඩුයි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පටු මාර්ග වලට ඒවා අගනෙයි.

කණගාටුව, මේවා වැඩි හරියක් දුවන්නේ උතුරේ සහ නැගෙනහිර වීමයි. මේවා හරියටම හරියන්නේ කඳු සහිත මධ්‍යම පලාතට, නමුත් ලබාදී නැහැ.

ලොකු බස් අධි කඳුරට ධාවනයෙන් (අධික හෙළ/බෑවුම්)  වහාම ඉවත් කර ගත යුතුයි – තවත් දැවැන්ත ජීවිත හානි වීමට කළින්.

වැදගත් ගමන් යන්න, ජෑන්ඩියට ඇඳපු ගෑනු පිරිමි, තෙරපිච්ච බසයක ගොස්, හොඳ පන ගිය පසු  බස් එකෙන් බහින විට අර හිතේ තිබුණු ධනාත්මකභාවය රිනාත්මක බවට මේ රටේ බස් සංස්කෘතිය පත් කර ඇත.   

උදේ කාර්යාලයට ගොස් වැඩ කරන්න පුළුවන් වූ හොඳ මානසිකත්වයක් නොවෙයි, මොටවූ මානසිකත්වයකුයි තෙරපුණු/මිරිකුණු  බස් සහ කෝච්චි වලින් සේවයට  පැමිණෙන අපගේ බොහෝ රාජ්‍ය සහ පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ මහත්ම මහත්මීන්ට  තිබෙන්නේ. ඔවුන්ට දොස් කිව නොහැකියි.  

මැදියම් රෑ වෙනකම් වත් නගරාසන්න බස් සේවා තිබිය යුතුයි, දැන් තිබෙන රෑ 7 ට 8 ට  ඉවරවෙන තත්ත්වය වෙනුවට.  මුල් මාස 6 විතර පාඩුවට දුවන්න වෙයි, නමුත්, මිනිස්සු පුරුදු වුනාට පසු ප්‍රධාන නගරවල  රාත්‍රී මගී ධාවන සේවා ලාභදායි වේවි.

අඟහරුවාදා දවසක උදේ 645ට මාලබෙන් නැග්ග අම්මෙක් බොරැල්ලට එනකොට උදේ 925 වෙලා තියෙනවා. ට්‍රැෆික් නිසා.

ලංගම බස් විශාල ප්‍රමාණයෙන් වැඩි කරන්නේ නැතුව මගී ප්‍රවාහනය දියුණු කිරීමට නොහැක.

නැවතත්, රජයේ මූළික වගකීම මගීන්ගේ සුව පහසුව සැලසීම විනා පෞද්ගලික බස් ධාවකයන්ගේ පදයට නැටීම නොවේ.

පිටකොටුව බස් නැවතුම් පොළ නවීකරණය කිරීමේ රජයේ වැඩ පිළිවෙල ඉතා අගනේය.

චැසිය පහත බස් ගෙන්වීමට රජය හදයි.  මේවා ඉතා මිල අධිකයි. ලාබෙට බස් හුඟක් ගෙන්වමු.  දැන් තිබෙන සහ වැඩිමනත්ම බාගේ බස්. රට සශ්‍රීක වූ කල්හි ඉතා සුඛෝපභෝගී බස් ගෙන්විය හැකියි.

ඉදිරියේදී, ප්‍රයිවෙට් බස් පවා වැඩිපුරම බාගේ බස් විය යුතුයි. මුදලාලිලාට සල්ලි හම්බුකිරීමේ ආසාව පිණිස මහජන ජීවිත බිලි  දිය නොහැක.

මොනවා කීවත් මිනිසුන් කැමති ලංගම බස් එකක යාමටය.  ලංගම බස් වැඩි කලහොත් ප්‍රයිවෙට් බස් වලට වෙනවා ඒ අයගේ සේවයේ ගුණාත්මක භාවය මීට වඩා වැඩි කර ගැනීමට.  

ඉතාම ලාභ දායි මාර්ගයක් වන බොරැල්ල – කොළඹ (103) මාර්ගයේ 2%ක් වත් ලංගම බස් නැත.  හැබැයි පුද්ගලික අය  මගීන් ප්‍රවාහනය කරන්නේ මගීන් බහුල වෙලාවල පමණි.  උදේ 5 පෙර සහ සවස 8න් පසු බෙහෙතකටවත් බස් එකක් හොයා ගන්න අමාරුය. මුළු රටේම තත්ත්වය මේකයි.  රජයේ මගී ප්‍රවාහන  බලධාරීන් නිදිය. නැත්නම් බස් මුදලාලිලාට යට වෙලාය.

තවත් ලාභදායි මාර්ගයක් තමා 138 පිටකොටුව – මහරගම; ලංගම බස් නම් හැබැයි අවමයි.

යාපනයේ බස් සේවය ඉතා ඉහලයි. පුද්ගලික වගේම, පිරිසිඳුවට තබාගන තියෙන  ලංගම බස් බහුලයි.  මිනිස්සු හොඳට ඉඳගෙන යති.

කොළඹ – යාපනය වැඩ කරන සමහර ලංගම බස් වල ඔටෝමැටික් ඉදිරි සහ පසුපස දොරවල්.   කොළඹින් උදේට යන ඉන්ටර්සිටි කෝච්චිය ඉතා කෙටි වෙලාවකින් යාපනයේය. මැදවච්චියෙන් එහා කෝච්චිය ගමන් කරන්නේ අධික වේගයකින්.  මෙය යුරෝපයේ ධාවනය වන දුම්රියක් වැනියි.   සැප පහසුයි, ඉතා හොඳයි. මේ තත්ත්වය මුළු රට පුරාම ඇති කල යුතුයි. රාජධානි සීග්‍රගාමි දුම්රිය සේවයද හොඳයි.

මේ උතුරේ කෝච්චි ගමන් අවසන් කර ගල්කිස්සේ සිට කොළඹ කොටුවට හිස් අතින් ආපසු වේගයෙන් යයි, මොන තරම් පාඩුවක්ද දුම්රිය සේවයට. ඉන්ධනම මොන තරම් ප්‍රමාණයක් නිකං පුළුස්සා දමනවාද?

මේ සියළු දුම්රියන් ගල්කිස්සෙන්, වැල්ලවත්තෙන් නොව කොළඹ කොටුවෙන් පමණක් ආරම්භ කළ යුතුයි.

දුම්රිය සේවය රටේ සැමට එක හා සමානව සාධාරණ විය යුතයි.

සතියේ දවසක හවසට බම්බලපිටිය දුම්රිය ස්ථානයට ගොස් බලන්න දකුණට යන සමුද්‍රදේවී දුම්රිය දෙස. වැඩ ඇරී ගෙදර යන මිනිස්සු – ගුලිවී, පොකුරු පිටින් මැදිරි තුල ඉන්නා  අයුරු සහ සමහරු පාපුවරුවේද යනු දකින විට ඔලුවේ කැරකිල්ල හැදේ. පෙට්ටි ඇතුලේ මිනිස්සු පොදිය හරියට බඹර වදයක් වාගේය.

මලකඩ කෑ දුම්රිය පෙට්ටි තුල සීලිමේ එල්ලෙන පරණ තාලේ තනි බල්බයකින් නික්මෙන  ඉතාම සිහින් එළිය රාත්‍රී අඳුර මැකීමට වෙර දරයි.  නැත්නම් දහස් ගණනක් යන මුළු කෝච්චියම ඝන අඳුරේය. මේ අපේ ගාල්ල බලා දිවෙන රාත්‍රී තැපැල් දුම්රියයි!

දිනපතා ගාල්ල – කොළඹ, කොළබ – ගාල්ල දුම්රියෙන් යන රජයේ සහ පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ සේවකයෝ වෙති.

කොළඹ -බදුල්ල කෝච්චියට රාගම, ගම්පහ, වේයන්ගොඩ, පොල්ගහවෙල වෙත යන මගීන්ට ගොඩවීමට අවසර නොදිය යුතුයි. මන්ද බදුල්ල දක්වා යන මඟීන්ට ආසන පහසුකම් නොලැබීම. කොටුවෙන් නැඟ වේයන්ගොඩින් බසින මගියා අසුන්ගතව යාමත් බදුල්ලට යන මගියා සිට ගෙන යාමේත්  අසාධාරණය දුම්රිය බලධාරීන්ට නොපෙනේ.

මේ තත්ත්වය මේ විෂමතා දුරු කර දියුණු කළහොත් වැඩි වැඩියෙන් මිනිසුන් බදුල්ල දුම්රිය භාවිතා කරනු ඇත. මෙයින් ආදායම වැඩිවේ.

අද, දුර ගමන් සේවා කෝච්චි වල වැඩියෙන්ම තිබෙන්නේ 1වෙනි සහ 2වෙනි පන්තියේ මැදිරිය. දුප්පතා යන 3වෙනි පන්තියේ මැදිරි දමනුයේ ඉතාම සිමීත සංඛ්‍යාවකි. මේවායේ මිනිසුන් හිට ගෙන යති, සමහරවිට පාපුවරුවේ පවා. අද තියෙන්නේ එදා වාමාංශික යයි කියා ගත්, පොඩි මිනිහාට ආදරය කරන අයගේ ආණ්ඩුවක් නේද?

මේ 2025 – ඔඩෙසි යනුවෙන් ඇල්ලට සුද්දන්ට යන අධි සුඛෝපභෝගී  කෝච්චි පෙට්ටි හැදීම සඳහා රත්මලානේ දුම්රිය අංගනයේ 50% – 60% සේවකයන් ඒ කාර්යය සඳහා වෙන්කර ඇත. මේ රටේ සාමාන්‍ය මිනිස්සු (බොහොමයක් මලිමාවට චන්දය දුන්) අවශ්‍ය තරම් කෝච්චි පෙට්ටි නැති කමින් කෝච්චි තුල තෙරපි තෙරපි ගමන් කරත්.  

මේ ඔඩෙසි කෝච්චි පෙට්ටි සැදීම පසෙකලා සාමාන්‍ය ජනයාට යන කෝච්චි පෙට්ටි රත්මලාන අංගනයේ පිළිසකර කල යුතුයි.

මේ ඔඩෙසි කෝච්චිවලට නොනැවතී යාම සඳහා අනෙක් සාමාන්‍ය මගී කෝච්චි බොහෝ වේලාවක් සිග්නල් අවහිර කර දුම්රිය ස්ථානවල නවත්වා තබයි (පොල්ගහවෙලින් ඔබ්බට උඩරට මාර්ගයේ ඇත්තේ තනි රේල් පාරකි). ඉදින්, මේ නිසා අප රටේ මිනිසුන් ප්‍රමාදවී වැඩට ගොස් අනවශ්‍ය ප්‍රශ්ණ වලට පටලැවේ.

ලංගම  බස් ඩ්‍රය්වර්ලා සිටිති – ඒ අයගේ රාජකාරිය යනු බසය පැදවීම පමණක් නොව බස් හෝල්ට් වල බස් එකට නැගීමට බලා සිටින බස් මගීන්වත් නංවා ගැනීම  බව ඒ අයට අමතක වී ඇති බව සමහරවිට පෙනේ.  

(යුරෝපිය) සංචාරකයන්ට අප කරුණා පෙරදැරි සේවයක් ලබා දිය යුතු බව සත්‍යකි. නමුත් මෙයින් අදහස් කරන්නේ නැහැ අප  ඔවුනට වැඳ වැටිය යුතු වැනි සේවයක් ලබා දිය යුතුය කියා.

ඇතැම් රූට් වල, ප්‍රය්වෙට් බස් වල මඟින් උතුරා යාමටත්, ලංගම බස් වල බොහෝ විට එසේ නොවීමටත් හේතුවක් තිබිය යුතුයි නේද?

රෑට මිනිසුන්ට යන්න බස් නැත්තේ (කොළඹ පවා), තවමත් හරියට රටේ යුද්ධය තිබ්බ කාලේ වාගේ.

පුළුවන්නම් මහ නගරවල පාන්දර 2 විතර වෙනකම් වත් බස් සේවයක් තිබුනොත් රෑ වැඩ ඇරිලා සහ රෑ වැඩට යන අයට ඉමහත් පහසුවක්. මොකද ඒ වෙලාවට ත්‍රී විලුත් නැති නිසා.

රෑට බස් ධාවනය කර බලන්න. මාස 6ක් විතර යාවි මිනිස්සුන්ට පුරුදු වෙන්න. ඉන් පසු, කොළඹ නයිට් ලයිෆ් නිකම්ම ඇතිවේවි.

අවුරුද්ද, නත්තල වගේ දවස්වල බස් /දුම්රිය ධාවනය වෙන්නෙම නැත.  ඉස්සර පවුල් පිටින් අවුරුදු දවසේ නෑගම් ගියේ බස් වල. හැමෝටම ත්‍රී වීල් වලට ගෙවන්න සල්ලි නැහැ.

මගී ප්‍රවාහන අධිකාරියේ මහත්තයෙක්ගෙන් පිටකොටුවේ බස් නැවතුම්පොලේදී මෑතක සිංහල අවුරුද්ද දවසක ඇහුවා ‘ඇයි අද බස් එකක්වත්  පිටකොටුවේ ස්ටෑන්ඩ් එකේ නැත්තේ’ කියා. එයා කියනවා ‘සිංහල අවුරුද්ද ලැබූ පසු බස් දාන්නේ නැහැ, මගීන් නැති නිසා’ කියා.  ‘ඉතිං බස් ටිකක් දාලා බලන්නකෝ මගීන් ඉන්නවද නැද්ද බලන්න කියා’ කිවුවහම ඔහු හීන් සීරුවේ මාරු වී ගියේය. 

බස්වල (පුද්ගලික සහ ලංගම) නිකන් යන්න බලන අය සිටීයි – හොඳ දෙයක් නොවෙයි. හොරකම් කිරීමේ නරක පුරුද්දත් මේ අය අපරාදේ ඇති කරගනිත්.

ඉස්සර කාලේ බස් ටිකට් චෙකර්ස්ලා සිටියා. ඔවුන්ට කිවේ ටික්කෝ කියා.

මේ අයව නැවත ලංගම බස් වලට ගෙන ආ යුතුයි. මගීන් පමණක් නොවෙයි ඩ්‍රයිවර්, කොන්දොස්තරලාගේ වැරදි/හොර වැඩත් අහු වෙයි.

කොළඹ කෙටි ගමන් යන අය (උදාහරණයක්, ටවුන් හෝල් ඉඳලා බම්බලපිටියට, නැත්නම් කොම්පඥවිදියේ ඉඳලා කොල්ලුපිටියට) ඇවිදන් යන එක වඩාම හොඳයි. ව්‍යායාමයක් ලැබෙනවා පමනක් නොව තමන්ගේ වාහනය විනාඩි 10ක් විතර ට්‍රැෆික් ලයිට් වල නවත්වාගෙන ඉන්ධන පිච්චීම නවත්තා ගන්නත් පුළුවනි. පාර්කින්, පොලිස්, අන් රියදුරන්ගේ  ප්‍රශ්ණ, මේ කිසිවක් නැහැ පයින් යන කෙනාට.

බස් කොන්දොස්තර කෙනෙකුට ඇත්තේ ඉමහත් වගකීමක්. තම බස් රථයේ ගමන් කරන මඟින් සුරක්ෂිතව ඔවුන්ගේ ගමනාන්තය දක්වා ගෙන ගොස් බැස්සවීමේ  පුළුල්  වගකීම ඔහු සතුයි.  මේවා මේ අය දන්නවාද?  රියදුරු මහතා බසය ආරාක්ෂාකාරි ලෙස පදවිය යුතුයි.

රාවණා ඇල්ලේ බස් කොන්දොස්තර දැන් කියන කථාව ඇත්තද? හොඳින් හිතා බලන්න.

බස්කොන්දොස්තර කෙනෙකෙට ඔහුගේ බස් එක ‘හදන්නත්’ පුළුවන්, ‘මරන්නත්’ පුළුවන්.

කොන්දොස්තර වරු අතර කතාවක් තියෙනවා නියම කොන්දොස්තර කෙනෙක් නම් ඒ අවස්ථාවේ තමන්ගේ බස් එකේ ඉන්න සෑම මගීයෙක්ම බහින තැන දන්නවාය කියලා.

දුර බස් ගමන් සේවාවල රියදුරු මහත්වරුන් බුලත් විට කන්නේ නිදිමත ගතියෙන් වැළකී සිටීමට.  හප හප ඉන්නකොට නින්ද යන්නේ නැති උනාත් ඇඟේ පතේ රුදාව වැඩි වෙනවා.

පාරේ/තැනින් තැන කෙළ ගහන්නේ නැතිව ඒ සඳහා ඔවුන් විසින් භාජනයක් ගෙන යාමට උනන්දු කල යුතුයි.

බස් සේවකයන්ට  (ඩ්‍රය්වර්/කොන්දොස්තර)  ට්‍රිප් එකක් ඉවර වු පසු හොඳ විවේකයක් නොදුන්නොත් මාර්ග අනතුරු වැඩි විය හැකියි. සමහර බස් මුදලාලිලා විවේකයක් දෙන්නෙම නැහැ, හරියට මැෂින් කියලා හිතන්නේ.

දියුණු රටවල කියන්නේ පැය 4 ක් යමෙක් එක දිගටම බසයක්  එලවනවානම් අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම  විනාඩි 10ක වත් විරාමයක් ගත යුතුයි කියායි.

මෙහෙ වගේ නොවෙයි එංගලන්තයේ බස් රථයක ගමන් කිරීමත් සතුටක්. එයා කන්ඩිෂන් කරපු බස් වල මගීන් හිටගෙන යන්නේ ඉතාම කලාතුරකින්. හැමෝටම හොඳ සුවපහසු ආසනයක් ලැබෙනවාමයි.  ඒ රටවල ‘ඉහල’, ‘පහල’ හැම පන්තියකම අය බස් වල යනවා.

මැලේසියාවද  මේ අංශයෙන් අපට වඩා හුඟාක් දියුණුයි – ඉතා සැප පහසු බස් මඟින් සඳහා ඔවුන් යොදවා තිබෙනවා. ටැක්සි සියල්ල  හයිබ්‍රිඩ් වාහන.

ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාවේ නිව් සවුත් වේල්ස් ප්‍රාන්තයේ ඇමති කෙනෙක් හැමදාම නිව් කාසල් ඉඳලා සිඩ්නි වලට කෝච්චියෙන් වැඩට ආවා. වැදගත් දේ කියන්නේ මිනිහා ඒ කාලේ ඒ ප්‍රාන්තයේ ප්‍රවාහන ඇමති.

බස්, කෝච්චි මගීන්ගේ ප්‍රශ්ණ, දුක අවබෝධ කර ගැනීමට නම් ප්‍රවාහන ඇමති ඒවායේ ගමන් කළ යුතු දෙයක්. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ නම් කිසිදා සිදු නොවෙන දෙයක්.

කොටුව -රාජගිරිය 103, 171, 144  මාර්ගයේ තව 170, 190, 174 මාර්ග රෑ 8 විතර  පස්සේ බස් ඇත්තෙම නැහැ වගේ නැහැ. ඉතින් කොහොමද රටේ ආර්ථිකය නගා සිටුවන්නේ?

බස් රථයක සෑම මගියෙකුටම සුව පහසු ලෙස හිඳගෙන යන්න පුළුවන්නම් එය බස් මගියාගේ ජයග්‍රහණයයි.  එය ඉෂ්ට කර දිය හැකි නම් එය මාලිමා රජයේ ජයග්‍රහණයයි.

බස් රථයක පොල් පැටේව්වා වගේ මිනිස්සු පීරී ඉතිරි යනවා නම් එය පුද්ගලික බස් රථ හිමියාගේ ජයග්‍රහනයි. මන්ද, ඔහුගේ මල්ල තරවන්නේ එවිටයි.

දිනපතා බස් සහ දුම්රියන් වල යන මගීන් එකතුවී දේශපාලන පක්ෂයක් සාදා ඒ මගින් ඔවුන්ගේ අයිතිවාසිකම්, ප්‍රවාහන  සේවයේ වර්ධනය  සඳහා සටන් කල යුතුයි. බොහෝ මිනිස්සු චන්දය දේවී.

බස් අතර තියෙන තරගය නිසා අහිංසක මගීන්ට අනේක දුක් කරදර වලට බඳුන් වෙන්න වෙනවා. කොටින්ම බස් එක නවත්වන්න ඉස්සෙල්ලා කියනවා බහින්න කියා, ඒ තරමට ඒ අයගේ හදිස්සිය; නමුත් නග්ග ගන්න නම් …

මහ නගරවල බොහෝ මගීන් අද බහින්නේ බස් හෝල්ට් එකේ නොව බස් එක ට්‍රැෆික් වලට නවත්වා ඇති විටයි.  මේ නිසා රිය අනතුරු වලට ලක්වූ බස් මගීන් අනන්තයි.

දුර බස් දෙකක් අතර රේස් තරඟයට බයවී මගදී බැහැපු  (නුවරඑළි නොගොස්, නුවරදී) මාමෙක් ඉන්නවා.

අද අලුතෙන් පුද්ගලික බස් මාර්ග පර්මිට් එකක් ගන්න එක කළුනික සොයනවා වගේ අමාරුයි.  දෙන්නේම නැහැ – පුද්ගලික බස් මාෆියාව මේ රටේ තදින්ම රජ කරනවා.

මේ 2025 – ඒ කියන්නේ 21 වන ශත වර්ෂයේ, මිනිසුන් බස් වල යන්නේ 1970/80 ගණන් වල ගිය විදියටමයි. පාපුවරුවේ එල්ලිලා යාම නම් අඩුයි (යම් දියුණුවක්).

මගී ප්‍රවාහන බලධාරීන්ගේ ඉල්ලක්කය විය යුත්තේ 2028  වනවිට, සෑම බස්/දුම්රිය මගියෙකුටම සුව පහසුව ආසනයක ඉඳ ගෙන යාමට හැකි වන මගී ප්‍රවාහන සේවයක් සකස් කිරීමයි. රජයේ නාස්තිකාර බොරු වියදම් නවතා, දුෂණ, අක්‍රමිකතා, අපරිපාලනය  නැවත්තුවහොත් හෝ හොඳින් පාලනය කල හොත්, මෙය අනිවාර්යයෙන් කරන්න පුළුවන් දෙයක්.

ආණ්ඩු විරෝධී යු ටියුබ් කරුවන්ට බියවී නම් මේ රට දියුණු කරන්න නොහැක.

නගරවල තියෙන වාහන (ට්‍රැෆික්) තදබදයට හොඳම  පිළියමක්  නම් හොඳ මහජන ප්‍රවාහන සේවයක් (බස්/දුම්රිය) තිබීම.  අද මේවා ඉතා පහත් මට්ටමේ නිසා බොහෝ අය මහජන ප්‍රවාහන සේවා, විශේෂයෙන්ම,බස්, පාවිච්චි කරන්නේ නැහැ.  අද  තත්ත්වය වගේ බොහෝ විට හිටගෙන, තදවී,දහඩිය දාගෙන,  ගාට ගාට යන බස් සේවයක් නම් තියෙන්නේ මිනිස්සු බස් වල යන්න පෙලඹේන්නේ  නැහැ, නොගිහින්ම බැරි නම් මිස.

මාර්ග වල අපේ දුම්රිය සේවය උපරිම කාර්යක්ෂමතාවෙන් වැඩ කෙරෙන්නේ නැහැ. රාත්‍රී 8න් විතර පස්සේ පානදුරේ ඉඳන් කොටුව/මරදානට එකම දුම්රියක් වත් වැඩ කරන්නේ නැත. පොල්ගහවෙල දක්වා මාර්ගයත් එහෙමම වගෙයි.

සිඩ්නි, මෙල්බර්න් පැය 24 වාගේම මෙට්‍රෝ දුම්රිය වැඩ කරයි. රෑ 10 පසු මහා ජනතාවක් නැතත් ඒවා දුවන්නේ සීමිතවූ හෝ සේවයක් දුම්රිය මගීන්ට සැලසීමේ අදහසිනි.

මේ මෙට්‍රෝ සේවා ඉතා හොඳින් පවත්වා ගෙන යන ඒවාය. ඉදින්, ඒවා අධික ලාභ ලබයි.

ඉස්සර , 1980/90 මැද  ගණන් වල, මැදියම් රෑ වෙනකම් දුම්රිය මුහුදුබඩ මාර්ගයේ දුම්රිය  දෙපත්තටම දුවනු ලැබීය. දුම්රිය ආරක්ෂක සේවය තර කර හෝ පොලි සියෙන්  ආධාර ලබාගෙන හෝ මේ ‘මැරී ගිය’ රාත්‍රී  දුම්රිය සේවය (දෙපත්තටම  ධාවනය වන) පනගන්වා ගත යුතුයි.

1990 ගණන්වල මාල කඩන්නෙක් පැමිණ රාත්‍රී  අලුත්ගම/පානදුර – කොටුව/මරදාන දුම්රිය සේවය මරා දමනු ලැබීය.  දැන් නැවත මුළුමනින්ම පණ ගැන්වීමට කාලය ඇවිත්.

දකුණු දුම්රිය මුහුදුබඩ මාර්ගයේ රෑ 12 – 1 වගේ විතර  වෙනකම් අඩු තරමින් පැයකට එක් දුම්රියක් හෝ දෙපැත්තටම ධාවනය කරන්නේ නම් මොන තරම් සහනයක් මගීන්ට ලැබේවිද? මන්ද.  ලක්ෂ සංඛ්‍යාත ජනතාවක් මේ දුමිරිය මාර්ගයෙන් සහාය ලබා ගන්නා නිසා.

කැලණිවැලි මාර්ගය – මුළු දවසටම කොළඹ – අවිස්සාවේල්ල දුමිරිය 4යි  හෝ 5යි වැඩ කරන්නේ. මෙවැනි වෙනම දුම්රිය මාර්ගයක් පවත්වා ගැනීමේ තේරුම කුමක්ද? මේ මාර්ගයේ පුවක්පිටියේ පාර හරහා දුම්රිය පාර  දෙතුන් පලකින් ප්‍රධාන පාර හරහා මාරු වෙනවා, මෙය සාදා ගතහොත් (දුම්රිය පාර වාහන යන පාර හරහා නැතුව, කෙලින් යන විදීයට), ඉන්නා  ජනගහනය දිහා බැලුවහොත්, දවසකට දුම්රිය 20කට එහා ධාවනය කරගන්න  පුළුවන් වේවි.  ඉතාම හොඳ ආදායම් මාර්ග රජයට හදා ගන්න පුළුවන්. අද දවසකට දුම්රිය 4 -5 ක් විතරක් ධාවනය කරන වෙනම දුම්රිය මාර්ගයකින් (දුම්රිය ස්ථානම 20 ට වැඩියි), මොන තරම් පාඩුවක් රජයට අත් වෙනවා ඇද්ද?

ඉස්සර කැළණිවැලි දුම්රිය කොළඹ සිට ඕපනායකයට ගමන් කළා, ඒ කියන්නේ යටියන්තොටත් එහා. මේක නතර කලේ ’70- ‘77 සිරිමා රජයයි.  පිස්සු තීරණයක්. ඒ රජයේ හිටපු NM ඇමතිතුමා එවකට යටියන්තොට මන්ත්‍රී.

අද අවිස්සාවේල්ලෙන් එහාට දුම්රිය පීලිත් එක්කම  ගලවලා දා ඇත. විශාල ජනගහනයක් වෙසෙන මේ ප්‍රදේශවල, අපට තියෙන දුම්රිය සම්පතවත් රැක ගන්න බැරි වීම ගැන එකල සිටි පාලකයනට දොස් නැගීම සාධාරණයි.

බස් මගීන්ම වැනියි දුම්රිය මගින්ද  විඳින දුක. දෙගොල්ලම හිරවී, තෙරපුනු ප්‍රවාහන සේවාවන්  තමා පාවිච්චි කරන්නේ මේ 2025 වසරේදීත්.  බොහෝවිට උදේ වැඩට එන්න සහ සවස වැඩ අවසන් වී ගෙදර යන්න තියෙන්නේ ගුණාත්මයෙන් ඉතාම අඩු මගී (බස්/දුම්රිය) ප්‍රවාහන සේවයක්.

කාන්තාවන් බෙහෙවින් දැන් ස්කූටර්, චැලි කදිමෙට පදිනවා. පිරිමි වගේ ‘අස්සෙන්’ දමා යන ගතියක් තවම නම් මේ අය බෝ කරගෙන නැහැ. බොහොම ප්‍රවේශමින් ඒ අය පදින්නේ.

හොඳම ත්‍රීවිල් රියදුරන් පළාත් මට්ටමෙන් සොයා, බලා තෑගී දෙන වැඩපිළිවෙලක් ඇති කළ යුතුයි.

ත්‍රීවිල් අපේ ආර්ථික වර්ධනයට අති මහත් සේවයක් කළා, විශේෂයෙන්ම නගරවල මගී ප්‍රවාහන සේවා දුර්වල නිසා.

බොහොමයක් ත්‍රී වීල් රියදුරු මහතුන් ඉතා හොඳ අය.

ත්‍රීවිල් වලට ස්තුතිවන්ත වෙන්න සාධාරණ මුදලකට ඉක්මනින් ගමනක් යන්න පුළුවන්.

දැන් මෝටර් සයිකල් ටැක්සි සේවා 2ක් මහ නගරවල ඉතා සාර්ථක ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙනවා. ඉතාම හොඳයි.

ත්‍රීවිල් ලියාපදිංචි කර රියදුරාගේ විස්තර ත්‍රිවිලයේ යන මගියාට දකින්නට පුළුවන් ලෙස සකස් කරන වැඩපිළිවෙලක් අවශ්‍යයි. ත්‍රීවිල් මිටරත් නිතර නිතර පරීක්ෂණයට ලක් කල යුතුයි.

ලංකාවේ රියදුරන් බිලාද එලවන්නේ කියා සොයා බලන හොඳ ක්‍රම වේදයක් නැහැ. කටින් වහනය වන මත්පැන් ගඳින් සහ රියැදුරන්ගේ හැසිරීමේ ස්වභාවයෙන්, රතු ඇස් වලින්  මේ නීති විරෝධීන් අල්ලා ගන්න අපහසුයි. මත්පැන් බීපු රියැදුරන් අල්ලන්න උපකරණ කට්ටල අපේ රටේම අඩු වියදමින් නිෂ්පාදනය කරගන්න අපට බැරි ඇයි? නැතිනම්, අහිංසක ජිවිත රැකීම උදෙසා, ඉන්දියාවෙන් හෝ චීනයෙන් අඩු මුදලට ගෙන්වා හෝ   මේ නිතිවිරෝධින් ඇල්ලීම මහා පරිමාණයෙන් කල යුතුයි.

විශේෂ පොලිස් බලකා යොදා සවසට/රෑට වාහන පෝලිමට පැත්තක නවත්වා චෙක් කරන්න ඕන බිමත් රියදුරන් ඇල්ලීමට. දඩ අය කර පමණක් මදි, ලයිසන් කැන්සල් කරන්න ඕන වසරකට හෝ දෙකකටවත්. රජයට කෝටි ගණනින් නව ආදයම් ලබා ගැනීමේ මාර්ගයක්.

රෑට සිදුවෙන රිය අනතුරු බොහෝමයකට හේතුව බිමත් රියදුරන්.

By Veeragathy Thanabalasingham, Courtesy The Morning

Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe (RW) has many ‘firsts’ in Sri Lanka’s political history. No other political leader has served as Leader of one of the country’s oldest political parties, the United National Party (UNP), for as long as Wickremesinghe. He has been the Leader of his party for more than three decades and was the longest-serving Leader of the Opposition in Parliament.

He is the only politician to have served as Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister six times and was unlucky enough not to complete those terms even once.

Wickremesinghe is the first political leader in Sri Lanka to be elected as an executive president through a contested election in Parliament and he eventually became the first former President to be arrested and remanded on charges of abuse of power, allegedly having spent public funds for personal use after a political career of almost half a century.

He was accused of misusing State funds to pay for his and his entourage’s expenses during his two-day stay in London on his way back home from official visits to Cuba to attend the G77 Summit and to the US to attend the 78th annual session of the United Nations General Assembly in September 2023. 

The former President was in London to attend a ceremony in which his wife Prof. Maithree Wickramasinghe was awarded an honorary professorship by a British university. It is reported that Prof. Wickramasinghe travelled to the UK with her own money. Wickremesinghe is accused of spending Rs. 16.6 million in State funds on his staff and security personnel during his stay in London.

The former President returned home on Friday, 29 August after a week in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) of the National Hospital of Sri Lanka (NHSL) in Colombo, where he had been treated for several serious diseases, including heart disease and diabetes, under the supervision of specialist doctors. 

It is not known whether the Government will allow Wickremesinghe to seek treatment abroad. It is noteworthy that the Attorney General did not request the court to impound the former President’s passport to ensure that he does not go abroad.

Opposition show of support

Wickremesinghe’s case will be heard again on 29 October. Since his fate will be decided by the court, it will amount to contempt of the Judiciary if we were to say anything more about it. Although the affair has become a purely legal issue since his arrest on charges of using State funds for personal benefit, it has created a great deal of furore in the political arena.

Politicians who have been very critical of Wickremesinghe in the past have also rallied to show their support and solidarity with him. Leaders of almost all Opposition parties held media conferences justifying his position and saying that one should not differentiate between the Head of State’s personal and official lives. Moreover, they describe the legal action against Wickremesinghe as political victimisation by the National People’s Power (NPP) Government.

While former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga condemned the move against Wickremesinghe as a calculated assault on the country’s democratic values, another former President, Mahinda Rajapaksa, described the arrest as political revenge. 

Meanwhile, former President Maithripala Sirisena has called on Opposition parties to unite, forgetting party differences, to defeat the constitutional dictatorship being established by the NPP regime. Among the former Presidents, Gotabaya Rajapaksa is the only one who has not publicly commented on the issue. 

Int’l perspective

The Wickremesinghe affair has also sparked a debate about whether there can be a distinction between personal visits and official visits of presidents. Additional Solicitor General Dileepa Peiris informed the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court that Wickremesinghe had said there could be no such distinction.

Opposition parties have questioned whether President Anura Kumara Dissanayake uses his own vehicle without security personnel when he travels to Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)/NPP events and to visit his family members in Anuradhapura.

In response, Foreign Affairs Minister Vijitha Herath stated that the President’s travels within the country for personal needs, especially to visit his ailing mother, could never be compared to the former President going abroad. JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva dared the Opposition to take the issue to court if it could.

Since Wickremesinghe is reportedly considered to be the most influential and respected current Sri Lankan political leader at the international level, there was a widespread expectation that the US and Western countries in particular would condemn the actions against him and pressure the Government to release him immediately. Nothing like that seems to have happened.

However, there is no doubt that these countries were watching the developments in Sri Lanka carefully. Among those who had publicly spoken on his behalf from abroad are Indian National Congress Member of Parliament (MP) Shashi Tharoor and former Norwegian peace envoy to Sri Lanka Erik Solheim. They both urged the NPP Government to release Wickremesinghe, saying he had not committed any serious crime.

When Foreign Minister Herath was asked whether there was pressure from the international community, including foreign embassies, regarding the arrest of the former President, he replied that no foreign diplomat or diplomatic organisations had made any remarks. He further said that the international community recognised that the rule of law in Sri Lanka had been applied equitably and honestly, unlike in the past.

Senior UNP leaders briefed various foreign embassies in Colombo on the circumstances that had led to the arrest of the former President and some international organisations had requested them to provide further details about the arrest, party sources said.

Attempts at mobilising support 

It is reported that after returning home from remand (the ICU of the NHSL) former President Wickremesinghe is now keen on forming a broader alliance against the Government by uniting the now-dissipated Opposition parties. The Opposition was hoping to use his arrest to mobilise people against the Government, but the emotional momentum of the voices that arose in his support now seems to have subsided.

It was reported that Wickremesinghe had planned to turn the UNP’s 79th annual convention, which was to have been held yesterday (6), into a major political event to showcase Opposition unity and to invite all former Presidents and Opposition politicians, including Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, to attend. It was also planned to shift the convention from the UNP Headquarters Sirikotha to a neutral venue in order to avoid discomfort to leaders of other parties.

In a complete departure from past tradition, this time on the occasion of the UNP’s anniversary, arrangements were to have been made to pay floral tributes to all the past leaders of Sri Lanka including former Prime Ministers S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Dr. N.M. Perera, and D.A. Rajapaksa.

However, at the last moment, considering Wickremesinghe’s health condition, it was announced that the convention had been postponed.

There is a widespread opinion that the Wickremesinghe episode is unlikely to unite Opposition parties and pose a major challenge to the Government. They do not have an acceptable leader with the political clout to lead them to form a broad alliance of Opposition parties. At the same time, an important question is whether Wickremesinghe has become a strong political factor that can help unite the Opposition parties after his arrest. 

Meanwhile, most of today’s Opposition politicians can easily be targeted by the Government for their past misdeeds. Therefore, they are talking about uniting and mobilising people in order to create an atmosphere whereby they can ensure that the Government is not inclined to take legal action against them. It is certainly not possible for such an approach to win the support of the people.

Govt. position 

At the same time, there is criticism that the NPP Government, which has failed to deliver on the promises it made to the people during last year’s national elections, is preoccupied with legal action against members of former regimes in order to divert attention from important issues. It is also believed that Wickremesinghe was taken into custody to check the pulse of the people before going after more popular and powerful political leaders.

Government leaders make declarations about action to be taken against corrupt politicians, showing that they do not heed the warnings of Opposition politicians who accuse the Government of pursuing political vendettas. The Inspector General of Police has said that investigations have commenced to identify those who mobilised protesters at the court premises in support of Wickremesinghe.

President Dissanayake reiterated the Government’s commitment to the implementation of the law in an equitable manner for all citizens, stressing that measures already taken would not be reversed. He said that State money would be recovered from those who misused it, and that those responsible for corruption and abuse would be severely punished. The President has also announced that State-owned houses given to former presidents will be taken back after a new law is passed this month.

At the same time, the Government has announced that other former presidents will also be investigated if complaints of their alleged irregularities are received. Public Security Minister Ananda Wijepala told the media that investigations would be launched against other former presidents if complaints were received from anyone, saying that the law would be applied equally to all.

A political message? 

There is an important aspect to be noted in the Wickremesinghe affair. He is a leader from one of Sri Lanka’s traditional political families. 

His arrest and the many hours of discomfort he had to endure in court have caused serious anger among Colombo’s elite. There have also been criticisms concerning class animosity in the actions taken against Wickremesinghe, given the humble family backgrounds of the leaders of the NPP and particularly the JVP, including President Dissanayake.

It is obvious that even many of those who dislike Wickremesinghe’s politics and his personality traits are deeply offended by the fact that he was handcuffed and bundled into a prison vehicle like an ordinary criminal. 

There is also a view at some levels of society that the use of a sum of Rs. 16.6 million (a small amount compared to the massive financial corruption that has taken place in Sri Lanka) to attend a ceremony where his wife was honoured for her accomplishments in the academic field, should not have been blown into a serious issue that warranted Wickremesinghe’s arrest. 

Former diplomat and political analyst Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka, who has been a fierce critic of Wickremesinghe, said in an article that the true face of President Dissanayake’s administration had been exposed. 

On the issue of the Central Bank bond scam, Dr. Jayatilleka said he did not consider the former President to be above suspicion and added that it would be an insult to one’s own intelligence to believe that Wickremesinghe would have siphoned off Rs. 16.6 million from State funds when he would have received the sum immediately if he had asked his family or friends.

Dr. Jayatilleka further stated that it was impossible for the leaders of the JVP/NPP to differentiate between legality and legitimacy, and that by arresting Wickremesinghe for a relatively weak issue and inflicting discomfort, the Government had demonstrated not only its lack of commitment to social justice, but also the low-mindedness and misplaced fanaticism of its leadership.

A section of the population is also concerned that Sri Lanka, facing an unprecedented economic downturn in its history, should not have arrested and humiliated a senior political leader who took on the mantle of power with political courage and guided its recovery. 

A prominent political columnist wrote that a man who raised the dollar reserves of the Treasury from a low of $ 50 million upon taking office in July 2022 to a high of $ 6 billion upon leaving it in September 2024 was not fit to be arrested for misusing a mere Rs. 16 million ($ 53,000).

Wickremesinghe left the NHSL on 29 August. He was carrying a book, the political memoirs of former British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, titled ‘Unleashed.’ 

He may have brought the book from home to read during his days in the hospital. And he may also have intended to convey a political message to the Government by displaying a book with such a title. 

While Googling to find details of Johnson’s book, this writer chanced upon a review of the same by The Guardian Associate Editor Martin Kettle under the headline ‘Unleashed by Boris Johnson review – memoirs of a clown.’ The review is introduced as follows: All the fancy verbiage in the world cannot disguise the emptiness at the heart of this self-serving, solipsistic book.”

(The writer is a senior journalist based in Colombo)

BY Ruwan Laknath Jayakody Courtesy The Morning

• This is Part I of a two-part series. The second part will be published in an upcoming issue of The Daily Morning
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• Poverty, racism/discrimination/prejudice, un-encouraging families and physical health issues blamed

Children from the Sri Lankan gypsy community frequently only go to school once or twice a week, or a few days a month with this inconsistent attendance being caused by poverty, racism, discrimination, and prejudice in all their forms, students coming from families that are not encouraging, and physical health-related issues. As a result of this sporadic primary education received, children of the gypsy community in areas such as Siyambalagaswewa have far inferior attitudes/views, abilities, and levels of knowledge in terms of the norm and also compared to children from other communities. 

These findings were made in ‘A comprehensive study on the discontinuity of the primary school education of children in the gypsy community (with special reference to a primary school in Siyambalagaswewa in the Mihinthale education division sector)’ which was authored by D.O. Meththasinghe (attached as an Assistant Lecturer to the National Institute of Social Development’s School of Social Work), and published in the Student Journal of Social Work’s fourth volume’s first issue this month.

Gypsies are nomadic people who don’t own homes, and as a result, travel a lot, living a nomadic life. Palmistry, fishing, luring snakes (usually cobras), teaching monkeys to imitate people, and other hobbies are some of the ways that they make a living. In addition, the language that the gypsies use and the traditions that they follow are also indications that gypsies originate from a different nation. Gypsies, particularly children, speak a language known as ‘Telugu/Telegu’. Gypsies are present not just in Sri Lanka but also in other parts of the world and are descended from these types of people. Gypsies are also known as ‘Roma’. In Telugu, ‘Ahi’ means ‘Cobra’, ‘Kuntika’ means ‘Dancer’, and ‘Ahikuntaka’ means ‘Cobra Dancer’ (R. Bandara’s ‘The ahikuntaka’). 

Anthropologists believe that the origin of the gypsy may be traced back to Southern India. The ‘Koravar tribe’ in Madurai and Pandya might be compared to the gypsies. Linguists argue that their original language, which is connected to the Tamil language spoken in Southern India, has strong linkages to that language (D. Amarasekera’s ‘Sri Lanka society’). As a consequence of this, the gypsy language that is spoken in South India is somewhat analogous to the Telugu language that is spoken by the gypsies in Sri Lanka. Gypsies adhere to the nuclear family system. It is comprised of a collection of families that is formed by the coming together of various different families. There is a person in charge of each of these organisations. When it comes to the organisation as a whole, he is the sole authority figure, and he is the one who makes choices and the one who ensures that justice is served. Some of these people have got into the habit of spending every penny that they make without putting anything away for the future. Also, they are only concerned with the here and the now, rather than the future, which has a similar impact on the children in the gypsy community who are supposed to attend school in order to prepare for the future,” Meththasinghe observed.

Modernisation, urbanisation, and the decreasing availability of land for sustenance have all had an effect on the growth of the gypsy community. The monarchs had previously undertaken a number of different endeavours to both stop the gypsy community from moving about from one location to another and to find a home for them so that they could stay permanently in a single location. According to the Mahaweli Authority, many gypsy families have had the chance to farm their own land since 1980. When the women were given jobs in the export villages, the young males were conscripted to the military. As a direct result of these efforts, which were fruitful, the gypsies soon adapted to the way of life of the regular people and gave up their nomadic way of life.

The Mahakanadarawa Ahikuntaka village, which is managed by the Mihinthale Pradeshiya Sabha and is located on the edge of the Mahakanadarawa Tank, has the following postal address: The New Thelungu/Thelingu village, Seeppukulam, Mihinthale. By 2013, there were around 200 people residing in the village, distributed between 34 households. The history of the village is very recent; in 1999, former Minister S.M. Chandrasena took action to provide the community with permanent housing. A direct result of this was that around 30 dwellings in the village were erected on parcels of land that were 10 perches in size. Before moving to their current location, the people lived in close proximity to the Mahakanadarawa Tank, which is an essential component of their day-to-day lives. After moving to their current location, the people have continued to reside in close proximity to the Mahakanadarawa Tank. This village is home to two of the Ahikuntaka clans which are known to move across Sri Lanka. The majority of the people living in the village identify themselves as ‘Lankan Thelingu’ people and can trace their genealogy back to a community that originally resided in Puttalam. The majority of their money comes from fishing, but the females still put their centuries-old skill to use by reading palms in a variety of public locations in and around the city of Anuradhapura. The original gypsy community, which was situated in the nearby village of Thambuththegama, may have been the source of origin for around six of the families that presently reside in the area. The women continue the age-old practice of reading palms, and the males indulge in pastimes such as the hypnotism of serpents and the training of performing monkeys. These two families place a strong priority on maintaining their separate identities, despite the fact that they live in such close proximity to one another. Each clan thinks that they are superior to the other. However, it also appears that both parties are guilty of breaking some of their traditions as they were traveling along their journey of life. A few of the locals, when queried about their religious views, told that while in the past they had practiced Buddhism, they had subsequently converted to Catholicism. Despite this, it seemed that they were clueless about the specific Catholic church to which they belonged. Several of these individuals stated that they adhered to the teachings of ‘Kali Amma’. This Siyambalagaswewa village is under the control of Clansman Aloysius. He tied the knot with a female who spoke Thelingu, and her name was Thangavelu Kamalawathie. Aloysius claims to be of Sinhalese heritage. There is no evidence that the leader and his partner have ever been legally married, despite the fact that they are presently cohabitating. Both of them have children from prior relationships. The settlements are plagued by a variety of challenges, the most prominent of which is the persistent lack of access to potable water. The closest well is roughly a half mile away from the village, and accessing it may be difficult owing to the wild elephants that roam the area and consume the plants around it. In addition to this, they are not allowed to make use of any of the several forms of public transportation that are accessible in this area. On the buses, they are not well received because they are unclean and they smell,” Meththasinghe observed. The said Siyambalagaswewa Primary School is situated adjacent to the gypsy village. In spite of the fact that the gypsy children lacked essential documentation such as birth certificates and other such records, the school’s principal and the teaching staff have made a number of concessions in order to accept them as students. These children, in comparison to the other children, exhibited behaviours that are not typical of children their age. Their attitudes, talents, and knowledge are all much below average in comparison to other people. The youngsters were progressively exposed, through their teachers and other adults, to standards, customs, habits, and the like. Some individuals received education on basic hygienic procedures, such as the correct way to brush their teeth and use the toilet. In addition to the school community, a number of well-wishers came to help the gypsy children who were enrolled in the school. Yet, it is a very difficult task to get them to abandon their centuries-old customs. They are obligated to preserve the traditions that have been passed down from their parents and elders. For instance, begging, fishing, monkey dancing, and other similar activities continue. In addition, it is part of their tradition to go to areas in which they had other relatives living so that they might perform their rites in the company of those people. In addition to this, they often participate in religious events in Jaffna, Puttalam, Thambuththegama, Mannar, Vavuniya, and Kataragama, which led them to miss a large amount of school. This resulted in substandard attendance at school, consisting of one or two days per week, a few days per month, throughout a school term. As a direct consequence of this, their predicted level of success in terms of attitudes, knowledge, and talents is much lower than that of a typical youngster, as are their habits and customs.

The gypsy community also receives a range of other types of assistance from various government entities. Some of them include the Grama Niladhari, an Economic Development officer from the Divisional Secretariat (DS), a Samurdhi officer, a Social Service officer, an Early Childhood Development officer, and a Child Rights Promotion officer among others. As a result, a strong connection is maintained with the gypsy community. But, it does not appear that their centuries-old customs have any influence on regular school attendance. This has an impact on the society as a whole.

As a direct result of this, the school children of the Siyambalagaswewa village have not paid nearly enough attention to the school children of the gypsy community. Yet, factors like early marriages among female children, frequent fishing practices by males, and snake charming have produced substantial worry among the other school children, which has led to poor school attendance and hate by the village people. The lack of capacity of illiterate individuals to teach children how to lead better lives is a significant obstacle for the society as a whole. This aspect is also a major contributor to the low rate of school attendance. Other than that, there are a few students who are approaching the usual level of outstanding manners that is required of them to a far greater degree than the rest of the students. This indicates the favourable effects that constant attendance at work and engagement with coworkers has on children of all ages. As a direct consequence of this, the qualities of gypsy children and parents who have frequent and significant relationships with members of the Sinhalese community have developed exceptionally well.

School edu. of children in the gypsy community

The values, traditions, norms, beliefs, and practices of the culture in which a child is brought up and reared have a considerable bearing and significant impact on the sense of identity and self that the child develops as an adult. The extended family is the primary means of socialisation in the gypsy society in Sri Lanka (J.C. Berthier’s ‘The socialisation of the gypsy child’). This network provides both mental and physical support to children. There is a great deal of diversity present within gypsy groups; yet, there are some similarities in the ways in which children are traditionally brought up and often raised. This training occurs at a much younger age than the average age of children in the general population. They also rarely subject their children to physical punishment. Traditional community education for children is an essential component of their communities, and through involvement in its daily activities, they are exposed to and acquire the economic, social, linguistic, political, and moral norms of their society in Sri Lanka. Education is considerably different from traditional schooling. Young children generally attend school in extremely competitive, structured environments and settings where each minute and hour of the day are organised and planned around certain academic responsibilities and requirements.

Primary edu. of children in the gypsy community

In gypsy cultures, the primary influences in a child’s life are often their immediate family as well as their extended network of relatives. The culture of the dominant society also has an impact on a child’s perspective, in addition to their family and friends. This assists people in being ready for the social and financial demands of adulthood, such as getting married, maintaining steady work, and beginning a family. They are also given the responsibility of looking after younger children. A child’s sense of freedom is bolstered by the absence of physical punishment. Joking or mocking is employed to induce compliance in children by making them feel awkward or foolish.

From the ages of five to 12, children are considered to be pure and innocent. As a consequence of this, the hygiene-related laws don’t apply to them. A gypsy child, in contrast to an adolescent, has fewer social obligations and less political stature.

Reasons for non-continuing schooling of gypsy children

The process of child socialisation and education is characterised by community education. Children learn to trust themselves and adopt culturally accepted values in a situation where they are encouraged to be self-reliant, are seldom penalised, and significantly contribute to the economic operations of the community. Up until puberty, when young adults take on gender-assigned tasks, childhood is characterised by its relative freedom from societal obligations. Since it teaches them adult verbal and non-verbal communication skills and enables them to participate in community economic activities, a community education assists gypsy children in Sri Lanka in making the transition from adolescence to adulthood. Due to the increasing need for literacy, more people are seeking non-traditional education options for their children. Nonetheless, there are other situations in which children’s requirements are not met by conventional education. Understanding this will be necessary in order to find a solution that works for everyone involved. It is equally important for the future success of gypsy children that fresh programmes be developed to increase the number of gypsy children enrolled in education in Sri Lanka. Nevertheless, these efforts must respect people’s rights to self-determination and full involvement in education projects, especially those involving their children. What can be said with certainty however is the vital need for non-educators to recognise the uniqueness of history, language, and culture, and to take action to rectify the imbalances that people face in areas such as education.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Sept. 9 (Daily Mirror) – Russia, in response to the OHCHR report on Sri Lanka, said that it sees no reason to raise concerns about the human rights situation in Sri Lanka, whose authorities demonstrate their readiness to build mutually respectful cooperation with international human rights mechanisms. 

A Russian representative said that a clear example is the recent visit of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to this country.

“We note the efforts aimed at bringing national legislation into line with international human rights obligations. Measures are being taken to improve the public administration system. Progress is being made towards national reconciliation. In this context, we welcome the decision of the country’s government in August 2025 to begin developing a new national policy and action plan in this area. Specialised bureaus are functioning in Sri Lanka, as well as the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into Human Rights Violations.

Against this background, the ongoing attempts to exert political pressure on this sovereign state under far-fetched human rights pretexts are a cause for concern. It is in this context that we consider the HRC resolutions, unsupported by the national authorities, empowering the OHCHR to collect and analyse information on alleged human rights violations for some future judicial processes. Such an approach contradicts the universal principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of states. We are convinced that the investigation of any violations and bringing to justice is the exclusive prerogative of the Sri Lankan authorities,” stated the Russian representative.

Courtesy Hiru News

Remittances from Sri Lankan migrant workers have shown significant growth, reaching $5.11 billion in the first eight months of 2025, a 19.3% increase from the same period in the previous year.

This positive trend is expected to continue, with the Sri Lanka Bureau of Foreign Employment (SLBFE) projecting total remittances to reach $7 billion by the end of 2025.

This increase in funds is a direct result of a rise in Sri Lankan workers seeking employment abroad, with a total of 212,302 workers having left the country during this period.

The majority of these workers were male, and the top destinations for employment included Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar.

The SLBFE has also noted a growing interest in East Asian countries, particularly Japan and South Korea.

Dr. Sudath Gunasekara Ex secretary to Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranayake and President SASA 1991-93.

Proposal to set up a Memorial Museum of Patriotic wars of Kandyan Sinhalese (1505-1848) and an International Institute of Post Graduate Research on Colonial crimes in Sri Lanka and the Global South” at the old Bogambara Prison site.

Mahanuwara. (Kandy) 9.3. 2025.

 A prelude

Bogambara is an ugly vestige of an uncivilized, repressive, inhuman and brutal torcher British Bastille of Sri Lanka, from 1818 to 1948 where the bones of the native victims buried on this ground will bear witness. The first two patriotic national leaders to be beheaded here, were the two national heroes, Keppetipola Disava and Madugalla Disawas on 25th 1818, for leading the historic Uva Wellassa rebellion, the first freedom struggle by the Sinhalese against the British invaders. This was followed by the most uncivilized and barbarous incident that took place here, the murder of Kudapola Thera, by shooting in his robes on 26th August in 1848, under orders by Torrington, the savage white murderer, in spite of strong objections by his own legal adviser, the then Attorney General H.G. Selby, violating all civilized norms of human behavior. Both Brownrigg and Torrington followed the same uncivilized and brutal practices on this spot, in all murders between 1818 to 1850. All these public executions were carried out here in the open air as there was no prison at that time.

It is to be noted here that the charge against all these patriots was treason against the British Crown, whereas all those who were either shot or beheaded, were executed only for rising against the invader, to protect the beloved mother land, where their ancestors had lived and jealously protected for millennia from the inception of human history. These patriots had only risen against a foreign invader to defend their government and the Motherland. By what criterion they called it treason? Was it another synonym for patriotism?

Bogambara prison built in 1877.

This Prison was built on this ground in 1877. Till then all murders were carried out in the open air. Ever since this Bastille of the British was built at the heart of the most Sacred and spiritual heart of the Kandyan Kingdom, it had been used as a torcher house by the British colonial government that had carried on their carnage and imprisonment sprees here until 1948, to satisfy their own savages’ killings with no justice for the native Sinhalese or their heritage at all. Even after they left the shores physically, by handing over the country to their British trained local black white proxy’s, who continued hanging and imprisonment on behalf of their British masters did not come to an end. They also continued to have the colonial prison at Bogambara, for hanging and imprisonment of their own people sentenced under the Roman Dutch law as if we never had a legal system from the beginning of history, without making any attempt to introduce our own legal or a political system. They also continued to have Bogambara Prison at the same place, until rising public agitation against its continuance in front of the Sri Daladaa Maligava, compelled the government to shift it to Pallekele in 2014.  Incidentally it was I who first started that movement by writing an article to the Daily News 29th August 1977, demanding that it should be immediately shifted to Pallekele. In spite of all these oppositions the governments of the so-called independent Sri Lanka continued hanging here, even after declaring it a Republic in 1972, until it was stopped in 1977 temporally. But the prison remained there until it was finally transferred to Pallekele in 2014 at last, as I had suggested in 1977.

In this historical backdrop we all know that the site on which Bogambara prison stands was a place immortalized by the remains of our patriotic ancestors who sacrificed their lives on our behalf to save the motherland from the invaders for posterity. In my opinion, it is therefore a historic place where all Sinhalese should assemble in tens of thousands annually, to pay their homage to the dead, who protected this country for 310 long years (1505-1815) from the enemy, confining three powerful invaders with enormous gunpower to a narrow coastal belt of this Island.

The invaders, having openly violated the Kandyan Convention 1815 in 1818 the uncivilized British murderers    converted this sacred city to a grave yard, where the remains of thousands of our patriotic freedom fighters including Buddhist Monks such as Kudapola Thera and others were brutally executed by beheading, hanging or shooting in public even without trial.  As such Bogambara, in my opinion should be protected as a site of annual moaning of the Sinhala nation cum a national memorial center of the murdered Sinhalese patriots” rather than making it a fool’s merry making paradise, by converting it to a 7-star Hilton, Marriot or Oberoi as some fools have suggested, making the dead to rise from their graves in protest.

Therefore, obviously this is no place suitable for merry making or night life as our politicians and some public officials, who have no vision or a mission at all in their heads for nation building and indulge in promoting crazy tourism, which is a veritable canker  to our economy and culture, as it has already been proved particularly in the Southern and the Eastern parts of the Island, where  Israelist ,Indians, Chinese and even Russians have already taken over the trade in to their own hands, syphoning  all the income to their countries  and thereby depriving this country of its much craved  US $. These negative economic benefits of tourism are in addition to the cultural and social ills that spill down our society, that will one day completely erode the 2566-year-old pristine Sinhala Buddhist civilization from the surface of this Island. Therefore, I call upon all self-serving politicians and officials in this country, who are still suffering from this night mare tourist syndrome, to read Dr Asoka Bandarage’s article Sri Lanka: The Beautiful, Besieged Island” in the Lanka web (3.9.2025.)

It is in this sad and appalling backdrop that I propose to setup a Memorial Museum of Patriotic wars of Kandyan Sinhalese (1505-1848) and an International Institute of Post Graduate Research on Colonial crimes in Sri Lanka and the Global South” at the old Bogambara Prison site, to attract the attention of the whole world, instead of the mad idea of a tourist hotel.

I give below the reasons for selecting Sri Lanka for this proposed International Institute

Sri Lanka is centrally located on the world map; it is easily accessible to all countries, both by sea and air; it is one of the leading members of the Aon-Aligned Movement (NAM) right from its beginning in 1956 Bandung days; During Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranayakaya’s time (1972-1977), in 1971 at her initiation together with Julius Nyerere of Tanganika, got the UN to declare the Indian Ocean Ocen as a peace Zone by United Nations General Assembly resolution. (A/RES/2832(XXVI 1971) This declaration called for great powers to eliminate military bases and weapons from the Indian Ocean and for all states to respect it as a zone, free from military rivalries and weapons of mass destruction. (But it had been violated by UK and subsequently by US by opening up a military base on Diago Garcia, right at the center of the Indian Ocean, with B-2 bombers capable of carrying 30,000-pound bunker buster bombs with a 10,000 km range.US used this base in their recent attack on Ira). I am lost to understand as to why India, as the biggest power in the region is keeping silent on this breach of UN resolution). Again, during her tenure as Chairman of the NAM, 1970/76, she had the NAM meeting in Colombo where 85 NAM leaders had grazed the occasion making it one of the most colorful events in the annals of the NAM.

Furthermore, Sri Lanka was the only country in the world, where British invaders could not conquer by war; (they annexed it in 1815 only by a mutually agreed friendly Convention between two equal Kingdoms by intrigue cleverly hatched by Doily and Brownrigg. It was blatantly and illegally violated by British, as preplanned, on Nov 21st 1818 by a Royal Proclamation, by which the British consolidated their arbitrary power, as if they had captured this country by defeating the Sinhalese by war, completely ignoring the Kandyan Convention which is legally valid even today, as an international Agreement between the Sinhale and the United Kingdom. Brownrigg resorted to the most inhuman and uncivilized methods in this dastardly act, which Daivy in 1821 had described in the following words.  The history of British rule in Sri Lanka after the 1818 rebellion cannot be related without shame. None of the members of the leading families in in the Kandyan country have survived. Smallpox and privations have destroyed those spared by the gun and the sword” In fact it was under this type of proclamations British ruled this country up to1948, under the iron boot.

Thus, the suppression of Kandyans by the British has gone down in world history as one of the most savages and cruel and barbaric operations ever known to man on earth.

Finally, and most importantly, this country was the only country in the world that was not conquered in war by the British, but only by deception and intrigue. Even to get that done three powerful colonial invaders had to fight for 310 years from1505- 1815, where the Sinhalese successfully kept the invaders at bay by keeping them confined to a narrow coastal belt all that time. This indeed was a unique achievement on the part of the Sinhalese in world history.

In this backdrop, I have no doubt that all NAM countries will readily welcome this idea. Such an institution will form a formidable forum for all NAM countries to voice their objections to the neo-colonial agenda of the colonial Atlantic civilizations. It will also open the gates for the whole world to know, how these colonial invaders had destroyed this country in particular and almost all countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Middle East as well for centuries, in general, to enrich their treasuries at home and build up their Empires.

This subjugation was followed by the creation of a network of global colonial dependencies by the colonia powers as sources of cheap raw materials for their industries and markets in order to consolidate their dominance over the so called third world,  they themselves have created for 4 centuries by subjugation, repression,  exploitation,  subordination and murder to perpetuate their western colonial dependency trap at the expense of the so-called Third World or the Global South  as they sometimes call them, a diabolical creation of the Atlantic Civilization of Sea Pirate nations.

 I am confident, once we initiate this project, it could be expanded to attract the interest of all the so-called Global South countries, who had been the victims of colonialism for centuries and continue to be so even at present. The proposed could be developed as the Headquarters of an International Institute of Research on Colonial crimes in the Global South”

 As a first in this step, I suggest we first address a letter to the SRAAC General Secretary and convince him on the advantages of this proposal not only to expose colonial misdoings but also to keep all major powers led by the US, India and China with self-interest at bay, by asserting Sri Lanka as the hub in this pursuit in the Indo Pacific region by uniting the Global South under the banner of the Non Aling Movement. Our next step should be to summoning a joint meeting of the SAARC countries to work out the inter-governmental commitment modalities. The next step should be to summon a meeting of the NAM to build up the joint Global South movement. A strong NAM could even be a challenge to the New World Order that is struggling to be born, where Sri Lanka could be its epicenter.  As Shenali Waduge has correctly asserted such a strategy could even turn Sri Lanka in to a diplomatic, economic, moral hub of the 21st century in a New Brave Modern World and reassert Sri Lanka’s role as a neutral hub of dialogue in the Indo-Pacific. If Sri Lanka takes the lead, it will no longer be a pawn shuffled by others, but the square on which the next game of geopolitics is reset.”

*(A draft of the Proposed Project Report is annexed)

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon Executive Director/ Center for Human Rights and Research (CHR) Sri Lanka

The persistent delay of Provincial Council (PC) elections in Sri Lanka, often attributed to incomplete electoral boundary delimitation, remains a significant concern, as the current government continues this trend. In its 2025 response to the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) report (A/HRC/60/21), the government reiterated its commitment to holding PC elections once delimitation is finalized. However, since 2017, successive administrations have used the introduction of a new electoral system and delimitation issues as justifications for postponing these elections. The current government, led by the National People’s Power—which vocally opposed delays in local government elections in 2023–2024—has, for nearly a year, followed a similar path, casting doubt on its commitment to timely democratic processes.

Legal and Political Barriers

The inability to conduct PC elections stems from the absence of an updated electoral law, compounded by past political instability that prevented a Prime Minister-led review committee from submitting its delimitation report to Parliament within the stipulated timeframe. If the government is genuinely committed to holding these elections, it could establish a new review committee under the Prime Minister’s leadership, present recommendations to Parliament within two months, and enact the necessary legislation. Should concerns arise about the legality of such a committee, parliamentary approval could resolve the issue. Alternatively, if the government wishes to hold elections under the previous proportional representation system, it could pass legislation with a two-thirds parliamentary majority.

Urgent Need for Electoral Reform

The core obstacle to PC elections is the lack of a clear electoral law, which only Parliament can address. For nearly a year, the government has made no progress on delimitation, echoing the inaction of administrations since 2018 and providing only a superficial response to the OHCHR report. To honor its commitments, Parliament must enact a clear electoral law for Provincial Councils.

Fulfilling Commitments to the UN and India

The government’s 2025 response to the OHCHR reaffirmed its intent to hold PC elections post-delimitation, addressing concerns about implementing the 13th Amendment. India has consistently urged the timely holding of PC elections under the 1987 Indo-Lanka Accord, which established the PC system to address ethnic tensions. Fulfilling these commitments would enhance Sri Lanka’s international credibility and support reconciliation efforts emphasized by the UN.

Integration with Human Rights Commitments

The OHCHR’s 2025 report (A/HRC/60/21) underscores that holding PC elections is critical to fulfilling Sri Lanka’s human rights obligations, particularly under the 13th Amendment, which promotes devolution to address ethnic and regional grievances. The absence of PC elections since 2018 has hindered reconciliation, especially in the North and East, where devolved governance is vital. By prioritizing elections, the government can demonstrate progress on the UN’s recommendations for accountability, rule of law, and inclusive governance, aligning with commitments to address past violations and impunity.

Challenges with Delimitation

The Delimitation Commission, established in 2015, has been ineffective due to the lack of a clear mandate, leaving unresolved boundary issues related to the police, judiciary, local government bodies, divisional secretariats, village administration units, and sectors such as forest conservation, wildlife, archaeology, and indigenous affairs. A properly empowered National Delimitation Commission is urgently needed to address these challenges in a systematic manner.

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon

Executive Director/ Center for Human Rights and Research (CHR) Sri Lanka
Rajith_tennakoon@yahoo.com

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Sept. 8 (Daily Mirror) – While alleging that two containers comprising raw material used to produce narcotic drugs have been cleared despite prior warnings by foreign intelligence units, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa today urged the government to reveal how they have reached the producers.

There are many issues pertaining to this incident. We understand that foreign intelligence units have warned about these containers. We have been told that these containers have been cleared. Therefore, a number of issues arise with regard to the development. Were the containers subjected to security checks? If so, who conducted the inspections? The government should reveal these details to the country,” Mr. Premadasa said during a meeting he had with a group of ex-MPs.

We would also like to know when these two containers were released. One wonders whether these two containers were among the 323 red-labelled containers which were released earlier this year. Individuals and institutions which were behind this incident must be disclosed,” he said.

At the same time, Mr. Premadasa said recovering consignments of raw material used for producing ‘Ice’, which has become a popular narcotic drug in Sri Lanka, is a positive move.

Police have discovered stocks of chemicals, suspected to be used in the manufacture of the drug ‘Ice’, in Middeniya and Kandana.

Courtesy Adaderana

In a breakthrough that reads like a beacon of hope, Russia has announced that its novel cancer vaccine, Enteromix, has demonstrated 100% efficacy and safety in initial human trials. 

The news highlights the vaccine’s remarkable performance: patients experienced tumour shrinkage and no serious side effects. 

Developed using the same mRNA technology as the COVID-19 vaccines, Enteromix is designed to train the immune system to recognize and eliminate cancer cells, a safer, more intelligent alternative to traditional treatments like chemotherapy.

This pioneering therapy is personalized for each colorectal cancer patient, offering a custom immunotherapy tailored to an individual’s tumour profile. 

The trials involved 48 volunteers and were conducted by Russia’s National Medical Research Radiological Centre in collaboration with the Engelhardt Institute of Molecular Biology. 

The announcement, made at the 2025 St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, frames this Russian cancer vaccine as a potential game-changer in oncology, one step away from regulatory approval by Russia’s Ministry of Health.

Global oncology is watching attentively. If these results are validated through larger, rigorous trials, Enteromix could herald a new era: personalized, effective, and side-effect-light cancer treatment. 

For Indian patients, many of whom face high cancer burdens and variable access to care, such an advancement could be profoundly impactful-provided regulatory and accessibility pathways align.

How Enteromix was developed

Enteromix was born from years of coordinated research by Russia’s National Medical Research Radiological Centre and the Engelhardt Institute of Molecular Biology. 

The vaccine leverages mRNA technology, similar to the platform that enabled rapid COVID-19 vaccine development, to generate a custom immune response against cancer cells. 

The personalized nature of Enteromix means each dose is tailored to the individual’s tumour genomics, a biomarker-driven approach enabled by sophisticated mutation-profiling algorithms.

What sets it apart from other cancer vaccines

Unlike conventional cancer vaccines, which often follow a one-size-fits-many strategy and historically underperform, Enteromix brings two key innovations:

• Fully personalized design: Each vaccine is crafted based on the genetic makeup of an individual’s tumour, improving target specificity and immune engagement.
• mRNA platform: This allows rapid development and scalability, something decades-long efforts in cancer vaccines have lacked. The mRNA-based method can also be adapted for different cancers quickly.

This combination of personalization and agility positions Enteromix at the frontier of therapeutic vaccines, potentially overcoming longstanding challenges in immuno-oncology.

Implications for global and Indian patients

If Enteromix gains regulatory approval and wider validation, its implications are wide-reaching:

• For global patients: A shift from broad, harsh treatments to safer, tailored immunotherapies could reduce side effects and improve outcomes.
• For India: With colorectal and cervical cancer among the leading causes of cancer mortality here, access to an effective, personalized cancer vaccine could transform care, if cost, infrastructure, and regulatory support are in place.

However,caution remains vital. Early trial success doesn’t guarantee long-term efficacy or generalizability, and logistical challenges around personalized mRNA vaccine production and distribution, like cold-chain storage, genomic profiling, must be addressed. 

Collaboration between regulators, healthcare systems, and innovation hubs will determine whether Enteromix remains a promise or becomes a global standard of care.

Source: NDTV

-Agencies 

Courtesy Hiru News

During the 60th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment, and Tourism, Vijitha Herath, reiterated Sri Lanka’s rejection of any form of external intervention or mechanism to investigate alleged human rights violations.

Speaking at the session on Monday (08), Minister Herath stated that Sri Lanka’s commitment to the accountability process is exclusively through domestic mechanisms.

He was responding to a report on Sri Lanka presented by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk.

The Human Rights Council session, which began today and runs until October 8th, will address various topics, including the protection of human rights for youth, ending violence, and the rights of indigenous peoples.

Reports and verbal updates on the human rights situations in several countries, including Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Sudan, Palestine, and Syria, are also scheduled to be presented.

The High Commissioner’s report on Sri Lanka, which was recently published, claims that the government has failed for years to acknowledge serious human rights violations committed by the military and other security forces.

It also recommends that Sri Lanka sign the Rome Statute, which would give the International Criminal Court jurisdiction over war crimes accusations.

In response, the Permanent Mission of Sri Lanka in Geneva stated that Sri Lanka does not recognise the Human Rights Council Resolution 57/1, which the report is based on.

The mission’s statement highlighted Sri Lanka’s continued opposition to external accountability projects, arguing that such initiatives are detrimental to the domestic reconciliation process.

During his visit, Minister Vijitha Herath is also scheduled to hold bilateral discussions with several high-level diplomats.

Courtesy Hiru News

The Japanese government has provided projects worth $3.7 million to improve infectious disease waste management in Sri Lankan government hospitals. Under this initiative, 15 hospitals across all nine provinces will receive medical waste incinerators equipped with temperature control and exhaust gas treatment systems.

The Trincomalee General Hospital has already received the infectious waste management equipment. The project aims to strengthen the country’s infection prevention and control capacity by providing technical training on proper waste management and equipment operation.

Japanese Ambassador Akio Isomata stated that a catheterisation laboratory is also expected to be established at the Trincomalee General Hospital within two years, which will further improve the quality of medical services in the Eastern Province and neighbouring areas.

“This project not only provides advanced facilities for infectious disease waste management but also strengthens the capacity of healthcare workers through training in Kaizen, 5S, and TQM methods,” Ambassador Isomata said.

The handover ceremony for the equipment at the Trincomalee General Hospital was attended by Minister of Health and Mass Media Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa, Japanese Ambassador to Sri Lanka Akio Isomata, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Employment Arun Hemachandra, Trincomalee District Parliamentarian Roshan Akmeemana, and JICA Sri Lanka Office Chief Representative Kenji Kuronuma.

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය

පලාත් සභා ඡන්ද විමසීම අතුරුදන් කිරීම සඳහා පසුගිය ආණ්ඩු විසින් යොදාගත් ‘සීමා නිර්ණය අවසන් කිරීම’ පිළිබඳ නිදහසකට කාරණයක් ලෙස, වත්මන් ආණ්ඩුව විසින් ද නැවත යොදා ගැනීම කනගාටුවට කරුණක් බව ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානාව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රයේ විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් පවසයි. 

මානව හිමිකම් පිළිබඳ මහ කොමසාරිස් කාර්යාලයේ (OHCHR) ශ්‍රී ලංකා වාර්තාවට ලිඛිත ප්‍රතිචාර දක්වමින් ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජය ‘සීමා නිර්ණය කටයුතු අවසන් වූ පසුව පළාත් සභා ඡන්දය පැවැත්වීමට පියවර ගන්නා බව’ දක්වා ඇත. 2017 සිට පළාත් සභා ඡන්දය කල් දැමීම සඳහා එවකට සිටි රජයන් නව මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමයක් හඳුන්වාදීම සහ සීමා නිර්ණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ‍වන ගැටළුව නිදහසට කරුණක් ලෙස යොදා ගෙන ඇත. පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණය පැවැත්වීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් 2023 – 2024 දී තීරණාත්මක විරෝධයක් දැක්වූ ජාතික ජනබලවේගය විසින් පාලනය කරන වත්මන් ආණ්ඩුව ද, වසරටක ආසන්න කාලයක් එම මාවතේම ගමන් කරමින් සිටී.

පලාත් සභා දැන් පවත්නා නීතිය අනුව පැවැත්විය නොහැකිව ඇත්තේ,  එවකට පැවති දේශපාලන වියවුල නිසා, අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා ගේ සමාලෝචන කමිටුවට මාස දෙකක් තුල සිය වාර්තාව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට නොහැකිවූ නිසාය.  ආණ්ඩුවට පළාත් සභා ඡන්දය පැවැත්වීමට සැබෑ උවමනාවක් තිබේ නම්, අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරියගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් නව සමාලෝචන කමිටුවක් පත් කර මාස දෙකක් තුල එහි නිර්දේශ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව වෙත ඉදිරිපත් කර සම්මත කර ඡන්දය පැවැත්විය හැකිය. (එවැනි කමිටුවක් නීත්‍යානුකුල නොවේ යැයි රජය සිතන්නේ නම්, පාර්ලිමේන්තුව අනුමැතිය සහිතව එය සිදු කළ හැකිය.)  

තාක්ෂණිකව, පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණය පැවැත්විය නොහැකිව ඇත්තේ පළාත් සභා සම්බන්ධයෙන්  ‘පවත්නා මැතිවරණය නීතියක් නොමැතිකම’ නිසාය. එයට පිළියම් යෙදිය හැක්කේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පමණී.

පුරා වසරකට ආසන්න කාලයක් පලාත් සභා සීමා නිර්ණයේ ඉදිරි පියවර නොගෙන 2018 සිට පැවති ආණ්ඩු කටයුතු කළ ආකරයෙන්ම කටයුතු කර, මානව හිමිකම් පිළිබඳ මහ කොමසාරිස් කාර්යාලය වාර්තාවට ඇඟ ගලවා ගැනීමේ ප්‍රතිචාරයක් ආණ්ඩුව විසින් ලබදා දී ඇත. එම පිළිතුර යථාර්ථයක් බවට පත්වීමට නම්, පලාත් සභා සම්බන්ධයෙන් ‘පවත්නා මැතිවරණය නීතියක්’ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව මගින් බලාත්මක කළ යුතුය.   පලාත් සභා ඡන්දය පැරණ සමානුපාතික ක්‍රමය යටතේ පැවැත්වීමට ආණ්ඩුව අවශ්‍යතාවයක් ඇති නම්, එය 2/3 බහුතරයෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ නීති සම්මතයක් මගින් සිදු කළ හැකිය.

2015 දී සීමා නිර්ණය කොමිෂන් සභාව පිහිටවනු ලැබූ නමුත්, එහි කාර්ය භාරය පිළිබඳ ජනවරම (mandate) ලබා දී නැත. එබැවින් කොමිෂන් සභාව එහි මුලික අරමුණ මත ක්‍රියාත්මක වන්නේ නැත. පොලිස්, අධිකරණ, පළාත් පාලන ආයතන, ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් හා ග්‍රාම නිලධාරී වසම්, වන සංරක්ෂන, වන ජීවී, මිනින්දෝරු, ස්වදේශ කටයුතු සීමා නිර්ණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ගැටළු රැසක් පවතී. ඒවා මිසඳීම සඳහා විධිමත්ව ස්ථාපනය කළ බලතල හා පහසුකම්  සහිත ජාතික සීමා නිර්ණය කොමිසමක අවශ්‍යතාව පවතින බව ද අවධාරණය කරේ.  

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්
විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය