Lanka Voice

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, July 1 (Daily Mirror) – Indian entrepreneurs state that they are currently directing their attention towards new investment prospects in Sri Lanka, particularly in sectors like energy, infrastructure, the digital economy, tourism and agriculture, as well as on enhancing entrepreneurial capacity.  

A delegation of around 20 Indian entrepreneurs, comprising heads of several prominent Indian companies, is currently engaged in an active programme in Sri Lanka, coordinated by the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII), with the aim of further developing existing investment opportunities and exploring new prospects. 

These comments were expressed during the delegation’s meeting with President Anura Kumara Disanayake this afternoon (01) at the Presidential Secretariat.

 The delegation is visiting Sri Lanka following an invitation extended by President Anura Kumara Disanayake during his recent official visit to India. The Indian delegation held discussions with several Sri Lankan Ministers and with officials from key government institutions, including the Board of Investment of Sri Lanka.

President Disanayake emphasized that the country has now established a more favourable environment for investors owing to the current economic stability.

The President briefed the Indian business representatives on the constructive measures implemented by the government to create a supportive economic climate and conditions conducive to investment. 

He further noted that the government has strengthened the legal framework and institutional system necessary to attract and sustain large-scale investments. He assured that under the present administration efforts have been made to eliminate the losses and corruption previously associated with investments.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has approved the Fourth Review of Sri Lanka’s Extended Fund Facility (EFF) arrangement.

By Dr. N.S. Wijewickrama and Dr. Gamini Withana 

Kidney business is an illegal and unethical racket that has spread throughout Sri Lanka. This racket is carried out by a group of seven doctors who make monthly payments to the responsible persons in the health sector and the legal authorities and carry out this business secretly and safely. Recently, Dr. Chamal Sanjeewa, a social activist, filed a complaint with the Criminal Investigation Department with evidence that Dr. Ranga Migara Weerakkody, who is working at Karapitiya Hospital, was involved in unethical human organ (kidney) trade. But the kidney mafia is very powerful. They are still carrying out their human organ business without any problems. This is the story of the kidney mafia in Sri Lanka.

A kidney transplant is a surgical procedure to place a healthy kidney from a living or deceased donor into a person whose kidneys no longer function properly. Successful kidney transplantation improves both patient survival and quality of life. A kidney transplant improves the quality and longevity of life for patients that have end-stage kidney disease.

In 1956, the world’s first kidney transplant surgical technique was invented. The first kidney transplant was performed in Sri Lanka by Dr. Reserve Sheriff and Dr. Sheriff Dean at the Colombo General Hospital in 1985.  Thereafter the kidney transplant was performed in Sri Lanka. It was a great relief for kidney patients. This was a great relief for renal patients.

 An alarming surge in renal diseases, diabetes, and high blood pressure is driving the demand for kidneys, which greatly exceeds supply. This gaping hole between demand and the legal supply of kidneys is being filled by the biggest black market for organs. This created a sinister kidney business in Sri Lanka, which is called the Kidney Mafia.” Regrettably, Sri Lanka has become the new nerve center of this network, where most transplant operations are carried out. Most of these operations do not meet the country’s legal requirements. According to Al Jazeera, in recent years, Sri Lanka has attracted kidney buyers from as far afield as Israel and the United States. Some private hospitals offer “complete packages” to recipients, with prices ranging from 3 to 4 million rupees. This is a well-organized racket that trades on the susceptibilities of largely poor donors to benefit the rich.

The Indian Police indicated that illegal kidney transplants conducted in Sri Lanka and a number of Sri Lankan doctors are working with this illegal mafia. A lengthy investigation by the Indian Police into the kidney racket has revealed that many illegal kidney transplants have been carried out in Sri Lanka. India’s ‘The Hindu’ newspaper has reported on the illegal kidney operations carried out by several doctors in Sri Lanka. According to the journalist Emendi Marambe, there are several doctors who coordinate illegal kidney business. 

The kidney mafia is powerful in Sri Lanka, and this racket generates billions of rupees annually, and it is second only to drug trafficking. This Mafia is run by a handful of doctors and a few senior officials from the Ministry of Health.   According to Dr. Rukshan Bellana, the Kidney Mafia is also supported by a leading member of the Government Medical Officers Association (GMOA).   

Trading in human organs is illegal in Sri Lanka.” According to Sri Lankan law, organs cannot be bought or sold. Organ transplant operations in Sri Lanka require prior approval from the Health Ministry. In 2016, the Health Ministry had launched an investigation into allegations that a group of surgeons ran a racket trading human kidneys. The health ministry appointed a committee of five experts to run the investigation. However, this investigation was a failure, and they could not beat the kidney mafia.

It is reported that many undocumented kidney surgeries are carried out secretly in private hospitals. These backstreet clinics offer no aftercare support and provide no documentation regarding the origin of the kidney. Patients are often detained in squalid conditions by the broker until the day of surgery, and they usually don’t know the name of the hospital or surgeon until the transplant takes place. Patients are typically smuggled into the hospital, and the transplants performed during the night to avoid being caught. These clinics care only about making money. They have no concern whatsoever regarding the success of the procedure. Organs used will probably not have been checked for infectious diseases—patients have been known to contract HIV after receiving an infected kidney during an illegal transplant. There have been many patients who have died from an infection following illegal transplantation. Kidneys are generally obtained from poor people who are in need of money. They are often in a state of very poor health, and would never have been accepted to be a live kidney donor program in a legal transplant centre. The seller is typically discharged without any follow-up care, and they frequently develop serious infections shortly after.

Although it is illegal to buy or sell a kidney in Sri Lanka, the kidney mafia in Sri Lanka is luring people into buying and selling kidneys for huge amounts, exploiting desperate patients in need of immediate kidney transplants and healthy individuals caught in financial hardships. The racket is thriving in Sri Lanka. The regulations on organ transplants in Sri Lanka are vague, and the illicit kidney trade is booming. This is a multimillion-dollar black market business. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), South Asia is now the leading transplant tourism hub globally. Each year more than 1500 Sri Lankans sell their kidneys.

A few years ago a kidney transplant racket came to light in the Jaffna Hospital, which was revealed by the Ravaya newspaper. It was reported that poor Tamil youth in the North were selling their kidneys to brokers in Jaffna. Brokers find donors who are willing to sell their kidneys on the black market. Most of these donors are poor youth from the Jaffna Peninsula. The brokers mostly target healthy and non-smoking male donors in their 20s or early 30s. The kidney broker who arranges the transactions gets a US$700 commission. These donors are paid 500,000 Sri Lankan rupees, and the recipient pays nearly 4 million rupees for the kidney. A large sum of money is paid to the doctors who are operating in this racket. To avoid any legal barriers to surgery, the donor would claim the kidney was being offered for free on humanitarian grounds.   Over the years, asylum seekers were selling their kidneys so they could pay to get on a boat to Australia. A three-year News Corp investigation has found almost 100 desperate Australians have paid to have an illegal transplant overseas because the demand for organs here outstrips supply. Sri Lankan refugee advocate Samuel Chandrahasan says around 500 Sri Lankan refugees have sold their organs in the last three years. Their kidney function assessments were done by Dr. Ranga Migara Weerakkody, who worked as the Nephrologist in the Jaffna Hospital.

The kidney mafia has largely targeted poor youth in the North, Tamil Estate Workers, and Buddhist monks. Many brokers now visit temples, targeting Buddhist monks. There are hundreds of kidney brokers, and they supply donors to the kidney mafia. 

Dr. Monik Ambepitiya, Dr. Habiba Sahif, and Dr. Ranga Migara Weerakkody are accused of running the kidney mafia. They are assessing kidney functions and coordinating and performing illegal kidney transplantations from paid donors from the various parts of the island. These doctors have allegedly made a fortune by luring poor people to sell their kidneys, which were then transplanted in new recipients who coughed up on average 4-5 million rupees for their organ transplants.   These poor and uneducated donors have been duped by these doctors. This is a mafia-style exploitation of the poor and the vulnerable. Kidney transplant operations have been exploited by unscrupulous entities in the medical profession to make a fast buck at the expense of poor and vulnerable donors and equally helpless recipients. Unfortunately, the Sri Lanka Medical Council is maintaining a deafening silence on this scam. The Sri Lanka Medical Council and the Health Ministry have turned a blind eye to the breach of established ethical practices of medicine.

By Dr. N.S. Wijewickrama and Dr. Gamini Withana 

Special thanks to

Dr. Anura Hewageegana, Consultant Nephrologist

Dr. Rajeewa Dassanayake, Consultant Nephrologist

Dr. Premil Nadeekanth Rajakrishna—Consultant Nephrologist 

Please listen to the interview by Dr Chamal Sanjeewa on illegal kidney trade in Sri Lanka  ;  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9XW_-Vgl5P8

National Development Bank PLC

In a shared vision to simplify international education pathways and empower Sri Lankan students with global opportunities, NDB Bank is pleased to announce its strategic partnership with VXL Education, a leading international education consultancy firm with over 15 years of experience in the sector.

The official signing of the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) took place at NDB Bank Head Office, marking the beginning of a collaboration that promises to support aspiring students with a seamless and financially accessible path to study abroad.

Signing on behalf of NDB were Mr. Sanjaya Perera, Senior Vice President – Personal Banking & Customer Experience, and Mr. Zeyan Hameed, Vice President – Retail Banking, while Mr. Ayodhya Kodagoda, Managing Director of VXL Education, and Mr. Nihal Kodagoda, Director/CFO, represented the education consultancy at the event.

With an extensive global presence and a 97% visa success rate, VXL Education has helped over 2,000 students navigate their international education journeys, offering end-to-end services from university selection and visa processing to onshore support and accommodation. Their partnerships span across destinations including Australia, the UK, Canada, Germany, the USA, and beyond.

Through this partnership, NDB Bank will offer a suite of tailored financial solutions that complement VXL Education’s student support framework. This includes education loan offerings, student file facilities, and foreign remittance support, ensuring that families have access to the resources they need when preparing for overseas education.

Commenting on the partnership, Sanjaya Perera noted, At NDB, we are committed to empowering the aspirations of our younger generation. Partnering with a globally respected brand like VXL Education enables us to strengthen our support to students and families who are embarking on life-changing academic journeys. We are proud to be a part of their future.”

This collaboration aligns with NDB’s broader purpose of being a trusted partner in every moment that matters, whether it’s financial planning, education, entrepreneurship, or global mobility. By supporting education abroad through responsible and flexible financing, NDB Bank continues to position itself as a catalyst for personal growth and national development.

NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Bank for Corporates at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2024 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.

By Rathindra Kuruwita Courtesy The Diplomat

It is under pressure from India and the U.S. to block Chinese research vessels from docking in its ports. Will the crafting of standard operating procedures help?

Sri Lanka is again caught in a controversy surrounding a foreign research vessel. Its media has reported that the U.N.-flagged research vessel Dr. Fridtjof Nansen, operated by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), which had been scheduled to dock in Sri Lanka, was redeployed to Madagascar due to delays in securing the necessary approval.

Local media reported that the Dr. Fridtjof Nansen was to collect data in Sri Lankan waters, which would not only support domestic fisheries management but also improve the country’s chances of tapping into international climate funding, such as from the Green Climate Fund.

According to reports, the United Nations had informed Sri Lanka about the research vessel in advance. However, Sri Lankan authorities delayed approval, saying that Sri Lanka has still not implemented standard operating procedures (SOPs) for foreign research vessels. By the time President Anura Kumara Dissanayake personally intervened to facilitate the ship’s docking, the FAO had reportedly redeployed the vessel elsewhere. Neither the U.N. nor the Sri Lankan government has formally confirmed this claim. Local media also estimated that the country has lost a million dollars in research and programming due to this development. According to the FAO, the vessel is unlikely to return to the region before 2030.

This debacle is not just about one vessel. For the past few years, Sri Lanka has been pressured by India and the United States to block Chinese research vessels from docking and replenishing in the country. Unable to deal with Indo-U.S. pressure, Sri Lanka imposed a blanket ban on research vessels for a year in December 2023. This decision kneecapped the country’s marine studies initiatives.

When the moratorium was imposed in 2023, the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration said that the year would be used to develop clear, transparent, and science-based SOPs for foreign research ships. However, distracted by domestic electoral politics, the administration failed to finalize these guidelines. This blanket ban expired in December 2024, but the SOPs are still not in place.

In January 2025, the Sri Lankan government pledged to review the work that has been done and develop comprehensive SOPs, even appointing a new committee led by Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath to oversee the process. Yet, as of July 2025, these SOPs have yet to materialize.

In the case of the U.N. ship, officials at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Ministry of Fisheries are left in bureaucratic limbo, unable to guarantee approvals or even communicate a clear timeline to international partners. Director General of the MFA’s Public Diplomacy Division, Thushara Rodrigo, told journalists that he doesn’t know when the SOPs will be finalized. The decision rests entirely with the committee making the SOPs, its discussions, and its reviews.” His view was that Sri Lanka should not allow any research vessel in without established SOPs: If we proceed informally now, it could set a precedent for future similar situations. We are more concerned with safeguarding Sri Lanka’s best interests in the long term, not just for this single case.”

Sri Lanka’s institutional caution is understandable given the geopolitical context. In the highly contested Indian Ocean, India considers Sri Lankan waters as within its sphere of influence. Each foreign research vessel is scrutinized for its strategic intent rather than its scientific mission.

A section of the Sri Lankan media and academics have been insisting over the past few years that Sri Lanka must draft and adopt comprehensive SOPs for foreign research vessels. These protocols, developed collaboratively by marine scientists, legal experts, security officials, and fisheries stakeholders, could reinforce Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. They insist that well-crafted SOPs for foreign research vessels can be a critical line of defense for Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. By requiring prior notifications, setting strict clearance protocols, or even denying access outright, the country can assert its rights under international law and set boundaries on great-power behavior.

However, Sri Lanka must understand that they are not foolproof shields. Those who believe that the country is facing pressure from India and the U.S. because it lacks an SOP must understand that even with an SOP that adheres to the best international standards, India and the U.S. will continue to pressure Sri Lanka to ban Chinese research vessels from docking in Sri Lanka. And China, which becomes more powerful with each passing year, will push back harder against Indian and U.S. attempts to hinder its operations in the Indian Ocean. The strategic dynamics of the Indian Ocean region ensure ongoing interference, irrespective of administrative safeguards like SOPs.

Sri Lanka’s long-term maritime strategy, therefore, must extend beyond SOPs, incorporating diplomatic agility, regional alliances, and proactive international engagement to safeguard its blue economy future.

By Nishel Fernando Courtesy The Daily Mirror

• Highlights major investment risks in the project
• BOI shifting its strategy to prioritise quality FDI” that ensures long-term national benefits over merely chasing high investment figures   

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Arjuna Herath

The head of Sri Lanka’s Board of Investment (BOI) has characterised the highly anticipated US$ 3.7 billion Sinopec oil refinery in Hambantota and Adani Group’s renewable energy project as fragile investments,” acknowledging the significant uncertainty surrounding their realisation.

Joining a panel discussion at the recent CA Sri Lanka Tax Symposium in Colombo, BOI Chairman Arjuna Herath underscored the agency’s commitment to attracting quality FDI” rather than merely chasing investment figures, even as it works diligently to bring large-scale projects to fruition.

There is a lot of pressure on us to try and achieve numbers of FDI,” Herath said. But where is this FDI coming from? What are these FDIs? I think it’s important to understand and work on quality FDIs.”

His remarks shed light on the precarious nature of high-value foreign investments in the current economic climate. We have seen FDI proposals that are on the table which are dwindling apart,” he noted.

The BOI chief directly referenced the Adani project, which has faced significant hurdles and saw the Indian conglomerate withdraw from a major wind power component earlier this year following government-led renegotiations. 

I think you should not be too disturbed with those because if you really look at Adani, we all know what the Adani’s investment was like,” he remarked, implying the complexities and potential downsides of such ventures.

Despite the challenges, Herath assured that the BOI is actively engaged in negotiations to secure these investments. We are working very hard… but not at any cost, right? Because it might not be a quality investment at the end of the day. So, that’s the context in which we operate,” he emphasised, reiterating the primacy of national interest and long-term value over expediency. 

Recent reports indicated that the Sinopec refinery project is currently stalled over disagreements regarding the extent of its access to the domestic market.

Herath’s comments come as Sri Lanka navigates a delicate path of economic recovery heavily reliant on foreign direct investment. He acknowledged the bold” and courageous” steps taken by the government on economic reforms but cautioned that the resulting stability is still delicate. Reforms are very sensitive… And you get to reforms and start destabilising the stability that we have achieved now is a sensitivity that the government is dealing with,” he said, advocating for a patient and carefully timed approach.

In a challenging global environment for foreign investment, Herath candidly questioned Sri Lanka’s current competitive edge. What do we offer? Why would a foreign investor come? Either we have market access, or we are close to supplies, or we have human resource skills and some excellent, unique properties, but all these things are not on our side,” he said.

However, he highlighted Sri Lanka’s strategic location and successes in niche markets like solid tyres, where the country holds a 35 percent global market share, as key advantages. The BOI is also focusing on fostering local investment and creating specialised economic zones for pharmaceuticals and textiles to drive growth.

He emphasised cautious optimism with a clear strategic focus.

I totally agree that we must go for quality more than quantity,” he concluded.

By Jared Ranahan, Courtesy Forbes

Long renowned for its verdant landscapes and historic temples, the Indonesian island of Bali draws droves of tourists each year to surf and sunbathe along its sandy shores—but in recent years, this influx of international visitors has caused serious strain on its local communities. As the island grapples with endless traffic jams and increased pollution, ethically-minded travelers may wish to set their sights on a different destination to alleviate some of the pressure, with Sri Lanka offering abundant natural beauty and fascinating cultural experiences with far fewer tourists.

Though not particularly close to each other—Bali is a province within Indonesia’s Lesser Sunda Islands, while Sri Lanka is an independent nation off the coast of India—the two destinations are both renowned for their lush landscapes, with plenty of hiking opportunities found across both islands. While Bali tourists might take part in the Campuhan Ridge Walk or embark on a sunrise trek to the peak of Mount Batur, those who visit Sri Lanka can find a wide range of outdoor adventure experiences, with sites like Bible Rock, Ella Rock and the Knuckles Mountain Range all offering marvelous views of the countryside. Meanwhile, surfing enthusiasts can spend their visit in the waters of Arugam Bay or Mirissa, both of which serve as an alternative to Bali’s Uluwatu.

Beyond the natural splendor, Sri Lanka is also home to a storied culture that spans centuries, with bustling cities and idyllic temples found all across the country. During a trip to Bali, visitors are likely to visit iconic structures like the Uluwatu Temple and Tanah Lot Temple—and when it comes to eye-catching architecture, Sri Lanka is more than capable of matching the Lesser Sunda Islands, with sites like Isurumuniya and Thirukoneswaram Kovil drawing visitors in droves. Meanwhile, those who prefer urban exploration can spend their time navigating the storied streets of Colombo, with destinations spanning from the 1870s-era National Museum to the Dutch Hospital precinct, a lively plaza that’s brimming with restaurants and artisanal shops.

Though Bali and Sri Lanka are both rife with natural beauty, the latter outshines the former in one field in particular: wildlife tourism. While the Bali tiger was driven to extinction decades ago, Sri Lanka plays host to a staggering array of extant animals, with species like the sloth bear, leopard and Asian elephant roaming its lush forests. To catch a glimpse of its rich biodiversity in the flesh, Sri Lanka visitors can spend a day birdwatching with Yala Safari Holidays across the wetlands of Bundala National Park or spend a few nights at the Uga Chena Huts, a collection of seaside cabins that offer a seamless blend of world-class luxury and fauna-focused ecotourism.

By P. K. Balachandran Courtesy Eurasia Review

With the acquisition of the Colombo Dockyard PLC (CDPLC) by the Indian Defence Ministry’s Mazagaon Dock Shipbuilders Ltd., (MDSL) last week, India’s position in Sri Lanka’s maritime domain vis-à-vis rival China, has been strengthened. 

Given Colombo port’s strategic location in the Indian Ocean, it has been eyed by regional powers India and China since 2010. And the competition has manifested itself in various forms.      

The Colombo Dockyard PLC(CDPLC) had been a joint venture of the Sri Lankan government and the Japanese Onomichi Dockyard Company Ltd., (Onomichi for short) since 1974. The CDPLC had been a success all along until the Sri Lankan financial crisis in 2022, when the country defaulted on its loans and its economy tanked. 

According to Lloyd’s List, the CDPLC had been a major asset as it was capable of handling vessels up to 125,000 dwt. It has serviced more than 200 ships annually. Even last year, the yard delivered two 5,000 dwt bulk carriers and was awarded contracts for four more, Lloyd’s List said. 

But 2023 proved to be a disastrous year for CDPLC. It registered a loss of Sri Lank ₨.11.1bn (U$ 38.2m). This was attributed to poor performance in the shipbuilding sector and the economic crisis which saw exchange rates tumble and inflation skyrocket.” 

According to The Sunday Morning, requests made on behalf of the Japanese company for government intervention to curb the impact of debt servicing went unanswered. However, seeing the gravity of the situation, the government, at the end of 2024, began to search for a suitable partner to keep CDPLC going. 

But according to The Sunday Morning several powerful nations were expressing concern” about which entities were wanting to acquire control of the port. Be that as it may, on its part, Onomichi’s condition was that it would sell its shares to any strategic investor willing to commit to the CDPCL’s business.” 

Enter Mazagaon Dock Shipbuilders .

Last week, the Indian Defence Ministry-owned Mazagaon Dock Shipbuilders Ltd.,(MDSL) announced that it had acquired 51% of the stake in CDPCL previously held by Onomichi. According to Llyod’s List, the deal is worth US$ 52.96 million. 

This marked MDSL’s first international acquisition. MDSL begins its transformation from a domestic shipbuilder to a regional maritime player with global ambitions. This move strengthens India’s regional maritime influence and expands MDSL’s global reach,” the company said in a social media post on X on June 27. 

The MDSL’s credentials are impressive. It has built 805 vessels since 1960, including 30 warships, ranging from advanced destroyers to missile boats as well as 8 submarines. For its Indian and global clientele, it has built cargo and passenger ships, supply vessels, multipurpose support vessels, water tankers, tugs, dredgers, fishing trawlers, and barges. MDL reported strong financial results in the third quarter of 2024, showing a net profit that had surged by 29% Year on Year.

Geopolitical Dimension 

India, which was already in the race to acquire control over Colombo port, had seized the opportunity created by Onomichi’s exit with alacrity, before China could seize it. 

After China got to set up a container terminal (the Colombo Container Terminal or CCT), India wanted to build and run the Eastern Container Terminal (ECT) and the Sri Lankan agreed to the proposal. But the decision to give it to India clashed with the policy of not giving ports to foreign counties. This caused tension with India especially because India saw the hidden hand of India in the controversy.

However, given India’s geopolitical heft, which was bigger thanb China’s, the project to build the Western Container Terminal (WCT) was given to the Indian group, the Adanis in 2021. 

In 2022, when Sri Lanka defaulted on replaying loans, India bailed the Sri Lankan government out by promptly giving aid to the tune of US$ 4 billion, while China was dragging its feet. With that New Delhi’s influence over Sri Lanka increased. 

In July 2023, a Joint statement issued at the end of Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s visit to New Delhi said that the two countries would ” cooperate in development of ports and logistics infrastructure at Colombo, Trincomalee and Kankesanthurai with an aim to consolidate regional logistics and shipping, as per mutual understanding.”

More importantly, the statement said that the two countries would establish land connectivity between Sri Lanka and India for developing land access to the ports of Trincomalee and Colombo, propelling economic growth and prosperity in both Sri Lanka and India, and further consolidating millennia-old relationship between the two countries. A feasibility study for such connectivity will be conducted at an early date.”

However, in the December 2024, the joint communique issued after President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s visit to New Delhi omitted the land connectivity part but spoke about cooperation in ensuring maritime security.

The December 2024 joint communicate said – Recognizing shared maritime security interests in the Indian Ocean Region, both leaders agreed to jointly pursue strengthening regional maritime security, both bilaterally and through existing regional frameworks. In this regard, the leaders welcomed the recent signing of the Founding Documents of the Colombo Security Conclave headquartered in Colombo. India reiterated its support to Sri Lanka in advancing the objectives of the Conclave.” 

The omission of the land connectivity plan did not come as a surprise, as the National Peoples’ Power (NPP) government led by Dissanayake was expected to be cautious about agreeing to connectivity projects. The leaders of the NPP have had a long background of anti-Indian politics and were also ideologically pro-China.

But over time, the Dissanayake regime grasped the geopolitical power of India in the region and yielded to Indian sensitivities. In deference to India’s security concerns, the NPP government does not allow foreign oceanographic research vessels to do any work in Sri Lankan waters. Recently, the government disallowed the Food and Agricultural Organization’s research vessel Nansen, though it had requested a visit in 2023. The decision might have been, at least partly, due to the fact that India and Sri Lanka had formally agreed to cooperate in hydrographic surveys.

Courtesy Lanka Leader

විදුලිබල සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත පිළිබඳ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ තීරණය නියෝජ්‍ය කථානායක වෛද්‍ය රිස්වි සාලි මහතා විසින් අද (30) පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට දැනුම් දෙන ලද අතර, ඒ අනුව අදාළ පනත් කෙටුම්පතේ වගන්ති කිහිපයක් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව උල්ලංඝනය කර ඇති බවත් ඒ අනුව විශේෂ පාර්ලිමේන්තු බහුතරයකින් සහ මහජන ජනමත විචාරණයකින් අනුමැතිය ලබාගත යුතු බවට ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය දැනුම් දී තිබේ.

මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් අදහස් දක්වමන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා හරිත සංවිධානයේ සභාපති සංඛ චන්දිම අභයවර්ධන මහතා  පැවසුවේ ආණ්ඩුවේ දූෂිත විදුලිබල පනත් කෙටුම්පත ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ දී පරාජයට පත්වූ බවත්, මෙය රටේම ජයග්‍රහණයක් බවත් ය.

මෙම නඩුව තමන් සහ පරාක්‍රම ජයසිංහ මහතා මෙන්ම නුවන් බැල්ලන්තුඩාව මහතා වෙනුවෙන් පවරණ ලද්දේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ නීතිඥ කනිෂ්ක විතාරණ මහතා බවත්, මෙරට බලශක්ති ස්වෛරීත්වය පිළිබඳව ලැබූ මෙම ජයග්‍රහණයට දායක වූ සියල්ලන්ට ස්තුතිය පුදකර සිටින බවත් ඒ මහතා පැවසීය.

සවිස්තරාත්මක වීඩියෝව නරඹන්න..

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka is the only country in the Asia region currently holding discussions with officials in the United States to revise the tariffs introduced by US President Donald Trump earlier this year, according to Minister of Labour and Deputy Minister of Economic Development Prof. Anil Jayantha Fernando.

Joining the Parliamentary debate today (30), where MPs are debating the fiscal strategy statement of the government, the Deputy Minister of Economic Development stated that they are hopeful the government will be able get a better deal from the US regarding the 44% tariff imposed earlier this year.

A Sri Lankan delegation last month held discussions in Washington, D.C., focusing on tariff-related matters, following an invitation extended by the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR).

The reciprocal tariffs imposed by United States President Donald Trump has been paused for 90 days at present.

Deputy Minister of Economic Development Prof. Anil Jayantha Fernando in Parliament stated that the government will take all steps within their powers to reduce the tariffs imposed by the US which will have a major bearing on many local industries.

The Deputy Minister while the government is taking such important steps to safeguard local companies, the opposition is only focused on jeopardizing the work of the present administration.

Courtesy Adaderana

Officials from India will extend their Washington visit to try to reach agreement on a trade deal with U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration and address lingering concerns on both sides, two Indian government sources said on Monday.

Trade talks between India and the U.S. have hit roadblocks over disagreements on import duties for auto components, steel, and farm goods, ahead of Trump’s July 9 deadline to impose reciprocal tariffs.

The Indian delegation had been expected to conclude discussions by last Friday, but was staying on until at least Monday evening to iron out differences and move towards an agreement, officials said, declining to be named as the discussions are private.

There are certain disagreements over opening up the agriculture and dairy sectors, though India has offered tariff concessions on 90% of tariff lines. A final call will be taken by the political leadership of the two countries,” one of the government sources said.

The Indian delegation could stay for another one to two days if discussions continue,” the second source said.

Agriculture and dairy are big red lines” for India in its ongoing trade negotiations with the U.S., Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman told the Financial Express newspaper in an interview published on Monday.

Yes, I’d love to have an agreement, a big, good, beautiful one; why not?” Sitharaman said, adding that an early conclusion of the trade deal would serve India better.

Trump said last week that America was going to have a very big” trade deal with India, but gave no details.

Source: Reuters

– Agencies

VFM RADIO 107

ඔයාලා මං ගැන දන්නවා ඇති – උපතින් කිතුණු මම සුදු ජාතික මහා බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයේ කස්සප හිමියන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාව කණපිට පෙරලයි සිංහලෙන් දෙනවා දීමක් – වචනයේ පරිසමාප්ත අර්ථයෙන්ම හිමිවරුන්

Asoka Weerasinghe (Mr.) Kings Grove Crescent . Ottawa . Ontario . K1J 6G1  .Canada

29 June 2025

Mr. VolkerTurk
Asoka Weerasinghe (Mr.) Kings Grove Crescent . Ottawa . Ontario . K1J 6G1  .CanadaUN High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHRC)
Palais Wilson
52 Rue des Paquis
CH 1201, Geneva
Switzerland.

Dear Mr. Turk.

So you were in Sri Lanka, on an assignment for the UNHRC which Nikki Haley, who was the US Ambassador to the UN (2017-18), defined you lot, quite rightly, as the cesspool of political bias, and a self serving body that makes a mockery of human rights.”   Under my breath I said Sweet Mother of Jesus, Nikki is so damn right. Hallelujah!!”

So I read that the UN Human Rights Chief  (YOU) urges  (Sri Lankan) domestic mechanisms (to be) in line with international norms.”

Ha! Volker, you must be joking.  If indeed it was to be a joke, you were pulling my wrong left leg, which did not have jingle bells. It was the right leg that had to be pulled to make a sound that would have made me tickle and laugh.

You know what Volker, for starters, you had no official mandate to finger and interfere

in my Mother Lanka’s domestic affairs or demand repealing her laws.  You heard what Nikki Haley quite rightly said, didn’t you? Let me repeat it in case you missed it the first time…The UNHRC is the cesspool of political bias and a self serving body that makes a mockery of human rights.”

Volker, here is a FACT that you did not know.  Sri Lanka (my Mother Lanka)

is not a member of the UNHRC, thus your resolutions are NON-BINDING.

So don’t be a bunch of pompous thuggish-bullies, trying to nail this democratic sovereign small island nation onto your ‘Goody two shoes’ rickety falling-apart cross of Human Rights.’

You know what Volker?  You wouldn’t know what international norms in a war theatre are, even if a War textbook classic Military Act falls at your feet from heaven.

Here is a Sri Lankan Case Study where you at UNHRC makes a mockery of such international norms in Human Rights because you all at UNHRC are a

bunch of bullies in a Cesspool of political bias which seems to trump courage, decency, principled truth and honesty. 

On the 18th May 2009, the Sri Lankan armed forces shot a bullet

through the forehead of Velupillai Prabhakaran, and killed the leader of the most ruthless Terrorist group in the world, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE aka Tamil Tigers) on the sands of the Nandikadal Lagoon on the Mullaitivu Coast of East Sri Lanka.

This killing annihilated the Tamil Tiger terrorist group that had hijacked

the paramount Human Right of Sri Lankan citizens, their ‘Right-to-Life’  for 30 blood-spilling years.

The end result was the giving back the Right-to-life” by Sri Lankan khaki fatigued  soldiers, to 21 million Sri Lankans. And that was a monumental Human Rights Act worthy of a nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize.  And  you know it, and you all at the UNHCR knew it.   And it sucks that you all couldn’t care two-Austrian-Euro coins for this brave act of Sri Lankan men and women soldiers.    You all at your cesspool, never, ever gave any recognition of value FOR THIS COURAGEOUS  ARMY ACT. Shish! What a bummer!!  That’s pretty rich, isn’t it?

And you have the uppityness to tell the Sri Lankan Government that ..you urge domestic mechanisms in line with international norms.’ What norms are you talking of?  That’s a load of poppycock, Volker!

And do you know what Volker?   Your cesspool bunch didn’t care two pickled

Austrian herring in a Heringssalat.   That’s how bogus Humbugs you all were. You all  didn’t acknowledge this amazing act and say these words to our soldiers. This is amazing stuff.  Congratulations!  You all did it, especially when you all did not get any foreign military armoured support, like what the Tamil Tiger terrorists got.”

So Volker, its time that you all retire this biased BS.   I am tired of Your

rude pie-in-the sky HUMBUG on my Mother Lanka.   She deserves better!

And that is why I stand tall guarding her in Canada since July 24, 1983.

Here is the Case Study 2 which proves positive that your UNHCR is a cesspool of political bias and that it is time that you all retired your politically bias crap about my Mother Lanka that I have been romancing  since July 24, 1983,when she was in trouble with people like you, and your colleagues like Ban ki-Moon, Navi Pillay, Steven Ratner, Marzuki Darusman, and Yasmin Sooka. Like the Canadian parliamentarians who supported the Sri Lankan Tamil separatist cause, bartered for votes at Federal elections.

In March 2009, the Tamil Tiger terrorists marched 295,873 Tamils as a Human Shield from the west coast of Sri Lanka to the east coast under a scorching-hot Jaffna-Kilinochchi sun like unwashed cattle. These Tamils got a God-sent humane break to continue living longer, when they were rescued from the clutches of the Tamil Tiger terrorists by the Sri Lakan soldiers before being bumped off by them.,  The end result of this miraculous War Act of love, honesty and caring by these Sinhalese soldiers were to go to lengths to sustain the lives of these 295,873 Tamils.  They were housed in a  White Tent City, and provided them a million cooked meals a day, under a Dietician’s supervision, breakfasts, lunches and dinners.   Did you hear me say, a million cooked meals a day….

Yes, a million meals a day.”

And,  Volker, your Smart-Alec-Goody-two-shoes colleagues at UNHRC did not have the honesty, courtesy, and decency to acknowledge this amazing  Classic Textbook War Act   How come Volkert?      Was it because what Nikki Haley discerned that you were a cesspool of political bias and a self serving body that makes a mockery of human rights,”  was right knocking the socks off you all!

And this is what happened.  You at UNHRC,  purposely missed giving credit to the Sri Lankan soldiers for this amazing life rescuing Humanitarian Act, and had the gall and temerity to ignore it and give no recognition to this humbling, honest, loving act.  Boo!..to you all  Volker Turk…what a bunch of dishonest, ignoramus

Do-dos.  That was brutal.  Was it not this act in line with international norms that You asked the Government of Sri Lanka to adopt?”

Tough tiddy”, I say.

 And, Man-Oh-Man!,  Sweet Mother of Jesus, the UN High Commissioner Volker Turk, the  UNHRC Head, slipped badly on your protocol when you continued with that stupid Tamil Tiger terrorist promoting shenanigan act, when you took a helicopter ride to lay flowers for a selective mourning of dead Tamil Tiger terrorists in Chemmani,   Aren’t you stupid, or what?

You talk claiming to be a bright-eyed ‘human rights’ wallah from the United Nations.   Did you not know that there were two factions in this war.   Where was your neutrality when you did not reciprocate by laying flowers at a grave of the massacred Sinhalese  by the Tamil Tigers, which happened to be the other faction in this Eelam War. Damn it, Volker! That shameful  bias act further polarized the two factions that were at war for 30-long years, the Tamils wanting their mono-ethnic, racist, separate Tamil state, Eelam.  And the Sinhalese saying

to the Tamils

Oh, No, we won’t let that land go.  

As this is My land as well as Your land, 

from Valvettithurai in the North 

to Dondra Head  in the South.

So ou can go and fly a kite

and don’t you spoil us for a fight!”

You could have taken the same helicopter to the site where the Aranthalawa grave site is of the 32 Novice Buddhist monks who were massacred, butchered, shot dead and chopped with machetes and swords, and laid a wreath or a tray of flowers, as you did for the dead Tamils at Chemmani.

In my eyes you are guilty of this atrocious bias. I will NOT forgive you.  With that stupidity you have abrogated the call of the Manthra by your employer UNHRC for RECONCILIATION between the two warring parties.

That is a bucket load of stinking rotting Austrian herring Volker. What You just did, that bias act,  was not a good reason for a RECONCILIATION but a good reason for a  RE-CON-SILLY-A-SHUN.

You lost it big time on that one. It’s time that you at UNHRC stop promoting

Reconciliation.  You foolish people…no one is going to trust you lot as a bunch of honest, squeaky clean Human Rights wallahs.  No damn way! You blew it BIG TIME, Volker…You Blew it…You blew it.  Don’t be foolish and repeat that foolishness again.

In conclusion, I sincerely hope that the Government of Sri Lanka had the gumption and demanded from You now that you are heading the UNHRC, that

1.  An apology for the selective glorification of Tamil Tiger terrorists – linked grave sites;
2. Refuse to visit massacre sites and meet with families of Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim victims of the Tamil Tiger massacres;
3. A full audit of the Darusman, Petrie and OISL reports were commissioned, funded, and used outside of UNGA and UNSC mandate;
4. A UNGA – led legal review of all resolutions and reports against Sri Lanka;
5. Reaffirmation that non-international armed conflicts fall under domestic jurisdiction; 
6.  Review on how human rights laws have replaced international humanitarian laws for selective justice.

HC Volker Turk, by now you must be wondering who the heck is this guy

Asoka Weerasinghe is?

By now from the composition of the language of my letter, you may rightly guessed that I’m no diplomat.  I leave the diplomatic writings to Sri Lanka’s paid diplomats.

I have written over 2000 letters on this file since August 4, 1983, and over  500 have picked up ink in leading newspapers in Canada and political journals   Among them are letters sent to Ban Ki Moon; Louis Arbor, Navi Pillay,  Michelle Bachelet and now to you Volker Turk at UNHRC.

This letter to you was written from my heart, and I am sure you might have felt my love of gratitude for my Mother Lanka that I still call my home.   And the collective anger towards who ever trying to sully the dignity of her  good name because of this Tamil Eelam War

What you did not see or feel the heat was of my spitting Dragon-breath from of my cartwheeling eyes to those who are trying to hurt my Mother Lanka unfairly, who nurtured me for the first 19-years of my life   I live in immense gratitude for her… and she knows that I will stand in guard for her in Canada, and I will never, ever let her down.

You will certainly hear my voice again with each misstep by you on this file, like the church bells of the Gothic Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception in Linz, Austria. 

Sincerely

Asoka Weerasinghe (Mr.)

Cc. Hon. Vijitha Herath, Sri Lanka’s Minister of Foreign Affairs

  Sri Lanka  Army Commander Lieutenant General Lasantha Rodrigo RSP

By Raj Gonsalkorale

In a letter addressed to the Health Minister, Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa, the Association of Medical Specialists (AMS) pointed out that medical staff are increasingly being forced to request patients to obtain medicines, consumables, and laboratory investigations from external sources, an act that, in the absence of official guidance, has subjected them to public criticism and professional risk. The AMS questioned whether it is permissible for doctors to issue prescriptions for medical items not available in hospital pharmacies and whether they are allowed to direct patients to specific suppliers particularly when items are only available through a limited number of vendors and time-sensitive care is needed, such as in cardiology, orthopaedics, or trauma surgery (https://www.dailymirror.lk/ breaking -news/Drug-shortage-puts-medical-professionals-in-quandary/108-312277)

No doubt there are, and will be, diverse opinions expressed by many about drug shortages in Sri Lanka. The writer too expressed his views as noted in the following articles in December 2022 and again in January 2025.

• Drug shortages and impact on health outcomes: Is it only the tip of the iceberg? – https://www.ft.lk/columns/Drug-shortages-and-impact-on-health-outcomes–Is-it-only-the-tip-of-the-iceberg-/4-743137
• Drug shortages: Most serious symptom arising from several causes – https://www.ft.lk/columns/Drug-shortages-Most-serious-symptom-arising-from-several-causes/4-771685

In these, the importance of ensuring demand is calculated accurately for the supply side of the supply and demand equation to work effectively was highlighted. As was pointed out, demand computation cannot rely entirely on usage data, and the importance of corroborating this information with other data such as morbidity data and consultations with medical doctors about future trends and the impact these will have on demand was also highlighted in these articles. A suggestion was also made to manage the drug supply chain based on the concept of manging by objectives, or MbO.

In this regard, a proposal was made to have as an objective, the vitality of ensuring availability of adequate stock of (a) essential items to meet the demand for them, by so categorising them, and estimating demand for them as accurately as possible issuing usage data, morbidity data and data based on medical officer consultations and impact on demand, and similarly categorising items that (b) items that cost a majority component of the expenditure on drugs using what is called the 80/20 rule. This rule says that approximately 20% of items cost around 80% of the expenditure, and the focus of management should be prioritised to ensure these two objectives (a) and (b) are achieved, of course not at the cost of ignoring the management of other items, but giving priority for the relatively fewer items that matter from a curative and financial perspective than trying to manage all items with equal time and funds. Considering the shortcomings in the overall supply chain, attempting to manage every item on a priority basis would render even critical items being out of stock as seems to be happening.

The other relevant factor particularly regarding objective (b) is the limited amount of funds that is available to procure drugs even if the demand estimate produces a higher need than the funds available to meet that demand, and where some high-level decisions have to be made by authorities in consultation with the medical profession on prioritisation. The need to further rationalise the drug formulary for the State sector and introducing a definitive formulary for the private sector was also highlighted as the proliferation of drugs in the private sector and the number of brands of the same drug imported by the private sector appeared to be feeding the commercial interests of the private sector rather than the welfare of the patients.

The Association of Medical Specialists (AMS) in Sri Lanka in their statement emphasized the potential for increased morbidity and mortality rates due to the crisis and urged the government to take immediate action to address the situation and ensure the availability of necessary medical supplies. 

In the Daily Mirror article titled Medical specialists warn of medicine shortages in hospitals” (https://www.dailymirror.lk/breaking-news/Medical-specialists-warn-of-medicine-shortages-in-hospitals/108-312437) in addition to what is quoted at the beginning of this article, it also says that  The AMS President further said that a group of medicine suppliers had written to the Health Minister, accusing the Ministry of giving special treatment to certain companies when selecting suppliers for essential medicines.

The AMS President had warned that if this continues, a few companies will control medicine prices and cause repeated shortages, as the Health Ministry will have to depend on just one supplier for some medicines.

The AMS President has highlighted a few key issues that need further examination and clarification. It alludes to among other things, the commercial interests of the private sector taking priority over the needs of patients in public hospitals. In this regard, the following statement gives an indication of where the expenditure outlay for drugs is in Sri Lanka and the significant role played by the private sector.

• The Sri Lanka Medical Association says that the country’s total pharmaceutical expenditure covering both State and private sectors in 2022 was estimated at Rs. 163 billion per annum, and about Rs. 58 billion for the State sector and Rs. 105 billion for private sector (https://slma.lk/wp-content/uploads /2023/05/ newsletter_APRIL). As per this data, in Sri Lanka’s pharmaceutical market, private sector imports accounted for 60% of the total market share in 2024. Local manufacturing, primarily within the private sector, contributed only a small fraction, around 6%. The remaining 34% is attributed to the State sector. 
• Sri Lanka Imports of Pharmaceutical products were US$452.63 Million during 2024, according to the United Nations COMTRADE database on international trade. Sri Lanka Imports of Pharmaceutical products – data, historical chart and statistics – was last updated on June of 2025 (https://tradingeconomics.com/sri-lanka/imports/pharmaceutical-products)
• The Board of Investment says that the local pharmaceutical expenditure records a value of USD 750 million, with a projected five-year compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 4.1%. At present, 85% of pharmaceutical needs are imported with local manufacturers providing 15% of the requirement.  (https://investsrilanka. Com /medical-and-pharmaceutical/)
• According to Volza’s Sri Lanka Import data, Sri Lanka imported 6,916 shipments of Pharmaceuticals during Oct 2023 to Sep 2024 (TTM). These imports were supplied by 1,162 foreign exporters to 341 Sri Lanka buyers, marking a growth rate of 15% compared to the preceding twelve months. Within this period, in Sep 2024 alone, Sri Lanka imported 535 Pharmaceuticals shipments (https://www.volza.com/p/ pharmaceuticals import/import-in-sri-lanka/)

The data quoted by the SLMA, the United Nations Comtrade, and the BOI figure are vastly different and it would be in the best interest of all concerned if an actual verifiable set of data are provided by the government to the public as much speculation could result if such information is not provided considering varying figures published by different entities. However, what is generally clear as per all statements is that the pharmaceutical market in Sri Lanka is a very sizeable one and that approximately 65- 70% of this is accounted for by the private sector and 30 -35% by the State sector.

The dominance of the private sector in the pharmaceutical trade

These statistics, in particular the major share of the pharmaceutical market held by the private sector (approximately 65-70%), and the statement by the AMA about the fate of prescriptions, quite widely known by the public about hospitals inability to provide their drug requirements and being given prescriptions to buy their drugs from the private pharmacies, and AMS statement that a group of medicine suppliers had written to the Health Minister, accusing the Ministry of giving special treatment to certain companies when selecting suppliers for essential medicines. The President had warned that if this continues, a few companies will control medicine prices and cause repeated shortages, as the Health Ministry will have to depend on just one supplier for some medicines” seems to highlight a situation that is beyond the shortcomings of the State drug supply chain.

It is understood that in Sri Lanka, the private sector import of drugs is not limited to a specific, strictly enforced formulary in the same way it is in the public sector. While the public sector utilizes a formulary to restrict prescribing to around 850 items, the private sector historically has had a broader range of drugs available without formulary restrictions. It is reported that there isn’t a definitive, publicly available and enforced list specifying the exact number of drugs currently imported into the private sector. 

Based on what appears to be a very liberal and open-ended policy for the private sector when it comes to drug imports, the commercial interest of the private sector seems to be the beneficiary when more and more prescriptions are diverted from State hospitals to the private sector and the demand for drugs imported by the private sector increases.

Besides this, the contention by some importers that amongst 1,162 foreign exporters to 341 Sri Lanka buyers (as per Volza’s data quoted above), there is a move to divert a bulk of the imports to a select number of suppliers gives an indication of a possible breach in good practice in procurement and the possibility of a violation of the procurement law in the country.

The beneficiary of both issues of course is the private sector as they will increase their imports and their profits, in supplying the demand that has increased on account of shortages reported in public hospitals. It is also possible that some prescriptions issued by some doctors are for drugs that are outside the National Formulary and not stocked in public hospitals, and are available only in private pharmacies, although the media publicity alludes that to shortages in hospitals. Drug shortages in public hospitals should be considered from this context as well as it would not be speculation but a fact that the beneficiary in case of both types of shortages, genuine shortages as well as what are reported as shortages, is the private sector. It is not an impossibility that both types of shortages may be deliberately created to provide more business for the private sector. The government should undertake an assessment of shortages in the public sector from this broader perspective to rule in or rule out any possible connivance by some doctors as well as public health sector officials with the private sector, or whether the shortages are entirely due to shortcomings in the public sector drug supply chain, and possibly due to funding shortfalls or a combination of both.

The statement by the AMS that some suppliers had complained of a few suppliers having a monopoly when it comes to supplying the Sri Lankan market needs to be examined. As contended by these suppliers, it is not an uncommon corrupt practice to deliberately divert most procurement of drugs to a few suppliers for price fixing and profit where that profit is shared by those responsible for procurement and the suppliers. While it is true that private sector procurement is entirely the responsibility of the private sector and they are governed by their company rules and procedures and how they compete amongst other private sector entities, it is also a social and ethical responsibility on their part to provide drugs at the most economical price to their customers. The public sector practice is governed by State procurement procedures which are developed based on the procurement law of the country. Violation of these are punishable offences.  However, creation of shortages through deliberate manipulations such as usage of inaccurate demand data for procurement of drugs, which then results in shortages as what is procured is less than what is actually needed is not uncommon. This leads to emergency procurement to bridge the shortfall, with such procurement invariably being done through a few suppliers at very high prices.

Sri Lanka which has held an honourable universal healthcare system that has been the envy of countries in the region, needs to ensure that no public hospital patient is deprived of his or her drug requirements, and the public health sector must operate within the approved drug formulary. Besides this, no public sector doctor should be permitted to issue prescriptions for drugs outside this formulary for patients seeking outpatient services or inpatient services in public hospitals accept under specific circumstances where an approved process is followed for obtaining a formulary exception or initiating a prescription for a non-formulary medicine, where the patient’s clinical needs are not adequately addressed by drugs within the formulary. 

In Sri Lanka, reports indicate that the public healthcare sector handles the majority of patient care, with 643 public hospitals providing 86,589 beds. In 2019, public hospitals facilitated 7.477 million inpatient admissions. The private sector, while growing, is more accessible to those who can afford it. Private hospitals, nursing homes, and maternity homes increased from 800 in 2015 to 1432 in 2019, but only 111 are hospitals, nursing homes, and maternity homes. While private hospitals account for a smaller percentage of beds (5.41% of public sector bed capacity in 2017), they play a significant role in specific areas. These statistics and the expenditure on pharmaceuticals seem to be at odds with the patient numbers treated, as an overwhelming majority of patients are treated in public hospitals, although the value of State imports as a percentage of the total value of imports is around 35%, while the private sector which is responsible for less than 10% of inpatients and at most 50% of outpatients (patients in private hospitals, nursing homes, maternity homes, patients seen by private practitioners and patients who are issued drugs without prescriptions) accounts for 65 -70% of the imports. The conclusion one can draw is that (a) a substantial number of State hospital prescriptions are directed to private pharmacies (for items included in the National Formulary which are stocked in public hospitals, and also items outside it which are not stocked), and/or (b) the private sector imports and sells many items outside a formulary as they are not bound by one.  Fundamentally, based on available data, the numbers do not add up and one cannot but feel that the move towards private sector imports is deliberate and not accidental.

In conclusion, it could be said that there is more to drug shortages than what meets the eye, and the minister of health should investigate the issue more deeply in order to ensure commercial interests do not stand in the way of patients in public health hospitals being deprived of their drug requirements on account of the possible self interest of others. The budget allocation for the public health sector drug needs to be critically analysed, an enforceable formulary introduced for all private sector drug imports and the public sector medical practitioners barred from issuing prescriptions for items outside the national formulary except in clearly defined circumstances.

e-Con e-News

blog: eesrilanka.wordpress.com

‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

e-Con e-News 22-28 June 2025

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‘Tell the old lady [Sirimavo Bandaranaike] that some prophet

who also thinks that he is the father of the industrial revolution

in Sri Lanka believes that he can produce all the mammoties

we need in some smithy in Kotmale’ – Brian Senanayake,

 Senior Assistant Secretary under Minister of Industries TB Subasinghe,

to his cousin MDD Peiris, Secretary

to the Prime Minister, quoted in Peiris’ autobiography

In Pursuit of Governance

*

‘Difficult songs find few singers’

– Huawei founder Ren Zhengfei

*

Here is a torrid tale of how England has had the monopoly over making mammoties in Sri Lanka. Even though, if you stop even now, or stopped even then (in 1974, when this anecdote unreels) any English man or woman on a dank London Street, and ask or asked them, then as now: what on earth a mammoty is? ­– they certainly wouldn’t know this ‘English’ word, let alone care to know. They may even think it an obscenity. The English farmer uses or used a spade, which uses the weight of their body to unearth the wintry hard soil, that is, until they were replaced by machines. The Sinhala farmer seemed to prefer the swinging motion of the mammoty, that perhaps keeps them in shape for other activity.

     Yet, someone in that Bandaranaike government of 1970-77 had decided it was time for Sri Lanka to make its own farming implements. Yet others thought it was still not the right time. And we wondered who they, pro & con, could have been?

     The Sunday Island has been faithfully excerpting MDD Peries’ memoirs. This mammoty episode unfolds around 1974, in the midst of worldwide famines, the skyrocketing of fuel & food prices, and the usual ‘shortage’ of foreign exchange.

     The Chillington Company of England has been producing this ‘Crocodile’ brand mammoty, since 1876. It has gained a prickly reputation for suing any local attempt to make it here. The Chillington brand, recalls Peiris nostalgically, ‘was extremely popular with our farming community, particularly the paddy farmers’. And Peiris was skeptical about attempts ‘being made to produce it locally under license by the State Hardware Corporation’.

Yet as one erudite ee reader has already recalled:

‘The State Hardware Corp produced very good mammoties.

Kotmale produced steel products under Workers’ Councils.

Kotmale was famous for smiths & smithies. The tradition goes

back to a fugitive Gamunu from Rohana. If developed as envisaged,

Kotmale could have developed as Sheffield, Jamshedpur, Shanghai,

paving the way for an industrial resurgence.’

The Secretary to the PM, MDD Peries however is somewhat derisive:

‘We also needed to import a certain number annually.

However there also was at this time a doctrinaire

anti-import lobby who fervently believed that we could

produce good quality mammoties in the forges of Kotmale.’

Peries blames ‘the vociferousness of this lobby’ that led ‘to the government hesitating to place orders for the import of the ‘Crocodile’ mammoty, pending a study’, yet appears to make a valid point (reminiscent of the recent ‘organic fertilizer’ fiasco):

‘There now arose a possibility of a serious shortage of good

quality mammoties, when land preparation for the sowing

of the main Maha paddy crop was drawing near.’

Let’s try to figure out who on earth constituted this ‘doctrinaire’ ‘vociferous lobby’? And even more, who this putative ‘father of the industrial revolution in Sri Lanka’ could have been? And how these ‘serious shortages’ are stage-managed? There’s no proof, but we have no doubt that Peiris’ cousin Brian Senanayake is referring to no one other than SBD de Silva. After all, SBD was a Director of Industrial Policy & Economic Research at the Ministry, and later Secretary to Minister of Industries & Scientific Affairs TB Subasinghe.

     Peiris’ prose flows mellifluous, and his memoirs are usually a pleasure to read. Yet he appears to lose his cool here. His recollections usually portray himself as an unflappable heir to the traditions of the purportedly even-handed English civil service. Yet one gets the sense, that he’s also doing his best to maintain decorum midst the rise of the rule of the darker yakos after 1948.

     Peiris’ recall is to be envied, and his anecdotes are indeed compelling and endearing, but there is a strange vacuity about the urgency of national production, epitomized in his rendition of this mammoty moment. Here is his ‘cousin’ who is working as Senior Assistant Secretary to the Ministry of Industries under Minister TB Subasinghe, and an ‘assistant’ to SB, urgently calling him up to get him to warn the PM:

‘The message was very clear. I briefed the Prime Minister.

Regretfully, I could not quote the original text of the message.

Mammoties were ordered, but by the time they arrived some delay

was caused and the newspapers were full of the shortage of mammoties.’

Why are the newspapers never ‘full’ about the need for modern industrialization? Can we deduce any positive identification from such a stray gratuitous comment broadcast in the media, made by one senior bureaucrat to another? A comment which displays the continuity of the ‘permanent government’, run by the so-called civil service inherited from the colonial machinery.

     This anecdote illustrates not just the family connections and class interests shared between senior members of the ‘civil service’ and bureaucracy. It is clear Senanayake knew his plaint would resonate with his dear cousin Peries, who indeed was fully in accord with his concerns.

     SBD would later write about the downright ingenuity of the sabotage that any attempt at industrialization must withstand. SBD de Silva, anyway, in 1974 was about to be targeted again as a ‘communist’ and forced to resign. ‘A doctrinaire anti-import lobby!’ indeed.

     May we conclude that Peiris & Senanayake were part of the ‘permanent’ ‘opposition’ embedded in the bureaucracy? ‘Doctrinaire’ enemies to any real change in the colonial import-export plantation economy, a quarter of a century after so-called independence?

‘The growing intervention of governments in the affairs

of private business makes it entrepreneurially helpful for

the large, invariably expatriate firms to keep the goodwill

of politicians, and to take on to their staff bureaucrats

whose contacts established during their service

with the government’ are invaluable to the firms,

in their dealings with government over foreign

exchange licences, raw material allocations, pricing,

taxation, & matters pertaining to foreign investments.’

– SBD de Silva, Political Economy of Underdevelopment

However, it also does not mean that the pro-industrialization ‘lobby’ has been fully aware of the challenges, political, technical and military, they would face, that only a Joseph Stalin or Mao Zedong could overcome. ‘92% of Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) payments still go to the global north (see ee Economists). As for SBD being ‘the father’, we should be clearer. While ee has tried to record Sri Lanka’s many attempts and failures to industrialize, pointing to those like DJ ‘Laxapana’ Wimalasurendra, to Philip Gunawardena & GVS de Silva & William de Silva, to TB Illangaratne, who worked tirelessly to industrialize the country, despite vehement & vicious & deadly opposition, it is SBD de Silva in his book The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (PEU) who examined and crystalized those efforts, recognizing: that modern ‘machine-making’ industrialization is more than dainty handicraft, more than assembly & manufacture. He saw that such an industrial revolution would require many fathers and mothers. And as ee keeps jabbering, requires the ‘manufacture of manufacturers’, the ‘invention of inventors’ – yes, modern industrialization…

*

Indeed – ‘Difficult songs find few singers.’ And SBD de Silva penned difficult songs. And perhaps few can sing what SBD conjured. His song is not a melody that Mr. Maharajah’s MTV and other merchant media bestow superstar celebrity status on, multiplying mindless memes ten-thousand-fold. His reverberating vibes were about the need to industrially transform a colonial import-export plantation economy, and to thus build a powerful modern country, not remain a beggar who must endure the ‘shithole’ sermons from genocidal maniacs.

     The quotable quote about ‘difficult songs find few singers’ comes from a recent interview with Chinese tech provider Huawei’s founder, Ren Zhengfei. Ren is evoking those researchers who undertake challenging tasks in awesome conditions. And this is what SBD undertook. Whereas the media largely runs scared of SB’s ideas, Ren’s interview made the front page of People’s Daily, the premier Communist Party of China medium (see ee Focus):

Q: Facing external blockades & pressure,

encountering many difficulties, what are your thoughts?

A: I haven’t thought about it – thinking about it is useless.

Don’t think about difficulties

– just get on & do it, and move forward step by step

…Praise brings pressure.

A bit of scolding keeps us clearheaded.’

Huawei’s Ren seems to shrug off (as any real leader would) the attempts by the US & Europe to hobble China’s rise – through political, industrial as well as military means. He singles out ‘the importance of basic research to long-term competitiveness’. The interviewers point out that US economists themselves have noted ‘the US lacks a high‑speed rail system because capitalism demands immediate individual profit’, whereas ‘China’s socialist approach values social benefit: high‑speed rail, heavy‑haul lines, advanced power grids, expressways, rural infrastructure.’

     Yet, while Ren’s enterprise now invents newer & sexier communication tools, SBD’s attempts toward Sri Lanka, even making a simple farm implement, were blocked. SB’s musical notes & instrumental notions are after all not that very different nor more difficult than Ren’s – for they are common sense. SBD’s words seek to make us stand up, midst squalls threatening to knock us over and drown us if we do not learn to navigate storms more deadly than we have had to endure for centuries, located as we are in another increasingly raucous intersection of the world. Yet, if we take the time & effort to listen, to read carefully, we’d appreciate how deeply intricate & rich are SBD de Silva’s analyses & arguments & prognoses. Their difficulty lies in getting the actions & accompanying words to resonate in the real world, midst the seemingly overwhelming and diverting din & dance of the usurious merchant hegemon and their sponsors.

     And while there is still much chatter about our ‘Asiatic’ despotism (resonant in the numerous delegations of genocidal warmongers calling on us savages to ‘reconcile’ & make ‘peace’…) let’s recall the great Guinea-Bissau leader Amilcar Cabral’s axiom, that the role of the person with the weapon, is to protect the person with the tool. We well recall that the Portuguese, the Dutch & the English first attacked our smithies, and then our waterways (the material basis of the purana village solidarity) and fields. We can bear witness to the studious dedication of the imperialists to the destruction of the artisanal class that must make up the liberatory proletariat, with our ‘foreign employment’ agents ever ready to pack them off to servitude in distant lands.

     Again: as Secretary to the Ministry of Industries & Scientific Affairs in 1974, SBD de Silva had to fend off the ingenious merchant sabotage of the policies he recommended. He also learned how weak the Sri Lankan state’s tools and weapons were, and still are, let alone our understanding of what true industrialization entails – he concluded it requires a political, economic & military policy. And now we get to witness again yet another government having to contend with the so-called ‘black economy’ of mafias, cartels, etc.

     Yet, in truth this ‘black economy’ is as ‘white’ as ever, for these saboteurs are a front for the so-called ‘Free Market’, monopolized by European (& their settler) multinational banks & corporations, who are the main opponents of our countries’ modern advance. Which makes us wonder, whatever happened to that League of Multinational Corporations (LMNC), led by Unilever, which was inaugurated in 2018, crying out, ‘Everything needs to be fixed’ in Sri Lanka? And, why do they appear so quiet, at least in this ‘sunlit’ media they sponsor?

*

‘The ownership & control of the foreign enterprises

in the nonsettler colonies were held by powerful corporations

abroad. Their sources of economic power lay outside the country

of investment & therefore out of reach of the newly independent

governments. The ramifications of such external control extend

over the whole of the colonial export economy including the financing,

marketing & sale of plantation or mining products, & its roots

are not easy to unravel let alone exterminate.’

– SBD de Silva, PEU

The League of Multinational Corporations (LMNC) in Sri Lanka, was formed in 2018 by seven MNCs: Unilever, Ceylon Tobacco Company (CTC, i.e., British American Tobacco), Baur & Co, Heineken, HSBC, Indian Oil Co, and Mastercard. These powerful MNCs, with war chests bigger than most countries’ budgets, demanded of Sri Lanka: ‘Everything needs to be fixed in the context of international standards, in terms of human rights & labor laws too.’ And ‘fixing’, as in fraud, is surely what they do best!

     For SBD, industrialization was not just trading (‘take a walk along the pavement & see what’s on sale, and where & how it is made’) or assembly (like the ‘garment’ fraud that refuses to make a pin), handicraft (plucking tea seems hands personified alright!) or manufacture (primitive production), but ultimately modern industry (the making of machines). But how to get there (where one thing leads to another) was & is the question?

     MDD Peiris’ naivete or ignorance is epitomized in the recent excerpts of his memoirs, of his rendition of a trip to the USA to learn about wheat, then later mentioning the imposition of that great Japanese-Singaporean fraud called Prima Flour. He seems not to have been taken to where the latest agricultural machineries were being designed and produced, or the industrial-agricultural colleges. Instead, he is introduced to the marketing side of the food chain…

*

‘Without basic research, you plant no roots. & without roots,

even trees with lush leaves fall at the first wind’

Huawei’s Ren (see ee Focus) offers sheer cool in the face of imperialist opposition to China’s industrial rise. He also gives examples of scientists & artists (are they different quantities, really?) who work almost underground & unsung, doing ‘basic research’ that may never see the light of day, for decades or even centuries to come. SBD de Silva was indeed a basic researcher, and his aria arrayed the uncovering of the political and economic roots of Sri Lanka’s disquiet, with examples from around the world, when the evidence at home was scant or missing.

     There have been those who criticized SBD for not writing or translating his important work into Sinhala. But first he had to gather the evidence, which was mostly in English and put it all together. On the other hand, those who criticized him never sought to explain or extend his work in Sinhala. They were too busy stimulating their acolytes with the psychoanalytic postmodernisms of French theory, that has failed to liberate the French themselves from their murderous metier and libidinal neuroses – ‘postmodern’ theories, which were a US-state-financed ideological attack on Marxism-Leninism, etc, the praxis that has made China ‘great’ again.

*

‘The rigorous curtailment of Western education

[in the settler colonies] was in contrast to the

educational policy in nonsettler colonies – eg, India,

Sri Lanka, Malaysia, & the West Indies – where

Westernization & Western education were deliberately fostered.’

We were dangerously diverted last week by the deadly war games & media hype of the imperialist powers & their ‘running dogs’ (there’s a phrase we haven’t heard in a while, but it sure fits Ukraine & Israel, Germany & Japan, etc), from marking more fully the 7^th anniversary of the passing of SBD de Silva, and his formidable legacy.

     This week saw repeated hype about the World Bank’s $50million dollar loan for ‘education’, which will supposedly benefit ‘500,000-students & 150,000 teachers’. Wow! The hijacking & bribing of the Ministry of Education & its officials, recalls the different forms of education permitted in the different types of colonies, discussed in Chapter 6 of SBD’s classic work, on ‘Settler growth & the repression of indigenous interests’, which ee begins this week (see ee Focus). Here, SBD goes into further detail of the different economic policies of nonsettler colonies such as Sri Lanka and the settler colonies, as well as the white ‘dominions’. See how the media goes on about the need for ‘exports’ all the time – which SB notes is a feature of such colonies of ours – whereas settlers ‘generally catered for domestic or regional markets’.

*

• In these days of municipal horse trading, ee continues looking into that famed New York ‘charity’ – the political machine called Tammany Hall, and its role in fixing ‘democracy’ to divide the ‘spoils’ of urban political office: where ‘the control of the police force was considered as necessary as ever to success at the election’ and ‘political & pecuniary reasons alone guided the appointment of policemen’ such that ‘the police being so disorganized, the criminal classes ran the town’. We find it interesting however that there is almost no reference by Gustavus Myers, author of the 1917 History of Tammany Hall, to the larger political and economic forces that ruled that country at that time.

     Which is why it’s so enlightening to hear this week (see ee Economists) about the historian Gerald Horne’s latest work, The Capital of Slavery: Washington DC 1800-65. He is not just referring to a municipality but to the ‘international’ business of buying & selling people: The USA, at that same time as Myer’s tale, was involved in the wholesale kidnapping of people from Africa and breeding more, and selling them not just to their southern cotton penitentiaries, but also to the European colonies of the Caribbean (Cuba, etc) and the rest of the Americas (Brazil, the last country in the Western Hemisphere where slavery was abolished, only in 1888), and their extension to the Pacific (Hawaii) and Asia (the Philippines, in particular). As noted last week, the settler colonies & the white dominions truly believe they are success stories – regardless of their horrors then & now – and see their model as desirous of replication. They badly need to be disabused of such fairy tales, and history is on its way toward doing just that…

*

________

Contents:

Father of the Modern Industrial Revolution in Sri Lanka

SL Leaders

Ahmad Ibsais First generation Palestinian American and law student, Courtesy Al Jazeera

Americans still have fresh memories of the death and destruction of the previous US imperial adventure in the region.

On June 22, American warplanes crossed into Iranian airspace and dropped 14 massive bombs. The attack was not in response to a provocation; it came on the heels of illegal Israeli aggression that took the lives of 600 Iranians. This was a return to something familiar and well-practised: an empire bombing innocents across the orientalist abstraction called the Middle East”. That night, US President Donald Trump, flanked by his vice president and two secretaries, told the world Iran, the bully of the Middle East, must now make peace”.

There is something chilling about how bombs are baptised with the language of diplomacy and how destruction is dressed in the garments of stability. To call that peace is not merely a misnomer; it is a criminal distortion. But what is peace in this world, if not submission to the West? And what is diplomacy, if not the insistence that the attacked plead with their attackers?

In the 12 days that Israel’s illegal assault on Iran lasted, images of Iranian children pulled from the wreckage remained absent from the front pages of Western media. In their place were lengthy features about Israelis hiding in fortified bunkers. Western media, fluent in the language of erasure, broadcasts only the victimhood that serves the war narrative.

And that is not just in its coverage of Iran. For 20 months now, the people of Gaza have been starved and incinerated. By the official count, more than 55,000 lives have been taken; realistic estimates put the number at hundreds of thousands. Every hospital in Gaza has been bombed. Most schools have been attacked and destroyed.

Leading human rights groups like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have already declared that Israel is committing genocide, and yet, most Western media would not utter that word and would add elaborate caveats when someone does dare say it live on TV. Presenters and editors would do anything but recognise Israel’s unending violence in an active voice.

Despite detailed evidence of war crimes, the Israeli military has faced no media censure, no criticism or scrutiny. Its generals hold war meetings near civilian buildings, and yet, there are no media cries of Israelis being used as human shields”. Israeli army and government officials are regularly caught lying or making genocidal statements, and yet, their words are still reported as the truth.

US politics, Canada’s multiculturalism, South America’s geopolitical rise—we bring you the stories that matter.Subscribe

A recent study found that on the BBC, Israeli deaths received 33 times more coverage per fatality than Palestinian deaths, despite Palestinians dying at a rate of 34 to 1 compared with Israelis. Such bias is no exception, it is the rule for Western media.

Like Palestine, Iran is described in carefully chosen language. Iran is never framed as a nation, only as a regime. Iran is not a government, but a threat —not a people, but a problem. The word Islamic” is affixed to it like a slur in every report. This is instrumental in quietly signalling that Muslim resistance to Western domination must be extinguished.

Iran does not possess nuclear weapons; Israel and the United States do. And yet only Iran is cast as an existential threat to world order. Because the problem is not what Iran holds, but what it refuses to surrender. It has survived coups, sanctions, assassinations, and sabotage. It has outlived every attempt to starve, coerce, or isolate it into submission. It is a state that, despite the violence hurled at it, has not yet been broken.

And so the myth of the threat of weapons of mass destruction becomes indispensable. It is the same myth that was used to justify the illegal invasion of Iraq. For three decades, American headlines have whispered that Iran is just weeks away” from the bomb, three decades of deadlines that never arrive, of predictions that never materialise.

But fear, even when unfounded, is useful. If you can keep people afraid, you can keep them quiet. Say nuclear threat” often enough, and no one will think to ask about the children killed in the name of keeping the world safe”.

This is the modus operandi of Western media: a media architecture not built to illuminate truth, but to manufacture permission for violence, to dress state aggression in technical language and animated graphics, to anaesthetise the public with euphemisms.

Time Magazine does not write about the crushed bones of innocents under the rubble in Tehran or Rafah, it writes about The New Middle East” with a cover strikingly similar to the one it used to propagandise regime change in Iraq 22 years ago.

But this is not 2003. After decades of war, and livestreamed genocide, most Americans no longer buy into the old slogans and distortions. When Israel attacked Iran, a poll showed that only 16 percent of US respondents supported the US joining the war. After Trump ordered the air strikes, another poll confirmed this resistance to manufactured consent: only 36 percent of respondents supported the move, and only 32 percent supported continuing the bombardment

The failure to manufacture consent for war with Iran reveals a profound shift in the American consciousness. Americans remember the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq that left hundreds of thousands of Afghans and Iraqis dead and an entire region in flames. They remember the lies about weapons of mass destruction and democracy and the result: the thousands of American soldiers dead and the tens of thousands maimed. They remember the humiliating retreat from Afghanistan after 20 years of war and the never-ending bloody entanglement in Iraq.

At home, Americans are told there is no money for housing, healthcare, or education, but there is always money for bombs, for foreign occupations, for further militarisation. More than 700,000 Americans are homeless, more than 40 million live under the official poverty line and more than 27 million have no health insurance. And yet, the US government maintains by far the highest defence budget in the world.

Americans know the precarity they face at home, but they are also increasingly aware of the impact US imperial adventurism has abroad. For 20 months now, they have watched a US-sponsored genocide broadcast live.

They have seen countless times on their phones bloodied Palestinian children pulled from rubble while mainstream media insists, this is Israeli self-defence. The old alchemy of dehumanising victims to excuse their murder has lost its power. The digital age has shattered the monopoly on narrative that once made distant wars feel abstract and necessary. Americans are now increasingly refusing to be moved by the familiar war drumbeat.

The growing fractures in public consent have not gone unnoticed in Washington. Trump, ever the opportunist, understands that the American public has no appetite for another war. And so, on June 24, he took to social media to announce, the ceasefire is in effect”, telling Israel to DO NOT DROP THOSE BOMBS,” after the Israeli army continued to attack Iran.

Trump, like so many in the US and Israeli political elites, wants to call himself a peacemaker while waging war. To leaders like him, peace has come to mean something altogether different: the unimpeded freedom to commit genocide and other atrocities while the world watches on.

But they have failed to manufacture our consent. We know what peace is, and it does not come dressed in war. It is not dropped from the sky. Peace can only be achieved where there is freedom. And no matter how many times they strike, the people remain, from Palestine to Iran — unbroken, unbought, and unwilling to kneel to terror.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

Mike Whitney  Courtesy The Unz Review

The American people are not being told why Israel agreed to a ceasefire with Iran. Yes, Israel was rapidly running out of air-defense interceptors (making it more vulnerable to Iranian attacks.) But that issue is only of secondary importance. The real reason they wanted a ceasefire was because they were getting systematically pulverized and needed to stop the bleeding fast. That’s why Israel ‘threw in the towel’ less than 2 weeks after the opening salvo, because Iran was decimating one target after another with no end in sight. So, Israel capitulated.

Of course, that is not the story we’ve been reading in the western media where there’s no mention of the vast destruction of Israeli strategic targets (by Iranian ballistic missiles); that news has been completely omitted from the mainstream coverage. But that’s why Israel persuaded Trump to find a diplomatic off-ramp; because the losses were beginning to mount and Iran was not ‘letting up.’

Did you know that it is illegal to post videos or photos of buildings that have been struck by Iranian missiles in Israel? In other words, if you publish photos of smoldering buildings, infrastructure or military bases, you will go to jail. This is how the government controls the narrative and convinces the public that they are winning a war they are actually losing. But don’t take my word for it; here’s a video clip of an Israeli newscaster explaining how government censorship is impacting the peoples’ ability to figure out what is going on:

CH13’s Raviv Drucker: We have to say there is a bit of an Iranian aspect to the way we report missile strikes on our side. I’m not talking about the Weizmann Institute, but there were alot of missile hits on IDF bases, on strategic sites, that we still don’t report about to this day. And there’s a clear reason for that, which everyone at home understands. But along that clear reason, it created a situation where people don’t realize how precise the Iranians were and how much damage they caused in many places. We just know about the Weizmann Institute; there are many places we don’t know about. https://twitter.com/SuppressedNws/status/1938336639748624420

Repeat: it created a situation where people don’t realize how precise the Iranians were and how much damage they caused in many places.

What can we glean from this statement?

That Iran’s new generation of ballistic missiles are abundant, precise and lethal. To his credit, the newscaster seems to think that ordinary people deserve to be told about these cutting-edge weapons so they can make informed decisions regarding their own safety. We agree with this view, but we also know that the heavily censored, state-controlled, agenda-driven media is not going to change the way it disseminates information. After all, the media’s objective is not to inform but to shape public opinion.

But we’re getting off-topic. What we want to show is that Israel did not agree to the ceasefire because it had achieved its strategic objectives, but because it was getting hammered and wanted to stop the bleeding. We make that judgement based on a shortlist of the key military, intelligence, industrial, energy, and R&D facilities that were struck by precision guided ballistic missiles that wreaked havoc across Israel.

Keep in mind, Operation True Promise III unleashed no less than 22 salvos of state-of-the-art ballistic missiles (many used for the first time) that delivered withering blows to a number of heavily fortified Israeli sites that were regarded as ‘the most protected military bases in the world.’ Iran’s missiles blew through Israel’s defenses like at every turn reducing their targets to twisted metal and broken blocks of cinder. (One weapons expert estimates that just 5 percent of Iran’s ballistic missiles were intercepted.) This is from an article at Press TV:

Iran destroyed the so-called Israeli Pentagon”, the Kirya military-intelligence complex in central Tel Aviv, which is shown as a smoldering hulk in the few photos published on X. Despite being one of the most heavily fortified locations in the occupied territories, protected by a multilayered shield of Israeli and American defense systems, the complex was unable to repel the Iranian missile barrage in the very first phases of True Promise III….

In Haifa, a precision-guided Iranian missile struck a high-rise building housing branches of the Israeli ministry of interior affairs responsible for internal military coordination. The strike disrupted logistical networks and emergency response systems at the municipal level. Press TV

Iranian missiles also took-out the Aman military intelligence headquarters at the Glilot Mizrah Interchange, near Herzliya. Aman oversees elite spying units such as Unit 8200 (signals intelligence), Unit 504 (human intelligence), and Unit 9900 (geospatial intelligence). The compound also houses Mossad’s operational headquarters—the Israeli regime’s notorious foreign intelligence agency….

Iran also struck the ‘impregnable’ Nevatim Airbase in the Negev desert with over 30 ballistic missiles causing extensive damage that (of course) was not reported. Nevatim houses most of Israel’s F-15s and F-35s although we do not have an estimate of how many of those warplanes were destroyed. Here’s more from Press TV:

Other targeted airbases included Tel Nof and Ben Gurion near Tel Aviv, Ramat David near Haifa, Palmachim on the Mediterranean coast, and Ovda near Eilat.

Iranian missiles, including those used for the first time, targeted the command and control centers of the Israeli military and Mossad in both Tel Aviv and Haifa…..

On June 16, Iranian ballistic missiles hit the Bazan Oil Refinery in Haifa—the regime’s largest fuel processing center, which supplies around 60 percent of its gasoline, 65 percent of diesel, and over 50 percent of its kerosene.

The strikes caused significant damage, forcing the complete shutdown of the refinery and its subsidiaries. The Israeli energy minister later admitted the facility would need major reconstruction, estimating a partial restart no sooner than a month.

A nearby power plant was also damaged, triggering widespread blackouts across central regions of the occupied territories.

On June 23, Iranian missiles struck near a power station in Ashdod, triggering a powerful explosion and localized blackouts. Explosions and outages were also reported near Hadera, where Orot Rabin—Israel’s largest power plant—is located

In addition, Iran directly targeted military-industrial sites involved in recent Israeli aggression. Chief among them was the Rafael Advanced Defense Systems complex north of Haifa—home to multiple factories and R&D buildings that produce key elements of Israel’s military hardware.

Rafael manufactures Iron Dome and David’s Sling missile interceptors, both of which have failed repeatedly in stopping Palestinian and Iranian missiles. It also produces cruise and guided missiles used in strikes against Iran, including Spice kits and Popeye, Rocks, Spike, and Matador missiles.

The Kiryat Gat Industrial Zone—a major center for microprocessor and high-tech military production—was also struck. Iranian strikes reportedly damaged key production lines vital to Israel’s drone and surveillance programs.

Further south, the Gav-Yam Negev Advanced Technologies Park near Beersheba, which hosts firms working in cyberwarfare, AI, and military tech, was not spared. Many of these companies collaborate closely with the Israeli military and the Mossad.

Another high-profile target was the Weizmann Institute of Science in Rehovot, south of Tel Aviv. Known for its military R&D and partnerships with Israeli military agencies, the institute suffered devastating damage to key laboratories. Members and professors of the institute confirmed the loss of years’ worth of research. The Weizmann Institute also plays a role in Israel’s clandestine nuclear program, with many of Dimona’s nuclear scientists having graduated from or taught at the institute. Press TV

Let’s summarize: In a little more than a week’s time, Iran struck or obliterated:

1. The Israeli Pentagon”, the Kirya military-intelligence complex
2. The Weizmann Institute of Science which plays a role in Israel’s clandestine nuclear program
3. The Aman military intelligence headquarters at the Glilot Mizrah Interchange, near Herzliya. Aman oversees elite spying units such as Unit 8200 (signals intelligence), Unit 504 (human intelligence), and Unit 9900 (geospatial intelligence).
4. Branches of the Israeli ministry of interior affairs responsible for internal military coordination
5. The Mossad’s operational headquarters
6. Israel’s most protected Nevatim Airbase (and the Tel Nof Airbase)
7. Ben Gurion Airport (repeatedly) as well as Ramat David, Palmachim and Ovda near Eilat.
8. The Command-and-Control Centers of the Israeli military and Mossad in both Tel Aviv and Haifa…..
9. The Bazan Oil Refinery in Haifa—Israel’s largest fuel processing center
10. A giant power station in Ashdod, triggering a powerful explosion and localized blackouts.
11. The Rafael Advanced Defense Systems complex north of Haifa—home to multiple factories and R&D buildings that produce key elements of Israel’s military hardware
12. The Kiryat Gat Industrial Zone—a major center for microprocessor and high-tech military production
13. The Gav-Yam Negev Advanced Technologies Park near Beersheba, which hosts firms working in cyberwarfare, AI, and military tech.

Tel Aviv at dusk

Get the picture? In just 10 days (June 13 to June 23) the Iranian military meticulously destroyed a sizable portion of Israel’s most prestigious military, intelligence, industrial, energy, and R&D facilities across the country. (Have you read about any of this in the western media?) Had the war continued for another week or two, the Holy Land would have been reduced to a smoldering third world wasteland unfit for human habitation. In short, this was no normal ceasefire. This was a desperate capitulation by an overmatched contender who quickly realized he was punching ‘above his weight’. Here’s how Trump summed it up:

Israel got hit really hard. Those ballistic missiles, boy, they took out a lot of buildings,” Trump told reporters at the NATO summit in The Hague on Wednesday. https://twitter.com/i/status/1937812706599252198

Yes, Israel took a real beating.

We should note that there is no formal agreement between Iran and Israel. (No signed document or explicit commitments) The ceasefire was brokered through back-channel diplomacy, primarily mediated by Qatar. A senior White House official and a diplomat briefed on the talks indicated that Israel agreed to halt strikes if Iran ceased its attacks, and Iran signaled compliance with these terms through Qatari mediation. Trump announced the ceasefire as a complete and total ceasefire” to be phased in over 24 hours, although there have been numerous violations by both sides since the original deal was made on June 23. (Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi initially stated there was no agreement” but indicated Iran would stop its response if Israel held up its end of the bargain.)

The problem, of course, is that the ceasefire is not going to hold because Israel and the US see the truce as merely a way to buy-time to regroup and prepare for the next round of hostilities. (The same as Minsk) Consider the comments of Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz who said the following on Saturday:

https://platform.twitter.com/embed/Tweet.html?dnt=false&embedId=twitter-widget-0&features=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%3D%3D&frame=false&hideCard=false&hideThread=false&id=1938618630050140381&lang=en&origin=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.unz.com%2Fmwhitney%2Fheres-proof-that-israel-lost-the-war%2F&sessionId=e86498e1dfb0f4411b245809a2a7417a06cb0177&theme=light&widgetsVersion=2615f7e52b7e0%3A1702314776716&width=550px

This doesn’t sound like a man who is looking for a ‘lasting peace’ or even a temporary end to the fighting. It sounds like someone who’s already settled on a strategy for resuming the hostilities and is merely waiting for the green light (from Bibi) to put the plan into motion.

But what might that plan be, after all, Israel was already employing its top-line military weaponry and advanced air-defense systems. What other tools do they have that could be used to produce a different outcome that the one they just experienced after just 12 days of conflict?

This is where is gets scary because Israel has only two options: Either it draws the United States deeper into the conflict (including the deploying of ground forces) or it ‘goes nuclear’. There is no third option. So, whatever Bibi and his generals have ‘up their sleeve’, it’s going to be of a different force and magnitude than what we saw during the last dust-up. Check out this baffling blurb from the Times of Israel‘s Saturday edition:

After the US strike on Iran earlier this week, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and US President Donald Trump agreed on a rapid end to the war in Gaza and expansion of the Abraham Accords, Israel Hayom reports, citing a source familiar with the conversation.”

According to the outlet, Trump and Netanyahu agreed in a phone call that the war in Gaza would end within two weeks. Four Arab states, including the UAE and Egypt, would jointly govern the Gaza Strip in place of Hamas. The terror group’s leadership would be exiled, and all hostages would be released.

However, Arab allies have repeatedly asserted that they will not take part in the postwar rehabilitation of Gaza absent Israeli acquiescence to the Palestinian Authority gaining a foothold in Gaza as part of a pathway to a future two-state solution, but Netanyahu has flatly rejected any PA role in the Strip….

Trump and Netanyahu were joined on the euphoric” call late Monday night by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Israeli Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer, says Israel Hayom….
Saudi Arabia and Syria would establish diplomatic ties with Israel, and other Arab and Muslim countries would follow suit…. Israel, for its part, would express its support for a future two-state solution, conditioned on reforms made by the Palestinian Authority. Meanwhile, the leaders agreed that Washington will recognize Israeli sovereignty in some parts of the West Bank. Times of Israel

People who follow events closely in the Middle East know that nothing in this article is true. There’s not going to be a rapid end to the war in Gaza, there’s not going to be a rapid expansion of the Abraham Accords, and there’s certainly not going to be Israeli support for a two-state solution.

So, what’s going on here, what is the point of this nonsensical propaganda that no one in their right mind is going to believe??

by Rathindra Kuruwita (The Diplomat) Courtesy The Island

Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Prime Minister Narendra Modi

Sri Lanka’s JVP-led NPP government has made a dramatic pivot towards India, even utilizing legislative changes it once vehemently opposed.

On August 19, 2023, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, then an opposition leader, criticized a memorandum of understanding (MoU) that then-President Ranil Wickremesinghe had signed with India. We must have the freedom to freely move our hands and legs! But with this agreement, we will be in a situation where we are unable… to take any political or economic decision” independently, he said in a speech to National People’s Power (NPP) affiliated ex-military personnel.

However, a little over 18 months later, Dissanayake oversaw the signing of a series of agreements with India – including a landmark MoU on defense cooperation – during Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s three-day visit to Sri Lanka from April 4 to 6. Overall Seven MoUs were signed during the visit, covering defence, energy, digitalization, healthcare, power grid connectivity, and development assistance. Once these MoUs come into effect, they will push Sri Lanka deeper into India’s orbit, restrict its foreign policy choices and expand India’s footprint in Sri Lanka drastically.

Of these, the MoU on defense cooperation has generated the most debate in Sri Lanka. This is Sri Lanka first such agreement with a foreign power, since the one signed with Great Britain in 1947, which came into effect after independence. The then United National Party (UNP) leadership signed this defense agreement with Britain, fearing that if it was not under the security umbrella of a major power, India would annex Sri Lanka. Marx once wrote history repeats itself, first as tragedy, second as farce.” Ironically, now it’s the NPP, whose main constituent is the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) that has always viewed India as an expansionist power, who has signed the defence pact with a country, whose involvement in Sri Lankan affairs once led it to take up arms in the 1980s.

In the late 1980s, the JVP took up arms against the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987 and the deployment of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF). The ensuing violence led to the death of over 60,000 JVP cadres, including the JVP founder Rohana Wijeweera. The NPP signing a defence agreement with India, especially when Modi has shown no interest in resolving Indian fishermen poaching in Sri Lankan waters and the Katchatheevu controversy, marks a profound ideological U-turn.

The ideological shift is made even more starker by the NPP using laws on power and energy that it once opposed to sign an agreement to connect the grids of two countries. When the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration made changes in Sri Lanka’s power and energy laws, the NPP, then in opposition, not only opposed the changes but also challenged them in court and promised to repeal the laws if the NPP came to power. Now in power, the NPP used these very laws to sign the agreement to connect its power grid with India.

Critics argue that the DCA undermines the country’s autonomy. Sri Lanka has entered an agreement with a country that is part of the Quad, a grouping of four nations that came together to counter the rise of China. This grouping has the U.S. as a key partner. A few days before Modi’s arrival in Colombo, the U.S. stationed six B-2 bombers in Diego Garcia in preparation for a military attack on Iran, another all-weather friend of Sri Lanka. The DCA with India draws the country close to the US aligned security axis, undermining NPP’s promise to return to a nonaligned foreign policy.

While the details of the DCA have not been made public, raising concerns of transparency. Before coming into power, the NPP promised transparency in any agreement with a foreign nation. As veteran diplomat and political commentator Dayan Jayatilleka observed in a recent interview in Sundy Observer: When there are contradictions between one’s closest neighbour [India] and one’s closest friend [China], why should we tie-up militarily with either one, instead of striving for balance and equilibrium in our relationships with them, and try to contribute to an equation of equilibrium between them?”

Sri Lanka faces several security challenges that require it to work closely with regional and extra-regional powers. However, rather than enter into defense pacts with individual countries, it must meet these challenges by pushing for a regional security arrangement. This would enable it to protect its sovereignty. It would have been wiser for Sri Lanka to push for a regional security agreement, centered around the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) instead of signing a security pact that makes the country seem like a satrapy of India.

Among other main agreements, a trilateral MoU was signed India, Sri Lanka, and the United Arab Emirates to develop Trincomalee as an energy hub. This involves developing a British-built oil tank farm that is already partially run by state-owned Lanka Indian Oil Corporation. The British Raj considered a foothold in Trincomalee harbor vital for Indian defence, a doctrine that the Indian republic has inherited.

The two sides also signed an MoU on Multi-sectoral Grant Assistance for Eastern Province. One of the three projects launched by Modi during the visit was the Sampur Solar Power Plant, which is a pillar of the Eastern Renewable Energy Zone being established under Sri Lanka’s Long-Term Generation Expansion Plan (LTGEP). It is being developed by Trincomalee Power Company, a joint venture between India’s NTPC Limited and the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB).

This will give India a strong foothold in the Eastern Province, in addition to the island’s Northern Province, where India’s power is entrenched. Now India has influence over two of Sri Lanka’s most geopolitically sensitive regions.

However, long-standing bilateral issues remain unsolved. Sri Lankan waters, Sri Lanka failed to obtain a commitment from India on the long-festering dispute over Indian fishermen poaching in Sri Lankan waters. Modi also did not address Sri Lanka’s unease about claims by Indian politicians about Katchatheevu island.

Beyond these MoUs, India offered to convert 100 million dollars worth of loans into grants.

The recent agreements have significantly deepened Sri Lanka’s strategic and economic entanglement with India. By entering into a defense pact, Sri Lanka has tilted decisively towards a regional power that is itself aligned with broader anti-China coalitions. This alignment has now gone beyond being merely symbolic. The agreements span critical sectors such as energy, defense, and infrastructure, with a strong focus on the Eastern Province, raising serious concerns about sovereignty and strategic autonomy.

On the other hand, the JVP-led NPP government now faces a serious blow to its credibility. The NPP came to power on a platform of transparency, sovereignty, and resistance to foreign domination. Yet, a few months after coming into power, it is now presiding over a dramatic pivot towards India, even utilizing legislative changes it once vehemently opposed. Whether this is pragmatic foreign policy realism or ideological betrayal, it raises uncomfortable questions about the NPP’s future trajectory.

The growing Indian footprint marks a historic turning point in Sri Lanka’s regional posture. And for a party like the JVP — once defined by resistance to Indian intervention — it risks becoming the very thing it once rose up against; a facilitator of foreign entrenchment on Sri Lankan soil.

by Rathindra Kuruwita
(The Diplomat)

Courtesy Lanka Leader

සමලිංගික විවාහ අපරාධයක් නොවන බවට පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ඉදිරියේ ඇති බවට එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ මානව හිමිකම් මහ කොමසාරිස් වොල්කර් ටුක් කළ ප්‍රකාශය අධිකරණ අමාත්‍ය හර්ෂණ නානායක්කාර ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කර තිබේ.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිව් දින සංචාරය අවසානයේ පසුගිය බ්‍රහස්පතින්දා පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදී ටුක් කළ ප්‍රකාශයට අධිකරණ අමාත්‍යවරයා ප්‍රතිචාර දක්වමින් මේ බව කියා සිටියේය.

සමලිංගික සබඳතා අපරාධයක් නොවන බවට පනත් කෙටුම්පත මම සාදරයෙන් පිළිගන්නවා, එය පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ඉදිරියේ ඇති බව මට වැටහෙනවා,” යනුවෙන් ටුක් පවසා තිබිණි.

කෙසේවෙතත්, අධිකරණ අමාත්‍යවරයා පැහැදිලි කළේ මේ අවස්ථාවේ අමාත්‍යාංශයේ න්‍යාය පත්‍රය තුළ කිසිදු තහවුරු කළ කාලරාමුවක් සහිත කිසිදු නිල අවධියක පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් නොමැති බවයි.

සමලිංගික සබඳතා දැනට දණ්ඩ නීති සංග්‍රහයේ විධිවිධාන යටතේ දඬුවම් ලැබිය හැකිය.

අපරාධයක් නොවන බවට එම විධිවිධාන සංශෝධනය කිරීම සඳහා පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් අවශ්‍ය වනු ඇත.

මෙම කාරණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් අමාත්‍යවරයා ක්ෂණික සැලසුම් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළද, පාලක පක්ෂය විපක්ෂයේ සිටියදී, සමලිංගික සබඳතා අපරාධයක් නොවන බවට ගන්නා උත්සාහයන්ට සහයෝගය පළ කර තිබිණි.

එසේම LGBTQ ප්‍රජාව සඳහා ඔවුන්ගේ දැඩි සහයෝගය නිරන්තරයෙන් පවත්වා ගෙන යයි.

පසුගිය වසරේ ජුනි මාසයේදී මාධ්‍ය වෙත අදහස් දක්වමින් එවක විපක්ෂ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරියක වූ අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ආචාර්ය හරිනි අමරසූරිය, ප්‍රේම්නාත් දොලොවත්ත විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලද පෞද්ගලික මන්ත්‍රී පනතකට ජාතික ජන බලවේගය සහාය දෙන බව අවධාරණය කළ අතර එහි තුන්වැනි කියවීමේදී පනතට සහාය දෙන බවට පොරොන්දු විය.

කෙසේවෙතත්, පසුව පැවති ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් පසු පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හැරීමෙන් පසුව, පනත් කෙටුම්පත අවලංගු කරන ලදී.

ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක ද, 2019 දී සිය මැතිවරණ ව්‍යාපාරය අතරතුර ස්ත්‍රී පුරුෂභාවය සහ ලිංගික දිශානතිය මත පදනම් වූ අසමානතාවයන් අහෝසි කරන බවට පොරොන්දු වූ ඉතිහාසයේ පළමු ජනාධිපති අපේක්ෂකයන්ගෙන් කෙනෙකි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට චෝදනා එල්ල වී ඇති යුද අපරාධ සම්බන්ධයෙන් වගවීම පිළිබඳ අදහස් දක්වමින් ටුක් පැවසුවේ, ‘විශ්වසනීය සහ වින්දිතයන්ගේ විශ්වාසය ඇති’ දේශීය වගවීමේ යාන්ත්‍රණයන් සමඟ ඉදිරියට යෑමට ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අරගල කර ඇති බවත්, එහි ප්‍රතිඵලයක් ලෙස අන්තර්ජාතික මට්ටමින් සහාය ලබා ගැනීමෙන් යුක්තිය ඉටුකර ගැනීමට පිටත සිටින ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන්ට බල කෙරී ඇති බවත්ය.

ස්වාධීන නඩු පවරන්නකු සහ දේශීය වගවීමේ පද්ධතියක් නිර්මාණය කිරීම රජය සමඟ සාකච්ඡා කිරීමේ ප්‍රධාන අංග බව ටුක් පැවසීය.

තොරතුරු රැස් කිරීම සහ සංරක්ෂණය කිරීම මෙන්ම උල්ලංඝනය කිරීම් සහ අපයෝජන විශ්ලේෂණය කිරීම සඳහා සිය කාර්යාලයට බලය පවරා ඇති බවත්, මේ සඳහා කැපවූ ව්‍යාපෘතියක් ස්ථාපිත කර ඇති බවත් ඔහු පැවසීය.

Courtesy Daily Mirror

Colombo, June 29 (Daily Mirror) – The Ministry of Health reported that some 27,932 Dengue cases and 16 deaths were recorded so far this year. The Western Province accounts for 45% of all cases with the Eastern, Sabaragamuwa, and Southern provinces also identified as high-risk zones.

Health authorities have confirmed that several child fatalities have occurred due to the disease.

To combat the spread of Dengue and Chickungunya, the Health Ministry will launch a mosquito control week from June 30 to July 6. Dr. Asela Gunawardena, Director General of Health Services, stated that the programme will target 16 districts, focusing on reducing mosquito density amid increased rainfall from the Southwest monsoon.

The initiative aims to curb further outbreaks as Dengue infections continue to rise in hotspot regions.

Courtesy Adaderana

The head of the UN’s nuclear watchdog says US strikes on Iran fell short of causing total damage to its nuclear program and that Tehran could restart enriching uranium in a matter of months,” contradicting President Donald Trump’s claims the US set Tehran’s ambitions back by decades.

Rafael Grossi’s comments appear to support an early assessment from the Pentagon’s Defense Intelligence Agency, first reported on by CNN, which suggests the United States’ strikes on key Iranian nuclear sites last week did not destroy the core components of its nuclear program, and likely only set it back by months.

While the final military and intelligence assessment has yet to come, Trump has repeatedly claimed to have completely and totally obliterated” Tehran’s nuclear program.

The 12-day conflict between Israel and Iran began earlier this month when Israel launched an unprecedented attack it said aimed at preventing Tehran developing a nuclear bomb. Iran has insisted its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes.

The US then struck three key Iranian nuclear sites before a ceasefire began. The extent of the damage to Tehran’s nuclear program has been hotly debated ever since.

US military officials have in recent days provided some new information about the planning of the strikes, but offered no new evidence of their effectiveness against Iran’s nuclear program.

Following classified briefings this week, Republican lawmakers acknowledged the US strikes may not have eliminated all of Iran’s nuclear materials – but argued that this was never part of the military’s mission.
Severe but not ‘total’ damage

Asked about the different assessments, Grossi, director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), told CBS’s Face the Nation with Margaret Brennan”: This hourglass approach in weapons of mass destruction is not a good idea.”

The capacities they have are there. They can have, you know, in a matter of months, I would say, a few cascades of centrifuges spinning and producing enriched uranium, or less than that. But as I said, frankly speaking, one cannot claim that everything has disappeared and there is nothing there,” he told Brennan, according to a transcript released ahead of the broadcast.

It is clear that there has been severe damage, but it’s not total damage,” Grossi went on to say. Iran has the capacities there; industrial and technological capacities. So if they so wish, they will be able to start doing this again.”

Grossi also told CBS News that the IAEA has resisted pressure to say whether Iran has nuclear weapons or was close to having weapons before the strikes.

We didn’t see a program that was aiming in that direction (of nuclear weapons), but at the same time, they were not answering very, very important questions that were pending.”

CNN has asked the White House for comment on Grossi’s claims.

Grossi stressed the need for the IAEA to be granted access to Iran, to assess nuclear activities. He said Iran had been disclosing information to the agency up until recent Israeli and US strikes, but that there were some things that they were not clarifying to us.”

In this sensitive area of the number of centrifuges and the amount of material, we had perfect view,” he said. What I was concerned about is that there were other things that were not clear. For example, we had found traces of uranium in some places in Iran, which were not the normal declared facilities. And we were asking for years, why did we find these traces of enriched uranium in place x, y or z? And we were simply not getting credible answers.”

The initial Pentagon assessment said Tehran may have moved some of the enriched uranium out of the sites before they were attacked but Trump has insisted nothing was moved.

It’s logical to presume that when they announce that they are going to be taking protective measures, this could be part of it (moving the material). But, as I said, we don’t know where this material could be, or if part of it could have been, you know, under the attack during those 12 days,” Grossi told Brennan.

Meanwhile, Tehran has made moves towards withdrawing from international oversight over its nuclear program.

Iran’s parliament passed a bill halting cooperation with the UN nuclear watchdog, while the Foreign Minister, Abbas Araghchi, also said that the country could also rethink its membership of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which prohibits signatories from developing nuclear weapons.

Source: CNN
–Agencies 

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka has reached 70% renewable energy generation during June 2025, the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) said.

Issuing a statement in this regard, CEB noted that for the first time since the early 1990s, Sri Lanka has come full circle in its clean energy journey.

Accordingly, the CEB said it achieved an average of 70% electricity generation from renewable sources during June 2025, while having higher demand than in other months.

CEB further noted that this milestone marks a significant turnaround from the country’s earlier reliance on nearly 100% hydro power, before transitioning to a mixed hydro-thermal system in subsequent decade and reflects CEB’s steady efforts to restore renewable energy dominance in the national grid.

Shenali D Waduge

The following summarizes how successive UN High Commissioners for Human Rights have, through their actions and demands, overstepped their mandates, ignored their oath to the UN Charter and violated international law and Sri Lanka’s sovereignty.

1. Violation of UN Charter Article 2(7): Non-Intervention in Domestic Jurisdiction

The UNHRC/OHCHR have repeatedly intervened in Sri Lanka’s internal affairs without Security Council authorization or Sri Lanka’s consent, violating the principle of sovereign equality.

Demands Demonstrating this Violation:

• Louise Arbour (2004-2008): called for arms-length international investigations” during active conflict.

• Navi Pillay (2008-2014): demanded repeal of Sri Lanka’s Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), criticized military presence, checkpoints, surveillance in North & East & made statements about land in N & E without evidence. Urged the Government to formulate and rigorously enforce a zero tolerance policy for sexual abuse” by military personnel and to initiate a meaningful and transparent reduction of the military presence to peacetime levels” again creating a notion of a non-existent issue. Called for the implementation of 13a & truth, justice, reprations.

• Zeid Al Hassen (2014-2018: insisted on hybrid courts overriding Sri Lanka’s constitutional judicial authority. His attention was on Sri Lanka’s judicial system & during his visit to Sri Lanka he claimed Sri Lanka’s judiciary was highly politicized, unbalanced & unreliable”. He went on to claim that Sri Lanka’s justice system was incapable of handling international crimes emphasizing the need for hybrid courts. It is, I believe, an inescapable reality that Sri Lanka’s criminal justice system is not yet ready to handle these types of crimes … this is why the establishment of a hybrid special court … is so necessary.” Such statements amounted to near contempt of court undermining Sri Lanka’s judiciary’s integrity & public trust. His denouncements directly challenged the independence & authority of Sri Lanka’s highest courts & its judges infringing their constitutional status.

• Michelle Bachelet (2018-2022): establishment of Sri Lanka Accountability Project (SLAP/OSLAP) via Resolution 46/1 in 2021 evidence mechanism without Sri Lanka’s approval. It functions as a prosecutorial office. She called for the immediate moratorium for repeal of Prevention of Terrorism Act. She criticized militarization of civilian functions & called for vetting of military officials, urged reduction of military presence & removal of policing or administrative roles by security forces. She demanded swift restoration of autonomy of the judiciary, human rights commission & police oversight bodies. She encouraged member states to pursue universal jurisdiction prosecutions, targeted sanctions (asset freezes/travel bans) against select members of Sri Lanka Armed Forces without authorization of UNSC. She called for investigations into enforces disappearances, reparations for victims.

• Volker Türk:(2022-present) Demanded legislative changes to repeal Prevention of Terrorism Act & release detainees, repeal Online Safety Act) legalizing of homosexuality & same sex marriage ignoring cultural and religious norms. Continues to demand removal of military camps, reduction of military, return of lands, reforms to police & security sector.

Note:

The Sri Lanka Accountability Project (SLAP), also known as OSLAP, established by UNHRC Resolution 46/1 (2021), mandates the OHCHR to collect, consolidate, analyze, and preserve information and evidence regarding alleged human rights and humanitarian law violations during and after the Sri Lankan conflict.

SLAP is not the first of its kind; it follows precedents such as the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism (IIIM) for Syria (established by UNGA) and the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) (established by UNHRC).

SLAP’s mandate effectively creates a quasi-prosecutorial evidence-gathering mechanism without Sri Lanka’s consent, thereby bypassing the country’s domestic judiciary and undermining its sovereignty (allegedly violating UN Charter Article 2(7) and Sri Lanka’s Constitution). Critics also highlight its selective focus and lack of democratic oversight, arguing it represents a clear instance of UN mandate overreach and interference that contradicts the principle of subsidiarity in international law.

As you can see the emphasis of the High Commissioners ridiculing Sri Lanka’s judiciary, judges & judicial system is to enforce a hybrid court.

Relevant Treaty Violations:

• Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), Article 26: Pacta sunt servanda — parties must perform treaties in good faith. Overstepping mandates breaches this.
• International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Article 2(1): States have primary duty to protect and promote human rights within their territory. External imposition undermines this.
• UN Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary (1985): The independence of the judiciary must be guaranteed by the state itself; external interference violates this.
• Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), Article 21(3): The will of the people as the basis of authority is to be respected — external imposition disregards democratic sovereignty.

2. Violation of UN Charter Articles 7 & 22:

Exceeding the OHCHR’s Statutory Mandate

The High Commissioners created or endorsed quasi-judicial investigative mechanisms not authorized by the UN General Assembly or Security Council.

Demands Demonstrating This Violation:

• Louise Arbour (2004–2008): called for external inquiries without General Assembly or Security Council mandate. OHCHR does not have authority to establish or endorse investigative panels or quasi-judicial bodies.
• Navi Pillay (2008-2014): advocated for independent international inquiries & indirectly promoted ICC referral without UNSC authorization. Created pressure for judicial action, interfered in internal affairs of Sri Lanka & exceeded OHCHR’s mandate limited to monitoring & promotion.
• Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein (2014-2018): Pressed to create hybrid courts with international judges & prosecutors outside UNGA/UNSC mandate. OHCHR is not a judicial or prosecutorial body, to impose judicial structures
• Michelle Bachelet (2018-2022): Spearheaded UNHRC Resolution 46/1 & established SLAP/OSLAP – a quasi-prosecutorial evidence-gathering mechanism without Sri Lanka’s consent or UNGA/UNSC authorization. This created an investigatory/prosecutorial function that is not within OHCHR’s legal authority.
• Volker Turk (2022-to present) – Continued endorsement & operational support for SLAP/OSLAP & called for international accountability mechanisms without UNGA or UNSC authorization. These continued actions maintaining extrajudicial prosecutorial mechanism beyond OHCHR’s remit is a violation of the UN Charter & UNHRC’s own mandate.

Relevant Treaty and UN Instrument Violations:

• UNGA Resolution 60/251: Limits Human Rights Council’s mandate to promotion and dialogue, excluding judicial enforcement.
• UN Charter Article 7 & 22: OHCHR is a subsidiary organ with limited functions; unauthorized judicial or prosecutorial actions exceed mandate.
• UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers (1990): Fair trial and legal representation are to be protected domestically, not undermined by external panels.
• International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Article 14: Right to fair trial within one’s own legal system; external judicial mechanisms violate this.

3. Violation of UN Charter Article 100:

Failure to maintain neutrality and impartiality

High Commissioners have shown consistent bias by focusing solely on Sri Lanka while minimizing LTTE atrocities, aligning with politically motivated diaspora and NGO narratives.

Key Conduct Demonstrating This Violation:

• Ignoring accountability of LTTE war crimes and terrorism over 30 years.
• Avoiding meetings with Sinhala, Tamil, and Muslim victims of LTTE.
• Favoring LTTE-linked activists and ignoring government security officials.
• Echoing diaspora and NGO narratives linked to LTTE sympathizers.

Relevant UN Ethical Codes:

• UN Staff Regulations and Rules, Regulation 1.2 and Staff Rule 101.2: UN officials must maintain impartiality, neutrality, and act in the interests of the UN alone.
• UN Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials (1979): Requires unbiased investigations and accountability.
• UN Human Rights Council Advisory Committee Guidelines: Emphasize equal treatment and impartiality in human rights matters.

Additional Relevant Points:

Do UN High Commissioners Take an Oath?

• UN High Commissioners for Human Rights are senior UN officials who swear to uphold the UN Charter, Staff Regulations, and Code of Conduct, committing to impartiality, independence, and respect for sovereignty and human rights norms. Violations of these principles breach their professional and legal obligations. Obviously all 5 high commissioners are guilty.

4. Violation of Sri Lanka’s Constitutional Provisions:

• Article 1(1):Sri Lanka is a sovereign, democratic and unitary State.”
• Article 2(1):The Republic of Sri Lanka shall be a sovereign Republic.”
• Article 3: Sovereignty of the People — In the Republic of Sri Lanka sovereignty is in the People and is inalienable…”
• Article 4: The exercise of sovereignty shall be through… Parliament, the President and the Judiciary as established by this Constitution.”
• Article 9:The Republic shall… protect and foster the Buddhist Sasana and also protect freedom of thought, conscience and religion of all citizens.”

Chapter XV (Articles 105–117): Establishes judiciary independence.

• Article 105 (1); Establishes courts for the administration of justice.
• Article 107 (2):Protects judicial independence. Ensures independence of the judiciary; Judges can only be removed through parliamentary process on grounds of proven misconduct/incapacity.
• Article 111C:Interference with the judiciary is a punishable offense.

Chapter XVI (Articles 118–147): Confers sole and exclusive constitutional jurisdiction on the Supreme Court for constitutional interpretation, validity of legislation, and fundamental rights enforcement.

• Article 118:Supreme Court is the highest and final superior court.
• Article 120:Supreme Court has sole jurisdiction over constitutional matters.
• Article 125:Supreme Court has sole jurisdiction in interpreting the Constitution.
• Article 126:Supreme Court has jurisdiction on fundamental rights violations.

Since 2006, UNHRC High Commissioners have violated:

• UN Charter Articles 2(7), 7, 22, and 100 by violating sovereignty, exceeding mandates, and lacking impartiality.
• International treaty law (Vienna Convention, ICCPR, UDHR, Basic Principles on Judiciary and Lawyers).
• Sri Lanka’s Constitution, which affirms sovereignty, judicial independence, cultural/religious protections, and supremacy of national law.

Their persistent external impositions, legal reforms demands, and selective accountability undermine international law, Sri Lanka’s sovereignty, and true reconciliation.

What can Sri Lanka’s Government and Citizens do against this bias:

• Legally contest UNHRC/OHCHR overreach citing UN Charter, international treaties, and Sri Lanka’s constitutional provisions.
• Publicly expose politicization and mandate abuses through media, social networks, and diplomatic forums.
• Engage UN member states and civil society to restore mandate boundaries and impartiality.
• Submit credible alternative reports highlighting LTTE atrocities and selective enforcement.
• Demand independent oversight of OHCHR actions related to Sri Lanka from 2006 to present.

Shenali D Waduge

Shenali D Waduge

The Govt of Sri Lanka is elected to uphold the sovereignty & territorial integrity of Sri Lanka. Thus, the Govt of Sri Lanka is bound to uphold national sovereignty against the current beyond mandate violations by the UNHRC & OHCHR.

International Law guarantees State Sovereignty and Non-Intervention

United Nations Charter clearly states.

1. UN Charter Article 2(1): Affirms that the Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” This means that all member states, regardless of size or power, possess equal rights and are independent in their internal affairs.
2. UN Charter Article 2(7): Crucially states: Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state or shall require the Members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter; but this principle shall not prejudice the application of enforcement measures under Chapter VII.”
   1. Interpretation: This clearly prohibits UN intervention in domestic matters. Chapter VII allows actions by the Security Council but its powers are not extended to the UNHRC for domestic interference

The Mandate of the UNHRC and OHCHR is Not Prosecutorial or Legislative

The UNHRC and the OHCHR operate within specific mandates that primarily focus on promotion, protection, and cooperation. UNHRC & OHCHR cannot enforce or impose legislative changes/reforms.

• What is UNHRC/OHCHR mandated to do: Hold forums for dialogue, standard-setting, monitoring human rights situations, reporting findings, offer technical assistance (if requested), and make non-binding recommendations. Facilitate the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) where states’ human rights records are reviewed.

• What UNHRC/OHCHR is NOT MANDATED to do: UNHRC/OHCHR are not international courts with judicial powers. They cannot issue legally binding judgments against states, nor can their resolutions unilaterally impose domestic laws, constitutional amendments, or specific judicial/security sector structures. Their resolutions CANNOT create new legal obligations beyond ratified treaties, nor can they dictate specific legislative outcomes.

UNHRC is undermining Sri Lanka:  

A review of UNHRC’s scrutiny of Sri Lanka must be evaluated from legally questionable reports (Darusman, Petrie, OISL) that Sri Lanka has consistently argued against for lack proper mandate and due process,:

• Lack of Proper Mandate: These reports were initiated without formal resolutions from the UN General Assembly or the Security Council, raising fundamental questions about their institutional legitimacy. They were leaked.
• Reliance on unverified and anonymous information: Critically, these reports allegedly relied heavily on anonymous testimonies, often kept secret for extended periods, precluding Sri Lanka’s right to respond, verify, or cross-examine, thus violating principles of natural justice and fairness.
• Denial of Due Process: Sri Lanka was reportedly denied adequate opportunity to engage fully in the processes leading to these reports, contributing to a perception of a pre-determined outcome. The manner that all reports concentrated against Sri Lanka & not its legitimate right to engage in counter-terrorism is noteworthy.

When resolutions and demands are built upon such perceived flawed foundations, their validity and enforceability become inherently questionable from a sovereign state’s perspective.

Specific Instances of Mandate Overreach against Sri Lanka’s Sovereignty:

Analysis of past resolutions and OHCHR demands reveals a pattern that showcases that the UNHRC/OHCHR has gone beyond its legitimate mandate and infringes upon Sri Lanka’s domestic jurisdiction:

1. The Imposition of the OHCHR Sri Lanka Accountability Project (OSLAP/SLAP):
   1. The Overreach: Resolutions such as 46/1 (2021) and 51/1 (2022) established and extended the OHCHR’s mandate to collect, consolidate, analyse and preserve information and evidence” for future accountability efforts” related to alleged human rights violations in Sri Lanka. This is an administrative office undertaking a quasi-judicial/prosecutorial function.
   1. Why it is Wrong: This mechanism operates externally, unilaterally, and without Sri Lanka’s consent, directly undermining its judicial sovereignty. It pre-judges the capacity of Sri Lanka’s domestic legal system and aims to create a dossier for potential foreign prosecutions, which is a direct infringement on national jurisdiction.
2. Demands for Specific Judicial Mechanisms and External Involvement:
   1. The Overreach: Resolution 30/1 (2015), despite initial co-sponsorship by a previous administration, explicitly called for a judicial mechanism with… assistance in legal and judicial expertise” which was widely interpreted as demanding hybrid courts and foreign judicial participation.
   1. Why it is Wrong: This dictates the structure of Sri Lanka’s sovereign judiciary and imposes external elements that bypass the nation’s constitutional framework and its inherent right to administer justice within its own borders. Judicial architecture is an intrinsic attribute of state sovereignty.
3. Dictating Domestic Legislative Repeals and Reforms:
   1. The Overreach: The OHCHR and High Commissioner repeatedly demand the repeal of specific Sri Lankan laws, such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), Penal Code 365/365A, the Online Safety Act & even to Change Sri Lanka’s Constitution, and insist on reforms to religious personal laws or the decriminalization of consensual same-sex relations.
   1. Why it is Wrong: While human rights principles advocate for non-discrimination and protection of fundamental freedoms, the direct demand for specific legislative acts by an external body constitutes a clear overreach into the sovereign legislative domain of Sri Lanka’s Parliament. The methods and timelines of such reforms, particularly when touching upon complex social, cultural, or religious issues, are exclusively within the domestic legislative purview.
4. Disproportionate and Politicized Scrutiny:
   1. The Wrong: Sri Lanka has faced continuous, country-specific resolutions and intense scrutiny for over a decade, often based on reports (Darusman, Petrie, OISL) that Sri Lanka deems fundamentally flawed, unmandated, and relying on unverified sources that deny due process. This continuous focus is seen as disproportionate compared to other nations with similar or more severe alleged human rights issues. Moreover, all of these actions only came about after Sri Lanka ended 30 years of terrorism & questions UNHRC silence before 2009.
   1. Why it is Wrong: This creates a perception of selective justice and politicization, diverting resources and attention from genuine, nationally-owned reconciliation efforts, and violating principles of objectivity, impartiality, and non-selectivity central to the UN’s own human rights framework. The focus on unverified incidents from the 1990s, while large-scale atrocities by the LTTE (e.g., child soldier recruitment, disappearances from detention centers, the mass killing of other Tamil militant leaders & their cadres by LTTE are comparatively downplayed, further highlights this perceived bias.

What the Direct Message to the UNHRC Head and OHCHR Office from the Government of Sri Lanka should be

The Government of Sri Lanka must deliver a clear, principled, and unyielding message to the visiting UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and his Office:

The Government of Sri Lanka welcomes your visit and reaffirms its unwavering commitment to upholding human rights for all its citizens, in line with our international obligations. However, this commitment is exercised within the framework of our national sovereignty, a principle fundamental to the United Nations Charter itself.

Therefore, you and your Office must understand and be firmly informed of the following:

Respect for Sovereignty is Non-Negotiable: Sri Lanka, as a sovereign member state of the United Nations, operates under its own Constitution and laws. UN Charter Article 2(7) explicitly prohibits intervention in matters essentially within our domestic jurisdiction. Your mandate, and that of the UNHRC, is promotional and recommendatory; it is not legislative, judicial, or enforcement-oriented.

Rejection of Mandate Overreach: We unequivocally reject any and all demands that fall outside your legitimate mandate. This specifically includes:

• • The imposition of external evidence-gathering mechanisms (such as the OHCHR Sri Lanka Accountability Project), which usurps our national judicial functions and infringes upon our sovereign right to administer justice within our borders.
  • Dictating the specific structure of our domestic judiciary, including demands for hybrid courts or the inclusion of foreign judges, which are matters solely for Sri Lanka’s constitutional and legislative processes.
  • Demanding the repeal of specific domestic laws or dictating specific legislative reforms (e.g., the Prevention of Terrorism Act, the Online Safety Act, or specific personal laws, or the decriminalization of same-sex relations). The power to legislate rests exclusively with the Parliament of Sri Lanka, reflecting the will of its people.

Insistence on National Ownership: Genuine and sustainable accountability, reconciliation, and reform processes must be nationally owned, designed, and implemented. We are committed to strengthening our own credible domestic mechanisms. Any external demands that bypass or undermine these national efforts are counterproductive and will be resisted.

Addressing Bias and Flawed Foundations: We urge your Office to acknowledge and address the persistent concerns regarding the politicization and selective scrutiny directed at Sri Lanka. Resolutions stemming from reports that lacked proper UNGA/UNSC mandates, relied on unverified, anonymous information, and denied Sri Lanka due process, fundamentally lack legitimacy and are a basis for continued interference. We also recall instances where questionable analyses have been used to unfairly target our armed forces.

Focus on True Justice and Impartiality: If your concern is genuinely for human rights, then it must be universal and impartial. We expect equal attention to the horrific atrocities committed by the proscribed terrorist organization LTTE, including the recruitment of thousands of Tamil child soldiers, the disappearance of thousands from their detention centers like Thunukkai, and widespread massacres of Sinhala, Tamil, and Muslim civilians, along with the brutal killings of rival Tamil groups like TELO. A selective focus, such as a disproportionate emphasis on unverified claims from decades past while ignoring documented mass atrocities by terrorists, casts serious doubt on the impartiality and credibility of your Office.

The Government of Sri Lanka stands ready for constructive engagement that respects its sovereignty and operates within the bounds of established international law. However, any attempts to dictate our internal affairs, impose external mechanisms, or make demands that exceed your mandate will be firmly rejected. Our nation deserves justice and respect for its hard-won peace, not judgment based on a biased and politicized agenda.”

This is the type of statement Sri Lankans expect from its elected Govt. We look forward to such an outcome.

Shenali D Waduge

Translation of the poem නීතියේ රං දේවාලයේ මහා පූජකයාගේ වෙඩිල්ල… නීතීඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන

Offering blooms with both hands
Praying for the facticity of the law
Went to the golden temple of the law that day…

The bullet that the high priest had Placed through the chest,
The altar itself spread became wet with blood…

Took the blood with the pen
Brought the 22nd amendment by the temple of attorney’s to correct the offence…

Brutuses all around,
But in Sirilaka as far as the eye could see as there is no Caesar and Cleopatra…
How could a Mark Antony who dares to tell the truth to the normal people be born…

Translation of the poem
නීතියේ රං දේවාලයේ මහා පූජකයාගේ වෙඩිල්ල…

http://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2025/06/blog-post_19.html?m=1

http://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2025/06/the-shot-of-high-priest-in-golden.html?m=1

නීතීඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන
දුරකථන 0712063394

Sasanka De Silva Pannipitiya.

Last Thursday, I had two experiences that starkly illustrated the fundamental differences in responsiveness and accountability between Sri Lanka’s private and public sectors. The contrast was so pronounced, it solidified my long-held belief that the private sector is the true engine keeping this country afloat, while the public sector often feels like a drain on its resources.

My morning started with a truly dreadful cup of “pain tea”—a “new brand we’d decided to try from a local supermarket. It tasted strongly of dried coconut leaves, far from the soothing brew I’d hoped for. Frustrated, I called the customer service number on the packet. No answer. However, just a few hours later, I received a call back from an unknown number. It was the tea company. I explained my predicament, and to their credit, the representative was genuinely surprised, stating it was their first complaint of its kind. He promptly took my location details, and within two hours, he was at my front gate. He offered a refund, which we declined. Instead, he presented us with a different variety of their tea, asking us to sample it and assess its quality. This was proactive, effective, and customer-centric service—a swift resolution born from a clear understanding of brand reputation and customer satisfaction.

Later that same day, I made a second, far less satisfying call. I contacted the Sri Lanka Railway safety department to report a significant safety hazard: the unguarded railway level crossing near my home. This crossing had always been guarded, but suddenly a makeshift placard had appeared, crudely stating, “Gate is unguarded, and road users are to take necessary care while crossing.” There was no official signature or stamp from any authority. My concern was immediate and serious.

When I called the railway safety department, I was met with the meek and subdued voice of a lady who informed me that “the boss was at an important meeting” and would call me back later. Unwilling to leave such a critical safety issue to an indefinite wait, I politely refused and left my mobile number, strongly requesting that her boss call me back as soon as possible. Two days have now passed, and I am yet to receive any feedback from the railway department. The silence is deafening and, frankly, alarming.

This stark contrast perfectly encapsulates my frustration. The private tea company, despite being a profit-driven entity, understood the importance of customer satisfaction and acted with remarkable speed and professionalism. Their prompt action not only resolved my issue but also fostered goodwill. The public sector, on the other hand, displayed a characteristic lack of urgency and accountability regarding a potentially life-threatening safety issue. This casual disregard for public safety, coupled with the “boss is busy” excuse, is precisely why so many of us feel that the public sector, often fueled by taxpayer money and staffed by individuals who benefited from free education, can become insular and unresponsive once they secure their positions. It’s a disheartening reality where essential services are often bogged down by bureaucracy and a palpable lack of proactive engagement.

Sasanka De Silva

Pannipitiya.

Declassified UK

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Shenali D Waduge

The UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has long been accused of double standards, politicization, and selective justice. The UNHRC Head is currently in Sri Lanka on a 3 day visit with a tight schedule. But when that schedule fits in traveling to the North by helicopter to lay flowers for dead LTTE terrorists – we must lodge our protest. This is not a gesture of reconciliation—it is an insult to the victims of LTTE terror. It is a clear violation of the UN’s own stance against glorifying terrorism. We not only take offence but we demand an immediate explanation from the OHCHR office and all parties involved in organizing this itinerary. Why does the UNHRC Head have time to lay flowers for terrorists but not to visit the graves of victims of LTTE? If at all he should be searching the graves of 40,000 claimed to be killed during the last phase, not some unverified grave site of 1990s. We don’t expect a visiting UNHRC head to be laying flowers for terrorists especially when there is a bigger conflict unfolding in the Middle East. If the visiting UNHRC Head’s itinerary includes laying flowers as a symbolic gesture of goodwill for the dead, then he must lay flowers for victims of terror not the terrorists.

A Legacy of Bias: From 2006 to Present: Every UNHRC head since 2006 has demonstrated overt bias against Sri Lanka. Despite the end of a 30-year conflict in 2009—during which the Sri Lankan state defeated one of the world’s most ruthless terrorist organizations, carried out the world’s largest humanitarian rescue operation & rehabilitated & reintegrated close to 12,000 LTTE cadres—the UNHRC has relentlessly pursued Sri Lanka, using flawed reports and unverified allegations, demanding domestic reforms & restructuring to undermine its sovereignty.

The UNHRC appears either unwilling or unable to distinguish between the legitimate right of a sovereign state to carry out counter-terrorism operations and the deliberate, unlawful acts of terrorism committed by LTTE banned by 32 nations. By drawing moral equivalence between a state’s lawful military operations and the LTTE’s brutal terror campaign—and then disproportionately targeting the Government of Sri Lanka for alleged human rights violations—the UNHRC undermines both international law and its own credibility.

Three major reports—the 2011 Darusman Report, 2012 Petrie Report, and 2015 OHCHR Investigation (OISL)—form the backbone of this campaign. All three were:

• Initiated without UN General Assembly or Security Council approval
• Funded and published under the Secretary-General’s office without mandate
• Based on anonymous testimonies sealed for 20 years
• Denied Sri Lanka the right to cross-examine or respond
• Darusman & Petrie Report were not published officially but leaked to the public

These reports violated UN Charter Articles 2(1), 2(7), 7, 22, and 100, among others. Despite this, successive UNHRC heads weaponized these flawed documents to justify political interference and externally driven reforms.

Selective mourning: glorifying terrorists, ignoring victims The High Commissioner’s decision to lay flowers at a site allegedly linked to 19 unverified deaths (and no confirmed evidence of a mass grave) is not only premature but deeply insulting & absolutely unwarranted. If he wants to lay flowers there are plenty of places to commemorate the dead. How can some unverified site with 19 skeletons be more important than the thousands of innocent lives lost at the hands of the LTTE? From over 300 such attacks by LTTE over 30 years…

• 149 Buddhists hacked to death at the Sri Maha Bodhi in 1985
• 600+ unarmed policemen executed by the LTTE in 1990
• 147 Muslims massacred inside Kattankudy Mosque in 1990
• Entire Sinhala and Muslim villages wiped out across the North and East (ethnic cleansing)
• 113 killed when LTTE attacked Central Bank in 1996
• 33 student Bhikkhus pulled out of bus & murdered in Aranthalawa 1987
• Hundreds of villagers killed in the Kent & Dollar Farms throughout the 1980s
• LTTE attacked & bombed buses trains, airports, public places – killing thousands of unarmed innocent civilians. Why can’t the UNHRC head place a single flower for them

Why is the UNHRC not laying flowers at these grave sites? Why does the itinerary ignore these massacres entirely? Why does the UNHRC never meet with the families of these victims?

This is not justice—it is propaganda. It is not human rights—it is human wrongs.

What about Iran-Israel Crisis: At a time when the world is on the edge of a catastrophic regional & global war, with grave human rights violations occurring daily, the UNHRC head has chosen to spend his time attending an event for dead LTTE terrorists in Sri Lanka. This shameful prioritization reveals everything about the UNHRC’s misplaced agenda.

Why is there no emergency session to resolve the Iran-Israel crisis? If Ban Ki Moon could appoint a panel immediately after Sri Lanka’s conflict concluded why doesn’t the sitting UNHRC head do something to address the conflict unfolding in the Middle East – the logistical nightmare that would impact the economies of the entire world. Is this issue not more important than travelling all the way to Sri Lanka to lay flowers for dead LTTE?

Double Standards and Cowardice This pattern of selective accountability shows cowardice. The UNHRC dares to attack small, sovereign nations like Sri Lanka, but refuses to hold powerful countries accountable. Sri Lanka defeated terrorism. That should be acknowledged—not punished.

Meanwhile, those who funded, trained, and armed the LTTE walk free. LTTE are not punished for recruiting children. The families of 5000 missing Sri Lankan soldiers are denied answers. Tamils, Sinhalese & Muslim victims of LTTE never get a hearing in Geneva. Annually, UNHRC ears are only for LTTE fronts & pro-LTTE activists.

Where is the UNHRC’s impartiality? Where is the justice for all?

We Demand Accountability from the UNHRC :

1. An apology for the selective glorification of LTTE-linked grave sites.
2. Refusal to visit massacre sites and meet with families of Sinhala, Tamil, and Muslim victims of the LTTE.
3. A full audit of how the Darusman, Petrie, and OISL reports were commissioned, funded, and used outside of UNGA & UNSC mandate.
4. A UNGA-led legal review of all resolutions and reports against Sri Lanka.
5. Reaffirmation that non-international armed conflicts fall under domestic jurisdiction.
6. Review on how human rights laws have replaced international humanitarian laws for selective justice.

Timeline of UNHRC Targeting Since 2009

• 2012: Resolution A/HRC/19/2 – the first against SL
• 2013, 2014: Further resolutions despite domestic reconciliation
• 2015: OISL Report based on sealed testimonies
• 2021, 2022, 2023: Renewed resolutions despite no war since 2009

The UNHRC has become a tool of political coercion. If it wishes to restore credibility, it must first respect its own Charter, uphold impartiality, and stop glorifying terrorism under the guise of human rights.

Sri Lanka is not currently a member of the UNHRC and therefore has no vote nor influence over the Council’s resolutions, despite being a subject of repeated and intrusive scrutiny. This makes the ongoing pressure not only unfair but undemocratic

UNHRC/OHCHR unashamedly are showing their bias & double standards because the UN system is ill-equipped to take action against its illegalities. How else did 3 legally questionable reports (Darusman, Petrie, OISL) end up being used against a UN member sovereign state.

Sri Lanka deserves justice—not judgment.

Shenali D Waduge