උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

රජයේ අමාත්‍යවරයෙකු විසින් ගොඩනැගිල්ලක් නීති විරෝධී ලෙස අත්පත් කර ගැනීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් නඩු විභාගය පැවැත්වූ අධිකරණ විනිසුරුවන් දෙදෙනෙකුට ස්ථාන මාරුවීම් ලබා දී ඇති බව සමගි ජන බලවේගයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී මුජිබර් රහුමාන් මහතා අද (24) පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී අනාවරණය කළේය.

මෙම අමාත්‍යවරයාව අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට ගල්කිස්ස මහේස්ත්‍රාත්වරිය විසින් දෙවරක්ම නියෝග කර තිබුණද පොලීසිය එම නියෝග ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමෙන් වැළකී සිටි බවද මන්ත්‍රීවරයා සඳහන් කළේය.

එසේම, රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට නියෝග කළ විනිසුරුවරියකට උසස්වීමක් ලබා දුන් බවද ඔහු පැවසීය.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දණ්ඩ නීති සංග්‍රහය සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත පිළිබඳ විවාදයට සහභාගී වෙමින් මන්ත්‍රීවරයා මෙම කරුණු හෙළිදරව් කළේය.

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka has been ranked the number one destination to visit in the month of October by global travel magazine Time Out which released its annual list of the world’s top travel spots for the month.

Sri Lanka’s warm tropical climate, rich cultural heritage and natural landscapes have contributed to it being named the travel top destination by the magazine.

The magazine highlighted Sri Lanka’s as a destination that offers a little bit of everything” from golden beaches and hill-country hikes to ancient ruins and wildlife safaris.

Türkiye is placed second while United States’ New Mexico has been ranked third in the list.

Other featured destinations include Valencia (Spain), New York City (US), the Philippines, Bhutan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Timișoara (Romania), San Francisco, and Namibia.

According to travel magazine Time Out, the selections were based on seasonal charm, cultural events, and unique experiences that are especially enjoyable in October, making Sri Lanka a top choice for travelers.

Courtesy Adaderana

(UPDATED: 1.09 a.m.) – The death toll from the cable car accident at the Na Uyana Monastery (Nā Uyana Āranya Senāsanaya) at Pansiyagama in Melsiripura has increased to seven Buddhist monks. 

At least two of the deceased monks are foreign nationals, and their bodies have been placed at the Gokarella District Hospital. The bodies of the other monks have been placed at the Kurunegala Teaching Hospital.

It is reported that 13 Buddhist monks were riding the cable car in the monastery at the time of the accident.

The seriously injured monks have now been admitted to the Kurunegala Teaching Hospital.

---

At least five Buddhist monks are reported dead after a cable car broke from the cable and fell down at the Na Uyana Monastery (Nā Uyana Āranya Senāsanaya) at Pansiyagama in Melsiripura, Kurunegala Hospital sources told Ada Derana.

The source said that around 13 Buddhist monks were in the cable car at the time of the accident which had occurred last night (24) at the Buddhist forest monastery in Kurunegala.

SepalAmarasinghe

Iraj Show

Top News Lk

Shenali D Waduge

There is an overwhelming amount of information on social media about Israel and Palestine—stories, theories, and opinions that often confuse rather than clarify. Many keyboard campaigners spreading these narratives do not even know where Israel, Palestine, or the Gaza Strip is on a map—and some may struggle to locate their own countries. Because of this, it’s important to set aside what we’ve been fed and start fresh. By answering some fundamental questions below, readers can build a clearer understanding and draw their own informed conclusions.

To make sense of this issue, we must go step by step: first borders, then identities, then Britain’s role, then wars, then modern players, then life today.

Opinions cannot ruin the lives of people. 

ARTIFICIAL BORDERS

Section 1: The Roots of the Conflict

Objective: To understand how the modern borders and identities were created, and why today’s disputes exist.

Q1: Why do so many conflicts in the Middle East exist?
A: Because of artificial borders drawn by colonial powers after the Ottoman Empire collapsed.

·      Britain and France carved up the Middle East with little regard for history, ethnicity, or religion.

·      Modern borders often cut across tribal, religious, and cultural lines — sowing divisions.

·      Palestine was one such artificially demarcated region.

If outside powers drew these borders, should they now decide new ones?”

WHAT OUTSIDERS SHOULD REALLY ASK

Section 2: Identities and Historical Claims
Objective: To clarify who the Jews and Palestinians are, when their identities formed, and whose roots are deeper.

Q2: Who are the Palestinians?
A: Historically, Palestine” was a geographic region, not a continuous ethnic group.

·      Ancient residents of present Palestine” included Canaanites, Philistines, Hebrews/Jews, Romans, and Arabs.

·      Palestinian as a national emerged in the 20th century, in reaction to Jewish immigration and the British Mandatepolicies and political developments at the time.

Q: Are Palestinians indigenous to the land?

A: The land has hosted many peoples — Jews, Christians, Muslims — over millennia. Palestinians are mostly Arabs who settled or lived under Islamic and Ottoman rule. 

Their modern national identity as Palestinian” emerged only in the 20th century  

So, while Arabs have long roots in the land, the political identity of Palestinian people” is relatively recent compared to Jewish historical claims.

Q3: Who coined the name Palestine”?

A: The Romans in 135 CE, after crushing the Jewish revolt, renamed Judea to Syria Palaestina” to weaken Jewish ties to the land. 

Does this mean the name Palestine” was never Islamic or Muslim?

Yes.

Q4: What historical claim do Palestinians (through the PLO/PA) have to Gaza, West Bank, and East Jerusalem?

A: Their claim is based on recent residence and 20th-century political identity, not an ancient sovereign state.

Has there ever been a sovereign state called Palestine”?

No. 

The region has long been home to many people from different communities but there was never an independent state called Palestine”. 

Arab communities lived in the area & the modern Palestinian national identity developed from these communities.

Who has rightful claim to Palestine?

·      This leaves us with a difficult comparison: a modern 20th-century political identity versus a 3,000-year-old Jewish historical identity.

COLONIAL LEGACY

Section 3: The Role of Britain and the Mandate

Objective: To explain how Britain inherited the land, created contradictions, and left behind the conflict.

Q5: What was the British Mandate on Palestine?

A: After World War I, the Ottoman Empire collapsed, and Britain was given control of Palestine (1920-1948) under the League of Nations.

·      Balfour Declaration (1917):

Britain promised a Jewish homeland in Palestine but also promised to protect Arab rights ‚contradiction from the start.

·      British control: 

Covered the land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean (today’s Israel, Gaza, West Bank, and East Jerusalem).

·      Jewish immigration: 

Jews fleeing persecution in Europe (especially in the 1920s-30s) moved to Palestine, leading to tensions with local Arabs.

·      Britain’s dilemma: 

Could not satisfy both Jewish and Arab demands. Violence increased.

·      Withdrawal in 1948: 

Britain gave up the Mandate and left. This power vacuum led directly to Israel’s declaration of independence in 1948 and the first Arab-Israeli war.

1948 Arab–Israeli War:

·       Neighboring Arab states (Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq) rejected the UN Partition Plan and invaded Israel.

• Outcome:

o   Israel defended its territory successfully and expanded beyond the UN-proposed borders.

o   Gaza came under Egyptian military administration (not annexed).

o   The West Bank was occupied by Jordan and later annexed (recognized by only a few countries).

o   Around 700,000 Palestinian Arabs fled or were expelled from areas that became Israel, creating the first major refugee crisis (Nakba).

1967 Six-Day War:

·       Egypt, Jordan, and Syria closed the Straits of Tiran, Israel’s shipping route to the Red Sea, effectively blockading Israel.

·       Israel launched a defensive strike.

·       Outcome: Israel captured Gaza and Sinai from Egypt, the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) from Jordan, and Golan Heights from Syria.

·       Israel argues this was self-defense (UN Charter Article 51), but international law does not automatically recognize sovereignty over land acquired by war.

Summary:
Britain inherited Palestine, made conflicting promises, and then left without resolving the conflict, creating conditions for the wars that followed.

Q6: Did Britain create a Palestinian state?

A: No. Britain created administrative control, not a sovereign Palestinian nation.

Q7: Why must Britain hold part of the blame?

A: Because it:

·      Drew artificial borders without considering consequences.

·      Promised the same land to two groups.

·      Withdrew without resolving contradictions.

Q8: Did Israel have the legal right to declare independence in 1948?

A: As per international law and historical rights Israel had a right.

·      UN Partition Plan (1947, Resolution 181): 

The United Nations proposed dividing the British Mandate into two states — one Jewish, one Arab. 

The Jewish leadership accepted the plan; Arab leaders rejected it.

·      Britain’s withdrawal (1948): 

When Britain ended its mandate, sovereignty over the territory reverted to the inhabitants. Since the Jewish side had accepted the UN plan, they had a legitimate basis to proclaim statehood.

·      International recognition: 

Within hours of Israel’s declaration (May 14, 1948), major powers such as the United States and the Soviet Union recognized the new state.

·      Self-determination: 

Jews, as a historic people with continuous ties to the land, had the right to self-determination under international principles.

Summary: 

Israel’s independence was legal and recognized. 

Arab states rejected the UN plan and then launched a war against Israel.

This is the start of the conflict  

If Britain created the problem, should it now dictate the solution?

REGIONAL WARS

Section 4: The Wars and Territories

Objective: To show how Gaza and West Bank came under different rulers,  

Q8: Who historically ruled Gaza?
A: Gaza was ruled by dozens of empires from Canaanites & Israelites to Romans, Ottomans & Egyptians. It was — never a sovereign Palestinian state.

·      Canaanites & Philistines → Israelite kingdoms → Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, Greek → Romans, Byzantines → Islamic Caliphates → Ottomans → British Mandate → Egypt (1948–1967) → Israel (1967–2005) → Hamas (2007)

·      Muslims ruled Gaza for roughly 1,200 of the past 2,500 years, but always as part of larger empires.

Q9: Was Gaza part of British Mandate on Palestine?

A: Yes. After 1948, Egypt occupied Gaza under military rule. Israel captured it in 1967.

Q10: Why did Israel take Gaza in 1967?
A: Egypt made the first move by threatening Israel’s southern border. 

Israel captured Gaza in a defensive war for security and strategic depth.

If Gaza was never a Palestinian state, on what basis can it now be claimed?

MODERN PLAYERS: EGYPT, IRAN, HAMAS, PLO, MUSLIM STATES etc

Section 5: Regional & International Actors

Objective: To understand why Muslim nations care, and why Iran/Egypt play roles.

Q11: Who is the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization)?

A: Formed in 1964, recognized by the Arab League as the sole representative of the Palestinian people.”

·      Founded in 1964 – under Egyptian influence

·      Started as a secular, nationalist movement not religious-based.

·      Original demand (1960s–1980s): Destruction of Israel, creation of a Palestinian state over the whole land.

·      Signed Oslo Accords in 1994 → accepted Israel’s existence,  

·      Led to creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA).

·      Today: still exists, mostly political, dominated by Fatah faction.

·      PLO’s Palestinian state is to be made out of West Bank + Gaza.

Q12: What is the Palestinian Authority (PA)?
A: Established in 1994 by the Oslo Accords to govern parts of the West Bank.

·      Created in 1994 following Oslo Accords 

·      Led by Mahmoud Abbas (Fatah).

·      Recognized by over 130 UN members as representative of Palestinians.

·      Palestinian Authority unlike PLO expanded goalpost to demand as Palestine West Bank + Gaza + East Jerusalem as Palestinian capital.

·      Deeply unpopular among Palestinians.

Q13: Who is Hamas?
A: Islamist group founded in 1987, offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood.

·      Seized Gaza in 2007 after fighting with Fatah/PA.

·      Considered an Islamist terrorist organization by Israel, US, EU, UK, and others.

·      Seeks destruction of Israel; runs Gaza with authoritarian rule.

·      Demands an Islamic Palestinian state (all of Israel + West Bank + Gaza) 

·      Opposes peace deals signed by PLO/PA

·      Muslim Brotherhood was founded in Egypt in 1928 by Hassan al-Banna to create a modern Islamic caliphate & Sharia law & aspired to spread ideology across the Arab world. Hamas is an offshoot of this ideology.

·      That way, the reader first learns who the Palestinian groups are, then immediately understands why Hamas is ideologically different.

PLO → shifted from total rejection to two-state compromise.

PA → follows PLO line, works diplomatically.

Hamas → refuses compromise, pursues total elimination of Israel.

So even within the Palestinian side,” there is no single voice — which is one reason peace negotiations fail.

·  PLO: Secular, WB + Gaza

·  PA: Secular/diplomatic, WB + Gaza + East Jerusalem

·  Hamas: Islamist, wants all Israel gone

Q14: Are all Muslim nations opposed to Israel?
A: No.

·      Egypt (1979): Camp David Accords → peace treaty.

·      Jordan (1994): Peace treaty.

·      UAE & Bahrain (2020): Abraham Accords (normalization).

·      Morocco & Sudan (2020): Normalization.

·      Saudi Arabia (2025): engaged in diplomatic talks with Israel. 

Q15: Why do many Muslim nations consider Israel a threat?

A: Israel’s existence challenges the Islamic narrative that once land becomes Muslim, it must remain Muslim.

Q16: What is Egypt’s stand?

A: Egypt signed peace with Israel but does not want responsibility for Gaza. 

It supports Palestinian statehood diplomatically but keeps its border (Rafah crossing) tightly controlled from Palestinians.

Q17: How did Iran get involved?

·      Pre-1979: Shah’s Iran was friendly with Israel.

·      Post-1979 Revolution: Iran adopted an anti-Israel stance.

·      Supports Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, Hezbollah.

Iran funds Palestinian groups but does not host Palestinian refugees itself — showing support is more ideological than humanitarian

If even Arab neighbors avoid absorbing Gaza, why does Iran champion it from afar?

THE PRESENT:

Section 6: Life on the Ground

Objective: To contrast myths with realities of daily life and demographics.

Q18: How many Muslims live in Israel, and how is their life?
A: About 18% of Israel’s population are Muslim Arabs.

·      Over 400 mosques in Israel.

·      Muslims serve in parliament, courts, hospitals, universities.

·      They enjoy rights unavailable in many Arab states.

There are 18% Muslims in Israel, over 400 mosques, and representation in parliament — far more freedoms than Palestinians enjoy under Hamas in Gaza

Q19: Do Gaza and West Bank connect geographically?
A: No.

·      Gaza is a coastal strip in the southwest.

·      West Bank is landlocked, near Jordan.

·      Separated by ~70 km of Israeli territory.

·      The above locations make a single Palestinian state geographically difficult.

This separation makes the idea of one Palestinian state logistically and politically complicated.

Can a divided land with two rival rulers (Hamas in Gaza, PA in West Bank) both seeking different areas to declare as Palestine truly become one state?

Section 7: The Core Questions

Objective: For us outsiders, there is much to think about. So many contradictions and confusions to explore. 

Faults by Israel

1. Settlement Expansion

·       Fact: Israel has built settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem since 1967.

·       Legal perspective: The UN, EU, and International Court of Justice consider these settlements a violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention. 

Israel disputes this, citing historical and security claims.

2. Military Actions Causing Civilian Casualties

·       Fact: Multiple conflicts (e.g., Gaza wars in 2008–09, 2012, 2014, 2021) resulted in civilian casualties. UN reports and NGOs (Amnesty, Human Rights Watch) document deaths and injuries among civilians.

·       Israel’s position: Claims military operations target militants; civilian casualties are unintended.

3. Blockades & Restrictions

·       Fact: Since 2007, Israel has imposed a land, air, and sea blockade on Gaza citing security reasons (Hamas control, rocket attacks). 

Egypt enforces a similar blockade at its border.

·       Impact: Limits imports, exports, and freedom of movement, affecting healthcare, jobs, and infrastructure.

Faults by Palestinian Actors

1.    Hamas & Other Militants:

·       Launching rockets into Israel targeting civilians.

·       Using civilian areas in Gaza for military purposes, endangering residents.

2.    Internal Divisions:

·       Rivalry between Hamas (Gaza) and PA/Fatah (West Bank) weakens governance and negotiation credibility.

3.    Refusal of Recognized Peace Deals:

·       Hamas rejects two-state solutions and prior agreements (Oslo Accords), prolonging conflict.

4.    PLO/PA Mismanagement:

·       Corruption and poor governance in Palestinian territories reduce public trust and hinder development.

Faults by Other Regional & International Actors

1.    Britain:

·       Created conflicting promises (Balfour Declaration vs. Arab rights).

·       Drew artificial borders without considering consequences.

·       Withdrew without resolving tensions.

2.    Neighboring Arab Nations:

·       Invaded Israel in 1948 despite UN Partition Plan acceptance by Jews, escalating war.

·       Avoided taking Palestinian refugees, leaving Israel and Gaza to bear the burden.

3.    Iran:

·       Supports Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and Hezbollah militarily, prolonging conflict.

4.    Western Powers (EU, UN, US at times):

·       Support for Palestinian nationalism without addressing internal Palestinian divisions or terrorism.

·       Amplify media narratives that encourage polarization.

Q20: What problems would arise if a Palestinian state were created now?

·      Rival factions (Hamas vs PA).

·      Divided geography (Gaza located in one place, West Bank in another)

·      Security threats to Israel.

·      Refugee return demands destabilizing Israel.

Q21 Who keeps pushing the Palestinian cause internationally?

·      Britain, EU nations, UN bodies, sections of Western media.

·      Irony: these same powers face Muslim migrant challenges at home but still side with Palestinian nationalism abroad.

Q22: Why do people who never lived in the region care more than the people living in these conflict areas?

A: Because outsiders consume media narratives, not history. 

If those living side by side often coexist, why do outsiders thousands of miles away inflame division?

Is the issue truly about Palestine, or about outside powers using Palestine as a tool?

HOW INTERNATIONAL PLAYERS & MEDIA DISTORTS THE DEBATE

·       Colonial-era policy mistakes (Britain/France): 

Conflicting promises and artificial borders created a structural problem.

·       Diplomatic double-standards: 

Some Western states have at times applied inconsistent criteria for conflicts, deepening polarization.

·       Media & social platforms: 

Selective reporting, sensationalism, disinformation, and misinformation have radicalized public opinion.

Readers should search for facts themselves before accepting viral takes.

For those of us outside, the lesson is simple: colonial powers created this mess. 

They should not dictate new lines. 

Only Israelis and Palestinians living on the land can and should find a way forward.

QUESTIONS THE WORLD SHOULD ASK ITSELF

If you can answer the below questions from the facts above –  you can arrive at your own conclusion.

1.    Who has lived in the land for thousands of years?

2.    Which identity is mostly recent and political?

3.    Who came first: Jews, Christians, Muslims?

4.    Who lives in West Bank, Gaza, East Jerusalem today?

5.    How do security and population numbers affect claims?

6.    What does archaeology tell us about real claims?

7.    What are the lessons from Kosovo/South Sudan on new states?

8.    Based on history, law, and security, whose claims make sense?

What should matter more – ancient connection & roots, continuous sovereignty or will of contemporary inhabitants?

If outside powers created the problem, why should they be the ones to prescribe the solution?

This mirrors Sri Lanka’s problem with settler colonialism and separatism — another conflict seeded by British policies. 

The lesson is clear: the creators of problems should not dictate today’s solutions.

The Israel–Palestine issue is not simple — but history & archaeology must be given priority not modern nomenclatures for political objectives. 

Colonial powers & their divisive policies and artificial borders must be exposed. 

These architects must have no say in any solutions. 

Terror groups, their affiliates or their supporters cannot ever be allowed to dictate any solutions.

The world must realize — we are stronger together than divided. 

History should guide us toward coexistence, not endless conflict. 

People cannot be divided by lines. 

All of the present-day conflicts are due to artificially drawn lines. 

The same mistake cannot be continued.

Such artificial border solutions should never be advocated in modern times.

Shenali D Waduge

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

                  එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ සංවත්සරය දිනයේ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ හිටපු ජනාධිපති තුමා කළ ප්‍රකාශය මෙම මාතෘකාවට අදාළ වෙයි.සමාජයේ ඕනෑම අයෙකුට හරි හම්බ කර ගැනීමට එජාප රජයක් යටතේ විවෘත ආර්ථික ක්‍රමය ඇති කළ බවද වසන්ත සමරසිංහ අමාත්‍යවරයා පොහොසතෙකු බවට පත්ව තිබෙන්නේ ඒ බල මහිමයෙන් යැයි එහිදී අවධාරණය විය.අමාත්‍යවරයාගේ වත්කම් ප්‍රකාශ ගෙන බලනකල්හි  නම් එම ප්‍රකාශය වර්තමාන තරුණ තරුණයන්ට එකවර තේරුම් ගත නොහැකි වනු ඇත.මන්ද හැත්තෑව දශකයේ හඳුන්වාදෙන ලද විවෘත වෙළඳ පළ ක්‍රමය මේ වන විට ලංකාවේ සමාජය ගිලගෙන අවසන් බැවිනි.

        විවාත වෙළෙඳ පළ ක්‍රමයේ පරාමාර්ථය නම් ආර්ථිකය නිදහස් කරන ලද පරිසරයක ලාභ ඉපැයීමට පසුබිම සකස් කිරීමයි. විදෙස් ආයෝජන වැඩි වැඩියෙන් ලබා ගැනීමෙන් රටේ විදෙස් සංචිත ප්‍රමාණය ඉහළ දමා ගැනීමයි.එයට සීමා මායිම් නැත. වෙළෙඳ පළ ආර්ථිකයට ගැලපෙන ලෙසට නවීන කළමනාකරණ විධි, තාක්ෂණය, යටිතල පහසුකම් සියල්ල මේ වන විට දියුණුවට පත්ව තිබේ. විවිධ ආහාර සහ ජන ජීවිතයට අවශ්‍ය වන බොහෝ පාරිභෝගික ද්‍රව්‍යයන් රසායනිකව නව මානයකින් නිර්මාණය කරලීමට ද මේ පසුබිමේ උත්සාහ කර තිබේ.උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් කෘතිම රසකාරක දැක්විය හැකිය.අජිනෝමෝටෝ  වල සිට අයිස් නම් මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය දක්වා මේ රසායනික කර්මාන්තයන් දියුණට පත්ව තිබේ.ඒවා ගෙන්වා නොයෙකුත් කර්මාන්ත සඳහා යොදා ගැනීමට රටේ නීතියෙන් ඇතැම් විට බාධාවක් නැත. තහනම් කළ කෘෂීරසායන පසුගිය කාලේ ගෙන්වා බෙදා හැර තිබෙන්නේ ද තහනම් නොකළ ඒවායේ ආසනික් වැනි තහනම් දේ අඩංගු වූ බව හෙළි වූයේ ද මෙම තත්වයන් යටතේය.ඇතැම් වර්ග බහාලුම් අස්සේ වෙනත් ද්‍රව්‍යයන් සමග කලවම් කොට ගෙන්වන රසායන ද්‍රව්‍යයන්ද තිබෙන බව මෑතකදී තහවුරු විය.හිටපු ඇමතිවරුන්ගේ සහ වත්මන් ඇමතිවරුන්ගේ වත්කම් ප්‍රකාශ වලින් සනාථ වන්නේ අඩු වැඩි වශයෙන් මේ වීවෘත ආර්ථික ක්‍රමයෙන් ඔවුන් ඉහළම ඵල ප්‍රයෝජන ලබා ගෙන ඇති බවයි.

     ධනය ඉපැයීම සහ  ධනය අධිපති කොටගෙන සමාජය පාලනය කිරීම අලුත් දෙයක් නොවේ. අතීතයේ දී එය ධන ධාන්‍ය ලෙසට හැඳින්වූහ.ධන්‍ය අස්වන්න වැඩි වශයෙන් ගබඩා කර තබා ගන්නා ධනවතෙකු ලෙසට සලකුම් ලැබීය.එහෙත් පැරණි සිංහල සමාජයේ ධන්‍ය අස්වැන්න පොලී කොට ඒ පොලියෙන් කඨින චීවර මාසයට අරියවංහ දේශනාව කරන භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේලාගේ ප්‍රත්‍ය පහසුකම් සැපයීමට රජ අණක් විය.බිත්තර වී අටු ,පත්තායම් සහ වී බිහි තිබෙන විහාරස්ථානයන්හි ධාන්‍ය ප්‍රමාණය රටේ ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතාවයේ පදනම විය. එදා ධනය උපයන්නාට සාර ධර්ම විය. ධනය සතර කොටසට බෙදා එකක් පරිභෝජනයට ද දෙකක් ආයෝජනයට ද අවසන් කොටස ආපාදාවකට යොදා ගත යුතු යැයි කියැවෙන සිඟාල සූත්‍රයේ දේශනාව රජවරු සිටුවරු සහ ජනතාව අනුගමනය කළහ. අයථා පිරිභෝජනය සාර ධර්මයන්ගෙන්ම පාලනයට ලක් කරන ලද්දේය.වර්තමාන වෙළෙඳ පළ ක්‍රමය එසේ නොවේ.රටට සමාජයට නොගැලපෙන ඕනාම ද්‍රව්‍යයක් නිෂ්පාදනය කිරීමට ද අලෙවි කිරීමට ද ලාභ ඉපැයීමට ද අවසර තිබේ. කුඩා දරුවන්ට හෝ තරුණයන් ගේ ජීවිත විනාශ කරන මත් පෙති හෝ මත් ද්‍රව්‍ය කෘතිමව නිෂ්පාදනය කිරීම මේ ක්‍රමය යටතේ අනුමතය. ඒ ඒ රටවල සංස්කෘතිය අනුව ඒවාට නීති පණවා තිබේ. මෙවැනි විෂ රසායන නිෂ්පාදනයන් තහනම් කළ යුතු යැයි යෝජනාවක් මෙතෙක් මෙරට සිටි පාලකයෙක් කිසිම අවස්ථාවක එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ සංවිධානයට යෝජනා කොට නැත.

     විවෘත ආර්ථික ක්‍රමය හඳුන්වා දුන් පුද්ගලයන් ඒ මගින් රටට වෙන විනාශය  ගැන සැළකිලිමත් නොවූහ.ආනාගතය දැක අහිතකර දේ පාලනය කිරීමට නීති පණවන්නට හදිසි නොවූහ. ඔවුනට අවශ්‍ය වූ එකම දෙය වැඩි වැඩියෙන් විදේශ සංචිත වැඩි කර ගනිමින් රට පොහොසත් කිරීමයි.මුදල් සංසරණය වැඩි කිරීමයි.ඒ මග අනුදත් ඇමතිවරු අයථා ක්‍රම වලින් හෝ සල්ලි මවන තහනම් ආයෝජන ක්‍රම වලින් මුදල් ඉපැයීම ගැන පුදුම වන්නට දෙයක් නැත. සල්ලි දෙවියන්ගේ මල්ලි යැයි කියන්නේ මේ නිසාය. මේ තත්වය තුළ තවත් බරපතල ක්‍රියාවලියක් සිදුව ඇත. ස්වයංපෝෂිත සමාජයක් වශයෙන් තිබුණු රටක වෙලෙඳ පළ ක්‍රමය තුළ වැසියන් බහුතරයක් දුප්පතුන් බවට පත් වීමයි.ඔවුනට ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතාවයක් නැත. රටට ආහාර ස්වෛරීතාවයක් නැත. වෙළෙඳ පළ වහලුන් බවට පත් වීම නිසා අයාථ පරිභෝජනය ඉහළ ගොස් තිබේ. තමන් උපයන ධාන්‍ය කොටසට සරිලන මිළක් ලැබෙන්නේ නැත.මිළ ඉහළ යන්නේ  නම් රටින් සහල් ගෙන්වන්නේ යැයි ඇමතිවරු තර්ජනය කරනුයේ රටේ ස්වයංපෝෂිතභාවයත් විවෘත ආරථිකයත් අතර ඇති කල යුතු සහ සම්බන්ධය ගැන ඔවුන් නොතකන බැවිනි.

     ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂය බිහි වූයේ 1935 වැනි ඈත කාලයකදීය. ‘සාදුකින් පෙලෙනවුන් දැන් ඉතින් නැගිටියවු’ කියමින් වාමාංශික නායකයන් විසින් කම්කරු පන්තිය තම රැහේ දේශපාලන වැඩට යොදා ගත්හ.එහිදී කම්කරු පන්තිය වෙනුවෙන් දිනා ගත් යම් යම් අයිතීන් තිබුණද කම්කරුවෙකු ධනවතෙකු  වීමට තිබෙන ඉඩකඩ අසුරා තිබුණි.නිදහස් අධ්‍යාපනය නිසා යමෙක් රජයේ රැකියාවක හෝ පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ ඉහළ තනතුරකට ගිය විට දී ඔහු පුද්ගලිකව ධනවතෙකු බවට පත් වෙයි. එහෙත් තමන් ට උප්පත්තිය ලබා දුන් පන්තිය ඉහළට ඔසවා තබන්නට උත්සුක නොවෙයි.සැබවින්ම සියලු දෙනටම රජ විය නොහැකිය. සියලු දෙනටම දෙස්තර හෝ ඉංජිනේරුවරුන් විය නොහැකිය.නමුත් තමන් පය ගසා සිටින ස්ථරය තුළ මනා ජීවන තත්වයක් යටතේ වැජඹෙන්නට ඒ සෑම පුද්ගලයෙකුටම අයිතියක් තිබේ.ඒ හැකියාව විවෘත ආර්ථික ක්‍රමය යටතේ  වර්ධනය වුවද  ඒ මගින් සිදු වූයේ මුදල් වීසි කරමින් ධනවත් වීමටත් අයිස් වැනි මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය බෙදාහරිමින් ධනවත් වීමටත් ක්‍රිප්ටෝ කරන්සි, පිරමීඩ වැනි තහනම් ආයෝජන කරමින් ධනවත් වීමට වැඩි ඉඩකඩක් ලබාදෙමිනි.එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ සමුළුවේ දී අවධාරණය කරනු ලැබූයේ මේ සඳහා විවෘත ආර්ථිකය ක්‍රමය තුළ ඉඩක් ලබා දී ඇති බවයි.වර්තමාන අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලය ඒ මගින් දියුණු වූවද ජනතාව කල්පනා කළ යුතතේ වාමාංශික නායකයන් ඇති කළ හිඟන මානසිකත්වයෙන් මිදී සාධාරණ ලෙසට යුක්ති සහගත ලෙසට ධනය ඉපැයීමට උත්සාහ කිරීමයි.පුද්ගලයන් විසින් එලෙස ධනය උපයන කල්හි රටක් වශයෙන්ද පොහොසත් භාවයට පත් වේ.රජය විසින් කළ යුත්තේ මේ ගමනට තිබෙන බාධක ඉවත් කිරීමයි.ඒ සඳහා බටහිර ආර්ථික විද්‍යා සංකල්ප අපට අවශ්‍ය නැත.ඒ බැව් මේ ලිපියේ පෙර  පෙන්වා දී ඇත.

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

By Janaka Perera (former Lake House Editorial Staffer)

On September 25^th 1959 Lankadeepa Journalist Ratnapala Vithana reported for duty at the paper’s editorial office, then owned by the old Times of Ceylon Group and located at the Times Building, Fort. The Chief Editor was Renowned Journalist D.B. Dhanapala.

As Ratnapala was entering the lift to go to the editorial office on the second floor two of his colleagues ran out of the building nearly knocking him down.  One of them was Peramune Tilaka who later served at Lake House in the 1970s when I was on the Ceylon Observer.  At the time this happened he was News Editor, Lankadeepa.

When Ratnapala entered the office he learnt that a shooting incident had occurred at Prime Minister’s Residence at Rosemead Place, Colombo. The impact of this news was reflected on the faces on everyone in the office. 

The phone rang constantly. Everyone was asking the same question.  Is the news true?” Who was shot?” Who fired the shots?” etc.  But no one had answers to these questions at that time.  (As we know there were no mobile phones or TV or Internet at the time but only one radio broadcasting station, the State-owned Radio Ceylon)

The reporters who rushed to Rosemead Place heard that the victim of the shooting, Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, had been hospitalised.

Readers who made inquiries on the phone were told to look at the next morning’s newspapers.  Editor Dhanapala who came to office, made inquiries from various contacts get more information.  

Meanwhile, Ratnapala contacted a good friend his at the General Hospital (now National Hospital) and asked for an x-ray copy of the PM’s injuries for block printing purposes (old technique no longer in use)  The friend agreed reluctantly saying My head will roll if you do not return it as quickly as possible.”    

The x-ray picture clearly showed three revolver bullets had penetrated the PM’s stomach and ribs

The phone rang constantly. Everyone was asking the same question.  Is the news true?” Who was shot?” Who fired the shots?” etc.  But no one had answers to these questions at that time.  (As we know there were no mobile phones or TV or Internet at the time but only one radio broadcasting station, the State-owned Radio Ceylon)

The reporters who rushed to Rosemead Place heard that the victim of the shooting, Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, had been hospitalised.

Readers who made inquiries on the phone were told to look at the next morning’s newspapers.  Editor Dhanapala who came to office, made inquiries from various contacts get more information.  

Meanwhile, Ratnapala contacted a good friend his at the General Hospital (now National Hospital) and asked for an x-ray copy of the PM’s injuries for block printing purposes (old technique no longer in use)  The friend agreed reluctantly saying My head will roll if you do not return it as quickly as possible.”    

The x-ray picture clearly showed that three revolver bullets had penetrated the PM’s stomach and ribs.

Hearing that major surgery was to be done to save the P.M.’s life, thousands of people were reported to be coming to the hospital to donate blood.

Another reporter came to the editorial office and gave Dhanapala a film roll showing Talduwe Somarama arrested in connection with the shooting, lying with injuries on a stretcher after being shot by the police, and many other related photos.

Elated, the Dhanapala had a Lankadeepa special edition printed with injured Somarama’s pictures on the front page. These became that year’s (1959) best news picture. (Then a school boy, I well remember seeing these pictures in the paper).

Dhanapala instructed Ratnapala to go to Amara Vihara, Obeysekarapura, Borella and without revealing what happened, ask the Chief Incumbent Ven. Boosse Amarasiri about Somarama.  Ven. Amarasiri had already heard of The PM being shot but nothing more. He was grieved to hear it and asked whether the PM‘s condition was critical. Ratnapala said had he did not know anything except that the PM had been hospitalised after being shot that morning.  

He pretended he was going somewhere else and but dropped in to discuss the building of a new Buddhist shrine room and Stupa at the temple premises, an article about which he wanted to write in the Lankadeepa.  He then asked casually asked whether a Bhikku named Talduwe Somarama was residing there.  At the time Somarama was an ophthalmologist at the College of Indigenous Medicine, Borella.

Ven. Amarasiri showed a room partitioned by wooden planks in which Somarama was residing. Ven. Amarasiri said to Ratnapala that Somarama would give him any help he needed through Mapitigama Buddharakkitha, then Chief Incumbent of the Kelani Raja Maha Vihara.   

Ven. Amarasiri also said Until till late into the night Buddharakkita Thera and Somarama Thera talk in hushed tones daily, inside this room. Must be about the country’s situation.”

Ven.Amarasiri also said quite unaware what had happened, Early this morning Somarama went somewhere. Usually he returns only late in the evening”. 

After having the tea Ven. Amarasiri had served Ratnapala left, saying he will come back again to discuss further the new shrine room and stupa project for writing the promised article.

Howver, after walking some distance along the narrow lane towards the Ayurvedic junction, Borella, Ratnapala’s conscience began to trouble him.  He came back to the temple, came down his knees, worshiped the elderly monk Amarasiri, and said Venerable Sir, do not be agitated, it is Talduwe Somarama, whom the police have arrested in connection with shooting PM Bandaranaike….”

Even before Ratnapala could finish speaking, the profoundly shocked Bhikku Amarasiri wept loudly in anguish, Aiyo, what karma led to this crime?” He raised his hands towards the sky and cried in deep sorrow.  That was the first time that Ratnapala had seen a Buddhist monk weeping like this.

The following day, the Lankadeepa, carrying a picture of the x-ray, ran the following headline:  Major surgery as written by an eye-witness” 

The news report was accompanied by Ratnapala’s special article on the event. 

But despite all attempts by doctors, including leading surgeon Dr. P.R. Anthonis, PM Bandaranaike breathed his last on September 26^th.

It was an irony of fate, the first message of condolence was read out by Mapitigama Buddharakkitha, over Radio Ceylon. A few days later, he was arrested as the main suspect in the murder conspiracy. 

The death penalty, which had been suspended, was reintroduced after the assassination.  

Ratnapala, who was a junior freelance reporter until then, was promoted to Lankadeepa editorial staff journalist with immediate effect.

Bhikkhu Talduwa Somarama was sentenced to death, and the sentence was carried out in July 1962.  A much speculative story says he converted to Christianity and was baptized as Peter a few days before the date set for the execution.  Rev. Fr. Mathew Peiris, a controversial priest even then, was the Christian Prison Chaplain and was believed to have convinced him to convert to Christianity.

There is a controversy, up to this day that Somarama was not the real assassin and that he was framed.

National Development Bank PLC

National Development Bank PLC (NDB) has introduced a specialised Tourism Sector Auto Loan Scheme, designed to support the revival and growth of Sri Lanka’s tourism industry by facilitating access to affordable transport solutions. This initiative underscores NDB’s continued commitment to strengthening vital industries that contribute significantly to the national economy.

The scheme provides financing for brand new or reconditioned unregistered motor coaches, enabling tour operators, hotel shuttle services, and other transport providers within the tourism value chain to expand and modernise their fleets. With loans of up to LKR 25 million, a highly competitive interest rate of 7% per annum, and repayment periods extending up to seven years, the facility offers long-term, structured support to businesses driving tourism in Sri Lanka.

Eligibility for the scheme is extended to formally registered tourism enterprises as well as businesses, ensuring accessibility for a broader spectrum of industry participants. Importantly, each entity is entitled to a single facility, designed specifically for growth-focused investment rather than refinancing existing loans. Applicants must be Sri Lankan citizens with a sound project cash flow, repayment capacity, and a clear contribution to the revival of the sector.

In line with a structured approval framework, initial eligibility clearance for borrowers will be coordinated through the Ministry of Industries, the Ministry of Youth & Sports, and their regional arms including NEDA, SED, Vidhatha Units, and IDB officers. This ensures that the scheme is aligned with national objectives for economic recovery and tourism development.

Speaking on the launch, Dilum Amarasinghe, Assistant Vice President – Leasing at NDB, stated, Tourism has always been a cornerstone of Sri Lanka’s economy, creating employment, supporting SMEs, and showcasing the best of our island to the world. With this specialised auto finance scheme, NDB is enabling tourism operators to strengthen their services with reliable, modern transport solutions at accessible terms. By doing so, we hope to support the industry’s resurgence and contribute to the broader economic revival of the nation.”

The new scheme also reflects NDB’s wider vision of empowering MSMEs by providing affordable, tailored financial solutions across key sectors. With its extensive island-wide branch network and dedicated SME banking officers, NDB ensures seamless support for entrepreneurs navigating their business growth journey.

Through initiatives such as the Tourism Sector Auto Loan Scheme, NDB Bank reaffirms its role as a partner in national development, supporting industries, entrepreneurs, and communities in driving Sri Lanka’s progress.

NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Digital Bank for SMEs at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2025 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.

by Rathindra Kuruwita (The Diplomat) Courtesy The Island

Sri Lanka’s JVP-led NPP government has made a dramatic pivot towards India, even utilizing legislative changes it once vehemently opposed.

On August 19, 2023, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, then an opposition leader, criticized a memorandum of understanding (MoU) that then-President Ranil Wickremesinghe had signed with India. We must have the freedom to freely move our hands and legs! But with this agreement, we will be in a situation where we are unable… to take any political or economic decision” independently, he said in a speech to National People’s Power (NPP) affiliated ex-military personnel.

However, a little over 18 months later, Dissanayake oversaw the signing of a series of agreements with India – including a landmark MoU on defense cooperation – during Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s three-day visit to Sri Lanka from April 4 to 6. Overall Seven MoUs were signed during the visit, covering defence, energy, digitalization, healthcare, power grid connectivity, and development assistance. Once these MoUs come into effect, they will push Sri Lanka deeper into India’s orbit, restrict its foreign policy choices and expand India’s footprint in Sri Lanka drastically.

Of these, the MoU on defense cooperation has generated the most debate in Sri Lanka. This is Sri Lanka first such agreement with a foreign power, since the one signed with Great Britain in 1947, which came into effect after independence. The then United National Party (UNP) leadership signed this defense agreement with Britain, fearing that if it was not under the security umbrella of a major power, India would annex Sri Lanka. Marx once wrote history repeats itself, first as tragedy, second as farce.” Ironically, now it’s the NPP, whose main constituent is the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) that has always viewed India as an expansionist power, who has signed the defence pact with a country, whose involvement in Sri Lankan affairs once led it to take up arms in the 1980s.

In the late 1980s, the JVP took up arms against the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987 and the deployment of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF). The ensuing violence led to the death of over 60,000 JVP cadres, including the JVP founder Rohana Wijeweera. The NPP signing a defence agreement with India, especially when Modi has shown no interest in resolving Indian fishermen poaching in Sri Lankan waters and the Katchatheevu controversy, marks a profound ideological U-turn.

The ideological shift is made even more starker by the NPP using laws on power and energy that it once opposed to sign an agreement to connect the grids of two countries. When the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration made changes in Sri Lanka’s power and energy laws, the NPP, then in opposition, not only opposed the changes but also challenged them in court and promised to repeal the laws if the NPP came to power. Now in power, the NPP used these very laws to sign the agreement to connect its power grid with India.

Critics argue that the DCA undermines the country’s autonomy. Sri Lanka has entered an agreement with a country that is part of the Quad, a grouping of four nations that came together to counter the rise of China. This grouping has the U.S. as a key partner. A few days before Modi’s arrival in Colombo, the U.S. stationed six B-2 bombers in Diego Garcia in preparation for a military attack on Iran, another all-weather friend of Sri Lanka. The DCA with India draws the country close to the US aligned security axis, undermining NPP’s promise to return to a nonaligned foreign policy.

While the details of the DCA have not been made public, raising concerns of transparency. Before coming into power, the NPP promised transparency in any agreement with a foreign nation. As veteran diplomat and political commentator Dayan Jayatilleka observed in a recent interview in Sundy Observer: When there are contradictions between one’s closest neighbour [India] and one’s closest friend [China], why should we tie-up militarily with either one, instead of striving for balance and equilibrium in our relationships with them, and try to contribute to an equation of equilibrium between them?”

Sri Lanka faces several security challenges that require it to work closely with regional and extra-regional powers. However, rather than enter into defense pacts with individual countries, it must meet these challenges by pushing for a regional security arrangement. This would enable it to protect its sovereignty. It would have been wiser for Sri Lanka to push for a regional security agreement, centered around the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) instead of signing a security pact that makes the country seem like a satrapy of India.

Among other main agreements, a trilateral MoU was signed India, Sri Lanka, and the United Arab Emirates to develop Trincomalee as an energy hub. This involves developing a British-built oil tank farm that is already partially run by state-owned Lanka Indian Oil Corporation. The British Raj considered a foothold in Trincomalee harbor vital for Indian defence, a doctrine that the Indian republic has inherited.

The two sides also signed an MoU on Multi-sectoral Grant Assistance for Eastern Province. One of the three projects launched by Modi during the visit was the Sampur Solar Power Plant, which is a pillar of the Eastern Renewable Energy Zone being established under Sri Lanka’s Long-Term Generation Expansion Plan (LTGEP). It is being developed by Trincomalee Power Company, a joint venture between India’s NTPC Limited and the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB).

This will give India a strong foothold in the Eastern Province, in addition to the island’s Northern Province, where India’s power is entrenched. Now India has influence over two of Sri Lanka’s most geopolitically sensitive regions.

However, long-standing bilateral issues remain unsolved. Sri Lankan waters, Sri Lanka failed to obtain a commitment from India on the long-festering dispute over Indian fishermen poaching in Sri Lankan waters. Modi also did not address Sri Lanka’s unease about claims by Indian politicians about Katchatheevu island.

Beyond these MoUs, India offered to convert 100 million dollars worth of loans into grants.

The recent agreements have significantly deepened Sri Lanka’s strategic and economic entanglement with India. By entering into a defense pact, Sri Lanka has tilted decisively towards a regional power that is itself aligned with broader anti-China coalitions. This alignment has now gone beyond being merely symbolic. The agreements span critical sectors such as energy, defense, and infrastructure, with a strong focus on the Eastern Province, raising serious concerns about sovereignty and strategic autonomy.

On the other hand, the JVP-led NPP government now faces a serious blow to its credibility. The NPP came to power on a platform of transparency, sovereignty, and resistance to foreign domination. Yet, a few months after coming into power, it is now presiding over a dramatic pivot towards India, even utilizing legislative changes it once vehemently opposed. Whether this is pragmatic foreign policy realism or ideological betrayal, it raises uncomfortable questions about the NPP’s future trajectory.

The growing Indian footprint marks a historic turning point in Sri Lanka’s regional posture. And for a party like the JVP — once defined by resistance to Indian intervention — it risks becoming the very thing it once rose up against; a facilitator of foreign entrenchment on Sri Lankan soil.

by Rathindra Kuruwita
(The Diplomat)

By Deepanshu Mohan Courtesy The Diplomat

Deadly protests by youths in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal show how lack of attention to inclusive development can fuel public anger.

In the tenuous history of Nepal’s still-emerging democracy, September 8, 2025, the first time young demonstrators broke into the prime minister’s official home in Baluwatar, will be a red-letter date.

Months of unrest that were already undermining public trust culminated in the episode, highlighting the fragility of a system founded on institutional rent-seeking and elite capture. 

The Kathmandu scenes spoke to more than just Nepali grievances. They drew attention to a global crisis of legitimacy, as states promising political freedom but not economic opportunity face instability. The young Nepalis’ collective angst was directed at making the state work for them.

The symbolic grammar of the uprising made it unique. In a clear reminder of the pointlessness of funding education in a system skewed by nepotism and patronage, protesters held up school textbooks. Inspired by the anime One Piece,” their symbols went viral and became a representation of resistance to systemic injustice.

Rejecting the established parties, which they saw as the same fabric of ruling elites, protesters declared that they were fed up with the political marketplace. Exclusion was so complete that many had given up on reform from within; they wanted to reject the whole edifice.

The state’s use of live ammunition against unarmed protesters transformed unrest into a full-scale uprising. The last vestige of legitimacy was destroyed by a government already eroded by years of poor performance.

Yet removing top incumbents alone did not solve the deeper dilemma. Nepal’s example shows the paradox of many young revolutions, where an old order may be overthrown, but success can quickly be followed by disorientation if there are no institutions to channel popular discontent into lasting reform.

A Region in Revolt

Nepal’s issue is not isolated. Similar generational uprisings, each with its own vocabulary but united by a deep sense of betrayal, have shaken South Asia in recent years.

Protest rallies forced former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to resign in Sri Lanka in 2022. The economic collapse brought on by depleting reserves, shortages of necessities, and hyperinflation served as the catalyst. The younger generation saw the Rajapaksa clan as the pinnacle of a political class that had pledged the nation’s future for its own benefit; their rage propelled the movement forward. 

By fusing protest theater, memes, music, and art into a common language of disapproval, the Gota Go Gama” camp in Colombo became a symbol of resistance. For Sri Lanka’s youth, politics was about survival, dignity and the right to be heard.

In 2024, Bangladesh saw a similar but distinct surge. Student protesters initially took to the streets to voice their disapproval of corruption and job shortages, but their grievances swiftly expanded into a general rejection of what they saw as an authoritarian trend during Sheikh Hasina’s protracted rule. 

Online campaigns, memes, and catchphrases that were heavily influenced by youth culture around the world gave the online protests a boost. Once more, the message was that the current political parties were interchangeable in their pursuit of power and disregard for the needs of the general populace. 

These movements were intentionally leader-averse. They reflected the dearth of suitable career paths for young people with ambition. Politics became a patronage game after the traditional parties destroyed themselves. 

In both, the current generation of young adults was born after the liberalizations of the 1990s and 2000s and inherited economies where opportunities were frequently accessed through elite connections or family networks, and few formal and secure job opportunities existed. 

Culture is where alienation is expressed when all that a democratic society has to offer is inanity. The Nepal youth protesters embraced textbooks, anime, slogans and encampments.

Structural Problems

What connects the Bangladeshi movement to those in Nepal and Sri Lanka, is the coordinated narrative of structural exclusion, rather than an ideological convergence.

These uprisings reveal a deeper structural issue — the fiscal foundation necessary to support inclusive development is lacking in many South Asian states. Politics then becomes more about allocating limited resources than creating a productive economy where taxation is restricted and remittances, aid, or resource rents are heavily relied upon. 

Politics also becomes a zero-sum game when state control itself becomes the primary route to wealth. To preserve networks of allegiance, elites seize control of the state, take what they can and recycle just enough.

Democratic openings are frequently susceptible to exploitation in such a setting. This path dependency is demonstrated by Nepal’s own history. Since the 1990s, every significant political shift promised inclusion but ultimately resulted in the resurgence of elite factions’ dominance. 

Although a dynasty was overthrown in Sri Lanka’s uprising, institutional reform has proven difficult to achieve. Protests in Bangladesh mobilized tremendous energy, but they now face the harsh reality of long-standing authoritarian systems. 

The trend is similar to other regions of the world where regimes were overthrown by uprisings but institutions remained intact. The 2011 revolution in Egypt serves as the clearest example of how easily hope can be dashed when the military maintains control and the state apparatus remains unchanged.

What comes out of these cases is not indifference, but rather young people’s logical conclusion that politics is off limits to them. Many people migrate or withdraw into silence until their level of exclusion becomes intolerable. 

Once the threshold is crossed, they pour into the streets with symbolic gestures that convey desperation better than manifestos or  policy proposals ever could. 

There is no denying the energy of such movements. But the danger is also just as obvious. If their victories only create a void, it is frequently occupied by the very forces they oppose or by authoritarian organizations that assert that they are re-establishing order.

The warning is clear for South Asian governments. Ritual elections, the distribution of patronage and the performance of democracy without delivery are not sustainable for political systems. 

Youth-led movements demonstrate that the states’ ability to increase opportunities and establish institutions that serve common people is what determines legitimacy. 

Without employment, education serves as a fertile ground for rebellion. Without economic agency, political freedom breeds explosive annoyance. Furthermore, trust is undermined by governance that lacks accountability, leading to the collapse of even the most basic state authority

Thus, the 2025 uprising in Nepal should be interpreted as a regional mirror as well as a national drama. It illustrates what occurs when a generation that refuses to accept exclusion as their fate collides with decades of elite capture. 

Whether political leaders take the message seriously will determine whether South Asia continues on its current trajectory or veers into cycles of instability. Old regimes may be overthrown by revolutions, but only institutions can guarantee that the hopes of a new generation won’t be let down again.

Courtesy The Japan Times

Smoke billows from the Singapore-registered container ship MV X-Press Pearl, which had been burning for eleven consecutive days, while vessels try to extinguish the fire in the sea off Sri Lanka’s Colombo Harbor on May 30, 2021. | SRI LANKA AIR FORCE / via AFP-JIJI

By Martin ABBUGAO and Amal JAYASINGHE
AFP-JIJI

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Sep 23, 2025

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Singapore – 

A Singapore shipping company said Tuesday it will refuse to pay Sri Lankan court-ordered damages of $1 billion for causing that country’s worst case of environmental pollution.

In an exclusive interview, X-Press Feeders chief executive Shmuel Yoskovitz said he believed paying would have wide-ranging implications on global shipping and “set a dangerous precedent.”

The company operated the MV X-Press Pearl that sank off Colombo Port in June 2021 after a fire — believed to have been caused by a nitric acid leak — that raged for nearly two weeks.

Its cargo included 81 containers of hazardous goods, including acids and lead ingots, and hundreds of metric tons of plastic pellets.

The ship was refused permission by ports in Qatar and India to offload the leaking nitric acid before it arrived in Sri Lankan waters.

Tonnes of microplastic granules from the ship inundated an 80-kilometer stretch of beach along Sri Lanka’s western coast. Fishing was prohibited for months.

Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court in July ordered the company to pay Colombo an “initial” $1 billion in damages within a year, with the first tranche of $250 million to be paid by Tuesday.

It also ordered the company “to make such other and further payments” in the future as the court may direct.

‘Hanging guillotine’

Yoskovitz rejected the open-ended nature of the penalty.

“We are not paying because the whole base of maritime trade is based on the limitation of liability. This judgment undermines this limitation of liability,” he said. “Any payment towards the judgment could set a dangerous precedent for how maritime incidents will be resolved in the future.”

Yoskovitz said the absence of limitations could lead to higher insurance premiums, which would be ultimately passed on to consumers.

The chief executive again apologized for the incident, saying the company recognized the disaster and was trying to make amends.

He said X-Press Feeders had already spent $170 million to remove the wreck, clean up the seabed and beaches, and compensate affected fishermen.

“We are not trying to hide … We are willing to pay more, but it has to be under certain marine conventions and an amount that is full and final and then it can be settled, and we can move on,” he said.

“But to live under this hanging guillotine — it is simply impossible to operate like this.”

Long-term effects

In Colombo, Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court has scheduled a hearing on Thursday about the implementation of its decision.

One of the petitioners who sought compensation for the pollution has called for further research to determine the full extent of the damage to the island’s marine ecosystems.

“If you visit the coastlines today, there is nothing visible in terms of plastic pollution. A major clean-up took place soon after the X-Press Pearl incident, but the effects of the pollution will be felt for a long time,” said Hemantha Withanage from the Center for Environmental Justice.

It remains unclear how Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court could enforce its decision.

However, in its 361-page decision in July, the court ordered the police and the state prosecutor to initiate criminal proceedings for noncompliance if the parties were present in Sri Lanka.

Yoskovitz expressed concern over the ship’s Russian captain, Vitaly Tyutkalo, who has been banned from leaving Sri Lanka for more than four years, as well as the company’s third-party agents there.

The firm had offered to pay a fine for the skipper’s release, but this was refused, according to Yoskovitz.

X-Press Feeders obtained an order from London’s Admiralty Court in July 2023, limiting its liability to a maximum of 19 million pounds ($25 million), but Sri Lanka has challenged that.

The Sri Lankan government also filed a lawsuit against the ship’s owners in the Singapore International Commercial Court. But that has been stayed pending the result of the case in London, with a pre-trial hearing expected in May 2026.

Courtesy CNA

NEW DELHI :Sri Lanka has no immediate plans to import liquefied natural gas (LNG) from India, as the required infrastructure including storage facilities is yet to be built, the country’s energy minister said on Tuesday.

India announced last year it would supply LNG to Sri Lanka’s power plants and work on cross-border energy connectivity, including a petroleum pipeline and power grid link.

However, no progress has been made on the supply of LNG.

“We have to first build the storage facility. Construction has not commenced yet,” said Sri Lanka’s energy minister Kumara Jayakody, speaking to Reuters on the sidelines of Confederation of Indian Industry’s energy summit in New Delhi.

Sri Lanka is yet to finalise the LNG contract procurement with India, he said.

The minister said it would take at least three years to complete construction of the storage infrastructure, and imports would begin only after that.

While discussions to build storage had taken place under the previous government, no contracts have been finalised, he added.

We are studying the earlier content, deciding the location, and evaluating the loan and pricing aspects,” Jayakody said.

Indian state-run firm Petronet LNG had last year signed a deal to supply LNG to Sri Lankan engineering firm LTL Holdings’ power plants in Colombo.

The minister said both countries have formed a team and are working on submitting prospective reports about the planned work of developing a cross-border transmission system from southern India to the island’s north.

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka’s export sector has continued to demonstrate resilience and steady growth during the first eight months of 2025, recording total earnings of US$ 11,554.32 million. 

This reflects a strong 6.61% increase compared to the corresponding period in 2024, the Export Development Board (EDB) said in its latest report.

In August 2025 alone, total exports, comprising both merchandise and services reached to US$ 1,607.58 million, recording a 2.57 % year-on-year growth over August 2024. This performance highlights the strength of Sri Lanka’s export sector and the effectiveness of strategies implemented to broaden market access and enhance global competitiveness, the EDB said.

Commenting on the positive results, Mangala Wijesinghe, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of the Export Development Board (EDB), stated:

This encouraging growth highlights Sri Lanka’s increasing integration into global trade and the success of our continued efforts to strengthen export competitiveness while diversifying market opportunities. Our exporters have once again demonstrated remarkable resilience and adaptability in navigating evolving global challenges.

Exports exceeded US$ 1.6 billion in August alone, with cumulative earnings to over US$ 11.6 billion during the first eight months of 2025. These results reflect the strength, determination, and innovation of our exporters despite global uncertainties.

While we celebrate this progress, we remain mindful of the challenges ahead. With sustained efforts to enhance competitiveness and expand market opportunities, we are confident of reaching the export target set for 2025.”

In August 2025 alone, merchandise exports grew by 5.13 % year-on-year, reaching US$ 1,294.83 million, according to provisional data of Sri Lanka Customs including the estimates for Gems & Jewellery and Petroleum Products. For the period January to August 2025, merchandise exports totaled US$ 9,092.85 million, reflecting 6.89 % increase compared to the same period in 2024. 

Meanwhile, services exports have emerged as a key driver of overall export growth. In August 2025, earnings from services exports estimated to be US$ 312.75 million. Over the first eight months of the year, services exports are estimated to have increased by 5.57 %, totaling US$ 2,461.46 million. 

This trend highlights the rising importance of Sri Lanka’s knowledge-based economy and its growing contribution to national export earnings, the report said.

The services export sector, comprising ICT/BPM, Construction, Financial services, and Transport & Logistics, continues to diversify Sri Lanka’s export portfolio and create high-value employment opportunities across the Island, it added.

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‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

Welcome to the 7^th Anniversary of ee

e-Con e-News 14-20 September 2025

A Goldman Sachs banker & US economic advisor to their war on Afghanistan,Kristal Daniel Katz has been made the IMF’s 1st Deputy Managing Director. Katz is presently Chief of Staff to US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, and claims to have also played a ‘central’ economic role in their wars on Russia & China.

     However, the USA’s latest wars are being waged though their overwhelming dominance of so-called ‘social media’, where those nations who try to maintain national sovereignty are destabilized by an amorphous mass of so-called ‘activists’:

‘Nepal’s social media ban backfires as politics moves to a chat room. The parliament of Nepal right now is Discord, a user said, of the platform popular with video gamers where 10,000s are debating the nation’s future.’– New York Times

We are ‘expected to believe a bunch of kids spontaneously organized & overthrew their country’, writes New Atlas’ Brian Bertelic (see ee Focus), ‘And now, somehow, they know how to use all of these online tools to organize a de-facto interim government.’ Bertelic goes on to detail how such media tools as VPNs, Discord and Bitchat, as well as the other more force-multiplied social media, from Facebook & X to Instagram etc, have been weaponized to overthrow elected governments. Politics, politicians & parliaments are now held captive on a US ‘Cloud’. Political parties, advanced largely through national working-class struggles, are no longer to be allowed, only ‘movements’, boosted by anti-socialist media algorithms (which also enable a profit incentive) promoting conflict or passivity, as needed, depending on their political and economic policies.

     If such machineries were truly democratic, how come such vicious imperialists & their killer poodles, from the USA to England & the EU, from Ukraine to Israel, still rule? Is it a matter of time before they taste their own medicine? Or is it that multinational corporations (MNCs), like Unilever, etc., most, larger than most countries, have now come to more openly rule our nation-states? Nepal links India and China. Bertelic goes on to point out how the USA is targeting those countries that seek to break out of the siege that imperialism has imposed on their lands – and especially if they do so, allied with China and Russia. Are Sri Lanka and other countries being set up to go the way of Libya? And is this why the USA virulently opposes any controls over their digital media?

• Trump or no Trump, Katz or Dogz, Discord or Bitchat, US foreign policy has however always been formulated by the Rockefeller dynasty’s Exxon Corporation, the USA’s leading industrial complex. So, it is no surprise that the IMF demands that Sri Lanka re-privatize the energy sector (petroleum & electricity) before they drop by again in November – promising to release a few dollars more, while stealing suntans during what is late autumn in Washington. However, there is no indication that their loans are anything but sharks’ teeth gnawing deeper into our flesh.

     A delegation from the IMF’s twin, the World Bank (WB), also dropped in last week ‘prioritizing’ the ‘mobilization of private capital’ to attract ‘foreign direct investment to expand services and create jobs’.  Services indeed. The private sector has no interest in developing the country’s resources, which they monopolize (see ee Economists, Bond Standoff: Banks swim in cash but shun government debt, also see ee Quotes, Mannar).

     As Shiran Illanperuma observes, the latest WB report on Sri Lanka, inadvertently reveals ‘a treasure trove of data that serves as a damning indictment of how austerity has suppressed investment, undermined growth, & deepened social distress in the country.’ Meanwhile, ‘the words manufacturing or industrialisation hardly appear in the report’. (see ee Focus)

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• Tearing off their mask of liberality, renaming their Department of Defense as their Department of War, the US nonetheless still claims leadership in democracy & civilization. England & the European Union (EU) & Japan, openly reduced to colonies, are waging horrific proxy wars on the world, also demanding we conform to their versions of honest & good governance, human rights, labour, & environmental standards. How ecological is war? The USA still funds the National Peace Council (NPC) in Sri Lanka, which this week proclaimed, ‘3 different international monitoring bodies have chosen to give the government good reports’ (see ee Quotes). Yes, massa! Other ‘monitoring bodies’, such as the ratings agencies Fitch and S&P, and UN agencies (with no authorization by the UN General Assembly or Security Council), are also handing out report cards, mainly to control Sri Lanka’s ability to industrially advance.

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• Welcome to our 7^th anniversary – ee began on 21 September 2018, a few months after the political economist SBD de Silva – to whose exemplary scholarship & practice this archive is dedicated – made the transition to a magical dust in June of that year, as his energy still enervates those who know his prognoses are most pertinent and vital if Sri Lanka is to survive and thrive.

     In an age of laser & drone, where we lack the precision tools and macro & micro statistics to analyze and truly change our own society, we vitally need to deploy SBD de Silva’s forensic methods of traversing the world, back & forth through history – where past & present meet to fashion the future. We hope we have done our nano part in foregrounding the country’s vital need for modern industrialization, even if a still colonial media and education system constantly seeks to divert and confuse such issues.

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One media diversion is to highlight such performing monkeys as Sashi Tharoor, who eloquently educates Oxford and the BBC on how much the English stole (‘drained’ from India) and may even speak of their destruction of industry – by cutting the thumbs of Indian weavers, destroying their tools, etc. Learning from SBD, we realize that Tharoor is an exponent of a 100-year-old ‘drain theory’, first ‘vigorously expounded’ by the even more fastidious Romesh Dutt, and later popularized by the ‘Dependency School’ in the 1970s by such ‘eminent’ theorists as Andre Gunder Frank, etc.

     Tharoor, however, steadfastly refuses to discuss the ongoing prevention of ‘modernity’– the making of machines that make machines, which Marx alone labels modern industrial capitalism, which media-amplified and domesticated Marxists and their parties apparently know nothing of – modern machine industry, which alone can enable & sustain any liberation we seek…

     SBD de Silva described how merchants & moneylenders & other backward elements promoted by imperialism prevent the development of a class dedicated to capital accumulation, let alone advance an artisanal and proletarian class. For, even when that ‘drained’, stolen surplus is kept here, our so-called capitalists and so-called bourgeois, would never invest in such modern production, as they waste it in rentier speculation (making money from money) and luxury consumption…

     Tharoor can never point to the English promotion of backward classes in our societies, let alone the English (& now US) promotion of so-called aragalists & Gen-Zs, lumpens, anarchists, nihilists & fascists, who also claim to want to change society (by the way, it turns out that only the Monarchist Party headquarters were not torched in Nepal! And only those Indian and Nepali businesses linked to China were attacked?) Tharoor, of course, would never claim to be a Marxist, and would definitely never invoke a Lenin, Stalin, Mao or a Kim or an Amilcar Cabral, who alone were and are the greatest 20^thC practitioners of Marxism made flesh…

     Hence the English are quite happy to have Tharoor entertain them with how ‘baaaad’ they were, and show how ‘big’ & ‘wide’ & ‘liberal’ the English still are, to allow such napuns criticism within their hallowed ivory towers and BBC broadcasts.

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This ee Focus begins reproducing Chapter 2 of SBD de Silva’s 1982 classic The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (PEU). Here is presented SBD’s weltanschauung – worldview – dividing the planet into 3 great encaged worlds – the Non-Settler Colonies such as Sri Lanka, the genocidal dominions of ‘new settlement’ such as the USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand etc, and the Settler-Colonies, such as South Africa, Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Algeria etc, where the whites have still been unable to totally eliminate the original peoples. Here he describes the nature of the different roles Europeans played in these societies. SB also details the type of Englishmen who came to dominate Sri Lanka, unlike the Englishmen in their other settler dominions. SBD’s dedicated scholarship is such,  that he is also not afraid to list the exceptions to his thesis – countries where there were a large number of settlers such as the Congo, Indonesia, IndoChina, and did not fully industrialize, and thus occupy ‘border positions’ in his analysis. He then concludes that the ‘economic structures that emerged in the underdeveloped countries seem to be connected with the type of colony, which they represented.’

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• Also, in this ee Focus, Vinod Moonesinghe most succinctly recalls the pivotal role played by the much-maligned Anagarika Dharmapala (1864-1933) in shaping a more resilient Sri Lanka. Dharmapala is remembered as ‘a colossus of cultural & religious revival’, yet his equally profound ‘contributions to industrial training & economic upliftment are often overshadowed’. Dharmapala is often vilified by the so-called Left & Right, as a member of that demonic pantheon (pandemonium!) which includes the elder Bandaranaikes & Rajapakses, favourite villains of anglomaniacal Colombots.

     Anagarika Dharmapala (whose 161^st birth anniversary was on Sept 17) and DJ Wimalasurendra stand tall as pioneers of early attempts at industrialization in Sri Lanka. While Wimalasurendra’s efforts to enable energy security were actively sabotaged by the colonial English government (the Institute for Engineers recently claimed the English were just pathetic & indifferent to Wimalasurendra’s plans, which is simply not true – companies such as Shell and British Petroleum, Boustead Bros and Whitehall Petroleum (now Pearson PLC, monopolizing textbooks and examinations and helping to privatize education in Sri Lanka) actively colluded with MPs – later inducted as ‘knights’ –  to undermine his vision), Moonesinghe generously does not mention the insidious role played by the later so-called ‘fathers’ of independence, such as the Senanayakes and the Wijewardenes, about the English killing his brother Edmund in a Jaffna prison, and driving the Anagarika out of the country, so as to assure the continued dominance of merchants & moneylenders serving imperialism. They also promoted rumours still extant to this day about Dharmapala’s so-called chauvinism and his private life.

     Dharmapala, unlike Mahatma Gandhi who wished to go back to the spinning wheel, was a modernist. Moonesinghe mentions positively that the Anagarika met the controversial African-American Booker T Washington in the USA, and their consonance on the ‘dignity of labor’. Yet he cannot tell us who & how it was that such a meeting was arranged. Dharmapala was also taken, on that trip to the USA, to the Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Pennsylvania. Carlisle was where the kidnapped children – of Native American leaders, who had fought the white settlers throughout the 19^th century’s ‘Indian wars’ (more correctly, ‘White Settler Wars’) – were forcibly boarded (incarcerated), after their long hair was cut, while being banned from speaking their own languages. The grounds of those residential schools are perennially giving up the bones of those children tortured and killed, unbeknownst to the UNHRC, apparently. It is also curious how AD was impressed by ‘Booker T’…

     One wonders if his itinerary was arranged by US Colonel Henry Steel Olcott. Olcott had headed the investigation into the assassination of US President Abraham Lincoln, and perhaps helped cover it up, for he seems to have headed East thereafter, dabbling in that theosophical mysticism, ‘stoned to the eyeballs with orientalism’, that AD later rejected… (By the way, speaking of mystery rather than mysticism, Mrs Lincoln was wearing a necklace with jewelry smuggled from Sri Lanka on the night her husband was shot…) Booker TW maintained that whites would never grant the formerly enslaved Blacks, political equality – they were then facing full-scale terrorism – mass lynching, etc. – by former Southern slave owners, who had allied with the northern industrialists in the Ku Klux Klan, etc., after the period known as ‘Reconstruction’, where Black people had taken over parts of the South, was dismantled.

     Booker TW stated Blacks should not demand the vote, but strive to be ‘separate but equal’, accepting their inferior status – enduring separate but substandard accommodations and schools – learning basic industrial skills (handicrafts, etc) that would not challenge more advanced industrial skills that whites monopolized. Immigrant white settlers were provided land and trained in agricultural and industrial colleges. Booker TW’s school Tuskegee was financed mainly by a Jewish merchant Julius Rosenwald, who owned the Sears, Roebuck department store chain, and wanted Blacks to work in his shops as manual labor, and buy his goods, handing over their home market, which they perhaps originally supplied themselves.

     Tuskegee was also the place that conducted secret experiments infecting Black people with syphilis. These types of industrial  schools recall that Thurston College was also originally called the Colombo Industrial School (?) and was meant for the children of the servants, whose masters’ sons went to Royal College next door (just like St Mary’s Kollupitiya was for the servants’ children whose masters’ daughters went to Bishops?). We also wonder exactly what type of industrialization Dharmapala was allowed to learn from Japan? Industrial countries are well known for protecting their processes and hiding their secrets. One wonders how the German Technical Training School in Moratuwa, linked to the writer and his father, compares to German counterparts like say Siemens-&-BASF-linked universities. And why are Germans so proud to promote SMEs and not real heavy industry in Sri Lanka? Were the local trainees taught to make the machines that make machines, which is what real capitalism is about? Assembling engines is not that advanced, if the raw materials, the iron and the steel, the screws and lathes and other parts are not produced in Sri Lanka? And, as SB insisted, one thing (product) must lead to another (product), upstream and downstream, to transform the economy.

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• Enter the MCC – The very first issue of ee was on 21 September 2018, just before a so-called ‘constitutional crisis’, engendered by the then-President Maithripala Sirisena sacking his Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. Entitled Enter the MCC, the first ee noted how a delegation from the US Government’s Millennium Challenge Corporation had visited Sri Lanka and met senior government officials, including PM Ranil Wickremesinghe, Minister of Finance Mangala Samaraweera, State Minister of Finance Eran Wickramaratne, and Foreign Secretary Prasad Kariyawasam. Then too they claimed to be worried about the ‘constraints… holding back private investment and growth’, and wished to invest in ‘the transport and land sectors’. They promised to ‘improve road networks and the bus system’ in Colombo, improve ‘road connectivity between the central region and ports and markets in the Western Province’. They would also ‘improve land administration, and strengthen land rights and tenure security’. Here then is an additional reason perhaps for the continued mayhem & murder enabled on Sri Lanka’s roads – to usher in the USA’s millennial manoeuvres?

     That same week in 2018, the Central Bank directed the commercial banks ‘to impose a 100% margin deposit requirement against letters of credit (LCs) for the importation of motor vehicles with immediate effect’. Such imports threatened ‘macroeconomic stability’, the Central Bank said. ‘Recent global financial market volatility [had caused] ‘generalised pressure on currencies of emerging market economies. Continued excessive motor vehicle imports, partly driven by unwarranted speculation on future exchange rate movements, interest rates movements and budgetary measures…’

     That same first ee headlined how the then-Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera warned ‘of further depreciation of rupee… New cash margin requirement for LCs would reduce the import of vehicles at this juncture. India has imposed regulations on non-essential luxury items as well.’ Well, well, well, the more things ‘change’ under merchant rule, the more they remain the same…

*

Corruption, favoritism & blackmail were charged

against all the other departments controlled by Tammany,

though in the Police & Excise departments,

Republican & Tammany commissioners alike

were shown to have winked at the abuses.

*

This ee Focus also continues looking at the inner nature of the USA on its late-19^th century march to birthing modern imperialism, through the political machinery of its foremost municipality, the great metropolis of New York. This excerpt of Gustavus Myers’ History of Tammany Hall, whose society was a murderous charade parading as a charity, records its transition from  one dictatorship to another: The Dictatorship of Richard Croker, 1886-97.

     Here we witness the early urban cradles of such US Presidents as Grover Cleveland (who applied the Monroe Doctrine, that they owned the Americas, to challenge England’s meddling in Venezuela – the US is now bombing Venezuela’s ships, threatening to invade it again) and Theodore Roosevelt, who participated in the invasion of Cuba. We met Croker in the last ee, where he was caught (and freed) buying politicians in order to appoint a Public Works Commissioner, to get 10 cents off every barrel on all cement used by that department. Here we see the rise of Croker, a former blacksmith, and machinist, who is recruited to work in the supreme court, even as he is accused of murder. Myers records the capitalist corruption of police, judges and unions, including the Knights of Labor, which ‘had reached the highest point in organization’. As one set of crooks is replaced by another, we see the use of ‘reform movements’, ‘commissions’ & ‘committees’ that selectively expose so-called corruption (capitalism by another name), and bring out ‘much valuable information’, though in truth, ‘constitute no bar to political advancement’…

*

_______

Contents:

Aragalaya & Algorithms: How the US Skyjacks Politics & Parliament

Shenali D Waduge

Buddhism entered the northwestern region of the Indian subcontinent (today’s Pakistan) around the 3rd century BCE through Emperor Ashoka’s patronage after the Kalinga War with Gandhara (present-day Peshawar Valley and Taxila region) and Sindhu (Sindh) becoming major centers of Buddhist culture that prevailed for over 1200 years running parallel to Afghanistan’s Buddhist era.

Ancient Buddhist Territories

Before Pakistan existed as a nation, the lands were known by historical names:

• Arachosia, Gandhāra, Punjab, Sindh, and Balochistan.

These regions were flourishing Buddhist centers, monasteries, and universities, attracting scholars, pilgrims, and traders from across Asia. Gandhāra was particularly renowned for its unique fusion of Greek, Persian, and Indian artistic styles, producing the world-famous Gandhāra art.

Buddhism in Pakistan

• Buddhism entered the region through Ashoka’s missionary efforts in the 3rd century BCE, later reaching its peak under the Kushan rulers (1st–3rd centuries CE), especially Emperor Kanishka, who actively patronized monasteries and convened major Buddhist councils.
• Although earlier Achaemenid and Hellenistic influences shaped the cultural backdrop, it was Ashoka who firmly established monasteries, stupas, and centers of learning across Gandhāra, Punjab, and Sindh, transforming the area into one of Buddhism’s most vibrant frontiers.
• Over time, Buddhism absorbed both Hellenistic and local traditions and spread along extensive trade routes, making the lands of present-day Pakistan a flourishing hub of Buddhist civilization for more than a millennium before the Islamic conquests.
• Vajrayāna Buddhismdeveloped in Uḍḍiyāna (Swat Valley).- Padmasambhava, later known as Guru Rinpoche, who carried Vajrayāna Buddhism into Tibet in the 8th century, is believed to have drawn inspiration from Buddhist centers in Uddiyana (present-day Swat Valley in Pakistan). His legacy ties Pakistan’s northwest directly to the spread of tantric Buddhism across the Himalayas.
• Major monasteries included Taxila, Takht-i-Bahi, Swat Valley complexes, and hundreds across Punjab and Balochistan.

Archaeologist F.B. Flood notes:

Temple after temple was broken down by the foreign conqueror… the material evidence of Gandhāra art was systematically erased.”

Flourishing of the Gandhara School

The Gandhara region developed a unique Greco-Buddhist art style, blending Hellenistic naturalism with Buddhist symbolism. Taxila became a renowned university city attracting monks and scholars.

Monastic Presence

Archaeological surveys indicate hundreds of monasteries once existed:

• In Gandhara and the Swat Valley, estimates range between500–1,000 monasteries during the Kushan and Gupta periods.
• Punjab and Sindh also hosted large viharas and stupas, though less numerous than Gandhara.
• Baluchistan contained important cave monasteries linked to Silk Road trade routes.

The Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang (7th century CE) recorded over 1,000 monasteries in Gandhara alone, with tens of thousands of monks.

 

Islamic Conquest and Iconoclasm

Buddhism in this region lasted nearly 1,500 years (3rd century BCE – 12th century CE).

Its decline began with Huna invasions in the 5th century, but the decisive collapse occurred with the Arab conquest of Sindh in 711 CE under Muhammad bin Qasim, and later with Ghaznavid and Ghurid invasions. By the 12th century, Islamization had erased most living Buddhist institutions.

From the 7th–12th centuries CE, successive Arab, Turkic, and Persian Muslim conquerors entered these regions. Islamization resulted in:

• Destruction of monasteries and stupas.
• Iconoclasm targeting Buddha statues, reliefs, and inscriptions.
• Re-purposing of Buddhist sites into mosques or fortresses.

Unlike Afghanistan, where the Taliban dynamited the Bamiyan Buddhas in 2001, Pakistan’s state today preserves Buddhist sites such as Taxila and Mohra Moradu, partly for international tourism and revenue. Yet, local neglect, looting, and Islamist hostility continue to endanger these remnants.

Scholars consistently link the destruction of Buddhist monuments to Islamic iconoclasm, rooted in the belief that images of worship are un-Islamic. Historian Richard Eaton notes that Muslim invaders often targeted temples and stupas not just for wealth, but also as religious duty. Archaeologist Ihsan Ali similarly observes that the Gandharan Buddhist heritage suffered systematic destruction under successive Islamic dynasties, though fragments survived in remote valleys.”

Population Then and Now

At its height (1st–7th centuries CE), present-day Pakistan’s lands may have been home to millions of Buddhists, with Xuanzang recording over 1,000 monasteries and tens of thousands of monks in Gandhāra alone.

Lay followers spread across Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, and Swat, making Buddhism a living faith for entire populations.

Today, by stark contrast, Pakistan has fewer than 40,000 Buddhists, mostly in Sindh and Gilgit-Baltistan.

While official Pakistani records list fewer than 2,000 Buddhists (2017), independent community estimates place the number between 20,000–40,000, concentrated in Sindh and southern Punjab. Regardless of the exact figure, Buddhism is today only a faint shadow of the flourishing tradition that once dominated the region for over 1,200 years.

Note: minorities in Pakistan (including Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists) do not appear in official counts because they lack national ID cards, fear discrimination & may register as Hindu” or Other” resulting in lumping all together.

A civilization that once flourished for more than a millennium has been reduced to a near-vanished minority — a striking reminder of the irreversible cultural and demographic impact of conquest and religious transformation.

Duration of Buddhism in Present-Day Pakistan

• Flourished roughly from 3rd century BCE to 10th–12th century CE.
• Ran parallel with Afghan Buddhist civilization.
• Survived 12–15 centuries before largely disappearing due to Islamic conquest and iconoclasm.

Contrasts with Afghanistan

The Islamization of Gandhara and Punjab unfolded parallel to that of Afghanistan. Both regions lost Buddhism by the 12th century, but while Afghanistan erased its Buddhist memory almost completely, Pakistan retains scattered monuments. This difference lies less in tolerance and more in modern state policy: Pakistan recognizes Buddhist heritage as an economic and diplomatic asset.

• Afghan Buddhists saw systematic destruction without state protection, leading to near-total erasure of heritage.
• Pakistan, in contrast, has retained and restored certain sites, acknowledging their historical and economic value.
• This illustrates that Muslim-majority nations differ in their approach to pre-Islamic heritage: iconoclasm rooted in religious doctrine versus pragmatic preservation of culture.

What Remains

While Buddhism no longer flourishes, Pakistan’s archaeological sites, stupas, and Gandhāra art remain globally recognized. Preservation efforts, however, face challenges: urbanization, neglect, and political shifts.

Lessons for Today

• Islamic iconoclasmwas historically motivated by doctrinal beliefs — destruction of non-Islamic imagery was part of conquering and consolidating rule.
• Preservation requires foresight, not mere tolerance: Pakistan demonstrates how heritage can coexist with a majority religion while retaining cultural identity. This is a crucial and important factor that has to be applauded & appreciated.

The Buddhist heritage of Pakistan demonstrates both the vulnerability of civilizations to religious conquest and the enduring power of cultural memory when safeguarded. It is a warning and a lesson for remaining Buddhist nations: heritage must not only be celebrated, but actively protected – the significance of Sri Lanka’s Article 9 and Article 16 is re-emphasized in this regard.

Shenali D Waduge

By Sanjeewa Jayaweera, Courtesy The Island

The eagerly awaited Performance Report of the Inland Revenue Department (IRD) for 2024 has recently been published. It offers some context regarding the IRD’s tax collections. There is room for wider disclosure that would improve transparency. The timeliness of the report’s release could also be considerably enhanced. After all, most large corporations listed on the Colombo Stock Exchange publish their Annual Reports within two months of the financial year’s end.

Sri Lanka’s fiscal challenges remain pressing, despite the strong headline growth in Inland Revenue Department (IRD) collections for 2024. The performance report shows an impressive 44% increase in collections, reaching Rs. 2.6 trillion compared to Rs. 1.8 trillion in 2023.

However, this growth has been heavily skewed towards indirect taxes, particularly Value Added Tax (VAT), whose collections increased by nearly 89%. The structural imbalance between direct and indirect taxes has widened once again, with the ratio shifting from 50:50 in 2023 to 40:60 in 2024.

While VAT reforms, including higher rates and lower registration thresholds, have expanded collections, income tax performance remains weak. The Rs. 1 trillion collected from income taxes conceals significant inequities: fewer than 1 million individuals out of a workforce of over 8 million are within the tax net, and a very small segment of high-income earners shoulder a disproportionate share of the personal income tax burden. This situation is both socially and economically unsustainable.

Recent reports, including the World Bank’s Public Finance Review and commentary from international experts such as Professor Mick Moore, highlight systemic weaknesses in Sri Lanka’s tax administration. Outdated methods, inadequate human resource planning, and governance failures at the IRD undermine enforcement and modernization. Structural reforms, particularly digitization, improved compliance enforcement, and the recruitment of skilled professionals, are essential to move away from reliance on regressive indirect taxation.

Revenue Performance: Headline Gains but Fragile Foundations

The IRD’s collection of Rs. 2.6 trillion in 2024 is unprecedented in nominal terms. VAT alone contributed an additional Rs. 615 billion, nearly doubling year-on-year. This sharp increase is attributable to two main factors: the rate hike, which saw VAT increase to 18% from 15%. – Wider base: The registration threshold was reduced from Rs. 80 million to Rs. 60 million annually, pushing the number of VAT-registered establishments to 21,227—a 53% increase.

However, reliance on VAT has shifted the tax mix towards indirect taxes. The direct-to-indirect ratio dropped back to 40:60, weakening equity. Indirect taxes, by their nature, impact lower-income households more heavily, increasing inequality.

In contrast, income tax collections reached Rs. 1 trillion in 2024—a modest 13% increase from the previous year. Given the urgent need to expand the tax base, this figure highlights the limited success of enforcement and compliance efforts.

Who Pays Income Tax?

Income tax collections reveal the narrowness and inequities of Sri Lanka’s direct tax base:

– Corporate income tax, Rs. 582 billion, from 100,049 companies. The collection represents an increase of 5% over 2023.

– Personal and partnership income tax: Rs. 442 billion from 976,498 individuals and 16,227 partnerships. The collection represents an increase of 26% over 2023.

In the year 456,035 new taxpayers were added to the tax base (mostly individuals). However, the report fails to disclose how much additional revenue these new taxpayers contributed. Such disclosure would improve transparency and might also help dispel the feeling that the IRD is squeezing the same lemon!

Similarly, revealing how many of the registered companies actually pay income tax would promote greater transparency.

The Rs. 442 billion collected as personal income tax has been broken down as follows:

Advance Personal Income Tax (APIT) – private sector employees: Rs. 198 billion.

Advance Income Tax on bank interest payments: Rs. 66 billion.

Advance Income Tax from specified fees and others: Rs. 98 billion.

The APIT collection from private sector employees increased by Rs. 53 billion in 2023, representing a 36% rise. There is a shortfall of Rs. 81 billion in Non-Corporate Income Tax that I could not find in the report.

Private Sector Advance Personal Income Tax Data

A new table in the performance report sheds light on who pays income tax through Advance Personal Income Tax (APIT):

This table highlights three key issues: – Even in the formal private sector, 77% of employees pay no income tax as their earnings fall below the income tax-free threshold. – A very small group (61,293 individuals) accounts for over three-quarters of APIT paid.

With the 2025 increase in the tax-free threshold to Rs. 1.8 million, around 275,000 employees will exit the tax net, further narrowing the base.

Tax Return Compliance

It is compulsory for those liable to income tax to submit a tax return by 30th November following the end of the tax year, detailing their income for the year, as well as assets owned, and liabilities owed. According to the IRD, very few companies and individuals submit their returns on time.

Only the large Corporate Taxpayers, numbering 621, achieved a 93% compliance rate. Of the remaining 91,183 companies, only 26,241 submitted their returns on time, which corresponds to a compliance rate of 29%.

The compliance rate among individual taxpayers is also very poor, with only 110,240 out of 792,530 submitting their returns on time, resulting in a compliance rate of just 24%.

Failing to submit tax returns on time does not necessarily mean taxpayers are evading taxes, but assuming so is reasonable.

World Bank’s Public Finance Review 2025

The World Bank’s Report Towards a Balanced Fiscal Adjustment highlights the fragility of Sri Lanka’s revenue model: – 75% of revenue gains since 2022 came from indirect taxes (VAT, SSCL, excise duties). – Regressive impact: VAT consumes 5.3% of pre-fiscal income for the poorest decile, compared to 3.3% for the richest. – Poverty impact: The 2024 VAT hike alone increased poverty by 2.2 percentage points. – Sustainability concerns: Reliance on indirect taxation is not only socially unjust but also economically unsustainable.

The report calls for digitization and comprehensive reform of the IRD, emphasizing the need for better sequencing, resourcing, and HR capability development. It also warns against the easy option” of squeezing a narrow taxpayer base, urging policymakers to prioritize compliance enforcement and structural reforms.

Professor Moore’s Perspective: 20 Years Behind many African Countries

Professor Mick Moore, a leading political economist on taxation, argues that Sri Lanka’s IRD is as outdated as its Customs Department—lagging 20 years behind even many African peers. He highlights systemic failures: – Low compliance: e.g., only 20,000 of 110,000 businesses in Colombo pay local property tax. – Outdated practices: reliance on manual processes and weak data integration. – Poor HR systems: lack of skilled recruits, minimal training, and outdated promotion practices.

Moore stresses that enforcement should target large businesses and high-value taxpayers, rather than informal operators. He says that without skilled staff, modern audits, and investment in IT/data analytics, Sri Lanka cannot close its revenue gap.

Human Resource and Institutional Challenges

The IRD’s own performance report presents a grim view of institutional capacity: – Approved cadre: 1,639 officers. – Vacancies: 227 (14%). – Ageing workforce: 33% of staff are aged 51–60, with most serving over 15 years. – Promotion bottlenecks: Dozens of senior positions remain in acting” status due to Public Service Commission delays, causing staff dissatisfaction and demotivation.

Compounding the problem, earlier officer-level recruitment was halted by trade union pressure, resulting in the discontinuation of the Tax Officer and Assessor posts. New recruits are now directly appointed as Assistant or Deputy Commissioners, roles that were previously reserved for experienced officers. This undermines institutional knowledge and succession planning. I understand that between 2007 and 2017, there was no recruitment to the officer cadre.

The lack of skilled professionals in IT, data science, and financial analysis has left the IRD unprepared for digitisation and modern enforcement.

Policy Implications and Reform Agenda

Sri Lanka cannot rely solely on rate hikes and regressive indirect taxes to fund its budget. The IRD’s weaknesses demand urgent reform. Some of the key initiatives identified by agencies and experts include:

· Digitisation and Data Integration

· Build a modern, unified tax administration platform integrating VAT, income, excise, and customs data.

· Use third-party data (banks, utilities, property registries, travel agents) to cross-check declarations and expand the net.

· Broadening the Tax Base

· Enforce compliance among high-income professionals and self-employed groups who are currently under-reporting.

· Strengthen property taxation, aligning municipal and IRD databases.

· Human Resource Overhaul

· Recruit IT specialists, data analysts, and forensic accountants.

· Reform promotions to be performance-based rather than seniority-based.

· Resolve acting appointments to restore morale and accountability.

· Targeted Enforcement

· Prioritize audits on large businesses, high-net-worth individuals, and multinational corporations.

· Avoid excessive focus on small informal operators, who contribute little revenue but face disproportionate harassment.

· Institutional Independence and Governance

· Strengthen the autonomy of the IRD to shield it from political interference.

· Ensure stable leadership and merit-based recruitment.

Conclusion

The 2024 IRD performance report highlights both achievements and vulnerabilities. The revenue increase of Rs. 800 billion over 2023 is genuine but relies heavily on regressive VAT hikes, rather than on structural reforms or a broader tax base. Income tax remains underdeveloped, with fewer than 12% of the workforce contributing directly. The result is a narrow and inequitable system that discourages compliance, undermines social fairness, and hampers long-term growth.

The World Bank and experts like Professor Moore deliver a clear warning: Sri Lanka’s tax administration is outdated, under-skilled, and politically ignored. Without urgent reforms—such as digitization, enforcement of compliance, HR renewal, and governance restructuring—the state will keep squeezing a small pool of taxpayers while leaving most outside the net.

Previous governments’ failure to strengthen the IRD has cost the country dearly in lost revenue and fiscal instability. The task now is to develop and implement reforms that are both technically sound and politically viable. A better tax system is crucial for building public trust, reducing inequality, and boosting Sri Lanka’s economy.

By Sanjeewa Jayaweera 

Dr. Gamini Goonetilleke, & Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge

The prolonged armed conflict in Sri Lanka, which lasted three decades, has left a devastating legacy of landmines that have caused severe physical injuries among combatants, Tamil Tigers, aka LTTE guerrillas, and civilians. The occurrence of landmine injuries during the Sri Lankan conflict was alarmingly high. As the conflict escalated, the use of landmines became a common tactic, leading to widespread contamination of large areas of land. This caused numerous casualties, with many individuals suffering from serious injuries that often resulted in permanent disabilities.

Sri Lankan soldiers engaged in the military conflict frequently fell victim to landmines strategically placed by the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) guerrillas, resulting in numerous fatalities and leaving many survivors with life-altering disabilities. The Sri Lankan military employed landmines as a strategic measure to secure the boundaries of their encampments, creating a formidable barrier against potential incursions. These explosive devices became a lethal threat to members of the LTTE. In the height of the battle, both parties extensively employed both anti-personnel and anti-vehicle mines as part of their defensive strategies during the prolonged conflict in the region

The impact of landmines extended beyond the battlefield, as a large number of civilians encountered these hidden dangers while pursuing agricultural activities in post-war landscapes still littered with explosives. The repercussions for those injured by landmines are profound, encompassing not only physical ailments but also deep psychological scars. Many victims endure chronic pain and mobility issues, compounded by mental health challenges stemming from their traumatic experiences. Consequently, these individuals require extensive long-term medical care and rehabilitation to address both their physical and psychological needs.

Types of Landmines used in the Sri Lankan Conflict

According to Mannion and Chaloner (2006), antipersonnel landmines can be categorized into two primary types. The first type, known as blast mines, is typically concealed underground and is activated by the pressure exerted by a person’s foot. The injuries resulting from these mines stem not only from the explosive force but also from the intense thermal effects produced during detonation. The second type is fragmentation mines that are typically positioned above ground and are triggered by trip wires or various sensors. Their explosive charge is engineered to disperse hundreds of small, lethal fragments across a designated target area.

The Sri Lankan Security Forces employed a variety of explosive devices during their operations, including Claymore mines, anti-vehicle mines, and anti-personnel mines. Among the anti-personnel mines utilized were the Chinese Type 72, the Italian VS50, and the Pakistani PV4, each designed to inflict significant harm on enemy personnel.

The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) employed a variety of explosive devices in their operations, including Claymore mines, which are directional anti-personnel explosives designed to inflict maximum damage on targets within a specific range. Additionally, they utilized anti-vehicle mines, which are specifically engineered to disable or destroy vehicles, thereby hindering enemy mobility and logistics. The LTTE also made use of anti-personnel Jony mines, known for their capacity to target individuals, causing injury or death to soldiers and civilians alike.

Pattern of Injuries following Landmine Explosions

Landmine blasts cause severe somatic injuries from blasts and fragments. The legs are especially at risk due to their closeness to the ground, experiencing significant soft-tissue damage and other limb injuries.  Bone fractures are a frequent occurrence, and when they happen, debris can often get lodged in the wound. This contamination can result in serious infections and additional damage to surrounding tissue.

Victims frequently experience “blast lung,” a condition marked by frothy secretions, hypoxia, and significant respiratory distress, necessitating mechanical ventilation for survival. In cases of penetrating abdominal injuries, emergency laparotomy is essential, while chest injuries typically require the insertion of chest drains, with thoracotomy being a rare intervention.

Additionally, those exposed to detonations at close range commonly suffer from hearing loss and ocular trauma. Secondary blast injuries arise when fragments from the explosive device embed themselves in the body or penetrate various tissues. At close range, these fragments act like high-velocity projectiles, creating cavitation effects and leading to contaminated wounds.

The shock wave generated by these fragments can inflict damage on organs and tissues located far from the initial point of penetration. Such injuries demand careful surgical debridement, delayed wound closure, and staged operations to mitigate the risk of infection and facilitate gradual healing. Furthermore, the blast wind effect, resulting from the intense shockwave, can propel victims into nearby objects, resulting in multiple fractures and blunt trauma to the head, chest, and abdomen. Claymore mines, known for their wide dispersal of high-velocity fragments, often cause injuries to the face, chest, and limbs, which typically require numerous reconstructive surgeries and extended hospital stays for recovery.

Anti-personnel mines are specifically engineered to inflict injury rather than to cause death, with the primary objective of incapacitating individuals. The most prevalent type of injury occurs when a person inadvertently steps on one of these devices, leading to a staggering 80% of cases resulting in below-knee amputations.

In addition to this, many victims experience a range of other traumatic injuries, including severe lacerations and shrapnel wounds from explosive fragments. Survivors often endure debilitating eye injuries, loss of upper limbs, and, in some tragic instances, life-threatening injuries to vital areas such as the chest and abdomen. The long-term consequences of these injuries extend beyond physical impairments, profoundly affecting the psychological well-being and quality of life of those affected.

A State of Shock Following a Landmine Injury

A A landmine injury can trigger a state of shock that poses an immediate and life-threatening risk to the individual. This shock is characterized by significant blood loss or extensive tissue damage, resulting in critical symptoms such as hypotension, tachycardia, cold and clammy skin, and changes in mental status. The unique nature of landmine explosions contributes to this condition, as victims may suffer from traumatic amputations, severe lacerations caused by flying debris, and various internal injuries. Effective management of this shock is crucial and involves several key interventions: controlling any active bleeding, ensuring the airway remains clear, and maintaining adequate circulation. Prompt and appropriate medical care is essential to mitigate the risk of catastrophic organ failure, which can occur if the shock is not addressed swiftly and effectively.

Emergency Care in Field Settings

In resource-limited settings, the management of injuries presents significant challenges, particularly in field conditions and smaller hospitals. Casualties often arrive unexpectedly, frequently without having received any initial first aid at the scene of the incident. The transportation of these individuals is fraught with difficulties, as the process is typically slow and hazardous; field ambulances were seldom utilized, leading to the use of army jeeps or trucks that must navigate treacherous terrain. While helicopters are occasionally deployed for urgent cases, their availability is limited. Once at the hospital, the situation does not improve, as facilities are often equipped with minimal surgical capabilities and a shortage of medical personnel. Compounding these issues are inadequate blood supplies and insufficient anesthetic support, which further complicate the treatment of injured patients and highlight the critical need for improved resources and infrastructure in such environments.

In the event of mine-related injuries, it is crucial to take immediate and decisive actions to mitigate the consequences of such traumatic incidents. The priority is to control any severe bleeding, which can be life-threatening if not addressed promptly. This involves applying direct pressure to the wound and, if necessary, utilizing tourniquets to stem the flow of blood. Following this, it is essential to protect the wound from further contamination and injury, which can exacerbate the damage and increase the risk of infection. Additionally, treating for shock is vital, as victims may experience a rapid decline in their physiological state due to blood loss and trauma. This can include keeping the individual calm, lying down, and elevating their legs if there are no contraindications. Finally, initiating a swift evacuation to a medical facility is imperative, as mine injuries frequently lead to traumatic amputations and extensive tissue damage that require specialized medical intervention. The combination of these actions can significantly improve the chances of survival and recovery for those affected by such devastating injuries.

Definitive Care and the Multidisciplinary Approach

In cases where patients required advanced reconstructive surgeries, they were often transferred to larger tertiary care facilities, frequently accompanied by military escorts to guarantee their safety during transit. At these specialized hospitals, a multidisciplinary approach was employed to deliver holistic care tailored to the complex needs of these individuals. Orthopaedic surgeons took charge of stabilizing fractures through precise fixation techniques, while plastic surgeons focused on intricate soft tissue reconstruction to ensure optimal healing and aesthetic outcomes. Concurrently, physiotherapists initiated early mobilization strategies to mitigate the risks associated with prolonged immobility, thereby enhancing recovery prospects. Additionally, prosthetic technicians played a crucial role by facilitating the timely fitting of artificial limbs, ensuring that patients could regain mobility as swiftly as possible. Recognizing the significant psychological toll of such traumatic injuries, psychiatrists and counselors were also integral to the care team, providing essential support to help patients navigate the emotional challenges they faced during their recovery journey.

The Psychological Impact

The psychological consequences of landmine injuries are profound and multifaceted, often manifesting as elevated levels of anxiety, depression, and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Survivors frequently face social stigmatization, which can exacerbate feelings of isolation and despair, alongside challenges such as unemployment and a diminished sense of independence. These factors contribute to a cycle of emotional distress that significantly undermines their overall quality of life. The journey toward psychological recovery is influenced by several critical elements, including the individual’s inherent resilience, the presence of a robust support network, and access to comprehensive medical and psychological care. Additionally, the attitudes of society play a pivotal role; supportive and understanding communities can foster healing and reintegration, while negative perceptions can hinder recovery efforts and perpetuate suffering.

Psychological Care for the Victims

Psychological care for individuals affected by landmines encompasses a diverse array of therapeutic techniques, ranging from conventional methods such as psychotherapy and family counseling to more contemporary interventions like creative arts therapy, virtual reality therapy, and peer support networks. These therapeutic modalities are designed to tackle a variety of issues, including the psychological aftermath of trauma, symptoms of depression and anxiety, as well as the physical pain that often accompanies such injuries. Additionally, they address the complex challenges of social reintegration, which may include difficulties in finding employment and the disruption of established social roles. The effectiveness of these treatments is significantly enhanced by robust support systems, particularly community-based initiatives that focus on educating families and training local social workers. Such programs are essential for ensuring that recovery efforts are culturally sensitive and sustainable, ultimately fostering a more comprehensive approach to healing for landmine survivors.

Rehabilitation

Rehabilitation encompasses much more than merely addressing physical injuries and fitting prosthetics; it involves a comprehensive approach to recovery that includes various facets of physical and psychological healing. The process of physical recovery entails not only the fitting of prosthetic limbs but also essential training in their use, gait rehabilitation, and targeted strengthening exercises to restore mobility and function. Additionally, vocational training plays a crucial role in helping survivors regain their economic independence, allowing them to reintegrate into the workforce and reclaim their sense of purpose. However, the psychological impact of such traumatic experiences can be equally debilitating, with many survivors grappling with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which manifests through symptoms such as flashbacks, nightmares, anxiety, and depression. This psychological burden is often exacerbated for some of the amputees, who may face social stigma that intensifies their feelings of isolation and negatively affects their overall quality of life. Therefore, achieving true recovery necessitates a holistic approach that integrates physical rehabilitation with mental health support, family counseling, and community reintegration programs, ensuring that survivors receive the comprehensive care they need to heal both body and mind.

The Social Cost of Land Mine Injuries  

The social repercussions of landmines in Sri Lanka are profound and far-reaching, resulting in significant civilian casualties and injuries that often lead to permanent disabilities and enduring psychological distress. These hidden explosives not only claim lives but also dismantle the economic infrastructure of affected areas, rendering agricultural land unusable and obstructing trade routes essential for local commerce. Furthermore, the presence of landmines complicates the resettlement process for refugees, as individuals and families are hesitant to return to their homes when the threat of detonation looms. This pervasive danger fosters an atmosphere of fear that stifles community recovery and development, creating a cycle of hardship that can last for generations. The long-term effects of landmines extend beyond immediate physical harm, embedding a sense of insecurity that hinders social cohesion and economic revitalization, ultimately stalling progress for entire communities.

The Impact of Landmines on Children

In 2010, UNICEF reported that children made up 20% of mine victims in Sri Lanka. Children in Sri Lanka face a significant risk of becoming victims of landmines, primarily due to the deceptive nature of these explosives and the hazardous activities they often engage in, such as land burning and scavenging.

The impact of landmines on children in Sri Lanka is profound and multifaceted, resulting in both direct and indirect consequences. Directly, these explosive remnants of war can cause severe injuries or fatalities among young individuals, who are often unaware of the dangers posed by such devices. Indirectly, the presence of landmines disrupts the daily lives of children, leading to significant barriers in accessing education, agricultural land, and vital infrastructure necessary for their development and well-being.

Children, driven by their natural curiosity, are particularly susceptible to the risks associated with landmines and unexploded ordnance (UXO), which they may misidentify as toys or intriguing objects. This tragic combination of factors not only endangers their physical safety but also hinders their opportunities for growth and learning, perpetuating a cycle of trauma and deprivation in communities affected by conflict.

The Mine Ban Treaty and Sri Lanka’s Path to a Mine-Free Nation

Injuries and fatalities caused by anti-personnel landmines have become a global epidemic (McIvor Joss 1997), and the presence of mines causes a serious environmental, social, and economic burden (Jeffrey, 1996). Therefore, the Mine Ban Treaty represents a significant international effort aimed at eradicating landmines and ensuring the safety of communities affected by these dangerous remnants of conflict.

In light of the extensive humanitarian crises triggered by landmines over several decades, organizations such as the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL), established in 1992, have dedicated themselves to highlighting the profound suffering inflicted by these weapons in various nations, including Cambodia, Laos, Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Angola. Their advocacy efforts received significant support from prominent entities like the Red Cross and the United Nations, which collectively urged for a comprehensive ban on landmines. This relentless campaign ultimately led to the establishment of the Mine Ban Treaty, which was signed on December 3, 1997, and came into force in 1999, effectively prohibiting the production, use, stockpiling, and transfer of anti-personnel landmines.

Sri Lanka officially joined the Mine Ban Treaty in December 2017, with its provisions taking effect on June 1, 2018. As stipulated in Article V of the Treaty, Sri Lanka is committed to declaring itself a mine-free nation by 2028. The country initiated its mine action program in 2002, particularly focusing on the war-affected Northern and Eastern regions, by implementing the internationally recognized five pillars of mine action under the coordination of the Sri Lanka Mine Action Program. However, the escalation of conflict during that period necessitated the suspension of these vital efforts. Mine action was resumed in 2010 after the war ended in May 2009 and is progressing smoothly with the support of various national and international agencies, together with overseas funding, to achieve its target of making Sri Lanka a mine-free nation by 2028.

Dr. Gamini Goonetilleke, FRCS is a senior consultant surgeon from Sri Lanka with over four decades of distinguished service. His career spans a wide range of hospitals across the country, including extended service in conflict-affected zones during Sri Lanka’s civil war, where he gained extensive experience in managing complex battle-related injuries.

Dr. Ruwan M. Jayatunge, M.D., PhD, is a medical doctor and a clinical psychologist, and also a member of the American Psychological Association (APA). He is a guest lecturer at Sri Lankan and North American universities.

References;

Goonetilleke,G. (2022) The Extra Mile: a surgeon’s experiences. Sri Lanka

Jayatunge , R.M.(2015). Shell Shock To Palali Syndrome: Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Sri Lankan Experience. Godage International Publishers, Sri Lanka.

Jeffrey SJ. Antipersonnel mines: who are the victims? J Accid Emerg Med. 1996 Sep;13(5):343-6. doi: 10.1136/emj.13.5.343. PMID: 8894863; PMCID: PMC1342772.

Mannion, S.Chaloner, E. (2006). Chapter 1 Landmines and Landmine Injuries: An Overview, Pain Medicine, Volume 7, Issue suppl_2.Pages S199–S200, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1526-4637.2006.00234_3.x

McIvor Joss D. Anti-personnel landmine injuries: a global epidemic. Work. 1997;8(3):299-304. doi: 10.3233/WOR-1997-8310. PMID: 24441894.

The Pathfinder Foundation

The Pathfinder Foundation held its inaugural policy dialogue with the Chintan Research Foundation (CRF) of India at the Galle Face Hotel in Colombo. The discussion centred on the theme Strengthening Economic and Strategic Partnerships for Shared Growth”. It assembled an impressive gathering of industry experts, scholars, civil society organisation representatives, and key Sri Lankan officials. 

Bernard Goonetilleke, Chairman of the Pathfinder Foundation, and Dr Debajit Palit, Centre Head of the Centre for Climate Change and Energy Transition at the Chintan Research Foundation, delivered the opening remarks. Mr Goonetilleke highlighted the pivotal role that India’s industrial, digital, and economic growth could play in the realistic and sustainable development of Sri Lanka’s economy. Dr Palit echoed similar sentiments, stressing the importance of private sector participation, particularly concerning energy security.  

The event was attended by the High Commissioner of India in Sri Lanka, H E Santosh Jha, who highlighted (among many things) the ancient civilisational bond between the two countries, the potential for improved connectivity through air, land, and sea, and the urgent need to improve the India-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement to meet current market demands. All these efforts aim to foster a non-reciprocal and outcome-driven relationship between Sri Lanka and India. Most importantly, he emphasised that this relationship is not transactional but should be grounded in long-term perspectives.

The dialogue focused on three key areas: Alternative Energy – Building a Shared Energy Future, Strategic Minerals – A New Frontier for Bilateral Resource Diplomacy, and Connectivity and IMEC – Bridging Shores and Opportunities. These topics were chosen considering their contemporary relevance, shared interests of both countries and the potential mutual benefit the two countries stand to gain.

The first session was moderated by Dr. R.H.S. Samaratunga, a Distinguished Fellow of the Pathfinder Foundation and Senior Economic Advisor to the Former President of Sri Lanka. It featured Dr. Palit, Mr. Harsha Wickramasinghe, Director-General of the Sri Lanka Sustainable Energy Authority, and Mr. Saliya Wickramasuriya, former Chairman of Ceylon Petroleum, as speakers. The session was held under the theme Alternative Energy – Building a Shared Energy Future,” with a particular focus on Sri Lanka’s carbon neutrality goal and the strategy to achieve it. Discussions included how Sri Lanka could learn from India’s policy instruments to accelerate renewable energy, potential cooperation between the two countries on this matter, and the necessity for a de-risking mechanism to better analyse and enhance the credibility of proposed energy development projects.

The second session was moderated by Mr. Rajendra Theagarajah, a Distinguished Fellow of the Pathfinder Foundation and former Chairman of the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce. It featured speakers such as Prof. D.M.D.O.K. Dissanayake from the Department of Earth Resources Engineering at the University of Moratuwa, Mr. Nimal Cooke, Executive Director of the Capital Maharaja Group, and Mr. Deepak Amitabh, Advisor to the Chintan Research Foundation. The discussion focused on Sri Lanka’s critical mineral resources, particularly the country’s unexplored offshore mineral deposits between its shoreline and reef. Other topics also included potential strategies for establishing an integrated value chain for essential minerals between India and Sri Lanka, as well as other strategic development opportunities emphasising sustainable mining practices and value addition.

The final session was moderated by Mr. Deepak Amitabh and featured Dr. Chavi Vasisht, an Associate Fellow of the Chintan Research Foundation; Mr. S. Premachandra, an International Port Management Consultant; and Mr. Saliya Senanayake, Group Chairman of Lanka Shipping & Logistics, as speakers. The topic highlighted Sri Lanka’s potential involvement in the India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), with particular emphasis on the past successes of Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) in key projects, the challenges linked to implementing IMEC, and the economic benefits Sri Lanka could gain from joining IMEC.

The closing remarks were delivered by Dr. Chavi Vasisht and Dr. Dayaratna Silva, Executive Director of the Pathfinder Foundation, emphasising how clearly the various aspects of these topics were presented. Coupled with the active engagement of the audience, this contributed to the event’s successful conclusion and the prospect of it being the first in a series of such dialogues in collaboration between the two think tanks. 

The Pathfinder Foundation will continue to facilitate dialogue between related field experts, aiming to direct Sri Lanka towards a sustainable and prosperous future.

National Development Bank PLC

NDB Bank recently entered into a strategic partnership with Ideal Motors (Pvt) Ltd., the official distributor for Mahindra vehicles in Sri Lanka, through the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding. This collaboration marks a significant step in providing affordable and accessible financing solutions for both individual customers and SMEs

Through this partnership, customers will now have the opportunity to lease Mahindra’s new passenger vehicle range, including the Mahindra XUV 3XO XUV —available in MX3, AX5, and AX7 L variants and with unmatched convenience. NDB offers tailor-made leasing solutions with minimal paperwork, no guarantor requirements, and flexible repayment plans, ensuring a seamless experience. With approvals within a day, dedicated leasing officers, and access through NDB’s island-wide network of 113 branches and 12 specialized Leasing Centers, customers can confidently take home vehicles with affordable monthly installments.

In addition to passenger vehicles, the partnership extends to Ideal Motors’ trusted Mahindra Bolero City Pickup range, Scorpio Double Cab and Scorpio Single Cab with financing solutions specially designed to support SMEs and entrepreneurs. Notably, this collaboration introduces Sri Lanka’s first-ever bank-financed leasing option for Mahindra Alfa Plus load carriers, a move aimed at empowering micro and small businesses with reliable transportation at accessible terms. Structured leasing solutions and Ijarah financing further enhance the offerings, ensuring businesses of all sizes have access to the vehicles they need to grow and succeed.

Commenting on the partnership, Dilum Amarasinghe, Assistant Vice President – Leasing at NDB, stated, Access to reliable mobility is a critical enabler of business growth. Through this collaboration with Ideal Motors, we are proud to extend financing options that will support both individuals and SMEs in achieving their ambitions. By combining Ideal’s robust vehicle portfolio with NDB’s customized leasing facilities, we are opening doors to new opportunities across the country.”

Adding to this, Ms. Nimisha Welgama, Director of Ideal Motors, commented This partnership with NDB Bank makes owning a Mahindra more accessible than ever. With our trusted after-sales network and NDB’s flexible leasing, we are empowering Sri Lankans with reliable mobility and lasting value

With Ideal Motors’ strong after-sales network and technical expertise complementing NDB’s innovative financial solutions, this partnership provides Sri Lankans with a comprehensive mobility package built on reliability, affordability, and long-term value. Together, NDB Bank and Ideal Motors are empowering businesses and individuals to move forward with confidence and success.

NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Digital Bank for SMEs at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2025 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.

September 22, 2025 at 2:10 pm | Lanka C News

Leader of the Pivithuru Hela Urumaya, Attorney-at-Law Udaya Gammanpila, expressed these views at a press conference.

He said that with the passing of the Anti-Corruption Act No. 9 of 2023 and the decision to make information in asset declarations public, the present government has run into a serious problem. Previously, an asset declaration was treated as a confidential document. It was prepared, sealed in an envelope, and submitted, to be opened only under a court order. But under the new law, everything except personal details must be published by the Bribery Commission. Unfortunately, political leaders had no idea such a law would pass. As a result, they have submitted false information without fear and hidden important details.

The asset declaration currently under discussion covers the period from April 1, 2024, to March 31, 2025. Between June 13–15, 2024, the President went on a visit to the United Kingdom. Who paid for his airline tickets? Who paid for his hotel bills? All such details should be included in the declaration. But the President has not provided them. Similarly, he undertook visits to India and Canada in 2024. The costs of those trips too should be disclosed.

It is also said that when the President goes to Anuradhapura, he does not stay at the official President’s House, but instead at Pramishka Nona’s Hummingbird Hotel. If so, that information should be included under section 8.2 – Gifts and Sponsored Tours” in the declaration. But this too has not been disclosed.

According to Gammanpila, the President’s 2025–26 asset declaration will be even more interesting. In May 2025, the President returned from Vietnam to Sri Lanka on a private jet. There were conflicting explanations about who paid for it: first the Vietnamese government, then the UN Vesak Committee, and later a Vietnamese NGO. Who actually sponsored the trip—and the cost of it—remains a mystery to this day. Gammanpila expressed hope that the upcoming declaration will reveal the truth about this mysterious” journey.

Concealing information in an asset declaration is a punishable offense with severe consequences. If an asset is hidden, it can be confiscated by the state. Additionally, concealing information can lead to a fine of Rs. 200,000 and a one-year prison sentence.

The President is not the only one at fault, Gammanpila claimed. MP Nalin Hewage’s account reportedly holds Rs. 23 million. He has said this money came as gifts for his daughter’s wedding. But if gifts exceeding Rs. 50,000 were received, the details of who gave them should have been declared. Since that information is missing, doubts arise. Without listing such gifts, it is implausible that Rs. 23 million would remain after wedding expenses. Gammanpila quipped that if Hewage saved money that way, then at the height of the economic crisis when Sri Lanka had to borrow under IMF conditions, the government should have borrowed from him instead.

The asset declaration of Minister Handunnetti, who is known to have received support from friends for everything from clothes to basic needs, was also examined. In the section on gifts received, he had handwritten: None.” Not even the name of Jayashantha, a long-time supporter known for giving him everything, was mentioned. Since 2024 was an election year, every candidate inevitably received gifts. Yet not a single minister or MP has declared any monetary or material gifts.

It is now clear, Gammanpila concluded, that underreporting the value of assets, hiding received gifts, and concealing information in asset declarations could eventually land not only the President but also all ministers and MPs in jail.

Translated from Hiru News

Samagi Jana Balawegaya Colombo District Member of Parliament Mujibur Rahuman stated that a decision has been made to inquire from the Inland Revenue Department regarding the assets of six Cabinet Ministers of the present government.

He pointed out that, under the Right to Information Act, inquiries are currently being made from the Inland Revenue Department regarding the assets of these six Cabinet Ministers.

In addition, the MP noted that information and records concerning the assets of other government representatives are also being gathered.

MP Mujibur Rahuman further said that since serious suspicions have arisen regarding the assets of these six Cabinet Ministers, it was decided to urgently seek information from the Inland Revenue Department.

He emphasized that it is a matter of grave suspicion as to how these Ministers, who are not engaged in employment or business but are fully involved in politics, have managed to accumulate such vast wealth.

The MP also added that once the information is obtained from the Inland Revenue Department, they will proceed with further action after obtaining legal advice.

Udaya Gammanpila