උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

වර්තමාන රේගු අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් සීවලී අරුක්ගොඩ මහතා ආන්දෝලනාත්මක රතු ලේබල් කන්ටේනර් නිදහස් කිරීමේ සිද්ධියේ දී එම කන්ටේනර් නිදහස් කිරීම අධීක්ෂණය සඳහා පත්කර තිබුණ නිලධාරියා බවත් එහිදී ඔහු එම අධීක්ෂණ කාර්‍යභාරයෙන් ඉවත්වී එම කන්ටේනර් නිදහස් කිරීමේ කාර්‍යභාරයට උරදී කටයුතු කර ඇති බවත් නීරීක්ෂණය වෙන බව, මේ පිළිබඳව සොයා බැලීමට පත් කළ කමිටුව සිය වාර්තාව මඟින් ප්‍රකාශ කරයි.

මෙම කමිටුව වෙත සිය කරුණු දක්වා ඇති වර්තමාන රේගු අධක්ෂ ජනරාල් සීවලි අරුක්ගොඩ මහතා, 2024/7/18 දින ඉහළ කළමනාකරණ රැස්වීමේදී ගත් තීරණය මත පදනම් කරගෙන බහාළුම් නිදහස් කිරීම සඳහා නිලධාරීන් 3කුගෙන් සමන්විත කමිටුවක් පත්කර තිබුණ බවත් එම කමිටුවේ කාර්‍යයන් අධීක්ෂණය තමන් විසින් සිදුකළ බවත් ප්‍රකාශ කර ඇත.

සීවලි අරුක්ගොඩ මහතා සඳහන් කරනු ලබන එම නිලධාරීන්ගේ කාර්‍යභාරය වී ඇත්තේ ග්‍රේලයින් 1 සහ 2 වෙත යොමුවෙන රතු ලේබල් සහිත බහාළුම් ස්කෑන් පරීක්ෂාවකින් පසුව භෞතික පරීක්ෂාවකින් තොරව නිදහස් කිරීම සඳහා නැවත මාර්ගගත කිරිම හෝ RCT වෙත පරීක්ෂාවක් සඳහා යොමු කිරීමය. එහිදී කමිටුව වෙත අදහස් දක්වන සීවලි අරුක්ගොඩ මහතා වැඩිදුරටත් ප්‍රකාශ කර ඇත්තේ මෙම කමිටුවේ විනිවිද පෙනෙන සුළුබව වැඩිකිරීම සඳහා තමන් විසින් මෙම කමිටු කාර්‍යයන් අධීක්ෂණය කළ බවය.

එම අධීක්ෂණ කාර්‍යභාරය පිළිබඳව සිය නිරීක්ෂණයන් දක්වන කමිටුව ප්‍රකාශ කරන්නේ ප්‍රස්තුත බහාළුම් 309 නිදහස් කළ දිනය වන 2025 ජනවාරි 18 වෙනි දින රැස්වූ කමිටුව සඳහා සහභාගීවී ඇත්තේ රේගු අධ්‍යක්ෂ එස්.ඒ.ටී.බී සුරවීර මහතා පමණක් බවය. ඒ අනුව ඔහුගේ එදින කාර්‍යභාරය නිරීක්ෂණය කිරීම සඳහා වර්තමාන රේගු අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් සීවලි අරුක්ගොඩ මහතා සහභාගී වී සිට ඇති බව සඳහන් කරන එම කමිටු වාර්තාව ප්‍රකාශ කරන්නේ සීවලි අරුක්ගොඩ මහතා සිය අධීක්ෂණ කාර්‍යයෙන් ඉවත්වී බහාළුම් නිදහස් කිරීම සඳහා සහභාගීවී සිට ඇති බවය.

බහාළුම් 323ක ප්‍රමානයක් කිසිඳු වගවිභාගයකින් තොරව රේගුව විසින් නිදහස්කර යවා ඇතැයි මාධ්‍ය වාර්තා පළ වීමත් සමඟ ඒ පිළිබඳව සොයා බැලීමට 2025 ජනවාරි 30 වෙනි දින අංක එම්එෆ්/එස්ටී/01/02 ලිපිය මඟින් භාණ්ඩාගාර ලේකම්වරයා විසින් කමිටුවක් පත් කළ අතර එහි සභාපතීත්වය භාණ්ඩාගාරයේ නියෝජ්‍ය ලේකම් ඒ.කේ සෙනෙවිරත්න මහතා විසින් දරනු ලැබීය.

කේ. සංජීව

Hiru News

Former President and United National Party (UNP) leader Ranil Wickremesinghe has called on all opposition parties to unite to defeat what he called “dictatorship.”

Speaking at the UNP’s 79th anniversary convention, held under the theme “Let’s Stand Together” in Colombo today, Wickremesinghe said, “Let’s all unite and get organised to defeat the attempts to establish a dictatorship by silencing opposition leaders.”

He proposed holding 1,000 public rallies across the country, with all opposition parties coming together for a common cause.

Referencing past political movements, Wickremesinghe reminded the audience of the Satyagraha campaign led by the late President J. R. Jayewardene and the ‘Pada Yatra’ led by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa.

He concluded his speech by calling on his supporters to “bring back the double-decker bus” and repeatedly urged, “Let’s unite, let’s unite, let’s unite.”

Udaya Gammanpila

Top News Lk

By Garvin Karunaratne, former G.A.Matara

As a school boy at St Peter’s College I was always dragged by my father to mount and set up a public address system at one of the LSSP meetings. He owned Radio Works Bambalapitiya and held a contract with the LSSP to supply public address systems at election meetings for years. We employed three technicians but they were busy at other meetings. I have many a time observed NM looking hard at me again and again- a schoolboy of     fifteen who could mess up a meeting. But I was up to the mark. Ultimately he found he could rely on me and stopped staring at me.

NM did not know that I was a live member of the LSSP poster pasting campaign centered at the Peradeniya University. It was done at yakku gas nagina welava- one of us kept watch for the police with sharp eyes while the rest worked fast and within hours Kandy was pasted with LSSP notices.

Years later I was Assistant Commissioner of Agrarian Services, implementing the Paddy lands Act in Kegalla District. We never invited politicians for our publicity meetings. I got a nod from him when I met him at katcheri meetings and I always bowed.

Again I was the Additional Govt Agent at Kegalla in1967 and 1968, during the UNP regime of Dudley Senanayake. I ensured that though he was in the opposition all development programs were emphatically implemented in his electorate too. . That was my duty wherever I worked. The people came first and the politicians had to somehow fall in line. At times I forgot the politicians and directed my officers to do it all like at Weligama where Pani could never be found by anyone. .

I was away on a scholarship at Manchester University scored a Distinction in Community Development and came back to serve my Motherland. My wife tried to persuade me to stay in the UK and pursue studies as at times our lives had been ruined by politicians and we had to be on the run. That was Maitripala Senanayake ordering me out of Anuradhapura in minutes- ordered me not to enter my own office and got me transferred. I had interdicted and sacked a number of his men for fraud. I decided to get back as we have to serve our Motherland. If not for out free university studies I could not afford to become as grad,. 

When I returned from the scholarship I was not given a posting. I was moved to the Pool of unwanted administrators. I used to go to the public library every morning on my way to the Ministry find a novel and read it seated somewhere in the Ministry. In the second month, one day all the peons were searching for me and I was rushed to the phone.

“I am NM here. I am told that you spend your time at the Ministry reading novels.? “

“Yes sir, I have asked to be posted anywhere and have never been given a job.” I replied.

“Did you not know that I am the Minister of Finance. Come and see me at once.” He slammed the phone. My head was reeling as to what would happen to me and I drove as fast as I could to his office and was ushered in.

His eyes were rolling in anger.

“Why have you not told me.” He kept scolding me for some five minutes and stopped.

“Tell me where you want to work.”

Anywhere.” I replied.

No tell me where.” he ordered.

“Small Industries”.

He took the phone and spoke to someone;

I am sending my man. Give him a posting in Small Industries .”.

Then to me, Go and meet Subasinghe and get down to work.”

I went and met Mr Subasinghe the Minister for Industries.

NM told me to post you to Small Industries. There is no suitable vacant post as Deputy Director. I told the Secretary to create a post for you. Go and meet him.”

A post of Deputy Director was created in three days and I got down to work.

Again I came into direct contact in implementing the Divisional Development Councils Programme in Matara. That was not :Premier Sirimavo’s programme. It was NM at his best. In his 1970 Budget Speech he tells of his aim: “to fulfill the aspirations of thousands of young men and women for whom life will lose all meaning unless they can find a useful place in our society”. He head hunted the most prominent economist of the day, Professor HAdeS Gunasekera and to get the programme off the ground got him to go to the Districts by helicopter. I can remember greeting him, at the helicopter in Matara several times. We ducked our heads as some soldier had been decapitated at Katunayake earlier. That was the one time that an administrator was given a helicopter to travel.

Dr NM came again and again inquiring about the progress of the projects creating employment for the people he loved. He kept listening and would pose a question that was difficult to answer. It was a master teaching a child.

We struggled along, stumbling at times, in creating employment. Once he was due to open the batik and sewing unit at Tittapaddara. We managed to avoid a catastrophe there. I quote from my book: Papers on the Economic Development of Sri lanka(Godages):

Batik training was at that time not done by any state Department and it continued to be in the hands of the private sector with a high margin of profit…. The services of a batik dyeing entrepreneur was obtained from Galle, the adjoining district. He held initial discussions, provided details of tanks to be built and the ingredients to be purchased.. Twenty girls were found and tanks were built to his approval. He inspected the tanks met the girls and everything was in perfect order

With only 48 hours for the opening it became clear that the private entrepreneur was backing out. It was found that he had gone to Colombo and was missing. Hell was let lose and that entire Sunday morning about five key officers were telephoning all over- jeeps were rushing here and there and we were all lost. My wife was coming downstairs and inquired why many of us were there instead of being at Polhena for a bath. Finally she agreed to be the batik instructor and she and a cousin Welangoda were there for the opening session -lesson and continued teaching a for two full years working on Saturdays. That was a narrow shave.

I met Dr NM last when I hosted him for dinner at my Residency. It was a grand occasion with other members of parliament like Sumanapala Dahanayake. I managed it all- firstly to ensure that no one got poisoned. It was well known that a glass of orange juice offered to Prime Minister Bandaranayake was instead drunk by Minister CP de Silva and he was taken ill, even taken to Harley Street and never fully restored. Once my own Field Officer, GKGS Perera was summoned by me for a flying squad activity in Ambalantota by me and he went to the Ambalantota Rest House for his mid day meal. Then I worked in Ambalantota covering the Southern Province in the Marketing Department. GKGS had luckily brought a driver along and the driver hogged the kitchen area while the master GKGS was seated to be served with the meal. The driver over heard a waiter taking a meal to be served muttering. “how can I keep this meal to a sir who has a gleaming smile.” That driver was smart to peep and see the meal being placed on the table where his master GKGS was seated. He rushed and stopped him partaking the meal.

That event also moved me to give up staying alone in a small  house in Ambalantota, armed with my gun a double barrel.  I gave a call to a friend Sepala Ediriweera. the Post Master at Tangalla and stayed with him from that night. 

I did not go to bid good bye when I left the Ad Service. I knew that he would object. He had heard of my idea and had sent me two messages. I knew he was going to dissuade me from resigning and proceeding abroad. Anyhow I think I was right because though we went through hell at times being waiters at the Michigan State Cafeteria, working fifteen hours a day, when we ran out of funds, we succeeded in studies, my acquiring the M.Ed, M.Phil and Ph.D. and my wife bagging the M.Ed, I have  been able to write some worthwhile books.

In later life. as an international consultant I managed to design and implement the Youth Self Employment Programme of Bangladesh and train the staff of the Bangladeshi Civil Service to continue it after my two year consultancy ended and this is today the premier employment creation programme the world has known, having bagged over three million youths becoming commercially viable entrepreneurs within four decades. This is a continuing programme, coveted by the Bangladesh Government. When Muhammed Yunus had his Grameen Bank Loan Scheme many organizations and universities flocked to Bangladesh and copied it in the USA. The Youth Self Employment Programme which I set up is more worth looking at to create employment and also produce what we import. Today the news is that we are again importing Keeri Samba. We have all the resources to make all our jam and fruit juice and we can easily produce all the rice we need within one to two years. It was President Premadasa that kicked all agricultural officers up stairs to become Grama Niladharis. Unfortunately the Ministry of Agriculture is asleep.

When will we ever learn.

It would be ideal if a  programme of employment and production creation similar to the Divisional Development Councils Programme of 1970-1976 is implemented with immediate effect to stop the economic meltdown of today. This is a task that can be easily accomplished.

Dr NM belongs to that group of sincere, patriotic political leaders that adorned Sri Lanka. I am happy to have worked under his tutelage, a personality for whom I hold a great admiration.

Garvin Karunaratne

Government Agent, Matara 1971-1973

garvin _karunaratne@hotmail,com 17/09/2025

Dr Sarath Obeysekera Ex CEO Cololmbo Dockyard Pvt Ltd and chairman advisory board under EDB to develop Marine and Offshore Industry 

1. Introduction

Sri Lanka stands at a critical juncture in its economic and industrial development. The current Government’s development priorities, especially under the NPP administration, recognize that a robust and skilled workforce is indispensable for sustainable economic growth. While university education remains important, the country faces a significant gap in skilled labour, technicians, and blue-collar professionals essential for industrial, maritime, and service sectors.

2. Rationale

• Workforce Imbalance: Overemphasis on university degrees has resulted in insufficient numbers of technically skilled workers and technicians.
• Industrial Demands: Strategic sectors such as shipbuilding, offshore engineering, manufacturing, construction, and high-value services demand a large pool of skilled workers.
• Global Competitiveness: Countries that prioritize vocational training have demonstrated higher industrial productivity and foreign investment inflows.

3. Policy Objectives

1. Prioritize Vocational Training: Elevate vocational and technical education to the same level of importance as university education.
2. Increase Skilled Labour Supply: Produce a pipeline of well-trained technicians and service professionals to meet current and future demand.
3. Support Economic Growth: Strengthen critical sectors such as shipbuilding, offshore industries, and the service sector to drive industrialization and export earnings.

4. Policy Measures

4.1 Financial Support Mechanisms

• Allocate a sizeable budget for vocational training programs in the annual national budget.
• Provide grants to public and private vocational training institutes to enhance facilities, curriculum, and instructor quality.
• Offer low-interest loans or interest-free student loans for trainees, with options for repayment after employment.
• Introduce collateral-free loan schemes for youth from low-income backgrounds to access technical training.

4.2 Institutional Capacity Development

• Strengthen existing institutions such as NAITA, DTET, and Vocational Training Authority.
• Encourage public-private partnerships (PPPs) to establish new training centers in high-demand sectors (marine, offshore, construction, ICT, hospitality).
• Introduce industry-led apprenticeship programs with recognized certifications.

4.3 Curriculum and Standards

• Align training curricula with international standards and emerging industry needs.
• Focus on practical, hands-on training in addition to theory.
• Regularly review and update curricula with input from industry stakeholders.

4.4 Sector Focus

• Shipbuilding and Offshore Sector: Develop specialized training programs in welding, mechanical and electrical maintenance, offshore safety, and environmental management.
• Service Sector: Hospitality, logistics, health care, and ICT support services.
• Green and Blue Economy: Skills for renewable energy, marine resource management, and sustainable fisheries.

5. Implementation Strategy

• Establish a National Vocational Skills Development Council to coordinate and monitor progress.
• Set annual targets for trainee enrollment, certifications, and job placements.
• Introduce a skills passport system to certify and track worker qualifications nationally and internationally.
• Mobilize foreign and local investment to upgrade training infrastructure.

6. Expected Outcomes

• Creation of a skilled workforce ready for domestic and international employment.
• Reduction of youth unemployment by channeling school leavers into high-demand vocational careers.
• Enhanced foreign direct investment (FDI) due to availability of skilled technical labour.
• Boost to the shipbuilding, offshore, and service industries, accelerating industrialization.

7. Conclusion

By prioritizing vocational training and technical skills development, Sri Lanka can ensure a balanced, inclusive, and sustainable path to industrialization. This policy will create the foundation for long-term economic growth, empower youth with employable skills, and position the nation as a regional leader in technical excellence.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Ex CEO Cololmbo Dockyard Pvt Ltd and chairman advisory board under EDB to develop Marine and Offshore Industry 

Senaka Weeraratna 

Imran Khan delivered the ‘ MCC Spirit of Cricket Cowdrey Lecture’ in 2010. 

In this riveting lecture full of exciting personal anecdotes Imran Khan refers also to the tensions on the field due to poor umpiring decisions stemming from either negligence or deliberate wrong doing usually favouring the home side.  

He cites a specific example of an incident in a Test Match played in the Caribbean Islands between the West Indies and Pakistan in 1987 where the newly arrived batsman to the crease Vivian Richards at a crucial moment of the game was declared ‘ Not Out’ to a ball bowled by Imran Khan ( an outswinging ball that turned inward) catching Richards plumb in front of the middle stump of the wicket, to the horror of everyone witnessing the game. The Pakistani fielders had repeatedly appealed to the Umpire (from the home side) for a LBW decision but to no avail.  The reprieved Richards had then proceeded to score a century. 

The match had ended in a draw but may have turned in Pakistan’s favour if not for this Umpiring lapse, which Imran Khan identifies as deliberate Umpire wrong doing thereby distorting the final outcome of the game.

Cricket had no answer to these systemic Umpiring howlers which had been part of the game since its inception.

The entry of Technology however enabled a solution to be found. That solution was the ‘ Player Referral’ concept conceived by Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna in 1997. It was adopted by the ICC without due acknowledgement or mention of the name of the true author of the concept, as the Umpire Decision Review System (UDRS).in 2006 and later abbreviated as DRS ( Decision Review System). The ICC is using DRS without ownership of the copyright and without the consent of the true owner of the copyright, in all three formats of the game to this day. It is just not cricket.

.

This palpable injustice done to a significant contribution made by a Sri Lankan lawyer, by the ICC and its affiliates, continues to linger leaving a poor taste in the mouth of all the affectionados of cricket worldwide.

Senaka Weeraratna 

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Sept. 19 (Daily Mirror) – The World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) released the Global Innovation Index (GII) 2025 with Sri Lanka positioned at the 93rd spot.  

Last year, Sri Lanka ranked the 89th spot in the index.

Published annually since 2007, the ranking uses 80 indicators – from research and development (R&D) spending, venture capital deals, to high-tech exports and intellectual property filings – to evaluate how innovative 139 world economies are.

Switzerland remains the world’s innovation leader in 2025. China enters the top 10 for the first time, while middle-income economies – India, Türkiye, Viet Nam, the Philippines, Indonesia, Morocco, Albania and Iran – are the fastest climbers since 2013.

Switzerland tops the Global Innovation Index (GII) for a 15th consecutive year (Figure 1). It remains the global leader in the Creative outputs pillar and secures a top five position across all other pillars, except for Human capital and research (6th).

Sweden and the United States of America retain their 2nd and 3rd positions for the third year in a row.

The Republic of Korea climbs to 4th place in 2025 – its highest position to date.  Singapore remains within the top 5, despite slipping down one rank to 5th in 2025.

China enters the GII top 10 for the first time, leading globally in Knowledge and technology outputs. As the only middle-income economy within the top 30, China continues to lead its income group and ranks 3rd in its region, behind Singapore and the Republic of Korea. China is set to become the top R&D spender in 2024, according to WIPO estimates. 

WIPO Director General Daren Tang said that countries that view innovation as a fundamental engine of resilience, growth and competitiveness” are observed to perform better in the ranking.

This year’s GII reveals both encouraging progress as well as challenges that still need to be addressed for countries to fully harness their innovation potential. It is a reminder that innovation ecosystems require support and nurturing through thoughtful policies, meaningful investments and cross-sector collaboration,” Tang said. 

However, the findings indicate R&D spending growth slowed to 2.9% in 2024, down from 4.4% the previous year and marking its weakest pace since the 2010 financial crisis. WIPO projects a further decline to 2.3% in 2025.

Corporate R&D spending reached a record USD 1.3 trillion in 2024. However, growth in nominal terms slowed to 3.2%, or 1% in real terms, far below the 8% average for the past decade,” reads the report.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතාව ඉහළ නැංවීමේ අරමුණින් පොළොන්නරුව නගරයේ සහ ඒ අවට ආහාර පරිහරණය කරන ආයතන ශ්‍රේණිගත කිරීමේ සහ ඇගයීමේ උත්සවයක් කථානායක වෛද්‍ය ජගත් වික්‍රමරත්නගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් පැවැත්වුණා.

එම අවස්ථාවට එක්වෙමින් කථානායකවරයා සඳහන් කළේ, වසර 40ක් වූ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ඉතිහාසය තුළ කිසිදු අවස්ථාවක මුළුතැන්ගෙය මහජන සෞඛ්‍ය පරීක්ෂකවරුන්ගේ අධීක්ෂණයකට හෝ ලක්වී නොමැති බවයි.

එම අවස්ථාවේදී ඔහු වැඩි දුරටත් පැවසුවේ, ”දැන් අපි දැක්කා ඉස්සර පොළොන්නරු දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ අපේ ආහාර පරිහරණය කරන ආයතනවල කුස්සි වල හැටි. එහෙන් ඒ කුස්සියක් මම මේ ළඟදිත් ආයේ දැක්කා. කොහෙද කියලා හිතෙනවාද. ශ්‍රී ලංකා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුව හදලා අවුරුදු හතළිහයි. කිසිම මහජන පරීක්ෂකවරයෙකුට, කිසිම සෞඛ්‍ය වෛද්‍ය නිලධාරී කෙනෙකුට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව අභන්තරයට ඇවිල්ලා ආහාරය check කරන තැන් බලන්න අවසරයක් දීලා තිබිලා නැහැ. ඒක වෙනම රාජ්‍යක්. මම සෞඛ්‍ය අමාත්‍යංශයට ලියලා බත්තරමුල්ලේ සෞඛ්‍ය නිලධාරීතුමත්, මහජන සෞඛ්‍ය පරීක්ෂකවරුත්, පාර්ලිමේන්තු සංකීර්ණයට ඇවිල්ලා පරීක්ෂා කරලා බැලුවා. මට වාර්තාවක් දුන්නා. ඒ වාර්තාව අපේ ගෘහ කාරක සභාවට ඉදිරිපත් කළා. මම එදායින් පස්සේ මේ සලාද එහෙම කන එකත් නතර කළා. මම හිතන්නේ පක්ෂ විපක්ෂ මන්ත්‍රීවරු දෙගොල්ලොම බඩ දඟලන්න ඇති කියලා මම හිතනවා.

මීයෝ ගිය පාරවල් තියෙනවා. කැරපොත්තෝ ගිය පාරවල් තියෙනවා. බිම කැඩිලා, පුස් හැදිලා, උයන භාජන, ඇඹරිලා, නැමිලා, දෙකට නැමිලා අර දාර අස්සේ කළු පාට තියෙන, ඇත්තටම දැක්කහම, මේ ටික තව මාධ්‍යට නිකුත් කරේ නැහැ. මම හිතන්නේ හෙට, අනිද්දා මාධ්‍යටත් ඒක එයි. මේවා එන්න ඕනේ. මොකද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට කියන්නේ උත්තරීතර ආයතනයක්. නීති සම්පාදනය කරන තැනක්. හිතන්නකෝ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විශේෂ පනතක්, තුනෙන් දෙකේ හරි සම්මත වෙන දවසට ඔක්කොටම මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට බඩ එළියවත් යන්න පටන් ගත්තොත් බරපතල ප්‍රශ්නයක්. ඉතින් මෙහෙම රටක අපි ඉන්නේ. ඉතින් ඒවා එනකොට නිලධාරීන් අපිත් එක්ක බොහොම සතුටෙන් තමයි ඉන්නේ.

ඒ හින්දා තමයි මේ දවස්වල කථානායකවරයාටත් එක එක කතන්දර කියනවා. PHIත් කියනවා මට” යනුවෙන්.

SL Leaders

ඉඩමේ අගය දන්නේ නෑ, රත්තරන් බඩුවල අගය දන්නේ නෑ.. බැංකු ගිණුමක් නෑ, කවුද මේ ඇමතිලා? – 209 වන දිගහැරුම

Shenali D Waduge Sri Lankan Citizen  

18 September 2025

Subject: 
Urgent Legal Inquiry Regarding Public Display of LTTE Symbols Near UNHRC, Geneva

To:
Swiss Federal Authorities / Permanent Mission of Switzerland in Geneva
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
UN Geneva Security
Permanent Mission of Sri Lanka to the UN, Geneva

Dear Sir/Madam,

I write as a concerned Sri Lankan citizen to formally raise urgent legal and human rights concerns regarding the public display of symbols, flags, portraits, and banners associated with the Libe ration Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)near the UNHRC premises in Geneva, specifically around the Broken Chair at Place des Nations.

1. Background

·      The LTTE is a proscribed terrorist organisation in Sri Lanka, the UK, EU, US, and 32 other countries.

·      Banning a terrorist organisation automatically bans all terrorist-related symbols. All LTTE-related symbols — flags, logos, portraits, the Karthigaipoo flower, Lebbek/Vahai tree, and other emblems — must also be legally banned in every country that continues to ban the LTTE.

·      Photographic and video evidence shows these symbols being publicly displayed in Geneva in September 2025, adjacent to UN premises and during UNHRC sessions.

2. Legal Context

·      Swiss Law: Articles 260bis and related provisions of the Swiss Criminal Code prohibit support, glorification, or promotion of te rrorism. 

Does the public display of LTTE symbols constitute such prohibited acts?

·    UN Responsibilities: 

Under the UN Headquarters Agreement and consistent with UN Security Council Resolutions, Switzerland, as the host country, is obligated to ensure that domestic laws prohibiting the glorificati on of terrorism are upheld within its territory, including areas adjacent to UN premises. Allowing the display of symbols associated with proscribed terrorist organizations may contravene these obligations. 

Who has given authority for LTTE, a banned organisation to flaunt terror insignia within or near UN premises?

·      International Counter-Terrorism Obligations: 

Switzerland, as a UN member, is obliged under UNSC Resolutions 1373 and 1267 to preve nt support for terrorist groups. 

Why has Swiss police not taken action against pro-LTTE insignia & events in Geneva?

3. Key Concerns and Questions

1.    Banning LTTE Symbols

·      Under what legal provisions are LTTE flags, portraits, and other symbols permitted in Geneva, especially near UNHRC premises?

·      How does this align with Swiss law and international counter-terrorism obligations?

2.    Protection of Civilians vs Glorification of Terrorists

·      UN and Swiss authorities are mandated to protect unarmed civilians and prevent violence.

·      Allowing LTTE symbols glorifies individuals responsible for mass murders and terrorism, directly contradicting this mandate.

·      Some posters are even demanding LTTE be allowed to continue hold ing weapons.

·      Displaying these symbols constitutes indirect support or encouragement of terrorism, actionable under Swiss law and international counter-terrorism norms.

3.    Violation of UN Premises Neutrality

·      UN premises and adjacent public areas must remain neutral spaces for diplomacy and human rights, not platforms for any banned terrorist organisation.

·      Allowing LTTE symbols erodes the neutrality of UN premises and implies tacit acceptance of terrorist glorification.

4.    Selective Tolerance / Double Standard

·      Would symbols of Al Qaeda, ISIS, or Boko Haram ever be permitted under similar circumstances?

·      If not, what justifies the differential treatment of the LTTE, a proscribed terrorist organisation as well?

5.    Future Risk Scenario

·      Current tolerance sets a dangerous precedent. 

In 2026, what if Al Qaeda, ISIS, or other proscribed terrorist organisations attempt similar displays outside the Broken Chair or other UN landmarks?

·      Authorities must clarify and enforce consistent legal standards now to prevent such abuses.

6.     Implications for Sri Lanka

·      Pressuring Sri Lanka to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act or establish Truth Commissions, while LTTE symbols are tolerate d internationally and LTTE groups demand to continue holding weapons, undermines national security, the rule of law, and counter-terrorism credibility. It also renders reconciliation mechanisms demanded by UN/UNHRC meaningless.

4. Request for Action

·      Provide a written explanation of the Swiss legal and administrative grounds permitting these displays of LTTE terrorist insignia.

·      Clarify UNHRC policies and enforcement regarding terrorist symbols near UN premises.

·      Take immediate measures to ensure compliance with domestic and international anti-terrorism laws, and prevent glorification of terrorist organisations.

·      Ensure that UN premises and adjacent areas are aligned with the mandate to protect civilians, not provide a platform for banned terrorist organisations.

Attachments: 

Photographs and videos documenting LTTE symbols displayed near the Broken Chair, Place des Nations, Geneva September 2025.

I respectfully request a written response clarifying the legal and procedural basis for these public displays.

Sincerely,
Shenali D Waduge
Sri Lankan Citizen  

By Dr. Sarath Obeysekera

Sri Lanka stands at a pivotal moment with the new government trying to woo investors and bring FDI

 Surrounded by one of the world’s busiest maritime corridors and blessed with vast ocean resources, the island nation has the potential to transform its economy by embracing the blue economy. To do this, Sri Lanka must move beyond traditional tourism and low-value exports and aggressively promote foreign direct investment (FDI) in high-value ocean-related industries.

# Offshore Engineering Hub in Trincomalee

Trncomalee offers one of the deepest and safest natural harbours in Asia. It could serve as a nucleus for the offshore engineering sector, attracting foreign consultancy and engineering firms with EPCM backgrounds to set up in Sri Lanka. Establishing design offices, fabrication yards, and training centres in Trincomalee would allow Sri Lanka to tap into lucrative global offshore oil, gas, and renewable projects.

# Port City as a Magnet for Expertise and Capital

The Colombo Port City development can be positioned as an international offshore engineering and project management hub. By offering tax incentives, liberal visa regimes, and high-quality housing, Sri Lanka can attract expatriate professionals and global service providers. This would bring technical know-how and business networks into the country, helping local firms climb the value chain.

# Unlocking Marine Resources

The island’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) covers an area eight times its land mass. This provides opportunities for:

• Offshore mineral resource exploration and development
• Deep-sea tuna farming using advanced aquaculture systems
• Green hydrogen production using offshore wind and solar platforms, aimed at export markets hungry for clean energy

# Tourism Meets Marine Infrastructure

Sri Lanka can integrate tourism and fisheries development by establishing mini-marinas at fishery harbours, enabling small craft tourism, yacht charters, and eco-adventure tours. Developing a mega-yacht marina at Colombo Port City and improving facilities such as the Kapparatota breakwater in Weligama would encourage public-private partnerships (PPPs) and attract international marina operators.

# Policy and Incentives

To succeed, Sri Lanka must create a coherent policy framework offering:

• Targeted tax incentives for ocean-related FDI
• PPP-friendly regulations for marina and harbour development
• Stable foreign exchange and customs rules for offshore investors
• Joint training initiatives with international universities and engineering bodies

# A New Vision for the Indian Ocean Region

By becoming a centre for offshore engineering, aquaculture, renewable energy, and marine tourism, Sri Lanka can position itself as a Blue Economy Gateway” to South Asia. This will not only generate high-value jobs but also elevate the country’s technological capabilities, bringing in expertise from Europe, the Middle East, and Asia.

Sri Lanka’s future prosperity lies offshore. With bold policy moves, strategic infrastructure, and a welcoming environment for expatriates and investors, the island can transform its maritime advantage into long-term economic growth.

Dr. Sarath Obeysekera is the Chairman of the Advisory Board for Marine and Offshore Industry under the Export Development Board and former CEO of Colombo Dockyard.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

By Dr. Sarath Obeysekera

Colombo Dockyard PLC (CDL), once hailed as a flagship of Sri Lanka’s industrial base, has recently secured contracts for highly specialised vessels — including cable laying ships for European clients and hybrid green bulk carriers. Yet despite this technically prestigious order book, the company under its long-standing Japanese management struggled to deliver consistent profits.

Several factors explain this paradox.

*Thin Margins on Niche Contracts

Specialized vessels such as cable layers are awarded through competitive global tenders. To secure work, CDL bid aggressively, which left razor-thin margins. Rising costs of steel, imported components and equipment further eroded profitability.

*Currency and Import Pressures

Although CDL earns much of its revenue in foreign currency, wages and overheads are rupee-denominated. The rapid depreciation of the Sri Lankan rupee and shortages of foreign exchange caused delays in paying overseas suppliers, generating penalties and cost overruns.

*High Fixed Costs and Low Yard Utilisation

A shipyard’s profitability depends on keeping its docks, cranes and workforce fully employed. CDL’s yard utilisation fluctuated, with only one or two large builds at a time. When repair volumes fell, fixed costs – labour, energy and maintenance – consumed much of the profit from ongoing projects.

*Limited Local Supply Chains

Shipbuilding-grade steel, marine engines and electronics still have to be imported. With Sri Lanka’s port congestion and import restrictions, this dependency increased lead times and exposure to global price volatility.

*Talent Retention Challenges

Shipbuilding demands highly skilled welders, engineers and fitters. Trained staff frequently left for higher-paying jobs in the Middle East and Asia. CDL had to spend heavily on training and incentives to retain its workforce.CDL has been forced to employ Indian skilled welders and fabricators ar high costs to meet delivery dates

*Missed Opportunities in Offshore and Defence

Despite its strategic location, CDL did not diversify strongly into the lucrative offshore energy or naval segments, unlike Indian or Singaporean competitors. Without government-backed export credit or policy support, CDL could not match the financing packages offered by larger Asian yards.Japanesel were always reluctant to diversify into  offshore engineering sector 

*Strategic Limitations of Japanese Management

Onomichi Dockyard provided technical assistance but maintained a conservative approach. CDL remained a small satellite yard rather than a fully empowered international builder. This strategic restraint limited its ability to scale up and earn higher returns.During the last few decades Japanese management hardy go5 involved in management of thE company 

*Conclusion

Colombo Dockyard’s predicament highlights a larger lesson for Sri Lanka’s industrial policy. Technical capacity alone does not guarantee profitability. Without scale, strong financing, and a diversified portfolio, even prestigious contracts can turn into low-margin business. As Sri Lanka considers new partnerships in Trincomalee and beyond, learning from CDL’s experience will be crucial to avoid repeating the same pitfalls.

Dr. Sarath Obeysekera is a former CEO of Colombo Dockyard and Chairman of the Advisory Board for Marine and Offshore Industry under the Export Development Board.

Ceehalé World Heritage Foundation

Ceehalé World Heritage Foundation (CWHF) announces that a formal complaint has been filed with the
United Nations Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) concerning the Sri Lanka Accountabilit
Project (SLAP).
The complaint has been submitted in public interest by Venerable Kassapa of Great Britain, the Founder
of CWHF, Anuradha Yahampath, former Governor of the Eastern Province of Sri Lanka, Rear Admiral Dr.
Sarath Weerasekera, former Cabinet Minister and Member of Parliament, and Dharshan Weerasekera,
Attorney-at-Law.
The OIOS is UN’s own watchdog body, created to ensure that the organization complies with its rules
and uses contributions of Member States with integrity and prudence. It functions as an independent
oversight and investigative arm of the UN, with authority to audit projects, review procedures, and
examine possible misuse of resources. By directing their complaint to this specialized unit, the
complainants have ensured that their concerns will be considered by the very body mandated to hold the
UN to account to its own operations and funtions.
The complaint calls for an urgent investigation into the administrative, financial, and procedural conduct
of SLAP, which has cost UN Member States nearly USD 16 million since its establishment in 2021. Despite
the vast sums expended, the project has provided almost no transparency in how funds are used, how
evidence is collected, or how information is shared with foreign governments and courts.
SLAP was created under UN Human Rights Council Resolution 46/1 to gather and preserve evidence of
alleged violations committed during Sri Lanka’s armed conflict. Yet successive reports from the Office of
the High Commissioner for Human Rights have devoted at the end of four years, no more than one or
two pages to the SLAP project. It has failed to to explain the sources of evidence for the SLAP’s
repository, the credibility of those sources, or the procedures for collaboration with external actors. Fouryears on, there have been no prosecutions, no verified evidence disclosed, and no assurance that the
mechanism meets even basic standards of impartiality.
The complainants emphasize that they are not challenging the authority of the Human Rights Council
itself, nor the principle of reconciliation, but instead seek to ensure that UN mechanisms adhere to the
same standards of accountability that the UN expects of its Member States. They argue that without
corrective oversight, SLAP risks becoming a politicized and wasteful exercise that undermines both Sri
Lanka’s sovereignty and the credibility of international human rights work.
With SLAP’s mandate scheduled for renewal, the complaint urges OIOS to conduct a full investigation
before any extension is approved. Ceehalé World Heritage Foundation based in the UK, calls on Sri
Lankans, the Sri Lankan diaspora, and concerned international allies to join in pressing the Human Rights
Council not to extend SLAP’s mandate until transparency and accountability are guaranteed.
After four years and USD 16 million spent, the world deserves answers.
Ceehalé World Heritage Foundation

වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන

ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම  ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83.b ඡේදය, සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම  ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83.ආ ඡේදයට ගැලපෙන ලෙස නිවැරදිව ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවට පරිවර්තනය කරන ලෙස මැතිවරණ කොමිසමේ සභාපති විසින් ජනාධිපති ලේකම්ට දැනුම් දී ඇති හෙයින් 1978  සිංහල, දෙමළ සහ ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂා ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පත්, කෙටුම්පත් කළ නීති කෙටුම්පත් සම්පාදක දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ නිලධාරීන් ගැන තොරතුරු, නීති කෙටුම්පත් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ තොරතුරු නිලධාරී වෙතින්  2016 අංක 12 දරන තොරතුරු දැනගැනීමේ අයිතිවාසිකම පිළිබඳ පනත යටතේ වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහනේ සමායෝජක නීතීඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන මහතා විසින් 2025.09.16  ඉල්ලා ඇත.

එමගින් ඉල්ලා ඇති තොරතුරු වන්නේ..,

1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ සිංහල, දෙමළ, ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂා කෙටුම්පත්, කෙටුම්පත් කිරීමට නීති කෙටුම්පත් සම්පාදක දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව සම්බන්ධ වී ඇති බවට නීති කෙටුම්පත් සම්පාදක දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව සතුව වාර්තා/ තොරතුරු තිබේද?

ඉහත ප්‍රශ්නයට තොරතුර/ පිළිතුර “ඔව්” ලෙස ලැබෙන්නේ නම්

අ.) 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ සිංහල භාෂා කෙටුම්පත, කෙටුම්පත් කිරීමට සම්බන්ධ වූ නිලධාරියා/ නිලධාරීන් ලෙස වාර්තා වී ඇත්තේ කවුද?

ආ.) 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ දෙමළ භාෂා කෙටුම්පත, කෙටුම්පත් කිරීමට සම්බන්ධ වූ නිලධාරියා / නිලධාරීන් ලෙස වාර්තා වී ඇත්තේ කවුද?

ඇ.) 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ ඉංග්‍රීසි  භාෂා කෙටුම්පත, කෙටුම්පත් කිරීමට සම්බන්ධ වූ නිලධාරියා/ නිලධාරීන් ලෙස වාර්තා වී ඇත්තේ කවුද?

ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ඇති 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83.b ඡේදය,  සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් ඇති 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83.ආ ඡේදයට ගැලපෙන ලෙස නිවැරදිව ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවට පරිවර්තනය කර පළ කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගන්නා ලෙස මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවේ සභාපති විසින් ජනාධිපති ලේකම් වෙත දැනුම් දී ඇති බව නීති කෙටුම්පත් සම්පාදක දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව වෙත වාර්තා වී තිබේද?

මෙම් තොරතුරු ඉල්ලීම RTI/7/2025 අංක යටතේ නීති කෙටුම්පත් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ තොරතුරු නිලධාරී විසින් ලියාපදිංචි කර ඇති අතර,

මෙම තොරතුරු ඉල්ලීමට අදාල වාර්තා නීති කෙටුම්පත් සම්පාදක දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව සතුව නොමැති හෙයින් එනම් 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව කෙටුම්පත් කළ නීති කෙටුම්පත් සම්පාදක දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ නිලධාරීන් පිළිබඳ තොරතුරු නැති පදනමින් එකී තොරතුරු ලබා දීමට නොහැකි බවට 2025.09.17 දින පිළිතුරු ලබා දී ඇත.

එසේම ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ඇති 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83.b ඡේදය,  සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් ඇති 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83.ආ ඡේදයට ගැලපෙන ලෙස නිවැරදිව ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවට පරිවර්තනය කර පළ කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගන්නා ලෙස මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවේ සභාපති විසින් ජනාධිපති ලේකම් වෙත දැනුම් දී ඇති බව නීති කෙටුම්පත් සම්පාදක දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව වෙත වාර්තා වී නැති බව නීති කෙටුම්පත් සම්පාදක දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ තොරතුරු නිලධාරී පිළිතුරු ලබා දී ඇති අතර තවද ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා ස‍ංශෝධනයට අදාල යෝජනාවක් අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලයේ යෝජනාවක් ලෙස අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලයේ  අනුමැතිය ඇතිව නීති කෙටුම්පත් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට යොමු විය යුතු බවත් දන්වා ඇත.

මෙම පිළිතුරෙන් අතෘප්තියට පත් නීතීඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන මහතා 2016 අංක 12 දරන තොරතුරු දැනගැනීමේ අයිතිවාසිකම පිළිබඳ පනතේ අභියාචනා කාර්ය පටිපාටිය යටතේ RTI- 10 ආකෘතිය යටතේ අභියාචනයක් නම් කළ නිලධාරී වෙත 2025.09.18 දින ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇත.

අභියාචනය ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට අදාල නෛතික පදනම ලෙස නීතීඥවරයා සඳහන් කර ඇත්තේ සම්පුර්ණ නොවූ, නොමග යවන හෝ සාවද්‍ය තොරතුරු ලබා දීම සහ ඉල්ලා ඇති තොරතුරු වෙත ප්‍රවේශවීම වැළැක්වීම සඳහා එම තොරතුරු විකෘතිකර හෝ විනාශකර හෝ අස්ථානකර ඇති බවට සැකකරන බවයි.

එසේම පවතින නීතිය, ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව සහ ලේඛන සංරක්ෂණය කිරීමට අදාල නීති වලට පටහැනිව පිළිතුරු ලබා දී ඇති බවත් තොරතුරු ලබා නොදී ඇති බවත් නීතීඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන මහතා සිය අභියාචනයෙන් දක්වා ඇති අතර, සිය තොරතුරු ඉල්ලීමට අදාල තොරතුරු ලබා දෙන ලෙස නීති කෙටුම්පත් සම්පාදක දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ නම් කළ නිලධාරී වෙතින් ඉල්ලා ඇත.

http://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2025/09/1978.html?m=1

මාධ්‍ය ‍අංශය,
වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන. දුරකථන 0712063394
2025.09.18

Courtesy The Island

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) has requested the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery and Corruption (CIABOC) to investigate and find out how Trade, Commerce, Food Security and Cooperative Development Minister Wasantha Samarasinghe amassed as much as Rs 275 mn.

SJB leader Sajith Premadasa has asked the SJB’s Anti-Corruption Movement (ACM) to go ahead with its move in the wake of disclosure of Samarasinghe’s asset declaration for 2025. Asset declarations are mandatory for all members of Parliament.

Colombo District MP Mujibur Rahman, who heads the ACM, told The Island that the SJB had raised the issue with CIABOC’s Director General, High Court Judge Ranga Dissanayake, who assumed office as the new Director General on 10 January, this year.

Rahman vowed that the SJB would go all out on the issue at hand as the NPP accused all other political parties of corruption, at all levels, over the years.

Referring to the continuing controversy over asset declarations made by several other NPP ministers, MP Rahman said that the SJB had asked CIABOC to also inquire into Industry and Entrepreneurship Development Minister Sunil Handunetti, Transport, Highways, Ports and Civil Aviation and Leader of the House Bimal Rathnayake, Health and Mass Media Minister and Cabinet spokesman Dr. Nalinda Jayathissa, Energy Minister Punyasiri Jayakody and Deputy Minister of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs and Attorney-at-Law Sunil Watagala.

Former UNPer Rahman said that Minister Samarasinghe’s feeble explanations via various television channels and social media platforms with regard to Rs 275 mn in assets were a stark reminder of the challenges faced by CIABOC and the Attorney General. Responding to The Island queries, MP Rahman said that it would be the responsibility of the CIABOC, as well as Parliament, to ascertaub the truth.

By Huzefa Aliasger, Courtesy The Daily Mirror

• Sri Lankan passport drops to 97th in global ranking within six months
• Sri Lankans have visa free access to only 18 percent of the world
• Passport power ranks 173 out 179 countries, below North Korea

Colombo, Sept. 18 (Daily Mirror) – The Sri Lankan passport which ranked at 91 among 105 countries dropped a further 6 spots since March this year to 97, further weakening the standing of Sri Lankan passport holders to travel to other countries.

Sri Lanka currently shares the 97th position with Iran which is currently facing sanctions from the United States. Just below at the 99th position is Palestine which is currently under a humanitarian crisis, and North Korea run by dictatorship.

According to the latest Henley Passport Index 2025 Global Ranking, Sri Lanka showed progress as it climbed the previous rank of 96 to 91 earlier this year, showing an improvement in the ranking from 2024. Decline in ranking indicates lower recognition for Sri Lankan passport holders during international travel.

However in the latest update, within six months, the country has slipped to 97th, one place lower than its 2024 position, with a visa-free score of 41, compared to 42 destinations previously.

Throughout its history Sri Lanka ranked highest in 2006 with a passport ranking of 74.

The current 91st position has been taken by Djibouti, a country in East Africa. Currently the countries that Sri Lanka ranks above are Sudan, Bangladesh, Eritrea, Libya, North Korea, Palestinian, Nepal, Somalia, Pakistan, Yemen, Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan.

Singapore continues to hold the top spot as the world’s most powerful passport, followed by South Korea and Japan. Singapore has visa free access to 84 percent of the world and faces little to no difficulty in obtaining visas for countries that require them too.

The Henley Passport Index evaluates passports worldwide based on the number of destinations their holders can enter without a prior visa. The Henley Passport Index, widely recognized as the most authoritative ranking of global mobility, assesses 199 passports against 227 destinations.

Another measure of passport power is the Henley passport power index combining Henley Passport Index data and World Bank GDP data which shows the link between passport strength and economic power shows Sri Lanka currently is at 173 out of 179 countries, with countries like North Korea, Palestine and Iraq above in the scale.

කීර්ති හේවාගොඩ පරිසර ක්රියාකාරී

මැතකදී ලැබුණ යම් හොඩුවාවකට අනුව,  යම් ආගමික  කණ්ඩායමක් විසින්,  අලගල්ල කදු වැටියේ පූජා ගල ආශ්‍රිතව ඉදි කර ඇති කොන්ක්‍රීට් ඉදිකිරීම් ආශ්‍රිතව යම් බෞද්ධ භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේ නමක් වැඩම කොට එම භූමියේ මල් පැල සහ වෙනත් ශාක පැල කිරීමට යන බව දැන ගැනීමට තිබේ. 

අලගල්ල වැනි ජෛව විද්‍යාත්මකව ඉතා සංවේදී පාරිසරික වපරිසරයක් තුලට , උක්ත පරිසරයේ ස්වභාවිකව වාසස්ථාන ගතව නැති ශාක විශේෂ හෙවත් ශාක රටා සමයන් ආගන්තුක ලෙස ගෙන විත් පැල කිරීම විශාල ගැටලුවකි.  ඒ නිසා දැනට පවතින අනන්‍ය වූ ශාක විශේෂ සමග මේ ආගන්තුක ශාක විශේෂ තරග කරන අතර ආක්‍රමණික ශාක ලෙස රක්ෂිතය පුරා පැතිර යාමේ අවධානමද ඇතිවේ. 

මෙම අලුත් මල් ගස්, බෝ ගස්, නුග ගස්, ජලජ ඕලූ විශේෂ මගින් තිබෙන ආවේණික භූ දර්ශනය වෙනස් කරන අතර, උක්ත පාරිසරික පද්ධතියේ ජෛව පරාමිතක ( biological vectors) විසංතුලනයට ලක් කරති.  උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් යම් යම් දලඹු විශේෂ,  මෘද්වංගීන් විශේෂ සහ කෘමි විශේෂ තම ජීවන චක්‍රයේ මුල් අවධීන් තුල වාසස්ථාන කොට ගන්නා ( ආහාර/ පදිංචිය) ශාක විශේෂ ඉවත් වීමයි. මෙය කන්දේ වෙසෙන පක්ෂි විශේෂ සහ උරග විශේෂ වලට ආහාර ජාල ඔස්සේ බලපාති.  මේවා දාම ප්‍රතික්‍රියා වන අතර කාලාන්තරයක් තුලදී සමස්ත පාරිසරික පද්ධතියම හායනයට බලපානු ඇත . ( degradation)

අලගල්ල යනු ඉතා වටිනා කදුකර වනාන්තර සහ පතන බිම් මෙන්ම පහතරට වැසි වනාන්තර උප ලක්ෂණ දරණ බෑවුම් වන ගහන ඇති කදු වැටියකි.  මහා ඔය ආදි ගංගා වලට ජල පෝෂණය සපයන අතර පහල ඇති ජනාවාස සහ වානිජ මෙන්ම යැපුම් කෘෂිකර්මාන්තයට අවශ්‍ය ජල පෝෂණය සපයයි. 

ජෛව විවිධත්වයෙන් ඉතා අධික වනාන්තරයක් වූ මෙහි විවිධාකාර පාරිසරික නිකේතන දක්නට ලැබේ.. ලංකාවට ආවේණික මිරිදිය කකුලු විශේෂ, හූනන් විශේෂ සහ පක්ෂී විශේෂ දක්නට ලැබේ.  අතීතයේ මෙහි අග්‍ර විලෝපිකයන් ලෙස ලංකා කොටියා,  පිඹුරා සහ රාජාලියන් දක්නට ලැබුනද. මේ වන විට කොටියා මේ කදු වැටියෙන් තුරන්ව ගොසිනි. 

මේ අලගල්ල කදු වැටියේ ඇති ඉහත කී සුවිශේෂීතා නිසාම, මේ කදු වැටියේ හෙක්ටයාර 142.192 ක භූමි ප්රමාණයක් වන රක්ෂිතයක් ලෙස වර්ෂ 2013 ජනවාරි 7 වන දින ගැසට් කොට සංරක්ෂණය කොට ඇත. නැවත වරක් වර්ෂ 2024  අගෝස්තු 7 වන දින ගැසට් අංක 2396/48 යටතේ අලගල්ල රක්ෂිත වනාන්තරයේ සංරක්ෂිත තත්ත්වය සහ වපරිසරය උසස් කොට ඇත.

යම් ආගමික කණ්ඩායමකට වේවා, ඕනෑම සංවිධානාත්මක පිරිසකට, අලගල්ල වැනි ඉතාමත්ම සංවේදී කදුකර වනාන්තර පාරිසරික පද්ධතියක් විනාශ කිරීමට ඉඩ දීම හෝ අනුබල දීම මෙ රට වන සත්ත්ව සහ වෘක්ෂලතා ආරක්ෂා කිරීමේ ආඥා පනත උල්ලංඝනය කිරීමක් වන අතර, මෙරට පොදු ජනතාවගේ සහ සතා සිවුපාවන්ගේ පවා පාරිසරික උරුමය කොල්ල කෑමකි.  

මේ සම්බන්ධව රජයේ අදාල දෙපාර්තමේන්තු වල, පරිසරවේදීන්ගේ,  මාධ්‍ය වේදීන්ගේ සහ වියතුන්ගේ අවධානය ඉක්මණින්ම යොමු වනු ඇතැයි බලාපොරොත්තු වෙමු..

එමෙන්ම,  එම භූමියට ක්ෂේත්‍ර චාරිකාවක් (a field visit) කොට සිදුව ඇති විනාශය, එහි ගොඩ ගසා තිබෙන මහා කසල තොගය,  ගිනි දැල්වීම් බලා ගන්නා ලෙස ද වගකිව යුත්තන්ගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිමු. එමෙන්ම කලින් අවස්ථා වල මෙහි කොට ඇති පුරා වස්තු කොල්ලයක් ගැන කසු කුසු ඇති බැවින් මේ අලුතෙන් කිරීමට යන්නේ කුමක්ද යන්නත්,  ඒ කවුරුන්ද යන්නත් සොයා බැලීම වටී..

අලගල්ල ආශ්‍රිතව සංරක්ෂණ අභියෝග ගැන සහ පාරිසරික සාක්යතා වාර්තා ( EIA) නොමැතිව ඉදිකරන ලද ආගමික ගොඩනැගිලි ගැන පුවත් පත් වාර්තාවක යොමුව පහත දක්වා ඇත. මේ පුවත්පත් වාර්තාවේ  වැදගත් සියලු තොරතුරු අඩංගු වේ .

https://www.sundaytimes.lk/200202/news/alagalla-has-the-rape-of-forest-reserve-begun-389959.html

අදාල ඡායරූප මේ සමග අමුණා ඇති අතර ඔබගේ කාරුණික අවධානය සහ විමර්ෂණය යොමු කරනු ඇතැයි බලාපොරොත්තු වෙමි.

ස්තූතියි.

කීර්ති හේවාගොඩ පරිසර ක්රියාකාරී

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Shenali D Waduge

The Government of Sri Lanka’s recent announcement on granting voting rights to expats is a gamble with sovereignty. Handing the ballot to millions who neither live under Sri Lanka’s laws, nor share its daily burdens, nor pay its taxes, opens the door to forces that are already destabilizing the State from abroad. The Asian youth-led regime change & placement of non-elected interim governments are lessons to learn.

The 2022–25 youth-led protests across Asia revealed how quickly external slogans, diaspora-funded campaigns, and foreign-backed narratives can capture the streets, culminating in regime change without elections and the installation of unelected interim leadership. What was tested on the ground then could now be institutionalized digitally through the expat vote. In the volatile South Asian region, where springs” are engineered to topple governments, Sri Lanka cannot afford to hand its ballot box to external actors. What is the Govt thinking?

Who are Sri Lanka’s expats abroad?

If the government is considering giving voting rights to all expats, it must first confront the reality that overseas Sri Lankans are not a single, politically cohesive community concerned about Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. They fall into distinct and often conflicting categories:

1. Professionals & Migrant Workers (Skilled and Unskilled)

Doctors, engineers, IT specialists, entrepreneurs, teachers, domestic workers, construction laborers, and others contribute to host economies while sending vital remittances home. Yet many are disconnected from Sri Lanka’s current realities or politically aware only through partisan lenses, making them ill-equipped to determine the country’s political future.

• Asylum Seekers & Refugees

Thousands left during the conflict claiming persecution or genocide to gain asylum. Their often exaggerated or fabricated narratives severely damaged Sri Lanka’s international reputation. Granting them votes would empower the same narratives that have undermined the state abroad.

• Diaspora Political Activists & LTTE Networks

The most dangerous bloc. LTTE-aligned groups abroad are well-organized, financially powerful, and politically influential in Western capitals. They lobby the UN, EU, and host governments against Sri Lanka, glorify the LTTE as freedom fighters,” and stage high-profile protests. A handful even aspire to political office, believing media and money can achieve that goal. Giving them ballots hands enemies of the State direct influence over domestic governance.

• Dual Citizens & Their Families

Dual citizens maintain close ties with Sri Lanka, often visiting or returning to vote. Extending the franchise to their children — many of whom hold only foreign citizenship and have no lived connection to Sri Lanka — is problematic. Youth without firsthand experience of the country’s realities do not fully understand its challenges and are unlikely to offer informed solutions, making their participation in elections unwarranted.

• Second & Third Generation Diaspora

Many younger generations have never lived in Sri Lanka, barely speak its languages, and absorb distorted images through diaspora propaganda or foreign media distortions. If mobilized, they would vote not from experience or knowledge, but from narratives hostile to Sri Lanka’s national interest.

• Politically radicalized Sinhalese (former JVP sympathizers & insurrection fugitives)
  Many Sinhalese left during or after the JVP insurrections of the 1970s–1980s, carrying strong ideological animosities toward mainstream political parties. Though dispersed globally, they remain politically active and ideologically rigid, making themsusceptible to influence from external actorsseeking to steer domestic change. Mobilizing this group could directly impact family networks and amplify destabilizing narratives in elections especially towards another Asian Spring.

Key Question:

Should those who do not live under Sri Lanka’s laws, do not pay taxes, and are unaffected by its policies have equal say in choosing its government?

Voting is not only a right — it is a duty bound to shared accountability, and expat ballots risk severing that link.

Diaspora Imbalance & Oversight Gaps

Sri Lanka’s diaspora is far from politically balanced:

Tamils Abroad (approx. 1.3 million):

Concentrated in Western countries, some hold full citizenship, while others may reside illegally. Granting voting rights to undocumented residents is preposterous and raises serious security concerns. Some could even be individuals previously reported as missing” or dead” in LTTE networks taking on alias identities, effectively giving hostile actors a backdoor into decision-making.

Many remain aligned — willingly or under pressure — with LTTE-linked separatist groups focused on undermining Sri Lanka’s sovereignty.

Sinhalese Abroad (approx. 1.1 million):

Largely in the Middle East, Asia-Pacific, and West, they send vital remittances. A smaller portion are skilled professionals in Western countries. Unlike the Tamil diaspora, however, Sinhalese are geographically dispersed, rarely forming networks capable of influencing host-country governments or mobilizing diaspora voting blocs. Their political impact abroad is limited.

The imbalance is clear:

Enfranchising all expats would not reflect the silent majority of Sri Lankans abroad but instead hand disproportionate power to the most organized and hostile anti-Sri Lanka factions — primarily LTTE networks in the West.

This is not democratic representation; it is erosion of sovereignty from outside.

What is the Government thinking?

Foreign Ideological Capture

The 2022–23 protests revealed how vulnerable Sri Lanka is to external influence.

Youth on the ground were mobilized through slogans, narratives, and even funding amplified by diaspora networks abroad. The outcome was not organic reform but the appointment of unelected individuals to interim government positions — a clear bypass of the democratic process.

Allowing expats to vote would institutionalize this interference, giving those who live outside Sri Lanka the power to dictate its political course while remaining insulated from its consequences.

This raises a critical question: is digital voting being tested on Sri Lanka as part of a wider geopolitical experiment in South Asia — a new South Asian Spring” digitally engineered through diaspora manipulation?

Accountability Gap

Non-resident Sri Lankans do not pay taxes, obey domestic laws, or endure the economic hardships faced by citizens at home. Yet digital voting would allow them to shape policies and elect governments without bearing any responsibility for the outcomes. Democracy is not just a right — it is a duty intertwined with accountability. Extending the franchise to those detached from Sri Lanka’s realities severs this fundamental link.

Vulnerability to external manipulation – Tamil LTTE & Sinhala JVP radical expats voting dangers

Diaspora voting blocs are highly susceptible to influence from host countries, foreign NGOs, and ideological networks. LTTE-aligned groups in the West already operate as powerful lobbying machines, while politically radicalized Sinhalese expats — particularly many who fled after the JVP insurrections — carry deep partisan animosities and are ideologically easy to capture.

These individuals can be mobilized to push agendas that destabilize domestic politics, influencing family networks and voting patterns back home. Digital voting would hand both foreign and hostile domestic actors direct leverage over Sri Lanka’s governance.

What is the Government thinking?

Risks of Electoral Inaccuracy

Government records report roughly 2 million Sri Lankans living abroad, yet diaspora estimates suggest closer to 3 million, including undocumented migrants.

Without rigorous verification and an accurate census, incorporating expats into the electoral roll risks fraud, unverifiable ballots, and contested results, undermining trust in the electoral system.

Strategic Sovereignty at Stake

Granting expats digital voting could:

• Empower separatist diaspora networks with disproportionate influence.
• Allow foreign-backed ideologies and radicalized diaspora groups, including anti-national former JVP-aligned expats, to shape domestic governance.
• Institutionalize cycles of external mobilization leading to interim governments controlled beyond shores.
• Compromise the democratic principle – citizens will have no say in electing their representatives.
• Even end up making a LTTE head the President of Sri Lanka via a bogus interim-government. Examples of Iraq, Libya, Syria, Bangladesh and now Nepal shows us nothing is impossible.

Sri Lanka must prioritize foremost place to resident citizens & their democratic rights first. Expat engagement is valuable in cultural, economic, and educational spheres, but electoral power must remain grounded to those who live in Sri Lanka permanently. Voting is not merely a right; it is a responsibility. Only those who live under Sri Lanka’s laws, share its burdens, and face the consequences of governance should wield the decisive voice at the ballot box.

Shenali D Waduge

venezuelanalysis.com

Venezuelanalysis’ José Luis Granados Ceja joined Breakthrough News to take stock of the US’ military escalation against Venezuela.

In recent weeks, the Trump administration has ramped up military threats against Venezuela under a purported fight against drug trafficking.

Venezuelanalysis staff member José Luis Granados Ceja joined Eugene Puryear and Rania Khalek on Breakthrough News to discuss Washington’s charges, their (absent) legal basis, and the real motivations behind the attacks.

Dr. Arun Kumar Goswami*

Could the power changes in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal in 2022, 2024, and 2025 resemble the violent power shift at Plassey in 1757? The relevance of the question could be found in the argument of historian E. H. Carr, who describes history as “an endless dialogue between the present and the past”. It is important to remember that the British ruled the Indian subcontinent for 190 years after the Battle of Plassey in 1757. At the same time, it is widely discussed and proven that internal protests and conspiratorial activities orchestrated by Western powers, especially the American Deep State, have resulted in bloody shifts of power in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal.

            We witnessed the first instance of leaving ‘power’ in Sri Lanka in 2022. In the early hours of July 13, 2022, beleaguered President Gotabaya Rajapaksa made a hasty departure from the South Asian country, just days after thousands of furious protesters stormed his official residence, swam in his pool, and demanded his resignation.

            The second incidence of leaving ‘power’ was seen in Bangladesh in 2024. Former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned on 5 August 2024, as large crowds of demonstrators surrounded the Gano Bhaban, the official residence of the prime minister. Later that day, Sheikh Hasina fled to India in a chaotic departure. Afterwards Prime Minister’s official residence Ganobhabon was ransacked and looted and parliament building was stormed by the violent protesters.

         However, the latest and most recent in the series of leaving ‘power’ forcefully has been in Nepal. On September 10, 2025 former Prime Minister of Nepal, KP Oli, stepped down and is said to have escaped in a military helicopter during a significant uprising against corruption and a prohibition on social media. Intense demonstrations set fire to the homes of officials, looted the residence of the president, and stormed the parliament, while many swam in his pool and insisted on his departure.

            The abdication of ‘power’ in three South Asian states in 2022, 2024 and 2025 could be viewed in the light of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula’s defeat and assassination 268 years ago in 1757.

The battered body of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula was being paraded through the streets and bazaars of Murshidabad, mounted on the back of an elephant! The purpose was to inform the residents of Murshidabad that Siraj had been killed! The date was July 3, 1757. Siraj was captured from Rajmahal while fleeing and brought to Murshidabad on July 2. Then, on the night between July 2 and 3, Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula was hacked to death and his dismembered body was taken on elephants for a parade around the city of Murshidabad. During Nawab Siraj’s ‘horrific funeral procession’, the mahout unknowingly or intentionally and purposefully stopped the elephant carrying the body in front of the residence of Hussain Quli Khan. Siraj-ud-Daula had killed Hussain Quli Khan two years earlier. Now a few drops of blood flowed from his dead body on the road where Hussain Quli Khan was killed.’ This description is found in “Siyar-ul-Mutakhkhairin” written by Syed Ghulam Hussain. As the dead body was being paraded around the capital city of Murshidabad, both the ‘closeness’ and ‘distance’ of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula from ‘power’ were beyond all measure!

            The Battle of Plassey began at 8:00 AM on June 23, 1757. Then, around noon, a storm and rain hit, which soaked the ammunition of the Nawab’s side. Then, Mir Madan was killed by a bullet fired by the English side. After the death of Mir Madan, Mohan Lal was fighting bravely against the British forces. During this war, Siraj-ud-Daula’s chief commander, Mir Jafar, with his large armed forces, simply stood by silently, facilitating the defeat of his own master, Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula, and thus hastening the victory of the English. However, on the advice of such an inactive Mir Jafar, Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula announced his decision to retreat. The Nawab’s troops then scattered and began to flee. In this situation, the Nawab issued an order to withdraw the troops and he himself left the battlefield for the palace.

            He arrived at the palace the next morning, June 24 of 1757. No one came to meet him at the palace at that time. In this regard, Syed Ghulam Hossain Khan writes, ‘. . . Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula fled from his palace at about three in the morning; it was the seventh day of the month of Shawwal.’ At 3 a.m., he fled in disguise, first leaving Murshidabad for Bhagwangola. Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula and his companions were suffering from hunger and thirst along the way. It is known from the Siyar-ul-Mutakhkherin that Siraj-ud-Daula, trapped in the clutches of fate, was conveyed to the opposite bank of the palace, where he disembarked for about an hour. The intention was to prepare some khichdi(South Asian dish made from rice and lentils) for himself, his daughter, and his wife and others to eat. For three days and nights after leaving the palace in Murshidabad, none of them could taste food. Incidentally, a Fakir lived in that neighborhood. This man was the one whom Siraj had hurt during the days of his ‘closeness’ with ‘power’. Many say Siraj-ud-Daula had cut off his ear! This Fakir’s name was Shah-Dana. He had been harboring his anger against Siraj for so long. The Fakir was delighted at this golden opportunity to take revenge as Sirajuddaula had appeared at the Fakir’s hideout. He (Fakir Shah Dana) expressed joy at his arrival; and under the pretext of preparing some food for him, he sent the news of Siraj’s arrival to the people of Siraj’s enemy, Mir Jafar.

            In two chapters titled ‘Muzaffarnama’ by Karam Ali Khan, titled ‘Murder Plot’, it is described how Alivardi became desperate to kill Hussain Quli Khan. There was only one reason behind this—Alivardi Khan believed that Hussain Quli Khan was the only person who had the power to dethrone Siraj (in the future). Therefore, he (Alivardi Khan) considered it inevitable to remove him from the world. This was ultimately done.

            Syed Ghulam Hussain Khan, in his Siyar-ul-Mutakhkherin, described the death of Hussain Quli Khan as ‘innocent bloodshed’. He says that this murder set in motion a series of events that proved fatal to the power and dominance that Alivardi Khan had built with so much physical labor and nurtured through hard work. It kindled a blind fire which began to emit smoke immediately after these two murders; and which finally destroyed all the numerous families in its progress; and its devastation spread far and wide, devouring everything in that once happy region of Bengal. This revealed the truth of the great saying: What you do; you will get.

            Siraj-ud-Daulah was captured by his own servants and brought back to Murshidabad, eight days after he had fled the palace. The date was 15 Shawwal 1170 AH. Siraj was in such a pitiful state at this time that those who saw him in that plight and remembered the delicacy, dignity, care and splendor with which he had been raised since childhood, recalled the sharpness of his temper. After losing power, the Nawabs forgot the shameful deeds of Siraj-ud-Daula’s life and surrendered to feelings of pity as they watched him pass by. Some of those present could not bear the exorbitant plight of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula, but they did not want to immediately rescue the fallen Nawab from his detention.

            Meanwhile, the new Nawab Mir Jafar had occupied the palace and sat on the throne. When Siraj was brought near the palace, Mir Jafar was asleep during the day. At this time, Mir Jafar’s son ordered Siraj to be detained near his apartment and also told a large group of his friends, who were present at the time, to go directly and humiliate, insult and hurt the unfortunate Siraj. But all of them rejected this proposal outright. They did not want to disgrace themselves by treating Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula badly. Some even opposed this proposal. After many angrily refused, finally, a man named Mohammadi Beg agreed to do the job. Mohammadi Beg was able to change his fate, both personally and familially, with the help of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula’s father. It was that person who had agreed to do the terrible deed to Siraj-ud-Daula.

It is known from the Siyar-ul-Mutakhkerin that when Mohammadi Beg was preparing to kill the deposed and imprisoned Nawab, Siraj-ud-Daula recalled his own killing of Hussain Quli Khan and vowed to avenge that killing. Sirajuddaula was saying, ‘… the death of Hussain Quli Khan has been avenged. . .’, as soon as these words were spoken, Siraj fell face down.  Siraj’s body was dismembered by numerous blows and the body was thrown onto the back of an elephant to circle the most densely populated area of ​​the city. Siraj’s body was paraded throughout the city of Murshidabad, conveying the message of the new Nawab’s seizure of power to everyone.

Revenge or vengeance was sought through the killing of the Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula. However, Siraj-ud-Daula’s political commitment to independence is universally felt in the consciousness of the freedom-loving people of the Indian subcontinent! Although recent protests in SriLanka, Bangladesh and Nepal were organized by Gen-G, only in Bangladesh have students gained positions on the government’s advisory council following the movement. Mob violence and corruption have broken all past records throughout Bangladesh. While there are signs of normalcy returning in Sri Lanka and Nepal after the change of power, however, Bangladesh continues to experience mob violence.

Dr.Arun Kumar Goswami, Researcher and Columnist, Director,Centre for South Asian Studies (CSAS), Dhaka

by I. Ahmad

On Sunday the 7 September 2025, at Masjid Mahmood, kodambakkam, Chennai, District (Zilla) Ahmadiyya Elders Association (age above 40) Annual Gathering (Ijtima) was held and chaired by Mr. M. Thajudeen (Vice-President, Ahmadiyya Elders Association, India.. The day-long event included Sports Event as well. Masjid Mahmood was built in the year 1979.

In this event, members from Chennai, St. Thomas Mount, Pondichery, Cuddalore, Viluppuram and Thittacheri participated.

The main event started at 9.45 am with Flag Hoisting followed by silent prayer by Mr. M. Thajudeen (Vice-President, Ahmadiyya Elders Association, India. Program further continued with Holy Qur’an recitation by C.G. Nihal Ahmad (Assistant Missionary, Ahmadiyya Community Chennai) followed Tamil translation by F. Irfan Ahmad, (Missionary, St. Thomas Mount, Chennai.)   

Mr. M. Thajudeen (Vice-President, Ahmadiyya Elders Association, India put forward sayings of Prophet of Islam Muhammad, peace and blessings of Allah be upon him.

Pledge of Association read out and the audience repeated. An Urdu poem composed by Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, the Promised Messiah and Imam Mahdi was recited.

A Special Message for the Event from His Holiness Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad (may Allah be his Helper) was read out by Mr. M.S. Wasim Ahmad, Officer-in-Charge (Nazim), Ahmadiyya Elders Association, Chennai District. He also presented Annual Reports.

Message from Ahmadiyya Khalifa, the gist of the message reads: 

 I am pleased to know about this event. May Allah bless this event and May He bring good effects.  Ameen.

Being an Ansarullah member, he should have strong bondage with Khilafat. Pay attention towards your children in Tarbiyath (good reforms). The best way for this, you should be an example to them. Our best examples are the only to show the right direction to our youths and our children. You must keep it in mind, that, our best examples are the one to have a change in the society as well.

Founder of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, Promised Messiah, peace be on him, said: Wake up during the night and supplicate with pure heart and mind, do repentance and seek forgiveness before Allah. Create pious changes in you. Avoid weaknesses in you.

Ahmadiyya Khalifa said: if a believer creates pious changes in him, that will create good effects into his children as well. After his death, his progeny does continue the same good deeds. They pray for their parents. This is a source for their (parents) lofty status. Similarly, your attachment with Khilafat should be in an exemplary manner to your children.

In this age, according to Promise of Allah and the foretold of Muhammad (PBUH), we had the good opportunity of accepting Promised Messiah and also we have the opportunity to accept Khilafat, then, we must give due respect on these blessings of Allah.

In his address, Chairperson Mr. M. Thajudeen said: Elders of the Community should be an example to the coming generation in their family life.

Amir (President) of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community, Chennai Mr. K. Nasir Ahmad in his address said: as there is no way for Ahmadi Elders (Majlis Ansarullah) to join in any other groups or association except to the life Hereafter and because of that, Ahmadi Elders should lead a life to win the pleasure of God.

The event included academic competitions such as Holy Qur’an recitation, Urdu Poem, short speech etc. and the prize distribution also part of the event. 

Vote of Thanks by Mr. Fazlur Rahman Fazal, Chairman, Ijtima Committee and the daylong event concluded with the silent prayer led by the Chair Person.

Source: Naeem Ahmad, Chennai.

National Development Bank PLC

Strengthening its commitment to sustainability and economic progress, NDB Bank, in collaboration with the Ministry of Industries, has introduced a special facility under the E-Friends II” Refinance Loan Scheme dedicated to promoting solar adoption among Sri Lankan entrepreneurs. This initiative is designed to make renewable energy more accessible and affordable, enabling businesses to transition to cleaner energy solutions while enhancing operational efficiency.

As the demand for renewable energy grows in response to rising energy costs and environmental challenges, the E-Friends II Solar Refinance Loan Scheme provides businesses with the financial backing needed to invest in solar power. The facility offers loans of up to Rs. 10 million at a highly competitive annual interest rate of 6.5%, with a repayment period of up to 10 years. Businesses can install solar capacity of up to 50KW, giving them a practical and sustainable pathway to reduce costs while lowering their carbon footprint.

By adopting solar power, entrepreneurs not only secure long-term energy savings but also contribute meaningfully to the country’s green transition. The scheme is ideal for enterprises looking to implement eco-friendly practices, strengthen resilience, and align with global sustainability trends.

Speaking on the initiative, Indika Ranaweera, Vice President – SME, Middle Markets and Business Banking at NDB Bank, stated: NDB is proud to extend the E-Friends II Refinance Loan Scheme to support solar adoption, a vital step in creating an environmentally responsible business ecosystem. Through this facility, we aim to empower Sri Lankan entrepreneurs to embrace renewable energy, reduce dependency on non-renewable resources, and position themselves for sustainable growth.”

With its customer-focused approach, NDB Bank provides end-to-end support to ensure a seamless loan application and disbursement process. Backed by the Bank’s extensive branch network and dedicated officers, entrepreneurs across the country can access expert advice and tailored financial solutions to implement solar energy successfully.

NDB Bank invites entrepreneurs to take advantage of this timely opportunity to invest in solar power and become active contributors to a cleaner, greener, and more resilient Sri Lanka.

NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Digital Bank for SMEs at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2025 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.

Nava Thakuria

Some may say, it’s hoping against hope, but the people of Assam are expecting something positive, as the Supreme Court of India had recently agreed to hear a petition asking for a comprehensive and time-bound re-verification of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) updated in Assam during 2014-2019. The apex court on 22 August 2025 responded positively to the plea forwarded by a retired IAS officer (both in his personal capacity and as  representative of a large number of indigenous people in Assam) for an error-free NRC. Admitting the writ petition from Hitesh Devsarma, who happened to be a former State coordinating officer to NRC Assam updating process, the SC issued notices to the Union government in New Delhi, Assam government in Dispur, current State NRC coordinator and the Registrar General of India (RGI) seeking their responses. For records, the NRC’s complete draft was published on 30 July 2018 and its supplementary list was released on the midnight of 31 August 2019 (leaving 19 lakh individuals out of 3.30 crore participants undocumented), but that’s yet to be notified by the RGI.

The 1951 NRC for Assam was updated following the direction of the SC with an aim to detect all illegal citizens with the cut-off date 25 March 1971 (which was accepted in the memorandum of settlement- popularly floated as Assam Accord- signed in 1985 to culminate the six years long agitation to detect & deport millions of unrecognised migrants from Bangladesh). Assam Public Works chief Aabhijeet Sharma pursued for the NRC updation with a PIL in the top court, which later reportedly ‘monitored’ the exercise engaging over 50,000 government employees and nearly 6000 part-time workers (for which New Delhi spent Rs 1600 crores). Prateek Hajela, a 1995 batch IAS officer of the Assam-Meghalaya cadre was appointed as the coordinator in 2019 to supervise the massive exercise. Soon after the final NRC draft was released, Hajela, the native of Madhya Pradesh was relocated to his home-state fearing his security in Assam. Later, the State government allowed him to go with voluntary retirement benefits.

Meanwhile, the NRC updating process got embraced with corruption & malpractices, which was detected by none other than the highest national audit body of India. As per the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) report (year ending 31 March 2020), there had been financial irregularities to the tune of Rs 260 crores during the NRC updating process.  The CAG even recommended penal actions against Hajela  along with Wipro limited (which functioned as the system integrator in the process). Prior to the CAG report, Hajela’s immediate successor Devsarma raised the issue of corruption as well as mishandling the NRC updating process to help a large number of illegally migrated individuals to include their names in the list. He even framed serious allegations that  Hajela used tampered software in the process (preventing any quality checking) to entertain those infiltrators in the pursuit of greed for foreign money.

Thousands of illegal foreigners’ names were included  in the NRC draft as ‘originally inhabitants’ of Assam. At the same time, quality-checks of those entries were restricted for even the senior officers in Guwahati. An important verification mechanism titled ‘Family Tree Matching’ was compromised by Hajela and his associates. With more to it, Hajela implemented a separate verification process called DMIT (district magistrate investigation team) without the knowledge (and  consent) of the SC. It was done simply to include the names of persons without valid documents, alleged Devsarma, while speaking to this writer, adding that a huge volume of funds might have come from Arabian countries to enrol the migrated Bangladeshi Muslim settlers’ names in the NRC.

So it’s not a mere financial scam involving a few hundred crores, but a serious threat with implications on our national security. A probe by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) can only find out how much money was flown from the foreign countries to destabilize Assam and northeast India,” said Devsarma, adding that as per the procedure, Hajela should have been asked to appear before the Public Accounts Committee, but the government allowed him to go almost free. Devsarma, who served as the executive director to NRC Assam (2014–2017) and later State NRC coordinator (2019–2022) till his retirement, also emphasised on probe by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) to deal with the money laundering issue. Himself lodged two police complaints against Hajela along with APW president Sharma and influential filmmaker Luit Kr Barman, Devsarma lamented that none have been registered till date by the State police authority. Only one case, lately lodged by Gitika Bhattacharya against Hajela, was recently registered and that was only done following a  court  directive.

Lately, Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma also commented that  the NRC list was faulty and the fraud was committed on Asomiya  people. The outspoken saffron leader stated that Hajela prepared a wrong NRC for Assam. He went ahead by saying that some  motivated elements came to Assam from outside to manipulate the NRC with foreign infiltrators’ names. But the government has realised it and adopted correction measures. After all, a flawed NRC cannot be accepted as it would jeopardise national security, asserted Sarma, adding that the indigenous people of Assam deserve a correct and error-free NRC. Patriotic People’s Front Assam (PPFA), a forum of nationalist citizens in eastern India, continues demanding for an authentic NRC for Assam.

The PPFA also demanded a fair probe into the findings of  CAG regarding the corruption and deprivation of salaries meant for  6000 temporary workers. Employed as data entry operators (DEOs), those workers got only Rs 5,500 to 9,100 per month per person (which is below the country’s basic minimum wage), whereas the Wipro company received an average of Rs 14,500 per month per DEO. The total volume of siphoned money (even after deducting the reasonable profit margin) is estimated to be over Rs 100 crores, which still remain  in the pockets of Wipro, its sub-contractor Integrated System & Services, or somebody else.  The forum asserted that the deprived DEOs must get their  dues irrespective of the fate of Assam NRC (whether it’s reviewed or rejected).

A number of civil society groups however demanded to finalize the Assam NRC with no verification as the SC upheld the constitutional validity of clause 6A of the Citizenship Act, 1955 (which endorsed the cut-off date for granting Indian citizenship in Assam at 25 March 1971). They argued that the NRC Assam was updated with the concerned base year and following the court verdict no point remained for delaying its implementation. But the conscious citizens vigorously questioned their motive asserting that if the NRC is not re-verified,  millions of illegal migrants (read East Pakistani/Bangladeshi nationals) would get enrolled in the final list. Leaving aside a few exceptions, Assam media too remained shy of  reporting and discussing the financial malpractices taking place in the NRC updating process.

In fact, the majority of local media persons tried their best to spread misinformation (reasons best known to them only), where some Guwahati-based television journalists bent upon establishing that the NRC’s present draft was a most sought-after document for the indigenous people  of Assam. They even shamelessly lobbied for accepting it with no verification. At least one TV talk-show host was named and shamed on social media for weeks, but he did not respond to the allegation (not done till today). The outspoken scribe even published a book praising Hajela’s work as unparalleled with an inherent push for a national recognition to the technocrat turned bureaucrat. So it’s assumed that a genuine probe would unearth all misdeeds and identify guilty individuals, who wanted to cheat the nation for their selfish gains, during the much hyped NRC updating exercise in Assam.

By Palitha Ariyarathna

Synopsis:

 Foreign-funded NGOs are preparing to install multi-religious statues in two government hospitals in Kandy and Peradeniya. This article questions the legality, constitutional authority, and donor-driven influence behind such symbolic acts. It calls for public vigilance, legal review, and protection of the Buddha Sāsana under Article 9 of Sri Lanka’s Constitution. The core message: Sri Lanka’s public institutions must reflect native sovereignty—not external agendas.

A symbolic initiative is now scheduled to begin within two government hospitals—one in Kandy and the other in Peradeniya. Multi-religious statues are expected to be placed in these institutions, framed as gestures of harmony and coexistence. But beneath the surface of this narrative lies a deeper constitutional and cultural concern: Who decides what symbols belong in our public spaces? And under what authority are they placed?

Sri Lanka is a democratic republic where Buddhism holds the foremost place under the Constitution. According to Article 9, it is the duty of the State to protect and foster the Buddha Sāsana. This obligation is not ceremonial—it is legal, historical, and civilizational. Hospitals, as civic sanctuaries, are not symbolic laboratories. Their legacy is rooted in centuries of Buddhist healing—from Mihintale, the world’s first hospital, to King Dutugemunu’s village-by-village medical centers, and King Buddhadasa’s compassionate medicine. The presence of Buddha statues in these institutions is not ornamental. It reflects a doctrinal ethos of public care.

The Supreme Court of Sri Lanka has made this clear. In its 2023 determination on the Ayurveda (Amendment) Bill, the Court ruled that the State must actively protect the Buddha Sāsana and avoid any act—symbolic, financial, or regulatory—that causes harm or dilution. In 19/2003, the Court further affirmed that the right to propagate religion is not recognized as a fundamental right under Sri Lanka’s Constitution. Therefore, symbolic installations framed as pluralism” or coexistence” do not enjoy constitutional protection when placed in public institutions.

Recent symbolic activities appear to be supported by foreign funding streams originating from U.S. government agencies, European diplomatic missions, and global advocacy networks such as Freedom House, Open Society Foundations, and CAFOD. These campaigns, while presented as inclusive, raise urgent civic and legal questions:

• Are these foreign donors fully aware of the nature and constitutional implications of the symbolic activities being carried out in Sri Lanka’s hospitals?
• Is it legally and ethically acceptable for foreign governments to fund NGOs in another country to advance their own ideological interests—especially when executed through local organizations that appear to follow external directives?
• Do the financial reports of these donors truly reflect the constitutional realities of the host country, or are they crafted to tame hearts abroad—portraying symbolic success while ignoring doctrinal consequences on the ground?

This is not a rejection of international cooperation. It is a call for constitutional vigilance. Symbols matter. And when placed in public institutions, they must reflect the legal, historical, and cultural identity of the nation—not the editorial preferences of external actors.

In light of the above, the public must now demand:

• A formal review of all religious installations and symbolic activities planned or underway within the Kandy and Peradeniya government hospitals.
• Immediate suspension and removal of any unauthorized or constitutionally inconsistent symbols.
• A public clarification from the Ministry of Health regarding its policy on religious symbolism in state institutions.
• Assurance that the Buddha Sāsana will be protected from ideological dilution in all public spaces, especially those under state jurisdiction.
• A national inquiry into the role of foreign-funded NGOs in shaping symbolic policy within Sri Lanka’s public institutions, including hospitals, universities, and police departments.
• A legal and constitutional review of foreign donations used to influence symbolic and doctrinal representation in civic spaces.

This is not a matter of personal belief—it is a matter of constitutional guardianship and native sovereignty. The Buddha Sāsana is not negotiable. It is protected.

By Palitha Ariyarathna

This is a research-based civic submission. All references, rulings, and source materials can be submitted and forwarded upon request—for research purposes only.

Courtesy The Morning

• Complaint lodged by civil society org. against Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa, Bimal Rathnayake, Wasantha Samarasinghe, Kumara Jayakody, Sunil Handunnetti, Sunil Watagala
• Probe sought under Money Laundering Law

The Citizens Power against Bribery, Corruption, and Waste organisation has lodged a complaint with the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC), seeking an investigation into the assets of six Cabinet and Deputy Ministers in the current National People’s Power (NPP) Government.

Speaking to The Daily Morning, President of the organisation Kamantha Thushara said that he had lodged a complaint with the CIABOC, requesting an investigation into the assets of six key figures in the current Government under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act, No. 5 of 2006.

The ministers and deputy ministers against whom investigations have been requested include: Minister of Health and Mass Media and Chief Government Whip Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa, Minister of Transport, Highways, Ports, and Civil Aviation and Leader of the House Bimal Rathnayake, Minister of Trade, Commerce, Food Security and Cooperative Development Wasantha Samarasinghe, Minister of Energy engineer Kumara Jayakody, Minister of Industries and Entrepreneurship Development Sunil Handunnetti, and Deputy Minister of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Attorney Sunil Watagala.

Thushara said that the CIABOC had accepted his complaint, adding that he was hopeful that investigations would begin in the same way that the commission had initiated probes against Opposition politicians accused of acquiring assets and properties through illegal means.

Attempts to contact the NPP General Secretary and Government MP Dr. Nihal Abeysinghe proved futile.

Several parties, including ministers, deputy ministers, and parliamentarians have now submitted their assets and liabilities declarations to the CIABOC. 

On social media, discussions have surfaced regarding the properties owned by certain Government politicians. However, speaking at the Cabinet of Ministers media briefing, Dr. Jayatissa said on Tuesday (16) that the allegations stemmed from the very declarations submitted by politicians themselves, adding that they would be able to prove the sources of their earnings.

Courtesy Hiru News

A complaint has been filed with the Election Commission against three Members of Parliament from the National People’s Power (NPP).

The complaint alleges that the three MPs contested the last parliamentary election without properly obtaining leave or retiring from their public service positions.

The three individuals are Senior Professor Sena Nanayakkara, Senior Lecturer Dr. M.W.N.U. Gunasinghe, and Senior Lecturer P.D.N.K. Palihena, all of whom were lecturers at the Sri Lanka Rajarata University.

The complaint was filed today by the New People’s Front (NPF).

The party’s Deputy Leader, Upatissa Kumaratunga, stated that their election is a violation of Article 91 of the Sri Lankan Constitution, which makes it illegal.

The NPF has urged the Election Commission to take immediate action.

Courtesy Hiru News

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake says the government is recording a higher revenue this year than was anticipated in the budget.

The President made the statement while speaking at the ceremony to resume the construction on the Kadawatha to Mirigama section of the Central Expressway.

Dissanayake said that for the first time, the country will record a smaller budget deficit than projected, adding that in the past, revenue targets were rarely met.

The President also said that the country has a “black state” operating parallel to the government, with criminal gangs receiving arms, police providing protection to drug traffickers, and government departments issuing illegal documents.

He vowed to end this “underground state” and suppress organised crime.

Addressing the public, Dissanayake said that the country should not have to bear the costs of “inflated, empty characters.”

He called for a culture of developed citizens and politicians, not one where citizens worship their leaders.

Speaking on the expressway project, the President said he had requested assistance from the Chinese President during his visit to China in January to restart all projects funded by Chinese loans.

He said the China Exim Bank has agreed to provide the loan for the expressway project in yuan, at an interest rate between 2.5% and 3.5%.

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