Maathalan – (මාතලන්)

Udaya Gammanpila

Shenali D Waduge

In just five months, the JVP-NPP-led government under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake signed 35 agreements with India — the largest, fastest foreign policy shift in Sri Lanka’s post-independence history.

What was promised as a new era of transparency, sovereignty, and people-first governance has instead raised urgent questions:

• Who really benefits from these deals?
• Was Parliament consulted?
• Are we now India’s satellite in the Indian Ocean?

This is not partnership. This is strategic entrapment.

Sri Lankans must now ask:

Was our sovereignty sold in exchange for survival — or surrendered without resistance?

The 35 Indo-Lanka Agreements (Dec 2024 – April 2025):

Condensed Summary & Comparison with Predecessors

Part 1 – The Agreements Themselves

Part 1: The 35 India–Sri Lanka Agreements under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (Dec 2024 – Apr 2025)

Overview:
35 MoUs and agreements signed in rapid succession across sectors:

• Energy (Trincomalee tank farms, grid integration)
• Ports (Trincomalee, KKS, Colombo West Terminal)
• Airports (Palaly redevelopment)
• Maritime & digital surveillance
• Agriculture, education, tourism, pharmaceuticals, archaeology
• Fintech and digital ID platforms

Unprecedented scale: No previous government signed this many bilateral deals in such a short period with any single foreign country.

 

Part 2 – Strategic Impact on Sovereignty

Part 2: Strategic Impact Assessment of the 35 Agreements Signed Between Sri Lanka and India (Dec 2024 – Apr 2025)

Key Insight:

The agreements dilute Sri Lanka’s decision-making autonomy in:

• Strategic ports and harbors
• National energy infrastructure
• Defense surveillance and security data
• Cultural heritage & religious tourism

Comparison: Even under pro-Western or India-leaning administrations (Yahapalana 2015–19 or Sirisena-Rajapaksa 2019–2024), strategic deals were more cautious, staggered, and often faced parliamentary or legal scrutiny. The JVP/NPP government has bypassed both.

Part 3 – Strategic entrapment vs regional partnership

PART 3 – 35 Indo-Lanka Agreements – Strategic Entrapment or Regional Partnership?

Core Argument:

While sold as partnership”, the pacts create:

• Dependency loopsin digital and energy infrastructure
• Permanent Indian institutional presence
• Terms that benefit Indian companies withfew local benefits

Has Sri Lanka lost its renowned role as a non-aligned state —is it becoming a satellite of India, without the protections of formal alliance.

Comparison: Past governments balanced relations with China and India or West and India — the JVP/NPP regime has tilted entirely and blindly toward India.

Part 4 – From Anti-Imperialism to Indian Alignment

PART 4 – 35 Indo-Lanka Agreements – From Anti-Imperialism to Indian Alignment

Political Betrayal:

The JVP — once fierce critics of foreign domination — are now:

• Facilitators of Indian capital, diplomacy, and strategic policy
• Silent on sovereignty, transparency, and external control
• Promoters of what they once calledneo-imperialism”

Comparison: The JVP led protests against Indian intervention in the 1980s. Today, they are signing agreements that exceed even the Indo-Lanka Accord in reach.

Part 5 – Legal & Constitutional Concerns

PART 5 – 35 Indo-Lanka Agreements. Unconstitutional? Legal and Sovereignty concerns  

Key Legal Issues:

• No parliamentary debate
• No national security review
• No Supreme Court interpretation on sovereignty-impacting clauses
• Potential violation ofArticles 1, 2, 3, and 157 of the Constitution

Comparison: Previous governments faced judicial scrutiny (e.g., MCC under Yahapalana). These 35 deals passed without legal challenge, raising legitimacy questions.

Part 6 – Geopolitical Risks & Strategic Precedents

PART 6 – 35 Indo-Lanka Agreements – Geopolitical Risks, Strategic Precedents & the Indian Footprint in Sri Lanka  

Bigger Picture:

• India now shapes Sri Lanka’sIndian Ocean posture, BIMSTEC presence, and energy routes
• Indian private and state actors are being institutionalized in Sri Lanka
• Sets a precedent for other foreign actors to demand similar access

Comparison: Previous administrations tried to balance India and China — the JVP/NPP gave India unilateral privileges, risking long-term diplomatic imbalance.

Part 7 – An urgent appeal to JVP/NPP Leadership

PART 7 – 35 Indo-Lanka Agreements – An Urgent Appeal to the JVP/NPP Leadership

A moral and political reckoning:

• JVP-NPP campaigned onsovereignty, justice, and anti-imperialism
• JVP-NPP now stand accused of themost sweeping surrender of national autonomy
• History will remember whether you correct this course — or double down

Comparison: Past governments may have been pragmatic or pressured, but the JVP/NPP came to power promising a people-first, country-first revolution — and now face the starkest betrayal of their own legacy.

The most sovereignty-compromising administration since Independence?

While past governments may have erred or compromised in parts, none have conceded strategic control to a foreign power across this many sectors, this quickly, without any remorse.

The JVP/NPP must now choose:

1. Course-correctand return to its foundational principles
2. Or be remembered as theregime that delivered Sri Lanka into strategic subservience under the cover of reform

History will not forget. And the people will not forgive.

A word to JVP/NPP supporters

This is not the time to blindly defend leadership or stay distracted by short-term economic optics.

• The cost of silence today will be strategic loss tomorrow.
• The betrayal of sovereignty cannot be justified by promises of digital ID cards, rooftop solar panels, or recovery”.
• You campaigned for change, not compromise.

Hold your leaders accountable — not as enemies, but as patriots.

A call to All Sri Lankans

If we remain silent, preoccupied with day-to-day survival, distracted by political drama, we risk waking up to a country:

• Militarily bound to a regional hegemony
• Digitally governed by foreign systems
• Economically tied to foreign monopolies
• And powerless to say no in our own Parliament

It won’t matter who is President then. The Parliament will be ceremonial. Elections will be irrelevant or a mere theatre.

The system will already be foreign-owned

Speak now — or be ruled forever in silence.

Shenali D Waduge

Shenali Waduge

Part 1
https://www.shenaliwaduge.com/part-1-the-35-india-sri-lanka-agreements-under-president-anura-kumara-dissanayake-dec-2024-apr-2025/
The agreements

Part 2
https://www.shenaliwaduge.com/part-2-strategic-impact-assessment-of-the-35-agreements-signed-between-sri-lanka-and-india-dec-2024-apr-2025/
 Impact of the 35 agreements on Sri Lanka’s sovereignty

Part 3
https://www.shenaliwaduge.com/part-3-35-indo-lanka-agreements-strategic-entrapment-or-regional-partnership/  
How Sri Lanka is now trapped by these 35 agreements

Part 4
https://www.shenaliwaduge.com/part-4-35-indo-lanka-agreements-from-anti-imperialism-to-indian-alignment/
35 Indo-Lanka Agreements- JVPs new stance

Part 5
https://www.shenaliwaduge.com/part-5-35-indo-lanka-agreements-unconstitutional-legal-and-sovereignty-concerns/
Legal & constitutional concerns

Part 6
https://www.shenaliwaduge.com/part-6-35-indo-lanka-agreements-geopolitical-risks-strategic-precedents-the-indian-footprint-in-sri-lanka/
Geopolitical risks for Sri Lanka

Part 7
https://www.shenaliwaduge.com/part-7-35-indo-lanka-agreements-an-urgent-appeal-to-the-jvp-npp-leadership/
Urgent Appeal to the President & JVP/NPP

e-Con e-News

blog: eesrilanka.wordpress.com

‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

e-Con e-News 20-26 July 2025

‘If the country were turned into a giant hotel,
turned into a huge plantation,
turned into a large garment factory:
we would not need schools or universities,
for they require few modern skills…– SBD de Silva

The media is full of the most intricate yogic posturings to demonstrate the many ways by which our bodies can be twisted and bent over, hogtied and tongue-tied, to kneel down before the latest shenanigans of the USA and their killer poodles, the EU & England. Yet we often wonder how many professors or economists, repelled by the USA’s latest economic gunboat diplomacy, have conducted research to highlight the trajectory and ramifications of Sri Lanka’s inevitable political & economic separation from the USA, and/or the EU, and finally & most importantly, separate from England? To firmly locate us in the world where we live, in Asia, standing tall between Africa and China…

     Export, export, export, is all this media cry out, wail & scream, stating we must do whatever it takes to stay in the good graces of the imperialist beasts, whose jaws & appetites (markets) are to be desired. And no one dares study, let alone declare the necessity & consequences of weaning Sri Lanka off its deadly addiction to the old colonial import-export plantation fraud, while transforming ourselves into a modern industrial nation? Well, SBD de Silva certainly did. SB pointed out, the media do not even know what ‘modern’ & ‘industrial’ even really mean. Then again, why should they care?  It is increasingly apparent that the media – and the numerous foreign-government-funded Non-Government Organizations (FGNGOs) they readily and lavishly love to quote – are all run by a few foreign embassies in Colombo and Delhi, led by that extraterritorial blockhouse by seaside Kollupitiya junction. As for SBD, he rejected the notion that the export sector is ‘modern, progressive & advanced’; to expose this being one of the objectives of his monumental work.

     Oxford University wished to publish his 1962 London School of Economics (LSE) PhD thesis, but he held them off. A decade later, Oxford cried, ‘Nothing in this world is perfect’, but he still held them off. He in fact had come to reject the tenets underpinning his LSE thesis. The product of his rejection was The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (TPEU), published in 1982.  

     This ee continues serializing SBD de Silva’s classic, The Political Economy of Underdevelopment. Last week, SBD’s Preface detailed how social science has become a big business. He described the social nature of his personal motivations, to state his case, no matter the immediate profits or losses involved – for ‘knowledge has to be tested & developed through a process of confrontation’. One colleague, a famous Sri Lankan professor, told him to be careful, for he had too many references to Karl Marx! And his Australian Masters thesis supervisor, Professor HW Arndt told him, ‘Your book stands in contradistinction to everything we uphold.’ And yet, SB held fast to his beliefs to the very end, that the plantation system with its origins in chattel slavery could never set us free. And in this week’s reproduction of his ‘Introduction’, he delineates his objectives in writing the book, describing the shifting shapes of economists and economics, and the methods he had to use midst the erasure of evidence inside the country (see ee Focus).

     SBD always lamented the lack of an economic history of Sri Lanka. He had even sued Professor KM de Silva, who in his Oxford A History of Sri Lanka used SBD’s work without accreditation, while distorting his arguments. Anyway, history is supposedly being removed as a subject by the latest IMF- & merchant-authored educational reforms, and this should make the English very, very happy. The English too prevent their colonial, let alone their full internal, histories being taught, except to a select few, even in their own country. Yet, the English love of history – like a thief or murderer who worries they left incriminating fingerprints behind – becomes evident in the limited media exposé of their ‘Operation Legacy’, which demanded the burning by their high commissions abroad throughout the 1950s and 1960s, of any criminalizing evidence, files, etc, detailing their occidental despotism in our world.

     This hidden history, which SBD gathered by traversing the world over inside his book, is the history of a non-settler colonial nation, where a colonized class of merchants & moneylenders has failed to develop into a class dedicated to investing in modern production & accumulating capital. They instead keep the country underdeveloped as a spendthrift class of rentiers & consumers (like the ‘profligacy of the feudal aristocracy’ SBD’s Introduction refers to), whose rallying cry is ‘wine, women (or men), & song’….  One of SBD’s favourite questions about Sri Lanka’s oligarchs was: ‘What do the rich think rich means?’ 

*

‘The University of Ceylon was recently moved

from the capital city of Colombo, where many

of its students could live at home & attend at

low social cost, and placed in beautiful but

expensive new buildings, 60 miles inland

in the country. The move symbolizes the

university as an institution removed from

& contemplative of the World,

not a part of the world & its problems…’

– Central Bank of Ceylon Deputy Governor

& US citizen, Theodore Morgan, 1956

*

• The University of Peradeniya (referred to above) opened in 1952 (headed by ‘Sir’ Ivor Jennings, who also authored that 1947 ‘Constitution of Ceylon’) remains a fraud – from its bright beginnings, to when a disillusioned SBD de Silva quit teaching Economics there – to this day… The novelist Sena Thoradeniya recalls that the literature produced by Peradeniya has been tailored to fit the concept of colonial universities as expounded by its first Vice Chancellor Jennings. It was a literature of a minority where vast majorities were kept outside of it. Once again, a minority was riding roughshod over the majority, as the danger of dollar-hungry movements grew to dominate the literary, art and cultural fields. Thoradeniya in his Birth, Rise & Fall of The Peradeniya School of Literature (Peradeniya Gurukulaye Upatha, Nageema ha Bindaweteema, 2018), expresses a sensitive and controversial truth: In the fifties the university was filled with some village youth who were plagued with an inferiority complex. Within the campus there emerged a person who was capable of becoming their Messiah”. This was Ediriweera Sarachchandra (formerly Eustace Reginald De Silva). These youths came to see Sarachchandra as a great intellectual who could override the primordial rural culture they had inherited.” They sought to expunge the Sinhala Buddhist culture of their ancestors, as declared in Sarachchandra’s article, ‘Ascetic Ideal’. Sarachchandra, like the coterminous Sarvodhaya movement of AT Ariyaratne was also funded by the US Rockefeller (Exxon) Foundation. Though oil greased certain alienated ideas, it resolutely left out such questions as posed by DJ Wimalasurendra, whose vision for the country had been thwarted by this very same ‘Big Oil’ indeed. Sarachchandra eventually had to recant and go back to his roots to enrich his dramaturgy.

Perhaps the University of Peradeniya should be transformed into a cluster of technical colleges. We notice the university’s railway station, Sarasavi Uyana, is being refurbished, perhaps because many MPs in the almost-new NPP government hail from there? Indeed, the story of the destruction of the railway system, in order to promote the import of secondhand cars from Japan, is surely a story to be told. But the better question is, why do we graduate engineers who make no engines? The continuing colonial separation of arts & sciences is a luxury we can ill afford. Let alone the incessant droning about how education is being hijacked by those who wish to tie education to the needs of the economy, and oppose critical thinking. But, what kind of critical thinking does not think about how our economy will never properly employ people with dignity & skills, and why our merchants & moneylenders always oppose real modern development?

     SBD de Silva resigned from his post as a professor in the University of Peradeniya’s Economics Department, after he saw how the entire institution had been hijacked. Students had no interest in transforming a colonial import-export plantation economy into a modern society, where the university could be a manufacturer of manufacturers, inventor of inventors. Students, especially after 1977, were directed to obtain a scroll of white paper by any means, to exhibit their qualifications to hopefully get a sedentary day job. And not just them – look at the procession of abbreviated ‘qualifications’ behind some columnists’ names in the print media! Then again, SBD would report how teachers were holding private tuition classes in full view in Peradeniya town; or getting their wives & favorite students to mark papers. The hijacking of Peradeniya is not new. Right from its first foundation stone, there seems to have been little intention to strengthen the country’s real independence by educating about the realities of colonial underdevelopment and how to transform the society to overcome it, by ensuring a production culture…

*

• If you happen to have Rs50,000 to spare for 2 hours, to buy a ticket into the Cinnamon Life Hotel’s Cumulus Ballroom in Colombo – and also get KPMG or Ernst & Young (E&Y) to write it off your tax bill – you can go hear ‘National University of Singapore Asia Research Institute Distinguished Fellow Prof Kishore Mahbubani’ wax on ‘Navigating the Asian Century – Opportunities & Risks for Sri Lanka’. The invitation for 30 July declares, ‘As Asia’s geopolitical & economic influence grows, Sri Lanka stands at a pivotal moment to redefine its role in the region.’ Risks indeed! Curiously, the talk (who says words are cheap?) is sponsored by the usual US thinktanks & fronts like the Chamber of Commerce, Advocata, Verite, LirneAsia. These ‘NGOs’ have been at the vanguard, vociferous in demanding that Sri Lanka sell off its national enterprises to the highest bidder. Let them tell state-centric Singapore (& China, whom the erudite Mahbubani has been relatively positive about) such nonsense, and these US thinktanks would be told to deport themselves ICE-quick to their sponsors on Washington’s Beltway!

     Will it be yet another lecture on how great Singapore is, and how rustic Sri Lanka is? One of SBD’s famous anecdotes was about Lee Kuan Yew (LKY) walking into a lecture hall filled with National University of Singapore (NUS) professors: Despite LKY’s entrance, they continue jabbering, horsing around & lounging about. He then yells at them, ‘I am the leader of this country, when I come in, you stand up!’ And they all go hush, and stand up meekly – and have done ever since, before every Singaporean leader, long after Lee joined his ancestors.

     Lee Kuan Yew & Singapore are ever tediously invoked in the media in Sri Lanka, especially when they wish to give us lectures on how lazy & tribal the Sinhala Buddhists are, and how the rule of law dominates in Singapore (except when it comes to harboring a criminal fugitive named Arjuna Mahendran!). Yet, few realize that there is no compare: Sri Lanka is a civilizational state of thousands of years, now dominated by merchants & moneylenders (led by the US World Bank). Singapore is a johnny-come-lately city-state, a strategically located rock (really!), minus its own water supply – but it also has a highly industrialized economy, with lucrative origins as an entrepot for England’s piratical opium trade from India, pushed through wars on China. Our media hacks don’t mention that Singapore has a mandatory policy of a Chinese majority, for as Lee Kuan Yew declared, if Indians dominate (as they do here!), the country will not progress…

     SBD de Silva was critical of academics who saw no link in their work to transforming the country’s economy. He, too, loved to quote Lee Kuan Yew, but not in the same obsequious manner as the media. He knew well Singapore’s history, having studied it and having taught there. He recalls LKY asking those very same academics on that fateful day of his grand entrance into the NUS: why so many years after Singapore’s ‘independence’ from Malaysia in 1965, had they not done any studies on the separation & its consequences? Singapore is very much dependent on the resources & markets of the rich Asian hinterland surrounding it. After all, even we still import oil from there – oil which sails past us from West Asia to be refined there before being sent here. We recall Singapore developed its refineries by providing refuelling facilities for the US bombers in the 1960-70s, on their way to murder millions and flatten Southeast Asia. We also recall that Boustead Bros, those monopoly importers of coal & oil & steel who undermined DJ Wimalasurendra’s plan for hydroelectrification, were based in Singapore – so that English colony still has a historical duty to keep undermining us. We assume Mahbubani has no such foul tendencies, even though we cannot say the same for the servile anti-national elements he will find himself thrown among…

*

• This ee Focus also reproduces an excerpt from Kumari Jayawardena & Jennifer Moragoda’s book on their relative, NU Jayawardena, and his involvement in the famous 1934 Ceylon Banking Commission (CBC). It tells how the English banks refused to lend to, let alone hire, local people, and how they used Indian Chettiars & Afghans (Baluchis?) as middlemen. They mention the Bank of Ceylon (BoC) that arose from the CBC, but not how the BoC was subsequently hijacked.

     ee Focus also continues looking at the 19^th century New York political machine known as Tammany Hall: how the rulers of that famed ‘Metropolis of America’ used violence and rigged elections, selling the spoils of office; how they were great supporters of chattel slavery in the South. It also describes how their system of so-called democracy gave rise to the ‘big man’ in politics, and the demagoguery we see today, oft times camouflaged, sometimes openly, strutting across the world stage, whether it be an Obama, a Biden or a Trump…

*

________

Contents:

Should the University of Peradeniya be Closed Down?

Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake

There are remarkable patterns of history, organized violence, and Disinformation between events leading to the pogrom and forced population displacements in Sri Lanka in 1983, and British occupied Palestine, 35 years earlier when the Nakba unfolded amid Cold War escalating in Europe.

Both, Ceylon and Palestine were British occupied in 1948, and both got faux independence that year as the British officially left but stayed behind to stage Gladio Style Stay Behind” Operations and Shocks in the post/colony; These included riots, protests, coups, assassinations such as SWRD Bandaranaike in 1959,  with the CIA and MI-6 as happened to Patrice Lumumba in the Congo and Chile’s Socialist President Salvador Allende in 1973 for regime change and destabilization of the Global South struggling to de-colonize and be Non-Aligned.

While the Crown Colony of Ceylon morphed into a British Dominion with pageantry and pomp for its bemused natives on February 14, 1948, the violent birth of the state of Israel followed exactly three months later on May 14, 1948 amid the Nakba in Palestine with thousands killed and millions forcibly displaced.

As the British mandate expired and its military withdrew in May 1948, Zionist militias, many trained by British occupation forces, divided and partitioned a culturally mixed Palestine to birth the Jewish State of Israel. This, to secure the Suez Canal and expiate Europe’s guilt for its Nazi Gas Chambers and the extermination of six million Jews at the end of World War 2.

The violent partition of British India into West and East Pakistan had happened a year earlier in 1947. Pakistan was increasingly rendered a US-CIA Central Intelligence Agency ‘Garrison State’, while India aligning with the Socialist Block and Russia. 

Cold War Proxy War in South Asia: Weaponizing Identity Politics

A regional Cold War was developing in South Asia in parallel to the Cold War between the Western Capitalist Allies US, UK, Western Europe, and Communist Block led by Russia (1945-1991), or NATO and the Warsaw Pact countries. India had been partitioned by the retreating British in 1947 and allied with the Global Left, while Pakistan became a base for the Western Block.

By then, the racialization of religious and linguistic cultural differences and the weaponization of ethno-religious identity politics to divide and rule the post/colony and buttress British claims to racial superiority and government were in place, As the Cold War between the Western Allies against God-less Communists escalated across the de-colonizing Global South, Gladio style. stay behind” operations were staged across Asia, Africa and South America, as much as in Europe against Communists and Socialists. This was to protect the economic and security interests of the retreating European empires against socialist and communist led National Independence and decolonization movements across Asia, Africa and South America.

With the wisdom of hindsight and new research based on de-classified documents, it is clear that both Palestine and Sri Lanka, geostrategic countries at the cross-roads of global trade routes were subject by the same forces and neocolonial secret agencies including British MI-6 and Zionist Mossad networks specialized in Gladio operations. It is not an accident that Bernard Guffler the US special Ambassador in Sri Lanka, who was familiar with Gladio Operations in Germany, was present at the residence of Socialist Prime Minister, S.W.R.D Bandaranaike, just before he was assassinated on September 25, 1959.[i]

Similar Catastrophes and Shock Doctrines – assassination, coups, pogroms, staged riots and protest for regime change and forced displacement of populations to divide mixed cultural geographies and histories, un-mix populations and construct partitions and divided histories unfolded– of course in collusion with local political elites and their networks. Much of this was accomplished with funds from the International Development Aid gravy train.

Because of its geostrategic location at the Center of Indian Ocean energy, trade and Submarine Date Cable routes, Sri Lanka, South Asia’s wealthiest country by all metrics except the exorbitantly privileged US Dollar, still suffers from being  an international aid Donor Darling’”: Currently the scenic island is trapped in an Colonial Club de Paris and International Monetary Fund (IMF) Eurobond debt trap  and the Chabad- Lubovitch ‘Spider Web’.

Recall that, Ostrovsky quoted Penny Jayawardena, wife of Ravi Jayawardena, the son of President J.R. Jayawardena who was involved in setting up of the Special Task Force (STF) -Mossad-KMS- training camps on how World Bank Funds that were earmarked for the Mahaweli Development Project were diverted for covert operations and the setting up training bases in the Eastern Province.

Proxy Wars against De-colonization

With the wisdom of hind sight and new research based on de-classified documents available in the British Archives and US National Security Archive it is now clear that Sri Lanka’s so-called ‘internal ethnic conflict’ triggered 43 years ago in July 1983 was part of a much wider geopolitical jigsaw puzzle of Cold War regional Proxy Wars across the de-colonizing Global South. These included both Palestine and Sri Lanka. Of course, the July 1983 Nakba had elements of the Jakarta Method (1965), detailed in Vincent Bevin’s book, adapted to Sri Lanka.

The ethnic conflict research and Human Rights research industry which was part of Cold War Area Studies in the American Academy served, often inadvertently, to promote racialized narratives about dark natives engaged in perpetual ethno-religious violence in the post/colony. These islanded, colonial and Orientalist histories reeked with Raj Nostalgia and buttressed narratives of internal” ‘ethnic conflict’ that concealed the external geopolitical forces, actors and networks involved in Weaponizing identity politics.

The Weaponization of ethno-religious identity politics entailed the same external actors who preached liberal democracy and human rights, literally providing weapons and training to State run paramilitary outfits to promote internal ethno-religious violence, and Dirty War terror and torture house operations.

Contrary to our everyday lived multicultural histories, social reality, and mixed cultural geography, a story of permanent ethno-religious violence in the post/colony and the concomitant superiority of British rule with its mask of liberal democracy and human rights was constructed through the Ethnic Conflict Research and Peace Building Industry.

This too, is how we were Gaslighted into believing in our inferiority and inability to govern ourselves, or as Franz Fanon termed the colonial condition– Black Skin-White Mask. The ethnic conflict research industry was in turn part of Cold War Area Studies grant programs in the American academy, connected to the FBI and CIA, and funded by the State Department and later USAID. It included human rights, democracy and peace building, trauma and reconciliation, literature and film production. As University of Chicago Historian, Bruce Cumming noted in an influential article titled Area studies and international studies during and after the cold war” in the Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars:  The evidence suggests that the Ford Foundation, in close consultation with the CIA, helped to shape postwar area studies and important collaborative research in modernization studies and comparative politics that were later mediated through well-known Social Science Research Council (SSRC) projects.[ii]

Sri Lanka’s 30 year armed conflict waxed and waned between cycles and bouts of international peace building as part of a regional Cold War Proxy War waged between India then close to the Soviet Socialist Block led by Russia against the Western allies, seeking military bases in the geostrategic island nation– then as now.

Sri Lanka’s Cold War Proxy War

In a nutshell, India set up, trained, armed and funded the Liberation Tigers of Tamil (LTTE), and other Tamil militant groups in the north, after the pro-American J.R. Jayawardena regime came to power in 1977. India then allied with the Soviet Socialist Block feared, then as now the prospect of foreign US and UK military bases in her backyard. The Mahaweli Development Project had already got going, with population transfers roiling the Eastern Province near the Trincomalle deep sea port.

India was not successful in staving off foreign bases in Sri Lanka. The staging of the July 1983 Pogrom after President J.R. Jayawardena came to power in 1977, enabled British and Israeli military ‘advisors” to enter the county and set up long desired bases in the Eastern Province of Sri Lanka. This was under the guise of the British Keenie Meeni mercenaries and Israel’s Mossad providing security to President J.R. Jayawardena regime to fight the Indian RAW-backed LTTE. Bases were set up purportedly to fight the LTTE in 1984, overseen by his son Ravi Jayawardena. Much of this history is contained in books by Phil Miller on the Keenie Meenie mercenaries, Herman Gunaratne / Malinge Guneratne who worked with the Mahaweli Authority resettlement program in Trincomalee, and corroborated by Victor Ostrovsky in his book By Way of Deception: The Making and Unmaking of a Mossad Officer’.[iii]

The cover up investigation of Ostrovsky’s revelations about Mossad’s activities in Sri Lanka, done by a former Justice Wadugodapitiya PC is demonstrably flawed and contrary to the facts including those revealed in a hagiographic book on Ravi Jayawardena, titled The Unassuming Legend” that details visits to Israel and a soujorn as the Buddhist monk in Thailand. Not so coincidentally this was when the CIA through the Asia Foundation was weaponizing Buddhism as detailed in Yale University historian Eugene Ford’s book: Cold War Monks: Buddhism and America’s Secret Strategy in Southeast Asia” published in 2017.

Recall that back in 1959, Socialist Prime Minister S.W.R.D Bandaranaike was assassinated by a ‘man in robes’ at a time when Asian religions (Buddhism and Islam), were being weaponized in the course of what the scholar Dianne Kirby has termed the ‘Religious Cold War” in America. This was in order to fight ‘Godless Communists’ in the de-colonizing Global South, including by American Evangelical Christian Zionist networks[iv].

The cover-up investigation into the 1959 assassination of Prime Minister Bandaranaike which retrospectively reads like the plot of Peter Greenaway’s clever film. The Cook, the Thief, his Wife and her Lover” was done by Britain’s Scotland Yard!

The Mahaweli Development Project: Colonialism by Other Means?

Israeli operatives had already started work in Sri Lanka in 1977 through the Agriculture Sector and Mahaweli Development scheme which saw populations transfers setting the stage for massacres in the area to spread its tentacles along with the British MI 6. This was the backdrop to July 1983, triggered by clandestine external actors with deep historical knowledge of the country’s cultural diversity and experienced in weaponizing ethno-religious identity politics in collusion with local political elites and their cronies.

Tamil civilians in Batticalo used to call the British KMS mercenaries Mossadu” as Phil Miller details in his book ‘Keenie Meenie: the British Mercenaries who got away with War crimes”. The 1983 riots had elements of the Jakarta method. Lists of Tamil homes and businesses to be attacked had been complied and some Trade Unions in the Colombo Port and Senior Government Ministers were implicated in the violence.

Skilled in unleashing violence and reigning it in, the unmaking of ties among the Tamils and Muslims of the Eastern province clearly was the handiwork of Mossad operating with and training the State’s Paramilitary Special Forces in the Eastern Province.

Subsequently as Indian Peace Keeping Forces moved in and took over the Northeast Province, the British KMS mercenaries and Mossad’s operations and bases to train the STF moved to Southern Sri Lanka where Dirty War double game operations unfolded with a re-branded and resurgent anti-Indian JVP in tow.

It is now clear that the 1989 period of Dirty War with the JVP and STF both penetrated by foreign intelligence agencies with established history in Sri Lanka, ensured prolonging their sojourn in Sri Lanka with paramilitary outfits they had trained in terror, torture house ops. disappearences including Batalanda etc. as the Cold War in Europe reached its end in early 1990. Subsequently, President Premadasa ordered the Mossad out of Sri Lanka, and he was killed.

Remarkably it is alleged that, Sir Ivor Jennings, the first Vice Chancellor of the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya had earlier suggested the Ceylon may be an appropriate terra nullius (an empty land or territory), for the Zionist settler colony. Ceylon like Palestine was portrayed as more or less empty of people and hence suitable for European Jewish occupation and settlement – then as now given the Chabad houses. After all the colonized dark natives hardly counted, and were eminently disposable in the colonial administrator’s Orientalist imagination. The British government however chose Palestine, closer home and more geostrategic given proximity to British Oil’s Persian (Iranian) Oil fields, the Suez Canal, and the ‘Holy Land or Jerusalem.  Mercifully Ceylon and her hapless natives were spared but Britain in retreat was intent on ensuring its economic and security interests everywhere. This, increasingly in partnership with the rising American Empire.

As Cuming notes: With the end of the Cold War, U.S. government/intelligence priorities have focused much more openly on what has probably been the underlying priority all along: protecting US. interests and power in the world. A major part of this is promoting US.-based global corporations and exports, with the free market “world without borders “as the accepted paradigm for economic development. For US. research institutions supporting government/intelligence priorities this involves collapsing the diversity of human experience into an assumed universal self-interested desire for material development. Even without the Cold War, then, there is a need to separate academic and government functions so that there can be truly free inquiry and opinions, with the opportunity to explore a diversity of paradigms.

At this time British and Israeli secret services continue to work together notes Carlos Cruz Mosquesa. Investigative journalists from Declassified UK have uncovered the fact that the British government, which claims to be working with Israeli leaders toward a cease-fire, has supported them with a staggering five hundred military intelligence flights over Gaza during the twenty-one months of violence.[v] That is aside from direct arms supplies to the Israeli Defense Forces who are accused of war crimes. The attempts to halt the genocidal violence unleashed on Palestinians coincide with Western nations’ efforts to protect and support Israel and those responsible for war crimes. While the United States’ unconditional military support remains the most important for Israel, much of the Western world is also complicit.

Given histories of European imperialism and related divide and rule policies, de-colonizing countries in Asia, Africa and South America, often had tensions between majority and minority communities which were negotiated and accommodated over time. The tensions that escalated into armed conflict and dirty war scenarios in de-colonizing Global South countries were due to external geopolitical actors Militarizing tensions by providing arms training and funding in order to Weaponize internal ethno-religious identity differences in the post/colony. This to secure their neocolonial economic and security interests as happened after Ceylon morphed into a British Dominion in 1948, and even beyond. While the Socialist SWRD and Sirimavo Bandaranaike regimes were in power from 1956-1977, external interference was covert and through the opposition JVP, rather than capture of State institutions aside from the attempted coup of 1962.

The deep infiltration and penetration of local and national institutions, law and order and investigative institutions under the guise of foreign Development Aid, training and so-called ‘capacity building’ programs were and are an inherent part of the Weaponization of identity politics– both with State and non-state including civil society sector, actors and networks.

The impunity of Zionist Chabad houses operating in all parts of Sri Lanka to service Israeli tourists and Defense Forces despite local protests at this time is indicative that the infiltration and penetration of National intelligence and investigative Institutions by external geopolitical actors and intelligence agencies, which escalated after the July 1983 Pogrom continues to this day. This was also evident at the end of the Aragalaya protest operation to stage Sri Lanka’s first ever Sovereign Default and Regime Change when violence and destruction of property targeting government and Ministers unfolded. The culprits remain free and there has been little interest in investigation. So too the chilling killing of Mr. Dinesh Shaftter primary witness in the Central Bank Bondscam case against Ranil Wickramasinghe and others.

With the wisdom of hindsight. it is now clear, 42 years after our July 1983 Nakba that the Western veneer of liberal democracy and human rights had us fooled along with the well-funded ethnic conflict research and Raj Nostalgia history industry that has islanded Sri Lanka. This despite expanding NATO military bases around the world, now totaling 750 plus in more than 80 countries to promote Human Rights and Neoliberal Democracy, while supporting clandestine Dirty War operations in the Global South against leftist de-colonization, national Independence and liberation movements. This was much like Gladio Operations in Europe against communists, all of which served to advance the economic and security interests of the Euro-American empire- then as now.

PART 1 appeared on July 23…. Here LINK PLEASE

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[i] https://adst.org/Readers/Ceylon-Sri%20Lanka.pdf  De-classified State department documents also WIkileaks for detail on Guffler.

[ii] https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/14672715.1997.10409695

[iii] For a Sovereign State and God’s Secret Agent

[iv] https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780333993989

[v] https://www.defenddemocracy.press/these-global-south-countries-barred-arms-transfers-to-israel/

By Jayantha Herath

Visuals created with the assistance of Microsoft Copilot

On Thursday, Parliament disclosed that 20,755 students dropped out of school in 2024, citing the need to close certain schools. However, it overlooked a more critical issue: the denial of university admission to 151,700 qualified students. This alarming figure highlights the urgent need to expand higher education infrastructure and increase funding, rather than limiting access. The failure to address this gap risks deepening educational inequality and stalling national progress.

Senaka Weeraratna

Answer

To get compensation from the ICC for the use of the Decision Review System (DRS) in cricket, Sri Lanka needs to demonstrate that the system is a Sri Lankan invention and that they have the intellectual property rights to it. This would likely involve legal and diplomatic efforts, potentially including a formal claim to the ICC, negotiations with the ICC, and potentially legal action if necessary. 

Here’s a more detailed breakdown:

1. Establish Ownership and Copyright:

Evidence of Invention:

Sri Lanka needs to prove that the DRS, or a similar system, was first conceived and proposed by a Sri Lankan individual or entity. Claims suggest the system was initially proposed by lawyer Senaka Weeraratna in the late 1990s. 

Documentation and Claims:

Gather all relevant documents, publications, and correspondence that support the claim of Sri Lankan authorship of the DRS concept. 

Copyright Protection:

Determine the extent to which copyright or intellectual property rights can be claimed under international laws and regulations. 

2. Formal Claim to the ICC:

Communication with ICC:

Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) or the Sri Lankan government should formally communicate with the ICC, presenting the evidence of Sri Lankan invention and requesting recognition and compensation. 

Negotiation:

Engage in discussions and negotiations with the ICC to reach a mutually agreeable settlement regarding the use of DRS. 

3. Potential Legal Action:

Legal Counsel:

Consult with lawyers specializing in intellectual property and sports law to explore legal options.

Arbitration or Litigation:

If negotiations fail, consider pursuing arbitration or legal action against the ICC to enforce the claim and seek compensation. 

4. Diplomatic Efforts:

Government Support:

The Sri Lankan government should actively support the claim through diplomatic channels and international relations.

International Pressure:

Seek support from other cricket-playing nations and international organizations to exert pressure on the ICC. 

5. Public Awareness and Advocacy:

Raise Awareness:

Educate the public, the cricket community, and the media about the Sri Lankan claim to the DRS. 

Advocacy:

Encourage public support and advocacy for the claim through various channels. 

In summary, Sri Lanka needs to build a strong legal and factual case, engage in formal negotiations with the ICC, and potentially resort to legal or diplomatic action to secure compensation for the use of the DRS.

Chat GPT assisted 

Arun Siddharth

Courtesy The South China Morning Post

After a five-year import ban, BYD shrewdly adapted its models to circumvent sky-high taxes, making electric vehicles affordable again

Dimuthu Attanayake

Published: 5:00pm, 26 Jul 2025

Updated: 5:00pm, 26 Jul 2025

A BYD Seal electric vehicle on display in a showroom in Pakistan. BYD accounted for roughly 90 per cent of fellow South Asian nation Sri Lanka’s EV sales in May. Photo: Reuters

Aggressive pricing, shrewd tax engineering and a trusted local partner have propelled China’s BYD to a commanding position in Sri Lanka’s electric vehicle and hybrid market, disrupting a sector long constrained by import restrictions and setting the stage for dramatic expansion.

Sri Lanka’s car market, starved of new imports for nearly five years under a sweeping ban imposed in the lead up to the economic crisis of 2022 to stabilise foreign reserves, reopened in February as the government lifted restrictions. But a new tariff regime – with excise duties reaching 300 per cent, 18 per cent value-added tax, and luxury taxes of up to 100 per cent – has sent car prices soaring.

Shenali D Waduge

The name Eelam” was never Tamil in origin, nor did it denote a separate ethnic homeland. It is a historical term rooted in the identity of the Sinhalese — the island’s first and continuous inhabitants. While Part 1 exposed the linguistic and literary distortions behind the modern separatist claim, this second part dismantles the political fraud using the tools of constitutional law, legal maxims, and international jurisprudence. The truth is clear: Sri Lanka is a unitary, sovereign nation — and the Sinhalese have defended that unity for centuries, often with their lives. To twist Eelam” into a separatist slogan is not only a lie — it is a violation of truth, law, and justice. No movement for Tamil Eelam can erase the fact that Eelam was always the island of the Sinhalese.

(Part 2 of: ‘Did You Know Eelam Originally Referred to the Island of the Sinhalese?’)

Did You Know ‘Eelam’ originally referred to the Island of the Sinhalese?

1.                 Setting the Record Straight

Recap Part 1: Linguistic, literary, and colonial evidence proves Eelam” denoted Sri Lanka as the island of the Sinhalese.

This part will now show how law, constitutions, and maxims of justice uphold that fact against separatist distortion.

2.                                         Historical Etymology and Indigenous Identity

Reaffirms:

• Eelam” derives from Hela”/Elu” = Sinhalese people.
• Ancient Tamil texts referred to Sri Lanka as a Buddhist, foreign land(not Tamil).
• Colonial authors (Baldaeus, Queyroz, Knox, Tennent) confirm the island was ruled by Sinhalese kingdoms.

Legal Maxim: Veritas non est alleganda contra factum

• Truth cannot be alleged against an established fact.”
  You cannot fabricate ethnic sovereignty in the face of overwhelming historical record.

3.                                         Constitutional Framework of Sri Lanka

• Article 9: Buddhism given foremost place, protected by the State — rooted in Sinhalese Buddhist civilization.
• Articles 1 & 2: Unitary state; Sovereignty rests with the People (not ethnic groups).
• Article 3: Sovereignty is in the People and is inalienable.
• Article 157A: Prohibits promotion of separatism. Even peaceful advocacy for a separate state is unconstitutional.
• No clause provides for ethnic secession or a mono-ethnic federal state.
• The Sinhalese are not a settler community—they are the native custodians.

Lex est quod populus constituit” – The law is what the people have established.”

The Constitution is the will of Sri Lanka’s people, who overwhelmingly rejected separatism in Parliament and by vote.

Supreme Court of Sri Lanka – 2006 ruling on the de-merger of the North and East:

There is no legal basis for a merged Tamil homeland. The merger was never constitutionally valid.”

4.                                         International Law and the abuse of Self-Determination

• Article 1(2) – UN Charter: Self-determination must not interfere with territorial integrity of sovereign nations.
• Declaration on Friendly Relations (UNGA Res 2625):

…Nothing in the principle of equal rights and self-determination shall be construed as authorizing any action which would dismember or impair… the territorial integrity of sovereign and independent States.”

• UNGA Res. 2625 (1970): Self-determination cannot disrupt existing sovereign states or be used for ethnic separatism.
• ICJ ruling (Wall Opinion, 2004):

Self-determination cannot be invoked to violate the territorial integrity of an existing state unless a people is under colonial domination.”

• Legal Maxim:Falsus in uno, falsus in omnibus

False in one thing, false in everything.”

Tamil separatist narrative rests on false history — it discredits the entire claim.

• Nemo plus juris ad alium transferre potest quam ipse habet”
  –No one can transfer more rights than they themselves possess.”

Tamil separatists cannot demand secession on lands they never historically owned or ruled.

• ICJ Advisory Opinion (Kosovo, 2010): Only permitted when a people are under oppression or colonization — not applicable to Sri Lankan Tamils. In fact the National Armed Forces carried out the world’s biggest & first humanitarian rescue operation to save some 300,000 Tamils held hostage by banned terrorists LTTE.

5.                       The Vaddukoddai Resolution:   

• Declared in 1976 by elites (TULF), falsely claiming historical Tamil sovereignty.
• It had no legal foundationand was never recognized by any international body.
• Led directly to the terrorist LTTE campaign, which killed Sinhalese, Tamils, and Muslims alike.
• Legal Maxim:Constructive Fraud — deception without a direct lie, used to influence international sympathy.
• Legal Maxim:

Ex turpi causa non oritur actio” – No right of action arises from a base cause.”

A political resolution based on fabricated history, false racial oppression claims, and leading to terrorism, cannot give rise to any lawful demand.

International Principle Violated:

The Montevideo Convention (1933) defines a state as requiring a permanent population, defined territory, government, and capacity to enter into relations.
Tamil Eelam meets none of these.

6.                       Sinhalese Sacrifice & the Defense of the Island

UN Charter Article 2(4):

Prohibits use of force against the territorial integrity of a member state.
LTTE violated this, not only against Sri Lanka but also international law.

• From ancient invasions to colonial resistance to LTTE terror — it has been the Sinhalesewho have defended the island with their lives.
• Legal Maxim:Ubi jus ibi remedium — Where there is a right, there is a remedy.”
  The Sinhalese, as historical custodians of the island, have both the right and the moral claim to protect its unity.

Later day arrivals cannot stake claim to any part or whole of island that had been nurtured & defended by the original custodians.

World’s Largest Hostage Rescue Operation (May 2009) by Sri Lankan Armed Forces saved 300,000 Tamil civilians, exposing the fraudulent oppression” narrative.

Legal Maxim:

 Justitia nemini neganda est” – Justice is to be denied to no one.”

The Sinhalese, who have given their lives to protect all communities, deserve international justice and recognition — not false accusations.

Legal Maxim:

Fiat justitia ruat caelum” – Let justice be done though the heavens fall.”

The truth must prevail — even if it shatters decades of separatist propaganda backed by billions in foreign funding.

7.                       Conclusion: Restore the Truth, Reject the Lie

The next time you hear Tamil Eelam,” ask not just what it means — but who it belonged to.

And ask how many billions were wasted on an internationally illegal, historically false, and constitutionally prohibited campaign to carve out a homeland from a land that was never theirs.

Sri Lanka is one nation, one people, one history — and the Sinhalese, by blood and by birthright, remain its rightful defenders. That is why it is a national betrayal to remove History from the school curriculum (Grades 1–5).

On what legal, educational, or cultural grounds — and to appease whom — is this being done?

A nation without its history is a nation waiting to be hijacked and turned into a vassal state again.

Dilrook Kannangara

One of the best kept secrets from school and media history is the British Ceylon Flag. It’s so secretive that only a very few even know about it. British Ceylon flag mercilessly slays many myths including the myth of Tamil homeland. It is a brutal reality that Tamils and how they were referred to before 1911 had no connection whatsoever with the island nation even until 1948. What’s most striking is all Tamils accepted it without any complaint.

This is the British Ceylon flag from 1875 to 1948. It has the Union Jack on the left side corner which was and still is very common in a number of British territories. Nothing special about Ceylon in that regard. What is unique about Ceylon is the Sinhala Buddhist pagoda (stupa) and the elephant close by. The type of pagoda (stupa) depicted on the flag is uniquely Sinhala Buddhist. The structure and the shape are atypical of a Sinhala Buddhist construction. Similar constructions are found around the island numbering thousands. The elephant is no accident. Elephants were and still are associated with Sinhala Buddhist shrines and their processions. UNESCO World Heritage Kandyan Perahera is a case in point.

What about the lion with the sword? British rulers would not allow it as it is the same flag used by sections of the British monarchy. Leaving it out is understandable.

What about Tamils, Muslims and Christians? The British did not consider them to be associated with the island nation for factual reasons. While Sinhala Christians were once Buddhists, they too can claim to be associated with Sinhala Buddhists until incentives by the Portuguese, the Dutch and the British motivated them to change only their religion while maintaining their ethnic Sinhala identity.

All Tamils and Muslims accepted this Sinhala Buddhist only flag without any complaint. None of them raised their resentment, disagreement or disapproval. In doing so they accepted the fact that the entire island nation had only a Sinhala Buddhist identity.  

These facts clearly bust Tamil homeland clams. In fact, this settles many a debate about who came first and divisions said to have existed within the island. The entire island had one and only one identity even the British were compelled to accept and that was its Sinhala Buddhist identity.

After Independence in 1948 the flag underwent a number of changes. The main change was the addition of Indian stripes to the left of the flag. These stripes were taken from the Indian flag to represent Hindus and Muslims – just as in the Indian flag. However, the Dharma Chakra” in the Indian flag was maliciously omitted. As the Indian flag was used as a guide to bring parts of it, the Dharma Chakra” should also have been added within the amber and green strips on Sri Lanka’s flag.

Successive Sinhala government deliberately hid this flag from the people since 1948 in order not to hurt the sentiments of Tamils and Muslims. It was done in good faith. However, this good gesture was not reciprocated by Tamil and Muslim elected politicians, civil activists and other community activists. They considered it a sign of weakness. Hence this reminder. Unlike the British Ceylon flag, the Sri Lankan flag is inclusive but not necessarily connected to historical facts of the island. It’s a flag of a new nation created only in 1972 separated from its historical roots.

Jayantha Herath

These visuals and accompanying content were created with the assistance of Microsoft Copilot.

Policy Brief Summary

Definition of Free Education
Free education is not limited to tuition-free schooling—it includes both free and affordable fee-based models that are accessible and inclusive.

Government Responsibilities
– Provide tuition-free education at all levels through public funding.
– Ensure fee-based options are affordable and supported by financial aid.
– Offer infrastructure support (e.g., textbooks, transport, digital access).
– Promote inclusive access for marginalized and disadvantaged groups.

Policy Implications
Governments must invest in systems that remove barriers to education and uphold the principle of equity in both access and quality.

Here’s a matched list of Sri Lanka’s education challenges (2025) with their corresponding proposed solutions:

🔄 Challenge–Solution Mapping

Challenge	Matched Solution
Limited Access to Higher Education	• Expand Central Colleges into university-level institutions • Establish a National Higher Education Commission
Policy Fragmentation and Ineffective Implementation	• Governance and Accountability • Streamline roles of NIE, NEC, and CDC • Evidence-based and inclusive policymaking
Urban-Rural Disparities	• Equity and Access • Technology Integration • Expand support for rural and marginalized communities
Exam-Centric System and Tuition Dependency	• Eliminate human resource waste at A/L and O/L levels • Ensure truly free education • Curriculum Modernization
Mismatch with Labor Market Needs	• Demand-driven and globally aligned policies • Redesign university curricula • Emphasize vocational training, entrepreneurship, and STEM
Teacher Deployment and Training Gaps	• Teacher Empowerment • Enhance training and equitable deployment
Lack of Inclusivity and Equity	• Equity and Access • Inclusive policymaking • Strengthen support for disadvantaged groups

Historical Efforts to Address Sri Lanka’s Educational Challenges (1945–2025)

1. Expansion of Access (1945–1977)

• Goal: Broadening educational opportunities across the nation.
  • 1945: Central Colleges
    • Purpose: Establish quality education in rural areas.
  • 1957: Mother-Tongue Instruction
    • Purpose: Promote accessibility through Sinhala and Tamil languages.
  • 1972: District-Based University Admissions
    • Purpose: Ensure regional equity in higher education.

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2. Standardization and Institutional Development (1962–1991)

• Goal: Centralizing and formalizing educational structures.
  • 1962: Curriculum Development Centre (CDC)
    • Purpose: Centralize and standardize education.
  • 1985: National Institute of Education (NIE)
    • Purpose: Focus on curriculum design and teacher training.
  • 1991: National Education Commission (NEC)
    • Purpose: Guide policy and planning for the education sector.

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3. Technological and Linguistic Integration (2006–2016)

• Goal: Adapting to global needs and fostering national cohesion.
  • ICT Integration
    • Purpose: Incorporating technology into classrooms.
  • Trilingual Education (Sinhala, Tamil, English)
    • Purpose: Foster national unity and global competitiveness.

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4. Reform and Modernization (2020–2025)

• Goal: Future-proofing education and addressing persistent issues.
  • Decentralization of Higher Education Governance
    • Focus: Proposed reforms for management.
  • Emphasis on Vocational Training, STEM, & Digital Infrastructure
    • Focus: Modernizing curriculum and skills development.
  • Calls for Structural Reforms
    • Focus: Streamlining institutions like NIE, NEC, and CDC.

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Summary: These efforts reflect a long-standing commitment to improving equity, quality, and relevance in education.

Persistent Challenges Remain:

• Limited university access
• Urban-rural disparities
• Outdated curricula

Future Needs: Bold, inclusive, and data-driven reforms are continuously required.

Dr. Asoka Bandarage Courtesy In-depth News

We live in a time of accelerated militarism, environmental devastation, and deepening social collapse. Amid these crises, the destruction of our shared global heritage — humanity’s historical, spiritual, and artistic legacy — receives an astounding lack of attention.

As we enter the age of transhumanism and techno-market reality, creativity is no longer an organic expression of human consciousness; it is shaped, filtered, and directed by artificial intelligence and algorithmic control. In geopolitically and ethno-religiously contested regions, this erasure becomes deliberate. Cultural destruction is not merely a byproduct of technological and market acceleration, but a calculated strategy of domination and control.

Sri Lanka’s Buddhist heritage is one such example. In the context of global rivalry, the island’s rich spiritual traditions and historical memory are being undermined — not only by external forces but also through internal conflict and distortion.

Our existence is increasingly narrowed to the logic of survival — economic productivity, algorithmic optimization, and digital visibility. Deeper dimensions of life, including spiritual wisdom, ecological belonging, and cultural memory, are eroded or dismissed as irrelevant. Bioregionalism, historical legacy, and alternative cultural identities — traditionally rooted in place, ancestry, and ecological knowledge — find little space in this homogenized dystopian future-present.

The Sri Lankan Context

In the pre-colonial era, Sri Lanka was revered as Dhammadīpa — the island of the Buddha’s teaching. It was here, in the 1st century B.C., that Buddhist monks first committed the oral teachings of the Buddha to writing, thus preserving the Dhamma for future generations and for all humanity. Sri Lanka also continues to be the guardian of the sacred Sri Maha Bodhi — a sapling from the original Bodhi tree in Bodh Gaya under which the Buddha is believed to have attained enlightenment. Venerated for over two millennia, it is considered the oldest historically documented living tree in the world.

Sri Lanka’s Buddhist civilization offers much more than its awe-inspiring religious sites, classical art and architecture, or its advanced ancient hydraulic systems, which reflect profound engineering ingenuity. Perhaps its greatest contribution lies in the ethos of its people — a gentle, tolerant, and harmonious way of life. Shaped by the core Buddhist principles of impermanence (anicca), equanimity (upekkhā), and compassion (karuṇā), this culture fosters a sense of moderation, humility, and spiritual resilience that remains deeply relevant today in this time of ecological and existential crisis.

Throughout the pre-colonial period, Sri Lankan rulers and the Buddhist clergy sought to safeguard the island’s distinct Buddhist identity against Hindu incursions from neighboring India. Following the British conquest of the Kandyan Kingdom and the unification of the entire island under colonial rule in 1815, British authority was ostensibly established on the condition of upholding the primacy of Buddhism and continuing state patronage.

Article 5 of the Kandyan Convention, signed on 2 March 1815 between the British and the Kandyan aristocracy, explicitly stated, The religion of the Boodho [sic], professed by the chiefs and inhabitants of these provinces, is declared inviolable, and its rites, ministers, and places of worship are to be maintained and protected.”

The British violation of these terms led to widespread discontent and the eruption of the Great Rebellion of 1818 — one of the first major nationalist uprisings — ultimately suppressed by the British through a brutal ‘scorched earth’ campaign. Sustained and systematic colonial attempts to undermine Buddhist culture through the promotion of Western education and conversion to Christianity created a small class of local collaborators of colonialism. However, the vast majority of the island’s people remained steadfast in their commitment to their religion, historical legacy and sovereignty.

Clause 9 of the post-independence 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka is reminiscent of Article 5 of the 1815 Kandyan Convention in that it upholds the primacy of Buddhism and state patronage, The Republic of Sri Lanka shall give to Buddhism the foremost place and accordingly it shall be the duty of the State to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana, while assuring to all religions the rights granted by Articles 10 and 14(1)(e).”

Articles 10 and 14 of the Constitution guarantee comprehensive freedom of religion to all individuals, including the right to adopt a religion or belief of their choice. Nevertheless, just as Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism was seen as the greatest threat to European colonial domination in the past, it has also been portrayed as the principal threat to ethno-religious minorities in the post-independence era.

Following the anti-Tamil pogrom of 1983, a broad convergence of local and international academic, media, policy, and NGO networks began portraying Sinhala-Buddhist consciousness as the root cause of ethno-religious conflict, advocating the transformation of that consciousness as the primary solution. One influential view holds:

The concept of a Sinhala-Buddhist hegemony to be protected from the inroads of a South Indian-derived Tamil group has been pervasive from around the 4th century AD and forms even today the basis of Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism and of ethnic conflict. That this concept arises from a distorted view of the island’s history needs to be impressed on the minds of the Sinhala people, even though loosening the hold of such a powerful myth over their minds will be a difficult task.

Although the 30-year armed conflict between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ended in May 2009, the movement advocating for a separate Tamil state in the North and East persists. Simultaneously, criticism of so-called “hegemonic” and “fundamentalist” Sinhala Buddhism remains widespread.

Historically, Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism posed a major obstacle to colonial rule. Today, it is again perceived as the principal impediment to external intervention and control in the context of growing neocolonialism and geopolitical rivalry. Much of the opposition to increasing military, economic, political, and cultural influence by India — including digital colonization and the Hinduization of the island — has come from Sinhala-Buddhist nationalists. This perhaps explains the sustained interest of external powers and their local collaborators, including Western and Indian-funded regimes and NGOs, in marginalizing Sinhala-Buddhist consciousness despite its inherent tolerance, compassion, and generosity.

Current Developments

Efforts toward the abolition of Clause 9 of the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka — aimed at transforming the country into a ‘secular state’ — along with education reforms that marginalize Sinhala-Buddhist history and consciousness, are not recent phenomena. These initiatives have gained momentum over the past few decades and now appear to be reaching a critical juncture under the current Sri Lankan government.

Critics argue that the appointment of a non-Buddhist as the Minister in charge of Buddhist Affairs is a calculated move to undermine the religion. They further contend that subsuming the Ministry of Buddha Sasana under a broader Ministry of Cultural Affairs constitutes a violation of Article 9 of the Constitution, which grants Buddhism the foremost place and calls for its protection and state patronage.

However, the accusation that the current government is solely responsible for this administrative restructuring may not be accurate. The integration of the religious affairs ministries appears to have taken place as early as 2019, with official confirmation in a Government Gazette issued in 2020.

In contrast, the criticisms surrounding the government’s proposed education reforms carry significant weight and raise serious concerns for the nation’s future. Notably, history has been removed as a standalone subject for Grades 1 through 5. Furthermore, history and aesthetics will no longer be part of the compulsory curriculum for Grades 10 and 11. Critics warn that the removal of history could alienate young learners from their cultural roots, leading to psychological dislocation and an uncritical embrace of foreign values and ideologies. Likewise, diminishing the importance of aesthetics may suppress creativity and weaken appreciation for the arts and indigenous traditions.

Supporters of the reforms argue that these changes are intended to equip students with core technical and practical skills necessary for participation in the modern workforce. The stated goal is to foster “global citizens who embrace innovation and 21st-century competencies.” However, this vision risks accelerating the erosion of Sri Lanka’s distinctive cultural heritage, spiritual ethos, and artistic legacy.

As these forces converge — constitutional changes, administrative restructuring, and educational reform — Sri Lanka stands at a crossroads between preserving its ancient Buddhist heritage and being homogenized by global techno-capitalism.

However, this is a global crisis, a universal conflict between identity and erasure. At stake is the collective spiritual and cultural inheritance of all humanity. The outcome will determine whether future generations inherit a living tradition; a culture, or merely its digitized fragments within the non-culture of consumerism.

by Melani Manel Perera Courtesy PIME Asia News

Nadeesha Chandrasena has received the Global Award for Intellectual Property (WIPO) for her ‘Smart Drain’, an anti-clogging drainage system that prevents urban flooding. The device is patented and can be monitored in real time, overcoming the problem of drainage channels clogged with waste in large cities. The award is a source of pride for the country and its women’s movements.

Colombo (AsiaNews) – Dr. Nadeesha Chandrasena, a female engineer from Sri Lanka, has been awarded for her Smart Drain, an innovative rainwater drainage system, by the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), a specialized agency of the United Nations that celebrates innovation and creativity driven by intellectual property.

The news was received with great pride in Colombo: Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya met her personally on Monday in Colombo to congratulate her. The Smart Drain—the Sri Lankan engineer’s project selected in Geneva as one of the 10 winners of the 2025 Global Awards—is a clog-resistant drainage system designed to prevent urban flooding, even when traditional drainage is blocked by debris.

Thanks to a double-layer design, it captures solid substances such as plastic and allows rainwater to pass through unimpeded. The system allows real-time monitoring of water levels, enabling municipal officials to take effective measures against flood threats.

Over 780 organizations from 95 countries have chosen Smart Drain, appreciating the scalability of the device, which addresses the effects of climate change in highly populated urban areas. Expressing her delight at the award, Dr. Nadeesha Chandrasena said that the recognition highlights local innovation that addresses global challenges.

The Global Award for Intellectual Property (WIPO) offers winners global visibility, professional guidance, and assistance in using intellectual property to expand their businesses on a global scale. This opportunity could lead to wider large-scale deployment of the award-winning device.

Nadeesha Chandrasena had already won another award for the world’s best engineering invention, beating a team from a world-renowned company such as Tesla, which had access to cutting-edge technologies. Chandrasena was an officer in the Sri Lankan army, a journalist for a newspaper, and a consultant for the Land Reclamation Corporation. There were times when her skills did not find the space they deserved, and she eventually moved to Australia.

Every time she received an award, she always reiterated: This belongs to my people who were born thanks to free education and healthcare in my country.” She added: This victory is not only a recognition of our work, but a testament to the innovative potential of Sri Lankan engineers and scientists in solving real-world problems.”

AsiaNews has collected some comments from citizens.

The doctor is an intelligent woman who has once again made Sri Lanka a world leader. We are proud of her. We thank her for making us proud as a country and as women before the world,” was the first. Women like her are a great light for our country and for the whole world. She has shown us that as a woman and as a mother, she can achieve her dreams alongside her responsibilities.”

Dr. Nadeesha Chandrasena also represents the best example of how every woman can be a role model for the world if she believes in her abilities and works hard, because, whatever barriers she has faced in her life, she has not given up on her determination,” said the Movement of Christian Women’s Voice (MoCWV). We therefore congratulate her and wish her continued strength of will and openness to further innovation.”

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

රටේ ජාතික අනන්‍යතාවක් සහිත පුද්ලයකු බිහිකිරීම සඳහා අවශ්‍ය වන ඉතිහාසය විෂය නැති කිරීම සඳහා කිසිවෙකුට හෝ උවමනාවක් තිබේද යන්න දේශපාලනික කාරණාවක් බවත්, එසේ අවශ්‍යතාවක් ඇත්නම් එය කරන්නේ මේ රටේ ජාතික අනන්‍යතාවක් සහිත පුද්ගලයකු බිහිකිරීම නැවැත්වීම සඳහා බවත් පුහුණු උපදේශක සොනාල ගුණවර්ධන මහතා පවසයි.

එබඳු පුද්ගලයන් ඕනෑම ආකාරයකට පාලනය කළ හැකි බවත්, සඳහන් කරන ඒ මහතා සියලුම විෂයන් ඉගෙනීමේදී ඉතිහාසය අනිවාර්යෙන් එම විෂයන් තුළ පවතින බවත්, එහිදී ඉතිහාසය හැදෑරීම අත්‍යවශ්‍ය කාරණයක් බවත් සඳහන් කරයි.

https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=2123207708090895

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණවලට මුවා වී පාසල් වැසීමේ ලෝක බැංකු යෝජනාව ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට ආණ්ඩුව කටයුතු කරමින් සිටින්නේ යැයි ජන අරගල සන්ධානයේ විධායක සභික දුමින්ද නාගමුව මහතා සඳහන් කළේය.

මේ යටතේ වත්මන් ජනාධිපතිවරයා ඉගෙනගත් තඹුත්තේගම පාසල ද වැසී යෑමට නියමිත බවට තම පක්ෂය වෙත තොරතුරු ලැබී ඇතැයි ද හෙතෙම කීවේය.

අරගල සන්ධානය නුගේගොඩ දී පැවැත්වූ මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදී ඔහු මේ බව කීවේය.

එහිදී අදහස් දැක්වූ දුමින්ද නාගමුව මහතා මෙසේ ද පැවසීය.

“ආණ්ඩුව අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ සම්බන්ධයෙන් දැනට ඉදිරිපත් කරලා තියෙන්නේ ප්‍රසන්ටේෂන් එකක් විතරයි. නිශ්චිත වාර්තාවක් තවමත් නෑ. අපි දන්න විදිහට ලංකා ඉතිහාසේ පළවෙනි වතාවට තමයි ආණ්ඩුවක් ප්‍රසන්ටේෂන් එකක් උපයෝගී කරගෙන රටේ සමස්ත අධ්‍යාපන පද්ධතියේ පූර්ණ ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණයක් යෝජනා කරන්නේ.

අපි දන්නවා පසුගිය කාලය පුරාවටම මේ රටේ ආණ්ඩු ලෝක බැංකු සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලේ වුවමනාවන්ට අනුව මේ රටේ අධ්‍යාපනය ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ කරන සූදානමක හිටියා. රනිල් මෛත්‍රී යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව කාලේ අධ්‍යාපන ඇමැතිවරයාව සිටි අකිල විරාජ් අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ ක්‍රියාවලියකට සූදානම් වුණා. ඉන් අනතුරුව ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ ආණ්ඩුව විසින් උපාලි සේදර වාර්තාව සහ කොතලාවල උපාධිකඩ පනත අරගෙන ආවා. එතනින් පස්සේ අනුප්‍රාප්තික ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහගේ ආණ්ඩුව අධ්‍යාපන ධවල පත්‍රිකාව අරගෙන ආවා. මේ හැම වැඩපිළිවෙළකම තිබුණේ නව ලිබරල් වෙළඳපොළට අවශ්‍ය ශ්‍රමිකයෙක් නිර්මාණය කරගැනීම සහ අධ්‍යාපනය වෙළඳ භාණ්ඩකරණය කිරීමේ පහත් වුවමනාව. දැන් ඒ වැඩපිළිවෙළම තමයි වර්තමාන අධ්‍යාපන ඇමති හරිනි අමරසූරිය අගමැතිනිය ගෝලීය සංකල්ප කියලා ලස්සන වචනයක් ඉස්සරහට දාලා අරගෙන ඇවිල්ලා තියෙන්නේ.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු කතාවෙදි අනුර දිසානායක ඉතාම කම්පාවෙන් කතා කළා ලංකාවේ ළමුන් ප්‍රමාණය අඩු පාසල් ගැන. ඔහු කිව්වේ ළමුන් 100ට අඩු පාසල් 3141ක් තියනවා කියලා. මේ සමහර පාසල් වහන්නත් ඇතැම් පාසල් ඒකාබද්ධ කරන්නත් අවශ්‍ය තැන්වල අලුතින් පාසල් ඇති කරන්නත් සූදානම් කියලා. බැලු බැල්මට කාටවත් මේ ප්‍රකාශයේ භයානකකම වැටහෙන්නේ නෑ. අනුර දිසානායකගේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු කතාවටම සමාන කතාවක් මීට පෙර කරුණාසේන කොඩිතුවක්කු විසින් කරලා තියනවා. ඔහු තමයි මුලින්ම ලංකාවේ පාසල් 3000ක් වහන යෝජනාව ගෙනාවේ. ඒ වෙලාවේ එම වැඩපිළිවෙළට එරෙහිව ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණත් සටන් කළා. එදා පාසල් ආරක්ෂා කරගන්න කියලා තමයි පාසල් සුරැකීමේ ව්‍යාපාරය නිර්මාණය වුණෙත්. අදටත් එහි සභාපති විදිහට ඉන්නේ ආණ්ඩුවේ ඇමැතිවරයෙක් වෙන මහින්ද ජයසිංහ. අපි කවදාවත් එහෙම කරයිද අපිව විශ්වාස නැද්ද වගේ බයිලා කියාගෙන දැන් ඒගොල්ලොම ලෑස්ති වෙනවා පාසල් වැසීමේ ලෝක බැංකු යෝජනාව ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන්න. දැන් ආණ්ඩුව කියන්නේ සමහර පාසල් වහලා අලුතින් පාසල් විවෘත කරනවලු. නමුත් අපි ආණ්ඩුවට කියනවා නව පාසල් විවෘත කිරීම සඳහා අයවැයෙන් ප්‍රතිපාදන වෙන් කරලා තියෙන තැන පෙන්නන්න කියලා. ඒ නිසා අලුතින් පාසල් විවෘත කරන කතාව පට්ටපල් බොරුවක්. තියෙන පාසල් ටික වහලා දාන්න තමයි මේ සූදානම් වෙන්නේ.

අපිට තියෙන තොරතුරු අනුව ජනාධිපතිවරයා ඉගෙනගත් තඹුත්තේගම පාසල පවා මේ විදිහට වැහිලා යන්න නියමිතයි. ජනාධිපතිවරයා කියනවා අපි පාසල් වහලා වෙන පාසලකට යන්න නොමිලේ බස් එකක් දෙනවලු. දැන් ජනාධිපති හැසිරෙන්නේ ලොකු සල්ලිකාරයෙක් වගේ. මැතිවරණ වේදිකාවෙදිත් ඔය විදිහටම උද්ධච්ඡ ප්‍රකාශ කළා ඩොලර් බිලියන 50 කජ්ජක් ද ඇහුවා අපිට මතකයි. අඩුම තරමින් දරුවන්ගේ පාසල් උපකරණ මත පනවපු වැට් බද්ද ඉවත් නොකරන ආණ්ඩුවක් ගමේ දරුවන්ට නොමිලේ බස් එකක් දේවි කියලා විශ්වාස කරන්න පුළුවන් ද?

අද වෙද්දි අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමයේ පවතින බරපතළ ගැටලු ගණනාවක් තියනවා. ඒවට නිශ්චිත විසඳුමක් මේ නව ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ ඇතුළේ දකින්න නෑ. කොළඹ පාසලක් සහ ග්‍රාමීය කඳුකරේ පාසලක් ගත්තම තියෙන්නේ අහසට පොළොව වගේ විෂමතාවයක්. පහසුකම් අතින් මානව සහ භෞතික සම්පත් අතින් පවතින මේ විෂමතාව නැති කරන්න අවශ්‍ය ප්‍රතිපත්තියකුයි ආණ්ඩුව සකස් කරන්න ඕන. නැතුව හිතුමනාපෙට පාසල් වහන්න ආණ්ඩුවට අයිතියක් නෑ.

ආණ්ඩුව තවමත් රටට හෙළි නොකළ මේ නව අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ වැඩපිළිවෙළ මුළුමනින්ම ගැටලු සහගතයි. සමහර වෙලාවට ආණ්ඩුව කියනව තාම අවසන් වැඩපිළිවෙළක් නෑ ඒ නිසා සාකාච්ඡා කරමු කියලා. නමුත් අපිට තියෙන තොරතුරු අනුව මේ නව වෙනස්කම් එක්ක 2026 වසර සඳහා අද වෙද්දි පොත්පත් පවා මුද්‍රණය කරලා අවසන්. අනිත් එක තමයි ආණ්ඩුව ජනතාවගෙන් හංගන මේ ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ වැඩපිළිවෙළ හදලා තියෙන්නෙ ව්‍යාපාරිකයෝ සහ ලෝක බැංකු නියෝජිතයෝ.”

– අනුරාධ හිරිපිටියගේ

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Cyberattacks are becoming an increasingly serious issue in Sri Lanka, with the number of computer crime complaints rising sharply in 2025. According to the Sri Lanka Computer Emergency Readiness Team (SLCERT), over 5,400 cybercrime incidents have been reported so far this year.

The majority of cases involve social media platforms such as Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram, Snapchat, and TikTok, with nearly 90% linked to Facebook. A significant number also involve misuse of artificial intelligence (AI) tools.

Common cybercrimes reported include malware attacks, data theft, phishing scams, and online financial fraud. With over seven million internet users in Sri Lanka, of which about 90% are active on social media, the risk of online exploitation remains high.

Complaints in recent months point to a sharp rise in fake profiles, account hacking, and WhatsApp hijackings. The increasing use of AI-generated malware, phishing emails, and deepfake videos has introduced new risks, often used to harass individuals, extort victims, or manipulate public opinion.

Several government institutions have also been targeted. Earlier this year, cyberattacks disrupted websites belonging to key agencies, including the Department of Government Printing and the Sri Lanka Police.

In June, the SMS gateway of the National Water Supply and Drainage Board (NWSDB) was compromised. Customers received ransom messages demanding Bitcoin payments via the board’s official shortcode, raising serious concerns about public sector cybersecurity.

In March, multiple banks were affected by ransomware attacks that led to the leak of 1.9 terabytes of sensitive data. The stolen information included national identity card images, transaction histories, and employee records.

Meanwhile, there has been a surge in WhatsApp and Telegram account takeovers, many involving phishing techniques and intercepted one-time passwords (OTPs). Attackers have also used deepfake videos and fake emergency messages to trick victims into giving up account access.

Beyond technical threats, cybercrime is taking on a more human dimension. Increasingly, individuals are being lured overseas with fake job offers and trafficked into scam operations. Once abroad, they are forced to engage in online fraud through encrypted platforms, often under threats or coercion.

The Sri Lanka Police have also warned of a sharp increase in crimes committed through platforms such as Facebook, WhatsApp, Telegram, Skype, and WeChat. The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) has identified two main methods used in online financial frauds.

The first involves fake investment and work-from-home schemes. Victims are shown fake profits to gain trust, then tricked into sending large sums. Scammers later demand extra payments under false pretenses before vanishing.

The second method uses bogus remote job offers to collect bank account details, which are then used to launder stolen funds.

Police urge people to avoid clicking suspicious links, refrain from sharing banking information with strangers, and never transfer funds received from unknown sources to third-party accounts.

The SLCERT also advised users never share OTPs or passwords, verify requests—even from known contacts—enable two-factor authentication, and maintain strict privacy settings on social media accounts.

By Tahaan Jayewardene Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, July 26 (Daily Mirror) – Minister of Foreign Affairs, Vijitha Herath yesterday said that the government was free of corruption, and it was now a good time for foreign investors to invest in Sri Lanka.

At the inaugural annual general meeting of the Global Federation of Sri Lankan Business Councils (GFSLBC), the Minister mentioned that investors could now start businesses without paying money or commissions to politicians, and that people could also invest their foreign currencies in Sri Lanka. The event was also attended by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake.

The Minister however mentioned that tax relief to investors could not be given right away and that it would take some time. He added that the economic and political situation in Sri Lanka had become more stable since the new government came in and although it was not fully stable, there was less corruption and stealing. He said the government was trying hard to change the country and improve people’s lives but it could not do it alone and needed the support of the business community and the public.

He mentioned that US tax had been reduced to 30 percent compared to the earlier amount of 44 percent. Noting that despite the decrease, this was still a high percentage, and that President Dissanayake would be speaking to top trade representatives from the United States to try and reduce it further. He also added that they had almost completed all restructuring of the bi-lateral loans.

At the inaugural annual general meeting of the GFSLBC, the first Executive Committee of GMSLBC, was announced.

Courtesy Adaderana

It has been revealed during a meeting of the Committee on Public Accounts (COPA) that a sum of over Rs. 2.4 million has been spent solely on name boards to designate 809 provincial schools as national schools.

However, it has come to light that these schools have been designated as national schools in name only, with no substantive changes implemented to reflect their new status.

These findings were disclosed during a recent session of COPA, in which officials from the Ministry of Education were summoned for questioning.

Furthermore, the committee has recommended that the Ministry of Education submit a comprehensive report within three months regarding the program launched by the previous government to increase the number of national schools to 1,000, along with details of the 72 projects initiated under the State Ministry.

Courtesy Adaderana

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has underscored the importance of sustaining Sri Lanka’s reform momentum and safeguarding macroeconomic stability, following a week-long mission to the country. 

Speaking at Ada Derana’s current affairs program ‘@Hydepark’, Evan Papageorgiou, the IMF Mission Chief for Sri Lanka, outlined key developments in the nation’s economic program and future challenges.

Papageorgiou expressed satisfaction with the government’s strong commitment to reform, highlighting productive discussions with a wide range of authorities and private sector representatives. 

 We were very happy always to see the strong commitment of the authorities including the president,” he said.

The mission coincided with the IMF Executive Board’s approval of the fourth review of Sri Lanka’s program. The review focused on several structural benchmarks, including the enactment of the Asset Recovery Law, improved VAT compliance plans, and actions to address electricity cost recovery. 

Following earlier concerns over underreported central government expenditure arrears, Papageorgiou explained that the Board was reassured by corrective measures and a clear two-year plan to clear arrears.

Addressing global and regional challenges, the Mission Chief noted ongoing trade negotiations between Sri Lanka and the United States, especially concerning recent tariff changes. 

Sri Lanka was set at 44%, and then on July 9th, that level was reduced to 30%. We look forward to seeing the outcome of the negotiations and are paying very close attention to these developments,” Papageorgiou said.

The IMF flagged Sri Lanka’s heavy reliance on limited export markets, notably the U.S., as a systemic risk that underscores the need for trade diversification and increased Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). 

Attracting FDI is a multi-prong process that relies on policy continuity, good policies overall, low corruption, strong rule of law and associated other policies,” he noted.

Structural reforms, improved infrastructure, labor policies, and public-private partnerships are key to unlocking growth potential, he said.

When asked about the restructuring of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB), Papageorgiou emphasized the need for credible and transparent reforms, balancing fiscal sustainability with consumer affordability. 

While the IMF does not prescribe ownership models, private investment and PPPs (Public Private Partnerships) could complement state ownership to expand capacity and promote renewable energy, he noted.

On concerns about the high cost of living, the Mission Chief said inflation has fallen substantially, with expectations to stabilize near the central bank’s 5% target, he said. 

The IMF program includes social spending targets to protect vulnerable populations, including electricity tariff structures designed to safeguard low-income households.

When questioned about the available fiscal space within the parameters of the EFF program for Sri Lanka to improve living standards while addressing the rising cost of living, IMF Mission Chief Evan Papageorgiou emphasized the importance of maintaining prudent fiscal policies that prioritize social spending.

So when we talk about rebuilding fiscal space or maintaining a prudent fiscal policy, it already assumes that there will be a certain level of spending. Spending for social purposes and protecting the poor and vulnerable is so important that it is actually an indicative target in our program. Therefore, we are urging and hoping that the authorities will keep up with the type of spending needed to support those who need it the most.”

Papageorgiou also highlighted the importance of supporting small and medium enterprises (SMEs), which are vital for job creation and economic resilience. Efforts to improve tax policy and trade facilitation, such as the National Single Window, are underway to encourage business investment.

Responding to skepticism about the IMF program’s human costs, Papageorgiou praised Sri Lankans’ resilience and ingenuity and emphasized that the program’s second half focuses on long-term sustainable growth, better governance, and stronger institutions.

I have been surprised positively every time I come about the resilience and the ingenuity of Sri Lankans—all the way from the government and the private sector, to the people we meet regularly in academia, think tanks, and other organizations. There is large commitment from everybody to continue seeing things through,” he said.

The restructuring process with private bondholders is complete, and bilateral talks are nearing conclusion, paving the way for a more sustainable debt framework, he added further.

Concluding the discussion, the IMF Mission Chief expressed confidence in Sri Lanka’s growth prospects, noting the country’s progress and the strong reform momentum. 

When asked whether Sri Lanka is on track with its reform agenda, IMF Mission Chief Evan Papageorgiou expressed confidence in the country’s direction.

Yes, I do. And I hope that the momentum will continue. The momentum of reforms is firmly in place, and with the assistance of the IMF and other development partners, the authorities will find more opportunities to put in place all that is needed to see it through.”

Shenali D Waduge

Eelam — a word that triggered a 30-year conflict — must be urgently re-examined.

The term Tamil Eelam” has come to symbolize demands for a separate Tamil state in Sri Lanka. But few stop to ask: What did Eelam” originally mean? Contrary to separatist claims, historical, linguistic, and literary evidence shows that Eelam” once referred to the entire island of Sri Lanka, long recognized as the homeland of the Sinhalese people. This article unpacks how a term rooted in Sinhalese identity and Buddhist culture was later repackaged into a political slogan to justify ethnic separatism. The United Nations, foreign diplomats, and Sri Lanka’s own Foreign Ministry must take serious note of this historical distortion.

1.                 Linguistic Roots: ‘Eelam’ and the Hela or Elu People

The term Eelam” (ஈழம்) is widely accepted by scholars to be a cognate of Hela” or Elu”—terms used to refer to the ancient Sinhalese people.

The Madras Tamil Lexicon (University of Madras, 1924) defines Eelam” as a Tamil adaptation of the term for Sri Lanka, without linking it to Tamil ethnicity.

Scholars like Dr. K. Indrapala and Kamil Zvelebil confirm that the word denotes the island of Lanka as a whole, rather than a region specific to Tamil habitation.

Thus, even etymology refutes the notion that Eelam” was ever inherently Tamil.

2.                       Early Tamil Literature: Eelam as a Foreign Land

Contrary to modern claims, ancient Tamil texts portray Eelam as foreign, distant, and Buddhist island—not as a Tamil homeland.

1.Purananuru (circa 300 BCE – 300 CE)

Verse 56 praises a Tamil king for conquering Eelam, implying it was a separate, external territory. (you do not conquer what is yours – if it is yours)

2. Silappatikaram (2nd century CE)

Refers to Eelam as a land across the sea, confirming its distinctness from Tamilakam.

3.Manimekalai (6th century CE)

The heroine, Manimekalai, sails to Eelam, depicted as an island inhabited by Buddhists, with established shrines and monks.

This aligns with the Sinhalese Anuradhapura Buddhist civilization, not a Tamil Buddhist presence.

Zvelebil, in The Smile of Murugan (1973), writes: The Eelam referred to in the epic is not a Tamil land, but a foreign island known for its Buddhist establishments.”

Indrapala, in The Evolution of an Ethnic Identity (2005), affirms:

In Manimekalai, the land of Eelam is presented as a distant Buddhist island… [reflecting] Sri Lanka’s Sinhalese Buddhist identity even in early Tamil imagination.”

The classical Tamil literary corpus consistently portrays Eelam as an island distinct from Tamilakam, inhabited by a Buddhist civilization linked to the Sinhalese. This evidence refutes the modern separatist narrative that claims Eelam as a historic Tamil homeland.

 

3.                                         Colonial and Scholarly Consensus

Both colonial records and modern scholarship consistently affirm that Eelam” referred to the island of Sri Lanka as a whole, and never denoted a Tamil ethnic homeland or separate polity.

Colonial Evidence:

• Portuguese (16th–17th century)and Dutch (17th–18^th century) administrators referred to the island as Ceilão” (Ceylon) and described the dominant native polity as the Sinhalese Buddhist kingdoms of Kotte, Sitawaka, and Kandy.
• The so-called Jaffna Kingdom was regarded by the Portuguese as a subordinate, South Indian-linked outpost, not an indigenous Tamil kingdom. It was militarily subdued in 1619 and was never recognized as a sovereign entity.
• No treaties were signed with a Tamil kingdom” as equal parties. The colonial powers negotiated with Sinhalese kings, indicating who held recognized sovereignty.

Scholarly Commentary:

Prof. K. Indrapala, in The Evolution of an Ethnic Identity (2005), states:

In early Tamil literature, ‘Eelam’ appears as a geographic term for the island of Lanka, not as a designation for a Tamil polity or homeland.”

Dr. Kamil Zvelebil, renowned Czech linguist, confirms in The Smile of Murugan (1973):

The usage of ‘Eelam’ in classical Tamil works referred to the island as a whole and did not imply an exclusive Tamil cultural or political domain.”

Colonial Chroniclers and Observers

Even 19th-century British administrators, like Sir Hugh Cleghorn and Robert Percival, made clear distinctions between nations” on the island, consistently identifying the Sinhalese as the majority indigenous people.

Philippus Baldaeus (1672)

In his work A Description of the East Indian Coasts of Malabar and Coromandel”, Baldaeus clearly identifies the island of Ceylon (Sri Lanka) as the land of the Sinhalese, and not as a Tamil homeland.

• He refers to the Sinhalese as the original inhabitantsof the island, describing them as having a well-developed civilization with their own language, religion (Buddhism), and system of governance.
• The Tamil (Malabar) population is described as migrant, and their presence in the North as relatively recent.
• Baldaeus never uses the term Eelam”to describe a Tamil land — nor does he identify any part of the island as a Tamil homeland.
• The Chingalese (Sinhalese) are the proper natives of the island, very jealous of their independence…”
  – Philippus Baldaeus, 1672

Fernão de Queyroz (17th century, translated 1930 by Fr. S.G. Perera)

• In The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon”, Queyroz describes the island as a land historically ruled by Sinhala kings, with references to Buddhism, Anuradhapura, and Kandy.
• He identifies the island consistently as Ceylon, ruled by a Sinhalese Buddhist monarchic tradition — with no ethnic Tamil kingdom described as native or sovereign.
• The northern kinglets are mentioned as tributaries or rebels, not sovereign rulers of an ethnically distinct Tamil homeland.
• Ceylon, the land of the Chingalas [Sinhalese], is ancient and noble, long governed by their own kings until our conquest…”

– Fernão de Queyroz

Robert Knox (1681) An Historical Relation of the Island Ceylon”

• Knox, an Englishman who lived in Kandyan captivity for 20 years, provides detailed firsthand descriptions of the Sinhalese as the native peopleof the island.
• He never refers to the Tamils as native rulers or original inhabitants.
• The Chingulays (Sinhalese) are the natural inhabitants of the Island… The Malabars [Tamils] dwell in the North and are fewer in number.”

Sir Emerson Tennent (1859) Ceylon: An Account of the Island

• British colonial administrator who described the Sinhalese as the principal raceand custodians of the island’s ancient civilization.
• Noted the Buddhist heritage, irrigation systems, and citiesas products of Sinhalese rule.
• The Sinhalese are the true representatives of the ancient races of Ceylon… The northern Tamils are comparatively recent immigrants.”

Hugh Cleghorn (1799) – British Colonial Secretary

• Famous Memorandum (June 1799):

Often quoted (though sometimes selectively), Cleghorn distinguishes between nations” within the island but emphasizes Sinhalese historical primacy.

• …two different nations from a very early period have divided between them the possession of the island… the Sinhalese, the proper natives, inhabit the southern and central parts…”
• Key Point:Even though Tamils are acknowledged as a group in the North, they are not described as native to the island in the sense of political or civilizational primacy.

Dr. John Davy (1821) An Account of the Interior of Ceylon

• British physician and military officer.
• Describes Kandy as the heartland of Sinhalese civilization, with a clearly Buddhist identity and governance structure.
• The interior of the island is the stronghold of the Kandyan Sinhalese, guardians of the island’s ancient faith and culture.”

Henry Parker (1909) Ancient Ceylon”

• British engineer and historian.
• Acknowledges that the island’s irrigation systems, megalithic monuments, and religious institutionsare clearly of Sinhalese origin.
• There is no evidence that the Tamils were responsible for the great irrigation works of Ceylon. These are attributed to the ancient Sinhalese kings.”

All these authors — colonial administrators, missionaries, scholars, and captives — independently affirm that:

• The Sinhalese were the native and dominant populationacross the island.
• Tamil settlements in the North were recognized as South Indian-origin migrant communities, not indigenous rulers.
• The island’s name, culture, and identity were associated with the Sinhalese— not with a separate Tamil homeland.

4.                       The Modern Hijack: From Literature to Militancy

The term Tamil Eelam” as a designation for a separate Tamil state or homeland did not exist historically and was only politicized in the late 20th century, particularly during the 1970s.

• TheVaddukoddai Resolution (1976), adopted by the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), formally demanded the creation of an independent Tamil state called Tamil Eelam.”
• This political demand marked thefirst major appropriation of the ancient term Eelam” for ethnic separatism.
• Soon after, theLiberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) emerged as the militant force seeking to realize this separatist agenda, using the term extensively in propaganda and warfare.

Key Points:

• The ancient termEelam” originally referred to the entire island of Sri Lanka, with no exclusive Tamil ethnic or territorial connotation.
• The modern usage asTamil Eelam” is a retroactive political construction, deliberately designed to fabricate a historical and cultural justification for separatism.
• This is aclassic example of linguistic revisionism and political rebranding, which distorts historical facts to serve contemporary nationalist and militant objectives.

Implication:

The political and militant use of Tamil Eelam” today is detached from its historical and linguistic origins, and should be understood as a modern ideological invention rather than an ancient or indigenous Tamil homeland claim.

If the term Eelam” originates from Hela”—the name used for the ancient Sinhalese people—and historically referred to the island ruled by Sinhalese kings, then a critical question arises:

• Are Tamil separatists demanding a homeland on behalf of the Sinhalese?
• How can international actors and human rights bodies support a movement whose very name undermines its ethnic and historical claims?

This contradiction is not trivial. It exposes the historical and moral bankruptcy of the Tamil Eelam” narrative and its fabricated foundations.

Restore Historical Accuracy

• The wordEelam” was never Tamil—not in origin, literary usage, or territorial association.
• It consistently referred tothe entire island of Sri Lanka, which was historically inhabited, governed, and defended by the Sinhalese for over two millennia.
• Themodern appropriation of this term by separatists is a deliberate distortion—a linguistic hijack aimed at constructing a false historical justification for a political and militant agenda.

Let’s ask the Right Question:

The next time you hear the phrase Tamil Eelam,” ask:
Isn’t it, in fact, referring to the island of the Sinhalese?

And how many billions have been spent globally—by NGOs, governments, and lobbies—to fund a separatist campaign for a land whose very name proves it was never theirs but always belonged to the Sinhalese – —who, both in history and today, have always stepped forward to defend it, even sacrificing their lives.

Shenali D Waduge

කෘත්‍රිම බුද්ධිය මගින් සකසන ලදී

පාසල් දරුවන්ට ආගම ඉගැන්වීමේ වැදගත්කම

ආගම යනු මානව සමාජය තුළ අතිශය ප්‍රබල සහ ඵලදායී බලපෑමක් ඇති සංකල්පයකි. යුගාන්තර ගණනාවක පුරා විවිධ සන්ස්කෘතික පසුබැසීම්, සදාචාරාත්මක ක්‍රම, සහ ජීවන රටා මත ආගම විසිරී ඇත. එබැවින්, පාසල් අධ්‍යාපනයේ අංගයකි ලෙස ආගමට ස්ථානයක් ලබාදීම සමාජීය, ආධ්‍යාත්මික හා බුද්ධිමය වශයෙන් ඉතාම වැදගත්ය. මේ ලිපියෙහි දැක්වෙන්නේ පාසල් දරුවන්ට ආගම පිළිබඳව ඉගැන්වීමේ වැදගත්කම සහ ඒහි සමාජීය හා පුද්ගලික අයුරින් ඇති ව්‍යාප්ත බලපෑම් පිළිබඳ ගැඹුරු විග්‍රහයකි.

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1. සදාචාරාත්මක වටිනාකම් වර්ධනය කිරීම

බොහෝ ආගම් ජීවිතයේ යහපත් පදනමක් වශයෙන් සදාචාරාත්මක වටිනාකම් උදෙසා අවධානය යොමු කරයි. සත්‍යභාවය, දයාව, කරුණාව, උපකාරශීලීත්වය, සහ ගරුසන වැනි ගුණාංග දරුවන්ගේ චරිත ගොඩනඟීමට විශාලත්වයෙන් දායක වේ. ආගමික අධ්‍යාපනය ඔවුන්ට මෙම සදාචාරාත්මක වටිනාකම් අවබෝධ කරමින්, ඒවා ඔවුන්ගේ දෛනික ජීවිතයට පිළිගැනීමට යොමු කරයි. එමඟින් යහපත් පුරවැසියන් වශයෙන් දරුවන් වර්ධනය වීමට මඟහැරීමක් නොවෙයි.

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2. ආගමික විවිධත්වය පිළිබඳ අවබෝධය හා සමාජීය සමවය

විශේෂයෙන් බහු ආගමික සමාජයක ජීවත්වන දරුවන්ට, තමාට අයත් නොවන ආගම් පිළිබඳව ගැඹුරු අවබෝධයක් ලබාදීමෙන් සහයෝගී සහජීවනයක් ඇති කිරීමට මූලික අත්වැලක් වේ. ආගමික අධ්‍යාපනය ඔවුන්ට විවිධ ආගමික විශ්වාස, චාරිත්‍ර හා චේතනාවන් පිළිබඳව තේරුම් ගන්නට හැකිවන පරිදි සම්භාවිතාවයකින් යුතුව ඉගැන්විය යුතුය. එවිට සංවාදය, ගරුසන, සහයෝගීතාවය හා සාමය වැනි සමාජීය වටිනාකම් සවිබල ගනී.

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3. ආධ්‍යාත්මික සහ මානසික වර්ධනය

දරුවන්ගේ පුද්ගලික හැඳුනුම්වල වර්ධනය සඳහා ආගමික අධ්‍යාපනය විශේෂිත දායකත්වයක් ලබාදෙයි. ජීවිතයේ අරුත, අන්‍යෝන්‍ය සම්බන්ධතා, සහ ආත්මික අවබෝධය වැනි ගැඹුරු ප්‍රශ්න සොයා බැලීම ඔවුන්ගේ මානසික සහ සංවේදී වර්ධනයට ඉවහල් වේ. මෙය තර්කශීලීත්වය, විචක්ෂණය සහ ගැඹුරු සෙවීමේ හැකියාවන් වර්ධනය කිරීමටද ඉදිරිපත් වේ.

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4. සංස්කෘතික හා ඉතිහාසමය දැනුම වැඩිදියුණු කිරීම

ආගම් බොහෝ විට සන්ස්කෘතිය, සාහිත්‍යය, කලා, නීති පද්ධති, හා සමාජ සංවිධානය බිහි කිරීමට බලපෑමක් කළ පසුබැසීම් සහිතය. එම නිසා, ආගම පිළිබඳව ඉගෙනීම දරුවන්ට තම ජාතික හැඳුනුම, සංස්කෘතික උරුමය සහ අභිමානය දිරවා ගැනීමට හැකියාව සපයයි. අතීත සිදුවීම්වලට ආගමික කේන්ද්‍රභූතතාවයක් තිබීම නිසා, ආගමික දැනුමක් නොමැතිව සම්පූර්ණ ඉතිහාස අවබෝධයකට ළඟාවීම අපහසුය.

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5. ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී වටිනාකම් සහ සාමකාමී සංවාදය ප්‍රවර්ධනය

විවිධ අදහස් සහ විශ්වාසයන් පිළිබඳව ගරුසන සහ විවෘත සංවාදයක් ගොඩනඟා ගැනීම ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී සමාජයක මූලික අංගයකි. ආගමික අධ්‍යාපනය දරුවන්ට නව අදහස් පිළිගැනීම, තමාගේ අදහස් විවෙචනය කිරීම සහ සාමකාමී වාද විවාදයක නිරත වීම පිළිබඳව ද සෘජුවම උගන්වයි. මෙය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර සෙවණැලි තදබල කරමින් වගකීම් සහිත පුරවැසියන් බිහිකිරීමට ඉවහල් වේ.

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නිගමනය

ආගමික අධ්‍යාපනය පාසල් අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමයක අංගයකි ලෙස සලකා, එය ආවරණය කළ යුත්තේ විශ්වාසයන්ට නොව, දැනුමට පදනම්වය. ඒමගින් දරුවන්ගේ සදාචාරික, ආධ්‍යාත්මික හා සමාජීය වර්ධනයට උපකාරී වන පරිදි යථානිර්දේශිත, විවෘත හා ගෞරවයෙන් යුතුව ආගමික ඉගැන්වීම් පවත්වාගෙන යායුතුය. එවැනි අධ්‍යාපනයක් හරහා, සාමකාමී, විචක්ෂණශීලි සහ එකමුතුවකින් යුතු පරපුරක් බිහි කිරීම සිදුවිය හැකිය.

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අවසන් වශයෙන්, විශ්වාස හා විවිධත්වය පිළිබඳව තේරුම් ගන්නා දරුවෙකු යනු, අනාගතයේ ජාතික සාමය, අන්තර් ආගමික සහජීවනය සහ සමාජයෙහි යහපත් පරිවර්තනය සඳහා ප්‍රබල පදනමක් වේ. එබැවින්, ආගමික අධ්‍යාපනය පාසල් වයස්වලදී ආරම්භ විය යුතු අත්‍යවශ්‍ය අංගයකි.

ChatGPT assisted Report

Religion has been a central part of human civilization for thousands of years, shaping cultures, moral systems, and social values. Teaching religion to school children is not about promoting a particular belief but about helping them understand the role religion plays in human life and society. In a world that is increasingly diverse and interconnected, religious education is essential for promoting understanding, tolerance, and moral development. This essay explores the importance of teaching religion to school children and how it benefits individuals and society.

1. Building Moral and Ethical Values

One of the most important reasons to teach religion in schools is to help children develop strong moral and ethical values. Most religions promote universal principles such as honesty, kindness, compassion, respect, and responsibility. By learning about these values, children are guided toward becoming respectful, thoughtful, and responsible individuals. Religious education helps them understand the difference between right and wrong and encourages them to reflect on their actions.

2. Promoting Tolerance and Interfaith Understanding

In today’s multicultural societies, children are likely to interact with people from different religious backgrounds. Teaching religion in schools can promote tolerance, respect, and peaceful coexistence. When students learn about various religious beliefs and practices, they are more likely to appreciate diversity and less likely to develop prejudice or hatred. Understanding others’ faiths reduces fear and suspicion, encouraging empathy and acceptance.

3. Encouraging Personal and Spiritual Growth

Religion often addresses life’s big questions—such as the meaning of life, the nature of good and evil, and what happens after death. Teaching religion provides a space for students to explore these questions in a thoughtful and guided manner. It encourages them to think deeply, search for meaning, and develop their own beliefs and values. This process supports their emotional and spiritual well-being and helps them form a strong sense of identity.

4. Providing Cultural and Historical Understanding

Religion has shaped art, music, literature, architecture, and history. Understanding religion helps students make sense of cultural and historical events, both in their own country and around the world. For example, many important historical movements, festivals, and conflicts have religious roots. Religious education allows children to connect with their own cultural heritage while also understanding the traditions of others.

5. Fostering Respectful Dialogue and Citizenship

Religious education helps children learn how to discuss sensitive topics with respect and care. It teaches them how to listen to others’ perspectives, express their own views thoughtfully, and engage in meaningful dialogue. These skills are essential in any democratic society. By learning to appreciate different viewpoints, students become more informed, respectful, and active citizens.

Conclusion

In conclusion, teaching religion to school children is a valuable part of education. It helps build moral character, promotes understanding and tolerance, supports personal growth, and provides insight into culture and history. Far from being a source of division, religious education—when taught in an open, balanced, and inclusive way—can help unite students of different backgrounds and prepare them to live peacefully in a diverse world. By helping children understand religion, schools contribute to the development of compassionate, thoughtful, and responsible individuals.

NDT ශිෂ්‍ය සංගමය – මොරටුව විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය

මේ වනවිට ශිෂ්‍යයන්ට පනවා ඇති අසාධාරණ පන්ති තහනම් ඉවත් කර ගැනීමත්, විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය තුල පවත්වාගෙන යන මිලිටරි පාලනය හෙළා දැකීමත්, අධ්‍යක්ෂකවරයා විසින් සිසුන්ගේ අධ්‍යාපනයේ නිදහසට දිගින් දිගටම බාධා කිරීමට විරුද්ධත්වය පළකිරීමත් යන කරුණු අරමුණු කොටගෙන NDT ශිෂ්‍ය සංගමයේ මූලිකත්වයෙන් විරෝධතා බැනරය අත්සන් තැබීම ජූලි 25 වන දින එනම් අද දින මොරටුව විශ්වවිද්‍යාලීය තාක්ෂණ ආයතනය පරිශ්‍රයේ දී සාර්ථකව පැවැන්වුනි.

එහිදී NDT ශිෂ්‍ය සංගමය මූලිකත්වයෙන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයීය සිසුන් සමගින් එක්ව අද දින විරෝධතා බැනරයකට අත්සන් තැබීම සිදුකරනු ලැබුවා. දීර්ඝ කාලයක් පුරාවට පරිපාලනයේ පවතින ගැටලු, නේවාසිකාගාර ගාස්තු පිළිබද ගැටලු, අසාධාරණ ලෙස පනවන ලද පන්ති තහනම් ශිෂ්‍යයන්ගේ අධ්‍යාපනික නිදහස විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය තුල පවතින මිලිටරි පාලනය, වත්මන් ඩිප්ලෝමාව උපාධියක් දක්වා වැඩිදියුණු කිරීම ආදී කරුණු බොහෝමයක් මුල් කරගෙන පවතින පරිපාලනයට විරුද්ධත්වය පෙන්වීමක් ලෙසින් මෙය සිදු කරනු ලැබීය. එමෙන්ම මේ සදහා බලධාරින්ගෙන් සාධාරණ පිළිතුරක් ලැබෙන තෙක් ශිෂ්‍ය ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයන් අඛණ්ඩව සිදුකරගෙන යන බවට ශිෂ්‍ය සංගමය අවධාරණය කළේය.

Ministry of Defence  – Media Centre

Brigadier Franklin Joseph USP officially assumed duties as the new Director Media and Spokesman of the Ministry of Defence on Tuesday (Jul 22). He officially assumed responsibilities from Colonel Nalin Herath, who previously served as the Director Media and Spokesman.

Brigadier Franklin Joseph, a distinguished officer of the Sri Lanka Army Engineers Corps, brings with him over three decades of exemplary service marked by professionalism, leadership and a deep commitment to national security. He served with distinction as the Centre Commandant of the Corps of Sri Lanka Engineers prior takeover the duties as the Director Media

Priyantha Pradeep Ranasinghe

The Sinhala version of the Beena Sarwar’s  international documentary film ‘Democracy in Debt: Sri Lanka – Beyond the Headlines’, produced by Priyantha Pradeep Ranasinghe under the title  ‘ණය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය: ශ්‍රී ලංකාව – සිරස්තලවලින් ඔබ්බට” (26 Minutes), will be screened at the Sri Lanka Press Institute, Colombo, this month (July 30) at 4.00 p.m.
Beena Sarwa, a Pakistani multimedia journalist and producer currently residing in the US, who produced the original film, will join the event.

Originally produced in English with the support of the Pulitzer Center in the United States, the 25-minute documentary was released last year. Filmed in both Dutuwewa, a remote village in Sri Lanka, and Colombo, the documentary presents a compelling, multi-layered narrative that explores universal issues of governance, accountability, and the resilience of democratic hopes. While deeply rooted in the Sri Lankan context, its message resonates across borders in countries such as India, Bangladesh, and the United States, where people continue to fight for democratic values and transparency.

Ahead of Sri Lanka’s recent presidential election, the film was screened at several venues in Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and the United States. Its critical success led to further screenings at more than 70 venues in nearly 20 countries, spanning five continents. The film received favourable reviews from prominent media outlets, including The Wire in India and Dawn in Pakistan.

The Sinhala version is particularly significant for Sri Lanka, as it is believed to be the first time an international documentary has been produced in Sinhala. The film also predicted the social and political transformation that followed the country’s presidential election in 2024, making it a timely and relevant contribution to the national conversation.

Beena Sarwar is a respected multimedia journalist, editor, and documentary filmmaker. She has held senior editorial positions in leading print and television media in Pakistan and has been a founding member of several key media initiatives, including Himal Southasian magazine and Panos South Asia. She holds a Master’s degree in Television Documentary from Goldsmiths, University of London, and has received prestigious fellowships from the Nieman Foundation for Journalism at Harvard University and the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School.

Since 2011, she has lived in the Boston area in the United States and has taught journalism at institutions such as Princeton University, Brown University, Harvard Summer School, and Emerson College. In 2021, she launched Sapan News, an independent media outlet offering a syndicated features service. The platform evolved from the Southasia Peace Action Network (Sapan), a volunteer-led regional peace initiative launched earlier that year.

The Sinhala production, translation, adaptation and advisory role for the film was undertaken by Priyantha Pradeep Ranasinghe, a seasoned journalist with more than 20 years of experience in print, electronic, and digital media in Sri Lanka. He has worked at leading national media organisations and played a vital role in making the documentary accessible to Sinhala-speaking audiences.
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We invite you to provide media coverage on this event and join us in watching the film.

Venue – Sri Lanka Press Institute, 96, Kirula Road, Colombo 5, Sri Lanka
Date & Time –  July 30 th Wednesday 2025, at 4.00 – 6.00 p.m.,
For  more information – 0717640015

Priyantha Pradeep Ranasinghe
0773124550

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දර්ශන හා පින්තුර පහත ඇත
The videos and pictures are below.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ax1OvuWWqVE

ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ

ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ විසින් ‘ණය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය: ශ්‍රී ලංකාව – සිරස්තලවලින් ඔබ්බට’ යන නමින්  සිංහලට නගා නිෂ්පාදනය කළ, බීනා සාර්වාගේ  ‘Democracy in Debt: Sri Lanka – Beyond the Headlines’ අන්තර්ජාතික වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටයේ, එම සිංහල අනුවාදය, මේ මස (ජූලි 30) ප.ව. 4.00 ට, කොළඹ, ශ්‍රී ලංකා පුවත්පත් ආයතනයේදී ප්‍රදර්ශනය කෙරේ. එම අවස්ථාවට මුල් චිත්‍රපටය නිෂ්පාදනය කළ, දැනට ඇමරිකාවේ වෙසෙන, පාකිස්ථාන බහු මාධ්‍ය, ජනමාධ්‍යවේදිනියක් වන බීනා සාර්වාද එක්වීමට නියමිතයි.

බීනා සාර්වා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ගැන පසුගිය වසරේදී ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් නිෂ්පාදනය කළ මිනිත්තු 25ක මෙම වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටයට, ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදයේ Pulitzer Center හි අනුග්‍රහය ලැබී තිබිණි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දුරස්ථ ගම්මානයක(දුටුවැව) මෙන්ම කොළඹදී රූගත කරන ලද මෙම චිත්‍රපටය, ආණ්ඩුකරණය, වගවීම සහ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී අභිලාෂයන් ගැන ඇති චිරස්ථායී බලාපොරොත්තු සම්බන්ධ විශ්වීය අභියෝග පිළිබඳ බහු ස්ථර ආඛ්‍යානයක් සපයයි. එය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පමණක් නොව, ඉන්දියාව, බංග්ලාදේශය, ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදය ඇතුළුව ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය සහ වගවීම ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට ජනතාව අරගල කරන ඕනෑම තැනකට අදාළ වේ. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පසුගිය ජනාධිපතිවරණයට පෙර, ශ්‍රී ලංකාව, පාකිස්තානය සහ එක්සත් ජනපදය ඇතුළු රටවල් රැසක මෙම චිත්‍රපටය ප්‍රදර්ශනය කර ඇත. මහාද්වීප පහක, රටවල් 20 කට ආසන්න සංඛ්‍යාවක සහ ස්ථාන 70 කට අධික ප්‍රමාණයක තිරගත කිරීම්වලින් එහි විචාරාත්මක සහ තීරණාත්මක සාර්ථකත්වය පැහැදිලි වෙයි. ඉන්දියාවේ The Wire  මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයේ සිට පකිස්ථානයේ Dawn මාධ්‍ය ආයතනය දක්වා ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරන ලද ධනාත්මක මාධ්‍ය සමාලෝචන එම සාර්ථකත්වය තව දුරටත් තහවුරු කරයි.

මෙය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට වැදගත් වන්නේ, පසුගිය වසරේ ජනාධිපතිවරණය මගින් ඇති කරන ලද සමාජ විප්ලවය සහ දේශපාලන පරිවර්තනය පිළිබඳව මෙම චිත්‍රපටය පුරෝකථනය කිරීමයි. එමෙන්ම, විදේශීය වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටයක් සිංහලෙන් නිෂ්පාදනය කරන ලද පළමු අවස්ථාව මෙයයි.

බීනා සාර්වා බහු මාධ්‍ය, ජනමාධ්‍යවේදිනියකි. එමෙන්ම සංස්කාරකවරියක් සහ වාර්තා චිත්‍රපට නිෂ්පාදකවරියකි. ඇය පාකිස්ථාන මුද්‍රිත හා රූපවාහිනී මාධ්‍යවල කතෘ මණ්ඩලයන්හි ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ තනතුරු හොබවා ඇති අතර, Himal Southasian සඟරාව සහ Panos South Asia ආදී මාධ්‍ය ව්‍යාපාර කිහිපයක ආරම්භක කණ්ඩායම්වල කටයුතු කර තිබේ. ඇය ලන්ඩන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ- ගෝල්ඩ්ස්මිත් විදුහලෙන් රූපවාහිනී වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටය පිළිබඳ ශාස්ත්‍රපති උපාධියක් ලබා ඇති අතර, ඇගේ ජාත්‍යන්තර අධිශිෂ්‍යත්ව අතරට හාවඩ් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ ජනමාධ්‍ය සඳහා වන, Nieman Foundation අධිශිෂ්‍යත්වය  සහ හාවඩ් කෙනඩි පාසලේ මානව හිමිකම් ප්‍රතිපත්ති සඳහා වූ Carr Center හි අධිශිෂ්‍යත්වයද ඇතුළත් වේ. 2011 සිට, බීනා ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදයේ බොස්ටන් ප්‍රදේශයේ පදිංචිව සිටින අතර, ඇය ප්‍රින්ස්ටන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය, බ්‍රවුන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය, හාවඩ් ගිම්හාන පාසල සහ එමර්සන් විද්‍යාලයේ පුවත්පත් කලාව ඉගැන්වූවාය. 2021 අගෝස්තු මාසයේදී, බීනා විසින් සංයුක්ත විශේෂාංග සේවා නිෂ්පාදනය කරන ස්වාධීන මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයක් වන සපාන් නිවුස්” දියත් කරන ලදී. එය, එම වසර මුලදී දියත් කරන ලද ස්වෙච්ඡාදායක ව්‍යාපෘතියක් වන වන දකුණු ආසියානු සාම ක්‍රියාකාරී ජාලය හෙවත් සපාන් (Southasia Peace Action Network,/ Sapan ) හි ආරම්භක අදියර තවත් ඉදිරියට යාමකි.

‘ණය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය: ශ්‍රී ලංකාව – සිරස්තලවලින් ඔබ්බට’ නමින් එහි  සිංහල නිෂ්පාදනය, පරිවර්තනය සහ උපදේශනය සිදු කරන ලද්දේ, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මුද්‍රිත, විද්‍යුත් හා නව මාධ්‍ය පිළිබඳ අත්දැකීම් ඇති, වසර 20 කට අසන්න කාලයක් මාධ්‍යව්දියෙකු ලෙස ප්‍රධාන පෙළේ මාධ්‍ය ආයතනවල කටයුතු කළ ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ විසිනි.
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මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් මාධ්‍ය ආවරණයක් ලබාදෙන ලෙසද, චිත්‍රපටය නැරඹීම සඳහා එක්වන ලෙසද ආරාධනා කරමු.

ස්ථානය – ශ්‍රී ලංකා පුවත්පත් ආයතනය, 96, කිරුළ පාර, කොළඹ 05
දිනය – 2025 ජූලි 30 බදාදා
වෙලාව – ප.ව. 4.00-6.00
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While Sri Lanka is credited with the initial idea behind the Decision Review System (DRS) in cricket, through the work of Senaka Weeraratna, it’s not accurate to say it has brought a significant financial windfall for the country. The DRS has become a standard feature in cricket, but Sri Lanka hasn’t received royalties or significant financial benefits from its widespread use by the ICC. 

Here’s a more detailed breakdown:

Sri Lanka’s Contribution:

Senaka Weeraratna, a Sri Lankan lawyer, is credited with proposing the concept of a decision review system in cricket, which was later developed into the DRS. 

DRS Implementation:

The DRS allows players to challenge on-field umpire decisions, using technology like ball-tracking and snicko-meter to assist the third umpire. 

Lack of Financial Benefit:

While the DRS has improved the fairness and accuracy of umpiring decisions, Sri Lanka has not received any direct financial compensation for its initial concept, despite the system’s widespread adoption by the ICC. 

Potential for Future Claims:

There are ongoing discussions about the possibility of Sri Lanka seeking royalties or compensation for the use of DRS, but as of now, no such financial windfall has materialized.

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