Ehelepola Nilame: Traitor or Patriot?

July 24th, 2025

Jayantha Herath

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Comparison Chart: Ehelepola Nilame – Traitor vs. Patriot

PerspectiveKey ArgumentsConsequencesLegacy View
TraitorAllied with British to overthrow Kandyan monarchy; facilitated colonial rule.Helped end Sri Lanka’s last independent kingdom; led to British colonization.Seen by some as betraying national sovereignty.
PatriotOpposed tyrannical king; sought justice after execution of his family.Gained popular support; viewed as a hero by those opposing the king.Seen by others as a tragic hero who resisted cruelty.

A Complex Legacy Ehelepola Nilame remains one of the most debated figures in Sri Lankan history. As the First Adigar of the Kandyan Kingdom, he held immense power and influence. His rebellion against King Sri Vikrama Rajasinha followed the horrific execution of his wife and children—an act that shocked the nation and turned many against the king.

Ehelepola’s decision to ally with the British was pivotal in the signing of the Kandyan Convention of 1815, which ended centuries of Sinhalese monarchy. While some view this as a betrayal that opened the door to colonial rule, others argue that he acted out of desperation and a desire to end tyranny.

His later exile to Mauritius after the 1817–1818 rebellion adds another layer of tragedy to his story. Today, Ehelepola is remembered both as a patriot who stood against cruelty and a controversial figure who enabled colonization

Sri Lanka Has Identified Five Potential Sites For First Nuclear Power Plant

July 24th, 2025

By David Dalton Courtesy NUCNET

Deploying reactor above 600 MW likely to be ‘technically challenging’

Sri Lanka is making progress in establishing nuclear infrastructure and has already identified potential new-build sites as it embarks on the development of its nuclear power programme, according to an International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) review mission.

The follow-up Integrated Nuclear Infrastructure Review (INIR) mission, conducted at the request of the government of Sri Lanka, took place from 14 to 18 July 2025.

The INIR team concluded that Sri Lanka has made good progress to address recommendations and suggestions from an INIR mission in 2022.

Sri Lanka has already identified five candidate sites for the nuclear power plant, established a management structure to oversee the procurement process for nuclear reactors, drafted a comprehensive nuclear law and included nuclear power in its current long-term energy planning for the period 2025-2044.

Sri Lanka is actively working on addressing the recommendations and suggestions from the main INIR mission in 2022,” said mission team leader John Haddad from the IAEA’s nuclear infrastructure development section.

This indicates the level of commitment of Sri Lanka to conduct the required studies and make a knowledgeable decision regarding the nuclear power programme.”

In 2010, Sri Lanka approved the initiation of studies for implementing a nuclear power programme in the country. In 2024, the government decided on further actions” to consider a nuclear power programme, the IAEA said.

Nuclear power is included as an energy source in an energy generation plan for 2025-2044.

But according to the plan, accommodating a nuclear power unit above 600 MW to the Sri Lankan network will be technically challenging due to the network’s condition, projected demand growth, and the generation mix which is expected to be dominated by variable renewable energy sources.

The team said that further work is needed related to the finalisation of strategies and studies in various areas of infrastructure development such as, among others, management, human resource development, stakeholder involvement, radioactive waste management and industrial involvement.

In 2024, press reports in Sri Lanka said the country had received six proposals for construction of a commercial nuclear power station.

බෝම්බ සමග අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් LTTE සැකකරුවන්ගේ KD KILLER KING’S නම් වට්ස්ඇප් ගෘප් එකක් ගැන තොරතුරු හෙළිවේ..

July 24th, 2025

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

වව්නියාව, සෙට්ටිකුලම ප්‍රදේශයෙන් අත්බෝම්බ 86 ක් හා T56 උණ්ඩ 321 ක් සමග අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් සැකකරුවන් සම්බන්ධයෙන් මුදල් විශුද්ධිකරණය වැළැක්වීමේ පනත යටතේ ද විමර්ශන ආරම්භ කර ඇතැයි, පොලිසිය පවසයි.

ඒ, අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් සැකකරුවන්ගේ ගිණුම්වලට අවස්ථා රැසකදී වෙනත් පාර්ශ්වයකින් මුදල් ලැබී ඇති බව හෙළිවීමත් සමගය.

පෙරේදා (21) පස්වරුවේ කිරිබත්ගොඩ ප්‍රදේශයේ පොලිසිය සිදුකළ සෝදිසියකදී ත්‍රිරෝද රථයක ගමන්කරමින් සිටි හිටපු LTTE සාමාජිකයකු T56 ගිනි අවියක් සහ උණ්ඩ 36 ක් සමග අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන තිබිණි.

එම පුද්ගලයා මෝටර් රථයකින් කොම්පඤ්ඤ වීදියේ සිට කිරිබත්ගොඩට පැමිණ ඇති අතර ඔහු පැමිණි මෝටර් රථයේ ඇතිවූ කාර්මික දෝෂයක් හේතුවෙන් ත්‍රිරෝද රථයකින් ගමන්කර තිබේ.

එම සැකකරු තුට්ටුවාකේ, නේරියකුලම පදිංචි කාලියාප්පෙරුමාල් රමේෂ් නැමැත්තෙකි.

අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් රමේෂ්ගෙන් සිදුකළ ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම්වලින් අනාවරණයවූ තොරතුරු මත මන්නාරම පාර නේරියලුකම ලිපිනයේ පදිංචි 22 හැවිරිදි ඇන්ටන් සුවේන්ද්‍රන් වික්‍රම් නොහොත් දේවා නැමැති පුද්ගලයෙකු අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන තිබේ.

ඔහුගේ වව්නියාව සෙට්ටිකුලම් ප්‍රදේශයේ පිහිටි නිවස හා අවට පරීක්ෂා කිරීමේදී, එහි වළදමා තිබූ ජීව අත්බෝම්බ 86 ක් සහ T56 උණ්ඩ 321 ක් පොලිසිය ඊයේ (22) සොයා ගත්තේ ය.

5.5 ජීව උණ්ඩ 03 ක්, ෆ්‍රේගැබ් නැමැති මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය කරල් 5,600ක් සහ අයිස් මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය ග්‍රැම් 10 ක් ද පොලිසිය සොයාගත් භාණ්ඩ අතර වේ.

එම පුද්ගලයාගේ ජංගම දුරකතනය පරීක්ෂා කිරීමේදී කාන්තාවක් විසින් ඔහුගේ බැංකු ගිණුමට වරින් වර මුදල් බැරකර ඇති ආකාරය නිරීක්ෂණය කර තිබේ.

පොලිසිය පැවසුවේ, ඒ අතර අප්‍රේල් මාසයේ වරින්වර රුපියල් 150,000ක්, 190,000ක් 150,000ක් සහ එකොලොස් ලක්ෂ අනූහත්දහසක් ද බැරකර ඇති බවයි.

අත්බෝම්බ සහිත බෑගයක් මීට මාස තුනකට පෙර තවත් පුද්ගලයකු විසින් ඔහුට ලබාදී ඇති බව, 22 හැවිරිදි ඇන්ටන් සුවේන්ද්‍රන් වික්‍රම් නොහොත් දේවා ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම්වලදී අනාවරණය කර තිබේ.

ඒ අනුව එම බෑගය ලබාදී ඇත්තේ නේරියකුලම ගාන්ධි නගර් හි පදිංචි පුද්ගලයෙකි.

ඔහු මුහුදු මාර්ගයෙන් විදෙස්ගත වීමට වැඩි ඉඩක් පැවතීම හේතුවෙන් විමර්ශන නිලධාරීන් මේ වනවිට ඔහු පිළිබඳව නාවික හමුදාව සහ ගුවන් තොටුපොළ දැනුවත් කර ඇත.

මෙම සිදුවීමට ආධාර අනුබල දුන් තවත් සැකකරුවකු අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන තිබෙන අතර ඔහු නේරියකුලම දුටුවායි ප්‍රදේශයේ පදිංචි 24 හැවිරිදි පුද්ගලයෙකි.

වව්නියාව සෙට්ටිකුලමේදී අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් සැකකරුවන් අතර අධිකරණයෙන් වරෙන්තුකරුවකු ද වේ.

අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්නා ලද සැකකරුවන් භාරයේ තිබූ ජංගම දුරකතන විමර්ශන කටයුතු සඳහා ත්‍රස්ත මර්ධන විමර්ශන කොට්ඨාසයට භාර දී ඇති අතර ත්‍රස්ත්‍රවාදය වැළැක්වීමේ පනත යටතේ ඉදිරි විමර්ශන ක්‍රියාත්මකයි.

අත්අඩංගුවට ගනු ලැබූ සැකකරුවන් KD KILLER KING’S යන නමින් වට්ස්ඇප් සමූහයක් පවත්වාගෙන යමින් මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය ජාවාරම්, පුපුරණ ද්‍රව්‍ය සහ අවි ආයුධ ජාවාරම් සිදුකරන බවට ද තොරතුරු අනාවරණය කරගෙන තිබේ.

සැකකරුවන් කිසියම් ත්‍රස්ත සංවිධානයකට සහාය දුන්නාදැයි විමර්ශන කණ්ඩායම් මේ වනවිට විමර්ශනය කරමින් සිටින අතර මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය ජාවාරමට ඇති සම්බන්ධය තහවුරු කර ගැනීම සඳහා පොලිස් මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය නාශක කාර්යාංශය ද විමර්ශන ක්‍රියාවළියට සම්බන්ධ වී සිටී.

මේ අතර කිරිබත්ගොඩදී අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් සැකකරු පැමිණි බව කියන මෝටර් රථයේ සිටි පුද්ගලයන් දෙදෙනාද මේ වනවිට කොම්පඤ්ඥ වීදිය පොලිසිය විසින් අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන ඇත.

69 ලක්ෂයක් ගත් ගෝඨාභයවත් එළෙව්වා නම් 68 ලක්ෂයක් ගත් අනුර එලවන්න මහ වෙලාවක් යන්නේ නෑ..- අරගලයේ මුල්පෙළ සාමාජිකයෝ කියති

July 24th, 2025

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

ජනතාව වීදි බසින තත්වයට පත්කරගන්න එපා යැයි ආණ්ඩුවට පවසන බවත්, මහජන අරගලය යනු ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ පමණක් මෙහෙයවූ අරගලයක් නොවන බවත් අරගලයේ ක්‍රියාකාරී සාමාජිකයකු වූ ජීවන්ත පීරිස් පියතුමා පවසයි.

අරගලයට එක්වූ ජනතාව තවමත් සක්‍රීය බවත්, 69 ලක්ෂයක් ජනතා මනාපය දිනාගත් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂව ගෙදර යැවුවා නම් 68 ලක්ෂයක් මනාප ගත් මෙම ආණ්ඩුව ගෙදර යැවීමට මහ ලොකු වෙලාවක් ගත නොවන බවත් ඔහු පවසයි.

වරදකරු වූ දේශබන්දුට ආපහු පොලිස්පතිකම ලැබෙයිද ? විජේදාස සියල්ල හෙළි කරයි

July 24th, 2025

Dhananjaya Naranbadda

Asking a donkey to do a dog’s homework – I

July 23rd, 2025

By Rohana R. Wasala

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake participated in the inauguration ceremony of the 74th Upasampada Vinaya Karmaya (Rite of Higher Ordination) of the Sri Lanka Ramanna Nikaya held at the Mahaweli Grounds in Galnewa, not far from his native village of Tambuttegama, on the afternoon of June 30, 2025. The  main Upasampada rite was to be conducted at a different venue, namely, the Sri Vidyadhara Maha Pirivena in Kalawewa, Kalakarambewa from June 30 to July 8, organised by the provincial Sangha Sabhas of the North Central Province and the Upasampada Maha Utsava Committee. During his short guest speech of about twenty minutes, the president tried to explain to the distinguished gathering of the clergy and laity invited to attend the important event two principal concerns that occupied his mind: 1) his determination to overcome ‘nationalism’ (interpreted as jaativaadaya/racism) in order to create national unity among the various ethnic and religious communities, and 2) his government’s supportive role in connection with the problem of maintaining discipline within the Sangha Order as well as the issue of amending Sections 42 and 43 of the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance as requested by the Mahanayake Theras.

According to the official President’s Office website (accessed July 7, 2025):

President Disanayake pointed out that certain political groups had exploited nationalism as a tool to regain power. However, he stressed that the true victims of such actions were not the politicians themselves, but the innocent children of parents from both the North and the South. He emphasized the need to reject nationalism and work diligently toward fostering national unity. While affirming that everyone has the right to act freely and democratically, The President emphasized that his administration would not permit nationalism to resurface again. If existing laws are insufficient to suppress it, he stated, they would be strengthened to defeat divisive forces. He reiterated that the goal of his government is to build a society where Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim communities can live together in peace and harmony.

Addressing the matter of disciplinary discussions within the Sangha, President Disanayake expressed the government’s willingness to facilitate any dialogue, provided that the Mahanayaka Theras can reach a consensus on the matter. Until then, he said, the request to amend Sections 42 and 43 of the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance has been submitted to the Minister of Buddhasasana and is already under review by the Legal Draftsman’s Department…..”.

The president was speaking in Sinhala. The two paragraphs quoted above from  the English version issued by the President’s Office express what I think is the gist of his speech at that inaugural ceremony. I listened to the president’s live address in Sinhala as available on the internet and I am in a position to comment on what he actually meant to say regarding the ideas covered in the above two paragraphs from his speech.

First, let’s look at the second paragraph. It contains the incoherent phrase: …..the matter of disciplinary discussions within the Sangha….”, etc. What the president was referring to, using similarly vague vocabulary himself, was actually a ‘Sangha katikawata’. It looks like the English translator in the President’s Office (probably the same person who served during Ranil Wickremasinghe’s successor presidency) does not seem to possess any familiarity with Buddhism or any empathetic understanding of Buddhist monks that would enable him/her  to supply a clear enough translation of the president’s speech in this instance. Both (the president and the translator) didn’t try to make it clear that the higher ordination rite and the Sangha katikawata are two separate things, though they, especially the president, should have known the difference between the two issues.  

A Sangha katikawata is something mooted several times in the not very distant past by some members of the Sangha, but opposed by others including particularly the Mahanayake Theras (of the Malwatte and Asgiriya Chapters of Siyam Nikaya?) as Wijedasa Rajapaksa, a former Justice Minister during the Yahapalanaya years 2015-20, was heard saying in an interview some years ago. The wisdom of this opposition should be clear to anyone with some idea of what could happen to the Sangha Sasana (the Bhikkhu Order) if secular courts were to pass judgement on bhikkhu disciplinary matters that occur within the order, that could have implications outside the confines of that space. In the civil society, outside the monastic order, Buddhist monks are subject to the Roman Dutch law that operates in Sri Lanka, which is normal.

Having said that, introducing or establishing a Sangha katikawata is a complicated subject that will likely require the contribution of civil legal experts as well as specialist elderly monk preceptors. Those who call for a government sponsored katikawata expect it to give enforceability under the normal civil law to punishments like expulsion from the order imposed on monks adjudged guilty of violating vinaya rules by the Mahanayake Theras. An allegation frequently heard is that certain monk offenders (found guilty by the hierarchy of the Sangha Order) are known to continue with their faulty behaviours with impunity, claiming protection in the name of freedom of religion and belief that is guaranteed by the Sri Lankan Constitution.  

The katikawata proposed was presumably to be based on the lines of certain historical ‘katikawatas’. The best known among them (according to the author about to be mentioned) is the katikawata proclaimed by king Parakramabahu I (1153-1186). The late anthropology professor Gananath Obeysekere (in his 2017 book ‘The Doomed King’, p.159) translates the term ‘katikawatas’ as ‘royal promulgations’, which, he writes ‘were mostly devoted to the punishment of dussila (impious) monks by expulsion from the order and other kinds of punishment….’. These punishments, however, never included executions, according to him. Obeysekere, apparently, didn’t care to take an unbiased look at Buddhism or Buddhist history and culture as a native Buddhist could or should have done. I don’t know whether he was a Buddhist or not, but his interpretation of ‘dussila’ as ‘impious’ betrays the conscious or unconscious Christian perspective that he inappropriately adopts in the context mentioned above. The Pali/Sinhala adjective ‘dussila’  in the given situation means morally and ethically wrong (because indisciplined, guilty of breaking ‘sila’, violating rules of moral conduct) in terms of  tenets of bhikkhu discipline. 

Though I had never been impressed by what I thought was his generally eurocentric anthropological take on Theravada Buddhism practiced in Sri Lanka as a conventional religion, that did not diminish my great respect for professor Gananath Obeysekere as a researcher and scholar of utmost intellectual probity in his chosen fields. I sincerely admire his scholarly attempt in the aforementioned book to justly exonerate the last Kandyan King, Sri Vikrama Rajasinha, from the false allegations of ‘cruelty and violence….plunder and destruction’ that the colonial British made against him while being themselves diabolically guilty of those very crimes. It must have occurred to him, or probably he had it at the back of his mind, when he was writing the book, that this criminal act of scapegoating king Sri Vikrama Rajasinha by the British colonial intruders around the beginning of the 19th century for their own villainies and depredations against their victims, is an early instance of what the Western powers are doing today to Sri Lanka that managed, at a stupendous price, to put an end to three decades of mindless armed Tamil separatist terrorist violence. Ironically, Obeysekere also mentions Anagarika Dharmapala (of whom he was not very fond) as ‘the most passionate defender of Sri Vikrama in colonial times..’. Dharmapala is nowadays demonised as the progenitor of the alleged nationalism (wrongly interpreted as jativadaya/racism) that is held to be the root cause of independent Sri Lanka’s inevitable decline to date. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake vowed to ‘suppress’ this alleged evil soon. (I will deal with this in the second part of this article.)

The president, in his speech at the inaugural ceremony, correctly said that dealing with disciplinary issues among the Sangha had better be left to the monks themselves. The other Buddha Sasana related issue that he touched on was the matter of amending Sections 42 and 43 of the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance (1931), which all four Mahanayake Theras had requested of him in writing, as he mentioned. He said that this task was entrusted to Buddha Sasana Minister Hiniduma Sunil Senevi and that the matter had already been referred to the Legal Draftsman’s Department. The president’s intentions could be genuine, but it’s like asking a donkey to do a dog’s homework, for Hiniduma Sunil Senevi cannot be thought to be suitably knowledgeable about Buddhism or sensitive enough to Buddhist sentiments. The reason is that he is a non-Buddhist, a Catholic in fact (to prove which there is pictorial evidence on social media; he himself boasted that his father or grandfather built the Hiniduma church). That is the truth, though according to the official website of the Sri Lanka Parliament his religion is marked as Buddhism. Some senior positions of his administrative staff are also allegedly held by Catholics. He cannot be specifically called ‘Buddhasasana minister’ either. Officially, he is the Minister of Buddhasasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs. In a recent ‘Rathu Ira’ programme on Swarnavahini TV, Colombo, Sri Lanka (July 17, 2025) Hiniduma Sunil Senevi apparently admitted that there was actually no separate ministry for Buddha Sasana, but only a department. What does it mean to appoint a person like this who doesn’t seem to understand the importance of Article 9 that the late Dr Colvin R. de Silva, legendary legal luminary, historian and Marxist politician, included in the original republican constitution of 1972 that he drafted, to look after Buddha Sasana affairs? Article 9, retained in the currently operative second republican constitution of 1978, gives the foremost place to Buddhism.

To be continued

Our 1983 Nakba:  Did the ‘Ethnic Conflict’ Research Industry Mask Cold War Proxy Wars in the Global South?

July 23rd, 2025

Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake

Was the same Playbook to unmake Multiculturalism and stage the Palestine Nakba (catastrophe) for the violent birth of Israel in May 1948 used years later in the July 1983 pogrom and staged riots in Sri Lanka?  Moreover, were the same foreign institutional forces, clandestine actors and networks involved?

Our Sri Lankan Nakba, which included killings, staged riots, forced migration and brain drain to de-develop the country, inaugurated a 30-year cycle of war. The July 1983 pogrom also served to construct a dominant narrative of a perpetually divided people locked in ethno-religious strife in ‘Paradise Lost’. This was much like the disinformation spread about Palestine– a highly multicultural land before the Nakba in which millions were forcibly displaced to invent Israel.

The narrative of ‘perpetual ethnic conflict’ in Lanka belied centuries of multiculturalism, co-existence and intermarriage across generations among Sinhala and Tamil speaking peoples. So too, was Palestine a multicultural and multi-religious mosaic of Arab, Bedouin, Christian, Druze, Jewish, etc. peoples, before organized violence was unleashed to displace non-Jews and birth the settler colonial state of Israel on May 14, 1948.

Israel was born exactly three months after the Crown Colony of Ceylon morphed into a British Dominion on February 14, 1948, with pomp, circumstance and the façade of Independence. The catastrophe staged for the founding of the Zionist state was backed by the occupying colonial power–Britain and an increasingly powerful American Jewish Diaspora. That history of violence repeats today in Gaza and the West Bank as tragedy and genocide. Sri Lanka, thankfully escaped the fate of divided, partitioned and pounded Palestine—for now at least.

The Ethnic Conflict Research Industry

Post July 1983, a dominant narrative of perpetual ‘ethnic conflict’ between the Sinhala and Tamil speaking communities was funded and constructed largely by the Ford Foundation’s ethnic conflict research industry, headquartered at the International Center for Ethnic Studies in Colombo and Kandy. The narrative of perpetual conflict between Sinhalas and Tamils re-inscribed local ethno-nationalist and Mahavamsa historiography, albeit as critique. More often than not, this was inadvertent, but then, the path to hell is often paved with good intentions!

The ethnic conflict research industry was in turn part of Cold War Area Studies grant Programs in the American academy, which were funded by the State Department and USAID. It included human rights, peace building, trauma and reconciliation, literature and film production. The ethnic turn in the social sciences (also to identity politics based Culture Wars), was buttressed by a lost generation of historians, islanded and trapped in the Anglo-Dutch colonial archive, producing Eurocentric, Raj Nostalgia histories of Ceylon, dependent on European Union grants and perks. Replete with Orientalist tropes (such as Slaves in Palenquines, this genre of trendy post/colonial resistance social history remains largely unable to de-island and re-connect Ceylon/Sri Lanka to Global South geopolitical economy and Indian Ocean World history even in the Asian 21st Century.

The perpetual ‘ethnic conflict’ narrative in Lanka built on spurious colonial racial classifications. This was by biologizing fundamentally cultural (i.e. linguistic difference) among Sinhala and Tamil-speaking people who had co-existed and inter-married for centuries across generations. Crucially, the permanent ethnic conflict narrative served to conceal the fact that the armed conflict in the geostrategic island at the center of the Indian Ocean world was really just another Cold War Proxy war, staged between blood brothers and sisters, as ethno-religious identity politics were weaponized by external actors. Hence the title of Harvard Anthropologist, Stanley Tambiah’s book Ethnic Fratricide”.

After the pogrom and staged riots of July 1983, a shadow war was waged across geostrategic Sri Lanka. This, between the India-backed Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), and the Sri Lankan armed forces whose units were being trained and armed by British MI-6 linked Special Air Services (SAS) officers, of the Keenie Meeni mercenaries (KMS), and Israel’s Mossad.

In short, Sri Lanka’s ‘ethnic conflict’ was NOT unique. Rather, it evolved, waxed and waned as a small piece in the larger global jigsaw puzzle of regional Cold War Proxy Wars roiling much of de-colonizing Asia, Africa and South America, including Palestine.  This to protect the security the economic interests of European empires in retreat and pre-empt genuine de-colonization, often led by Communist and Leftist forces.

Military Bases and Gladio in the Global South

With the wisdom of hindsight and new research into de-classified documents it is now clear that Sri Lanka’s so-called internal ‘ethnic conflict was really part of a wider Indian Ocean and South Asia Cold War proxy war. As the Cold War between the Capitalist Western allies and the Soviet Socialist Block led by Russia escalated at the end of World War 2 in Europe, South Asia was drawn into a regional proxy war.

As part of a wider Cold War strategy and the anti-communist global crusade, that also weaponized world religions (Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and Judaism),  to fight ‘God-less Communists’, the British and Americans were keen to establish military bases in geostrategic Sri Lanka at the center of the Indian Ocean. However, India, the regional hegemon, being close to the Soviet Union was dead set against UK and US bases being set up in her backyard.

Hence, various Gladio-style ‘stay behind” clandestine operations were unleashed much as in Europe and other counties in the Global South, often with deep penetration and infiltration of local authorities and national institutions.[i] This, also to protect Euro-American economic, corporate and security interests in the de-colonizing Global South. These took the form of terror attacks, assassinations, croups against Socialist and Leftist de-colonization and national independence leaders and movements; ‘false flag’ operations in order to blame and de-legitimize the Left that were also penetrated, as was the case with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramua uprisings and Dirty Wars of 1972 and the late eighties.

As in Malaysia, Indonesia, Korea, Vietnam, Pakistan, India, Rwanda, Burundi, DRCongo, Chile, Argentina, Yugoslavia, Cyprus, the list goes on and on; tensions among historically multicultural and multi-religious communities were generated and/ or systematically weaponized to greater or lesser degree by mostly Western intelligence agencies and Mossad. This was, of course in collusion with local elites and religious groups by weaponing ethno-religious identity politics as part of Cold War proxy wars against the leftist movements and de-colonial agendas.

The war in Sri Lanka triggered after 13 soldiers were killed in the northern Province of Jaffna, 42 years ago on July 23by a small group of separatists backed by neighbouring India. As the bodies of the soldiers were brought to Colombo for cremation, segments of the J.R. Jayawardene regime and some Trade Unions, (notably at the Colombo Port, the largest in South Asia), that were infiltrated by foreign intelligence agencies carried out the pogrom.

After the pogrom of July 1983 there were attempts to blame leftists. At the time, Inspector General of Police, Rudra Rajasingham, whose request to impose curfew and preempt the pogrom based on Police Intelligence that there were plans to attack Tamil homes and businesses after the funerals were denied by President J.R Jayawardena on the fateful night of July 23, 1983, when Colombo burned.  On several occasions IGP Rudra Rajasingham questioned the attempt to blame the left for the violence that ensued. Later, his first cousin, senior lawyer, Bala Tampoe, the founder of the Ceylon Mercantile Union, defended members of the JVP who were accused of the events of July 1983 in the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka.

The July 1983 Shock Doctrine enabled the entry of British MI-6, Special Air Services (SAS) linked Keenie Meenie mercenaries and Israeli Mossad to establish the desired bases in the Eastern Province. This was purportedly to train Sri Lankan Special Forces (STF) in ‘counter-terrorism’ and paramilitary operations against India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) backed LTTE and other Tamil militant groups.

Militarization also served President J.R Jayawardena’s Neo-liberal economic agenda of setting up free trade zones with attenuated Labour Rights. The island’s national and local political and Business Elites in Sri Lanka were well trained to follow the instructions of their former colonial masters, and later their Development Aid advisors”, and assist the retreating British Raj to protect its economic and security interests.

The endgame of setting up foreign bases, cells, networks and ‘spider webs’ of control within local armed forces and paramilitary units was in sight. Later these would morph into Jakarta Method’ style Dirty War terror and torture house operations by paramilitary groups against the purportedly Leftist JVP, again with British and Israeli ‘advisors”. This included the infamous Batalanda and other Torture Camps in Southern Sri Lanka.

Hidden Hands in Sri Lanka’s Nakba and Dirty Wars

Beneath the official narrative of interminable ‘ethnic conflict’ in Sri Lanka, lurked foreign intelligence agencies, clandestine networks and external forces, skilled in researching ethno-religious identity politics, creating or weaponizing tensions in historically multicultural societies. This included the use of blackmail and honey traps of political elites, like Sri Lanka’s Ranil Wickramasinghe. Some of this is now being revealed in the Jeffrey Epstine case files. [ii]

While the role of India and its intelligence agency Research and Analysis Wing (RAW),  is relatively well known also though the book ‘Assignment Colombo’ by former Ambassador Dixit, the role of Western intelligence agencies in Sri Lanka’s multiple dirty wars (LTTE and Janatha Vimukthi Peramua JVP vs. the State) is less known.[iii]

Parts of that story were revealed in Victor Ostrovsky and Clair Hoy’s book published in Canada in 1990 that became a New York Times bestseller, which the Israeli foreign intelligence agency, Mossad, tried to ban. By Way of Deception: The Making and Unmaking of a Mossad Officer” is the true story of an officer in Israel’s most secret operations, including in Sri Lanka

Other parts of the story of Western Cold War foreign intelligence agency networks involved in Sri Lanka, namely the British colonial office, are revealed in Phil Miller’s book; Keenie Meenie: the British Mercenaries who got away with war crimes”, and resonate with Vincent Bevin’s Jakarta Method:  Washington’s Anti-Communist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that shaped our World. Israel’s Mossad was a proxy for the US Central Intelligence Agency due to India’s opposition to the US intelligence agency in Sri Lanka.

India, close ally of the Soviet Socialist Block led by Russia (USSR), opposed the setting up of US and British bases in its backyard. Hence the British and Americans went to the Chagos Islands, due southwest of Sri Lanka and the Maldive Islands, drove out all its people, who were scattered in Mauritius, Seychelles, and Britain to construct the huge Diego Garcia military base in the early sixties. The British called the Chagos Islands British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT).

Ostrovsky’s revelations about how Mossad trained both the Sri Lanka Special forces (STF), and LTTE, and sold weapons to both have been corroborated by new research on declassified documents, as well as, local sources. These include Phil Miller’s work and Herman Guneratne’s book ‘For a Sovereign State”. Remarkably, Ostrovsky quoted Penny Jayawardena, wife of Ravi Jayawardena, the son of President J.R. Jayawardena who was involved in setting up of the Special Task Force (STF) -Mossad-KMS- training camps on how World Bank Funds that were earmarked for the Mahaweli Development Project were diverted for covert operations and the setting up training bases in the Eastern Province.

Retrospectively it is clear that Ostrovsky’s revelations about Mossad activities in Sri Lanka were buried in a Cover Up Investigation and Commission Report conducted by S.W.P Wadugodapitiya, PC.  The Report dated September 1991, into Mossad’s activities on Sri Lanka was commissioned by President R. Premadasa, who subsequently ordered the exit from Sri Lanka and closure of all foreign military bases, including Mossad and the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF), which controlled the northeast of Sri Lanka between July 1987 and March 1990.

President Premadasa who had also accused Mossad of instigating an impeachment motion against him was assassinated on May 1, 1993. As usual the LTTE was blamed but this does not add up since Premadasa had sought the help of the LTTE to get rid of the Indian Forces.

Development Aid and Foreign Bases: Hand in Glove?

Taken together, it is apparent that the geopolitical Endgame of foreign forces operating in Sri Lanka staging armed conflicts (both the LTTE ethnic proxy war which later split and morphed into the Southern JVP Dirty War violence of 1989-90), were the establishment of foreign military bases, then as now in the geostrategic island at the center of the Indian Ocean world.

The Accelerated Mahaweli Development Project in the Eastern Province was re-designed also to serve as an entry point for Mossad and the British intelligence MI-6 linked Keenie Meenie mercenaries to enable ‘training bases’ once pro-US J.R. Jayawardena (Yankie Dickie was his nickname), came to power in 1977, unseating the Socialist and Non-Aligned Sirimavo Bandaranaike regime. Some of this is detailed in revealing pages by Ostrovsky.

Sri Lanka’s internal war was also punctuated by international peace building efforts. The wars seemed to wax and wane with Cold War developments in Europe and Indian external and domestic (Tamil Nadu) interests, in tandem with internal political developments and the interests of local actors. This is true of both the LTTE ethnic proxy war and the Southern JVP Dirty War violence of 1989-90, in which many of the same actors were involved. After the IPKF arrived in Sri Lanka in with the signing of the Indian Peace Keeping Accords in July 1987, and took over the Northeast Province, the Mossad, British KMS Advisors and STF moved out of the East to Southern Sri Lanka where they set up camp for Dirty War, counter-terrorism and torture house operations that ensured 1988-1993.

Indeed, the late 80 and early 90s period of assassinations and Dirty War operations involving the leftist Janatha Vimukti Peramuna echo US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) ‘Jakarta Method’ operations detailed by Vincent Bevins’ in his The Jakarta Method: Washington’s Anti-Communist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped our World”, published in 2020. It was common knowledge in Colombo circles that the Israelis worked out of a Special Interest Section in the United States Embassy as Sri Lanka had not recognized the existence of the State of Israel, being Non-Aligned and sympathetic to the Palestinian cause.

The coveted Trincomalee Deep Sea Harbor in the Eastern Province to surveil and control Indian Ocean trade, energy and now submarine data cable routes was clearly a prime target of and for Western and Indian intervention. The British and French, not to mention the Portuguese and Dutch had in earlier centuries fought bloody battles to capture and control the Maritime Provinces of Ceylon.

In these times a new scandal involving Israeli ‘tourists’ running Chabard –Lubovich Prayer Houses in the Eastern Province where a mysterious Evangelical Christian Zion Church was even more mysteriously targeted by an Islamic State (ISIS) claimed attack on Easter Sunday 2019 have emerged.

To be continued


[i] Daniele Ganser 2004 NATO’s Secret Armies: Operation Gladio and NATO’s Secret Armies in Europe.

[ii]https://www.researchgate.net/publication/390091892_The_Strategic_Use_of_Blackmail_in_Intelligence_Operations_Analyzing_Mossad%27s_Global_Influence

[iii] https://www.dailymirror.lk/amp/plus/Was-Israeli-intelligence-the-target-of-speculated-Arugam-Bay-attack/352-295335

From Ceylon to Palestine: Ethnic Conflict as Cold War Proxy War -PART 2

July 23rd, 2025

Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake

There are remarkable patterns of history, organized violence, and Disinformation between events leading to the pogrom and forced population displacements in Sri Lanka in 1983, and British occupied Palestine 35 years earlier as the Nakba unfolded amid Cold War escalating in Europe between the Allies and Soviet Union or Axis Powers.

Both, Ceylon and Palestine were British occupied in 1948, and both got faux independence that year as the British officially left but stayed behind – Gladio Style to stage Shocks including assassinations such as SWRD Bandaranaike in 1959 with the CIA as happened to Patrice Lumumba in the Congo and Chile’s Socialist President Salvador Allende in 1973.

While the Crown Colony of Ceylon morphed into a British Dominion with pageantry and pomp for its bemused natives on February 14, 1948, the violent birth of the state of Israel followed exactly three months later on May 14, amid the Nakba in Palestine with thousands killed and millions forcibly displaced.

As the British mandate expired and its military withdrew in May 1948, Zionist militias, many trained by British occupation forces, divided and partitioned a culturally mixed Palestine to consolidate the Jewish State of Israel and expiate Europe’s guilt for its Nazi Gas Chambers and the extermination of six million Jews at the end of World War 2. The violent partition of British India into West and East Pakistan had happened a year earlier in 1947.

By then, the racialization of cultural differences to weaponized ethno-religious identity politics and buttress British claims to racial superiority and government, to divide and rule the post/colony were in place, also to protect the economic and security interests of the retreating Raj. As the Cold War between the Western Allies against God-less Communists and the Axis powers escalated across the de-colonizing Global South, Gladio style operations were staged in countries in Asia, Africa and South America, as much as in Europe against Communists and Socialists.

With the wisdom of hindsight and new research based on de-classified documents, it is clear that both Palestine and Sri Lanka, geostrategic countries at the cross-roads of global trade routes were subject by the same forces and neocolonial secret agencies including British MI-6 and Zionist Mossad networks. Similar Catastrophes and Shock Doctrines — pogroms, staged riots, assassinations, regime change and forced displacement of populations to divide mixed cultural geographies and histories, un-mix populations and construct partitions and divided histories unfolded– of course in collusion with local political elites and their networks. Much of this was accomplished with funds from the International Development Aid gravy train. Sri Lanka still suffers from being a Donor Darling now trapped in IMF’s Spider and the Chabad- Lubovitch ‘Spider Web’.

Ethnic Conflict as Cold War Proxy War: Clandestine Networks and Agents

With the wisdom of hind sight and new research based on de-classified documents available in the British Archives and US National Security Archive it is now clear that Sri Lanka’s so-called ‘internal ethnic conflict’ triggered 43 years ago in July 1983 was part of a much wider geopolitical jigsaw puzzle of Cold War regional Proxy Wars across the de-colonizing Global South. These included both Palestine and Sri Lanka. Of course, July 1983 had elements of the Jakarta Method (1965) adapted to Sri Lanka.

The ethnic conflict research and Human Rights research industry which was part of Cold War Area Studies in the American Academy served, often inadvertently, to promote racialized narratives and islanded colonial and Orientalist histories reeking with Raj Nostalgia, about dark natives engaged in perpetual ethno-religious violence in the post/colony. These narratives of internal” conflict, concealed the external geopolitical forces, actors and networks involved in Weaponizing identity politics, and literally providing weapons and training to local groups, to promote internal ethno-religious violence. This too, is how we were Gaslighted into believing, contrary to our everyday lived multicultural histories, social reality, and mixed cultural geography, in the story of permanent ethno-religious violence in the post/colony and the concomitant superiority of British rule with its mask of liberal democracy and human rights.

Sri Lanka’s 30 year armed conflict waxed and waned between cycles and bouts of international peace building as part of a regional Cold War Proxy War waged between India then close to the Soviet Socialist Block led by Russia and the Western allies, seeking military bases in the geostrategic island nation then as now.

In a nutshell, India set up, trained, armed and funded the Liberation Tigers of Tamil (LTTE), and other Tamil militant groups in the north, after the pro-American J.R. Jayawardena regime came to power in 1977. India then allied with the Soviet Socialist Block feared, then as now the prospect of foreign US and UK military bases in her backyard. The Mahaweli Development Project had already got going in the Eastern Province near the Trincomalle deep sea port.

India was not successful in staving off foreign bases in Sri Lanka. The staging of the July 1983 Pogrom and riots enabled British and Israeli ‘advisors” to set up long desired bases in the Eastern Province of Sri Lanka. This was under the guise of the British Keenie Meeni mercenaries and Israel’s Mossad providing security to the J.R. Jayawardena regime and to fight the LTTE. bases were set up purportedly to fight the LTTE in 1984, under Yankie Dickie’s son Ravi Jayawardena. Much of this history is contained in books by Herman Gunaratne / Malinge Guneratne who worked with the Mahaweli Authority resettlement program in Trincomalee, and corroborated by Victor Ostovsky in his book By Way of Deception: The Making and Unmaking of a Mossad Officer’.[i]

A cover up investigation of the Ostovsky’s book done by a former Justice Wadugodapitiya is demonstrably flawed and contrary to known facts including those revealed a book on Ravi Jayawardena.

Mahaweli Development: Colonialism by Other Means?

Israeli operatives had already started work in Sri Lanka in 1977 in the Agriculture Sector and Mahaweli Development scheme which saw populations transfers setting the stage for massacres in the area and spread its tentacles along with the British MI 6. July 1983, was triggered by clandestine external actors with deep historical knowledge of the country’s cultural diversity and experienced in weaponizing ethno-religious identity politics in collusion with local political elites and their cronies.

Tamil civiliants in Batticalo used to call the British KMS officers Mossadu” as Phil Miller details in his book ‘Keenie Meenie: the British Mercenaries who got away with War crimes”. The 1983 riots had elements of the Jakarta method. Lists of Tamil homes and businesses to be attacked had been complied and some Trade Unions in the Colombo Port and Senior Government Ministers were implicated in the violence.

Skilled in unleashing violence and reigning it in, the unmaking of ties among the Tamils and Muslims of the Eastern province clearly was the handiwork of Mossad operating with and training the Special Task Forces in the Eastern Province.

Subsequently as Indian Peace Keeping Forces moved in and took over the Northeast the British KMS mercenaries and Mossad’s  operations and bases to train the STF moved to Southern Sri Lanka where Dirty War double game operations unfolded with a resurgent anti-Indian JVP in tow. It is now clear that the 1989 period of Dirty Wars with the JVP and STF both penetrated by foreign intelligence agencies with established history in Sri Lanka, ensured prolonging their sojourn in Sri Lanka with terror, tortour house and militias and dissappearences including Batalanda etc.  as the Cold War in Europe reached its apocalyptic end in early 1990. Subsequently, President Premadasa ordered the Mossad out, and he was killed.

Remarkably it is alleged that, Sir Ivor Jennings, the first Vice Chancellor of the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya had earlier suggested the Ceylon may be an appropriate terra nullis for the Zionist settler colony. Ceylon like Palestine was portrayed as more or less empty of people and hence suitable for European Jewish occupation and settlement – then as now given the Chabad houses. After all the colonized dark natives hardly counted, and were eminently disposable in the Colonial administrator’s Orientalist imagination. The British government however chose Palestine, closer home and more geostrategic given proximity to British Oil’s Persian (Iranian) Oil fields and the ‘Holy Land or Jerusalem.  Mercifully Ceylon and her hapless natives were spared but Britain in retreat were intent on ensuring its economic and security interests everywhere.

At this time British and Israeli secret services continue to work together notes Carlos Cruz Mosquesa. Research of investigative journalists from Declassified UK has uncovered that the British government, which claims to be working with Israeli leaders toward a cease-fire, has supported them with a staggering five hundred military intelligence flights over Gaza during the twenty-one months of violence.[ii] That is aside from direct arms supplies to the Israeli Defense Forces who are accused of war crimes. The attempts to halt the genocidal violence unleashed on Palestinians coincide with Western nations’ efforts to protect and support Israel and those responsible for war crimes. While the United States’ unconditional military support remains the most important for Israel, much of the Western world is also complicit.

Given the history of divide and rule, de-colonizing countries often had tensions between majority and minority communities which could be and were negotiated and accommodated over time. The conflicts that escalated into wars were due to external geopolitical actors Weaponzing ethno-religious identity politics to secure their neocolonial interests as happened in Sri Lanka, also through the deep infiltration and penetration of local and national institutions, law and order and investigative institutions under the guise of foreign Development Aid , Training and capacity building programs. The impunity of Zionist Chabad houses operating in all parts of Sri Lanka to service Israeli Defense Forces  despite local protests is indicative that this continues to this day.

With the wisdom of hindsight it is now clear, 42 years after our July 1983 Nakba that the Western veneer of liberal democracy and human rights had us fooled along with the well-funded ethnic conflict research and Raj Nostalgia history industry. This despite expanding NATO military bases around the world, now totaling 750 plus in more than 80 countries to promote Human Rights and Neoliberal Democracy, while supporting clandestine Dirty War operations in the Global South against leftist de-colonization, national Independence and liberation movements. This was much like Gladio Operations in Europe against communists, all of which served to advance the economic and security interests of the Euro-American empire- then as now.


[i] For a Sovereign State and God’s Secret Agent

[ii] https://www.defenddemocracy.press/these-global-south-countries-barred-arms-transfers-to-israel/

බීනා සාර්වාගේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ගැන වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටය, ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ සිංහලට නගයි

July 23rd, 2025

Film News

ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ විසින් ‘ණය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය: ශ්‍රී ලංකාව – සිරස්තලවලින් ඔබ්බට’ යන නමින්  සිංහලට නගා නිෂ්පාදනය කළ, බීනා සාර්වාගේ  ‘Democracy in Debt: Sri Lanka Beyond the Headlines’ අන්තර්ජාතික වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටයේ, එම සිංහල අනුවාදය ප්‍රදර්ශනය කිරීම සඳහා ඇය මේ මස 26 වනදා දිවයිනට පැමිණීමට නියමිතයි. දැනට ඇමරිකාවේ වෙසෙන, පාකිස්ථාන බහු මාධ්‍ය, ජනමාධ්‍යවේදිනියක් වන බීනා සාර්වා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ගැන පසුගිය වසරේදී ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් නිෂ්පාදනය කළ මිනිත්තු 25ක මෙම වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටයට, ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදයේ Pulitzer Center හි අනුග්‍රහය ලැබී තිබිණි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දුරස්ථ ගම්මානයක(දුටුවැව) මෙන්ම කොළඹදී රූගත කරන ලද මෙම චිත්‍රපටය, ආණ්ඩුකරණය, වගවීම සහ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී අභිලාෂයන් ගැන ඇති චිරස්ථායී බලාපොරොත්තු සම්බන්ධ විශ්වීය අභියෝග පිළිබඳ බහු ස්ථර ආඛ්‍යානයක් සපයයි. එය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පමණක් නොව, ඉන්දියාව, බංග්ලාදේශය, ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදය ඇතුළුව ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය සහ වගවීම ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට ජනතාව අරගල කරන ඕනෑම තැනකට අදාළ වේ. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පසුගිය ජනාධිපතිවරණයට පෙර, ශ්‍රී ලංකාව, පාකිස්තානය සහ එක්සත් ජනපදය ඇතුළු රටවල් රැසක මෙම චිත්‍රපටය ප්‍රදර්ශනය කර ඇත. මහාද්වීප පහක, රටවල් 20 කට ආසන්න සංඛ්‍යාවක සහ ස්ථාන 70 කට අධික ප්‍රමාණයක තිරගත කිරීම්වලින් එහි විචාරාත්මක සහ තීරණාත්මක සාර්ථකත්වය පැහැදිලි වෙයි. ඉන්දියාවේ The Wire  මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයේ සිට පකිස්ථානයේ Dawn මාධ්‍ය ආයතනය දක්වා ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරන ලද ධනාත්මක මාධ්‍ය සමාලෝචන එම සාර්ථකත්වය තව දුරටත් තහවුරු කරයි.

මෙය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට වැදගත් වන්නේ, පසුගිය වසරේ ජනාධිපතිවරණය මගින් ඇති කරන ලද සමාජ විප්ලවය සහ දේශපාලන පරිවර්තනය පිළිබඳව මෙම චිත්‍රපටය පුරෝකථනය කිරීමයි. එමෙන්ම, විදේශීය වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටයක් සිංහලෙන් නිෂ්පාදනය කරන ලද පළමු අවස්ථාව මෙයයි.

බීනා සාර්වා බහු මාධ්‍ය, ජනමාධ්‍යවේදිනියකි. එමෙන්ම සංස්කාරකවරියක් සහ වාර්තා චිත්‍රපට නිෂ්පාදකවරියකි. ඇය පාකිස්ථාන මුද්‍රිත හා රූපවාහිනී මාධ්‍යවල කතෘ මණ්ඩලයන්හි ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ තනතුරු හොබවා ඇති අතර, Himal Southasian සඟරාව සහ Panos South Asia ආදී මාධ්‍ය ව්‍යාපාර කිහිපයක ආරම්භක කණ්ඩායම්වල කටයුතු කර තිබේ. ඇය ලන්ඩන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ- ගෝල්ඩ්ස්මිත් විදුහලෙන් රූපවාහිනී වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටය පිළිබඳ ශාස්ත්‍රපති උපාධියක් ලබා ඇති අතර, ඇගේ ජාත්‍යන්තර අධිශිෂ්‍යත්ව අතරට හාවඩ් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ ජනමාධ්‍ය සඳහා වන, Nieman Foundation අධිශිෂ්‍යත්වය  සහ හාවඩ් කෙනඩි පාසලේ මානව හිමිකම් ප්‍රතිපත්ති සඳහා වූ Carr Center හි අධිශිෂ්‍යත්වයද ඇතුළත් වේ. 2011 සිට, බීනා ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදයේ බොස්ටන් ප්‍රදේශයේ පදිංචිව සිටින අතර, ඇය ප්‍රින්ස්ටන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය, බ්‍රවුන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය, හාවඩ් ගිම්හාන පාසල සහ එමර්සන් විද්‍යාලයේ පුවත්පත් කලාව ඉගැන්වූවාය. 2021 අගෝස්තු මාසයේදී, බීනා විසින් සංයුක්ත විශේෂාංග සේවා නිෂ්පාදනය කරන ස්වාධීන මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයක් වන සපාන් නිවුස්” දියත් කරන ලදී. එය, එම වසර මුලදී දියත් කරන ලද ස්වෙච්ඡාදායක ව්‍යාපෘතියක් වන වන දකුණු ආසියානු සාම ක්‍රියාකාරී ජාලය හෙවත් සපාන් (Southasia Peace Action Network,/ Sapan ) හි ආරම්භක අදියර තවත් ඉදිරියට යාමකි.

‘ණය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය: ශ්‍රී ලංකාව – සිරස්තලවලින් ඔබ්බට’ නමින් එහි  සිංහල නිෂ්පාදනය, පරිවර්තනය සහ උපදේශනය සිදු කරන ලද්දේ, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මුද්‍රිත, විද්‍යුත් හා නව මාධ්‍ය පිළිබඳ අත්දැකීම් ඇති, වසර 20 කට අසන්න කාලයක් මාධ්‍යව්දියෙකු ලෙස ප්‍රධාන පෙළේ මාධ්‍ය ආයතනවල කටයුතු කළ ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ විසිනි.
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About Beena Sarwar and the Documentary: Democracy in Debt – Sri Lanka: Beyond the Headlines

Beena Sarwar is a seasoned multimedia journalist, editor, and documentary filmmaker. She has held senior editorial roles in Pakistan’s leading print and television media, and has been part of the founding teams of several influential media initiatives, including Himal Southasian magazine and Panos South Asia.

She holds a Master of Arts in Television Documentary from Goldsmiths College, University of London. Her international accolades include prestigious fellowships from the Nieman Foundation for Journalism at Harvard University and the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School.

Since 2011, Beena has been based in the Boston area, where she has taught journalism at Princeton University, Brown University, Harvard Summer School, and Emerson College.

In August 2021, she founded Sapan News, an independent media outlet offering a syndicated features service. The platform was incubated at the Southasia Peace Action Network (Sapan), a voluntary initiative she helped launch earlier that year.
In 2023, Beena directed a 25-minute documentary titled Democracy in Debt: Sri Lanka – Beyond the Headlines, supported by The Pulitzer Center, USA. Filmed in both a remote Sri Lankan village and in Colombo, the documentary presents a layered narrative that explores universal themes of governance, accountability, and the resilience of democratic aspirations. Its message resonates far beyond Sri Lanka — connecting to broader struggles in countries like India, Bangladesh, the United States, and others where people continue to fight for democratic integrity and transparency.

The documentary premiered at more than a dozen venues in Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and the USA in the lead-up to Sri Lanka’s presidential elections. Its critical success was affirmed by subsequent screenings at over 70 venues across nearly 20 countries and five continents. The film received favourable reviews from major media outlets, including The Wire (India) and Dawn (Pakistan).
A Sinhala-language version of the documentary was later produced, expanding its reach to wider local audiences. The Sinhala adaptation — including translation and editorial consultation — was led by Priyantha Pradeep Ranasinghe, a journalist with over 20 years of experience in Sri Lanka’s print, electronic, and digital media.

Why is this documentary significant for Sri Lanka?
For one thing, the film predicted the social revolution and political transformation brought about by the presidential elections last year. Secondly, it is the first time that a foreign documentary has been produced in Sinhala.
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බීනා සර්වා සහ වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටය ගැන (ණය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය: ශ්‍රී ලංකාව – සිරස්තලවලින් ඔබ්බට)

බීනා සාර්වා බහු මාධ්‍ය, ජනමාධ්‍යවේදිනියකි. එමෙන්ම සංස්කාරකවරියක් සහ වාර්තා චිත්‍රපට නිෂ්පාදකවරියකි. ඇය පාකිස්ථාන මුද්‍රිත හා රූපවාහිනී මාධ්‍යවල කතෘ මණ්ඩලයන්හි ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ තනතුරු හොබවා ඇති අතර, ්Himal Southasian  සඟරාව සහ Panos South Asia ආදී මාධ්‍ය ව්‍යාපාර කිහිපයක ආරම්භක කණ්ඩායම්වල කටයුතු කර තිබේ.

ඇය ලන්ඩන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ- ගෝල්ඩ්ස්මිත් විදුහලෙන් රූපවාහිනී වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටය පිළිබඳ ශාස්ත්‍රපති උපාධියක් ලබා ඇති අතර, ඇගේ ජාත්‍යන්තර අධිශිෂ්‍යත්ව අතරට හාවඩ් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ ජනමාධ්‍ය සඳහා වන, Nieman Foundation අධිශිෂ්‍යත්වය  සහ හාවඩ් කෙනඩි පාසලේ මානව හිමිකම් ප්‍රතිපත්ති සඳහා වූ Carr Center හි අධිශිෂ්‍යත්වයද ඇතුළත් වේ.

2011 සිට, බීනා ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදයේ බොස්ටන් ප්‍රදේශයේ පදිංචිව සිටින අතර, ඇය ප්‍රින්ස්ටන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය, බ්‍රවුන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය, හාවඩ් ගිම්හාන පාසල සහ එමර්සන් විද්‍යාලයේ පුවත්පත් කලාව ඉගැන්වූවාය.

2021 අගෝස්තු මාසයේදී, බීනා විසින් සංයුක්ත විශේෂාංග සේවා නිෂ්පාදනය කරන ස්වාධීන මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයක් වන සපාන් නිවුස්” දියත් කරන ලදී. එය, එම වසර මුලදී දියත් කරන ලද ස්වෙච්ඡාදායක ව්‍යාපෘතියක් වන වන දකුණු ආසියානු සාම ක්‍රියාකාරී ජාලය හෙවත් සපාන් (Southasia Peace Action Network,/ Sapan) හි ආරම්භක අදියර තවත් ඉදිරියට යාමකි.

පසුගිය වසරේ, ඇය ‘Democracy in Debt: Sri Lanka Beyond the Headlines’ නමින් ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටයක් (මිනිත්තු 25) නිර්මාණය කළ අතර, එයට ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදයේ Pulitzer Center හි අනුග්‍රහය ලැබී තිබිණි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දුරස්ථ ගම්මානයක(දුටුවැව) මෙන්ම කොළඹදී රූගත කරන ලද මෙම චිත්‍රපටය, ආණ්ඩුකරණය, වගවීම සහ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී අභිලාෂයන් ගැන ඇති චිරස්ථායී බලාපොරොත්තු සම්බන්ධ විශ්වීය අභියෝග පිළිබඳ බහු ස්ථර ආඛ්‍යානයක් සපයයි. එය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පමණක් නොව, ඉන්දියාව, බංග්ලාදේශය, ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදය ඇතුළුව ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය සහ වගවීම ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට ජනතාව අරගල කරන ඕනෑම තැනකට අදාළ වේ. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පසුගිය ජනාධිපතිවරණයට පෙර, මෙම චිත්‍රපටය ශ්‍රී ලංකාව, පාකිස්තානය සහ එක්සත් ජනපදය ඇතුළු රටවල් රැසක මෙම චිත්‍රපටය ප්‍රදර්ශනය කර ඇත. පසුව, මහාද්වීප පහක, රටවල් 20 කට ආසන්න සංඛ්‍යාවක සහ ස්ථාන 70 කට අධික ප්‍රමාණයක තිරගත කිරීම්වලින් එහි විචාරාත්මක සහ තීරණාත්මක සාර්ථකත්වය පැහැදිලි වෙයි. ඉන්දියාවේ The Wire මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයේ සිට පකිස්ථානයේ Dawn මාධ්‍ය ආයතනය දක්වා  ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරන ලද ධනාත්මක මාධ්‍ය සමාලෝචන එම සාර්ථකත්වය තව දුරටත් තහවුරු කරයි.
පසුව,ිණය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය: ශ්‍රී ලංකාව – සිරස්තලවලින් ඔබ්බට’ නමින් එහි සිංහල අනුවාදයක් නිෂ්පාදනය කර අවසන් කෙරුණි.

සිංහල නිෂ්පාදනය, පරිවර්තනය සහ උපදේශනය සිදු කරන ලද්දේ, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මුද්‍රිත, විද්‍යුත් හා නව මාධ්‍ය පිළිබඳ අත්දැකීම් ඇති, වසර 20 කට අසන්න කාලයක් මාධ්‍යව්දියෙකු ලෙස ප්‍රධාන පෙළේ මාධ්‍ය ආයතනවල කටයුතු කළ ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ විසිනි.

මෙය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට වැදගත් වන්නේ ඇයි?
එකක් නම්, පසුගිය වසරේ ජනාධිපතිවරණය මගින් ඇති කරන ලද සමාජ විප්ලවය සහ දේශපාලන පරිවර්තනය පිළිබඳව මෙම චිත්‍රපටය පුරෝකථනය කිරීමයි. දෙවනුව, විදේශීය වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටයක් සිංහලෙන් නිෂ්පාදනය කරන ලද පළමු අවස්ථාව මෙයයි.

Colombo, Supreme Court recognises religious title for Buddhist nuns

July 23rd, 2025

by Arundathie Abeysinghe Courtesy PIME Asia News

The word ‘Bhikkuni’ will appear on identity cards, allowing female religious figures in Sri Lanka to enjoy a range of civil rights. According to the Supreme Court, refusing to use the title in documents violated constitutional rights. This is the first time that the formal existence of the female community ordained in the Buddhist Sangha, which numbers thousands of women in Sri Lanka, has been recognised.

Colombo (AsiaNews) – The Supreme Court of Sri Lanka has taken a historic decision, officially recognising the right of Buddhist nuns to be identified on their national identity cards as ‘Bhikkhuni’, i.e. fully ordained religious women.

The ruling, issued on 16 June, has been hailed as a ‘milestone’ for religious and gender rights, marking a profound change in the legal and cultural recognition of the female Sangha within Theravada Buddhism.

The case was brought in 2013 by Venerable Welimada Dhammadinna Bhikkhuni, with the support of Venerable Inamaluwe Sri Sumangala Thero, mahanayaka (spiritual leader) of the Rangiri Dambulla Chapter, who had already promoted women’s ordination in Sri Lanka in 1998. For over a decade, Dhammadinna had been denied the opportunity to register as a Bhikkhuni”, having to settle for the title Sil Matha”, used for lay devotees and not for nuns.

According to the Court, this refusal violates Articles 12 and 14 of the Constitution, which guarantee equality before the law and freedom to practise one’s religion individually or in community. Judge E.A.G.R. Amarasekara, with the consent of the President of the Court, Murdu N.B. Fernando, ordered the State to bear the legal costs and the Department of Registration to immediately issue correct identity cards to all Bhikkhunis.

The issue was not merely bureaucratic, but had practical implications: without a document stating their correct religious status, thousands of nuns – around 8,000 in Sri Lanka today – were unable to vote, obtain a passport or access higher education. Today, around 3,000 Bhikkhunis live in 237 monasteries across the country, following the monastic rules of the Vinaya, the Buddhist discipline” that applies to monks and nuns.

The controversy also arose from a conflict with the male religious authorities. Some ahanayaka of the dominant male brotherhoods had in fact expressed their opposition to the issuance of documents to nuns, stating that the Sangha of Bhikkhuni, i.e. the female sangha (community), no longer existed, and further argued that its recognition would violate both the vinaya and Article 9 of the Constitution, which requires the State to ‘protect and promote the Buddha Sasana,’ scholars Dharmasri Kulendra, Pramodhi Sirimanne and Sashikala Tennakoon explained to AsiaNews

.However, for the Venerable Inamaluwe Sri Sumangala Thero, the ordinations initiated in 1998 are valid and legitimate. Over the years, the Bhikkhunis have already received official documents such as passports and academic results. Only the identity card was missing.

“Although the ruling specifically concerns the national identity card in Sri Lanka, this decision provides a legal and institutional basis for policy reform in all public institutions, from education to counselling and temple governance. The ruling is a legal milestone and a moral turning point. The petition translates into official recognition, not only for Venerable Dhammadinna but for thousands of Buddhist nuns around the world,” the academics emphasised.

GMOA: New circular a ruse to entice masses into buying medicine from private sector

July 23rd, 2025

Courtesy The Island

Dr. Sugathadasa

The Government Medical Officers (GMOA) has said it will soon seek a meeting with Health Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayathissa and the Director General of Health Services (DGHS) to discuss the rapid deterioration of health services at government hospitals.

GMOA Secretary Dr. Prabath Sugathadasa yesterday (22) said that instead of taking tangible measures to address the worsening shortage of medicine and equipment at government hospitals, the NPP government tried to hoodwink the public by creating an environment for patients to procure required medicine and equipment from the private sector.

The recently issued circular was meant to encourage patients to depend on private sector suppliers for urgently needed medicine and equipment, he said.

Dr. Sugathadasa said so after concerned parties, including medical specialists, met at the GMOA main office on Monday (21) to discuss the controversial circular. They unanimously agreed that the circular caused further problems, within hospitals, and weakened their efforts to maintain services under severe difficulties.

Quoting those who attended Monday’s meeting, and reports from hospitals, Dr. Sugathadasa said the circular is impractical and couldn’t be adhered to under the present circumstances.

Dr. Sugathadasa pointed out the absurdity in patients having to secure approval from hospital to obtain medicine and equipment from outside owing to the governnment’s failure to meet the requirements.

According to him, the decision-making executive committee of the GMOA, following deliberations yesterday, decided that the Ministry circular further curtailed the free health services and burdened the public (SF)

බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍යාංශය අහෝසිද? – ඒකීය රටක් වෙනුවෙන් අපි එකමුතුව ජනපති අනුරගෙන් අසයි..

July 23rd, 2025

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

හිනිදුම සුනිල් සෙනෙවි අමාත්‍යවරයා  විසින් ඉකුත් දා රූපවාහිනී වැඩසටහනක දී බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍යංශයක් දැන් නැති බවට කරන ලද ප්‍රකාශය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඒකීය රටක් වෙනුවෙන් අපි එකමුතුව විසින් ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා වෙත ලිපියක් යොමුකරමින් ඒ පිළිබඳව විමසීමක් කර ඇත.

 අදාළ ලිපිය පහළින්..

ගරු ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා,

ජනාධිපති කාර්යාලය,

කොළඹ 1.

ගරු ජනාධිපතිගේ අවධානයට,

බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍යාංශය අහෝසිද?

පසුගිය දිනක ගරු. මහාචාර්ය. හිනිදුම සුනිල් සෙනෙවි ඇමතිතුමා විසින් මධයේ ප්‍රකෂවූ බුද්ධශාසන අමාත්‍යංශය අහෝසි බාව යැයි ජනතාව අතර මතයක් ඇතිවී ඇති අවස්ථාවක, අප විසින් බුද්ධශාසන අමාත්‍යංශයේ වෙබ් පිටුව පරික්ෂා කිරීමේදී, එදා, තිබුණු බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍යංශය වෙනුවට බුද්ධශාසන, ආගමික හා සංස්කෘතික කටයුතු අමාත්‍යාංශය” වශයෙන් සඳහන් වේ.

ඉදිරියට සොයා බැලීමේදී, මේ වෙබ් අඩවියට පිවිසීමේදී අප දුටු දෙයක් වනුයේ, මේ වෙබ් පිටු 2025 අප්‍රේල් මාසයේ නැවත සංස්කරණය කොට ඇතිබව පෙනේ.

නමුත්, මෙහි සඳහන් අනෙකුත් පිටු පරීක්ෂණ වෙනුවෙන් සඳහන් ලින්ක් සොයා බලද්දී පෙනී ගියේ “බෞද්ධ කටයුතු පිළිබද දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව” සහ “හින්දු ආගමික සහ සංස්කෘතික කටයුතු දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව” සඳහන් වෙබ් පිටු වසා හෝ මෙය හිතා මතා කගේ වුවමනා වකට විය හැක. මෙය ඔබගේ පක්ෂයේ උවමනාවකට විය හැකිය.

මෙවැනි වෙබ් අඩවියක් පවත් වන්නේ, ඕනෑම පුද්ගලයෙකුට හෝ විදේශිකයෙකුට මේ මගින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඉතිහාසය සහ බෞද්ධ කටයුතු, බෞද්ධ ස්ථාන ගැන දන ගැනීමට පිණිස වේ.

මේ අවස්ථාවේ, මේ පිටු වසා ඇත්නම්, මොවුන්ට මේ විස්තර වලට පිවිසීමට භාදාවක් නොවේද? මෙය සිත මත කල දෙයක් බව හැගේ. මේ පිටු වල ඇති විස්තර වසාදැමීම රජය විසින් සිත මතා හෝ කට හෝ කඩේ යන බව හැගේ.

එම නිසා, වහාම ක්‍රියාත්මක වන පරිදි මේ වෙබ් පිටු කාලීනව සකසන්න.

මේ රටේ උතුරේ සහ නැගෙනහිර ප්‍රදේශවල අවුරුදු 2000 වැඩි ඉතිහාසයක් ඇති, ඓතිහාසික උරුමය මහාවංශය වැනි පුරාණ වංශකථාවල සඳහන් වන්නේ දේවානම්පියතිස්ස රජු (ක්‍රි.පූ. 3 වන සියවස) මෙම ස්ථානයේ හෝ ඒ ආසන්නයේ මුල් තිස්ස මහා විහාරය ආරම්භ කළ බවත්, එය උතුරු ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සැලකිය යුතු මුල් බෞද්ධ විහාරස්ථානයක් බවට පත් කළ බවත්ය. මේ තිස්ස මහා විහාරය සතු අක්කර 15ක් සහ මුල් පන්සල් අඩිපාර අක්කර ~1.25 බව සඳහන් වේ.

එදා බුදුරජනන්වනස ලංකාවට වැඩමකළ නාගදීප විහාරය ඉතිහාසයේ සඳහන් වේ, එමෙන්ම, 1980 ගණන්වල දෙමළ අන්තවධින් විසින් මේ නාගදීප විහාරය කඩා දැමු බව මතකද?

පුරාණ වංශකථාවල සඳහන් වන්නේ අවුරුදු 2000 ඉහතදී මේ රටේ විශිෂ්ට රජෙකු වූ, දුටුගැමුණු රජුගේ පියාණන් විසින් ඉදිකළ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ නැගෙනහිර පොතුවිල් ප්‍රදේශයේ අක්කර 264 ඉදිකළ  “මුහුදු මහා විහාරය” සඳහන් වේ. අද අන්තවධින් විසින් බලහත් කාරයෙන් මේ විහාරයට අයිති ඉඩම් අත්පත් කරගෙන සහ 1951 රජයේ ගැසට් එකට අනුව අක්කර 72 වුවද 2023දී මෙය අක්කර 56 බව සඳහන් වේ.

මෙයට අමතරව මහනුවර රජ දවසේ, මහා නුවර දළදා මාලිගාවට පුජා කළ අක්කර 85 භුමිය අද අනෙකුත් පුද්ගලයින් විසින් පරිහරණය සහ එම භූමියට අයත් කොටස් වල අන්‍යාගම් ඔවුන්ගේ පල්ලි සතුව ඇත.

රජය, හිතාමතා මේ වෙබ් පුටුවලින්, මේ බෞද්ධ උරුමයන් සහ අනෙකුත් දේ වසා මේ කරන්නේ දෙමළ ඩයස්පෝරාවට කඩේ යැමක්ද? එසේ නොමැති නම්, විදේශ බලවේග සහ අන්‍ය ආගම් වලට සහය දැක් වීමක්ද? එසේ නොවේ නම් නිරගාමී පිළිවෙතක් ද? මේ බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍යංශය අහෝසි කොට  බුද්ධශාසන, ආගමික හා සංස්කෘතික කටයුතු අමාත්‍යාංශය” වශයෙන් වෙනස් කිරීම කගේ උවමනා වකටද?

එම නිසා, වහාම ක්‍රියාත්මක වන පරිදි මේ වෙබ් අඩවිය නැවත පිළිසරණ කොට, අපේ බෞද්ධ උරුමයන් සඳහන් විස්තර ඇතුලත් කරන්න. මේ රටේ බෞද්ධ සංස්කෘතිය, බෞද්ධ උරැමයන් මහා වංශයට අනුව සකස් කරන්න.

2025 අප්‍රේල් මස සංස්කරණ කල මේ වෙබ් අඩවිය අදට මාස 3කට කාලයක් ගතවී ඇතත්, මේ දක්වා මෙය සකස් නොකොට කරන්නේ, ලෝකය හමුවේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බෞද්ධ කටයුත් සහ බෞද්ධ ඉතිහාසය වසා දැමීමක් නොවේද?

මේ අවස්ථාවේ, කැනඩාවේ ඩයස්පෝරාව විසින් උතුරු නැගෙනහිර වෙන් කරන මෙන්, ඔබ ජනාධිපති වී බලයට ආ විගස ඉල්ලා

ඔබ වෙත ඉල්ලමින් ලිපියක් ඒවා තිබුණු අතර, මේ සනාථ කිරීමටද? විදේශයට පෙන්වීමට ද? මේ  බුද්ධශාසන, ආගමික හා සංස්කෘතික කටයුතු අමාත්‍යාංශය” වෙබ් පිටුවෙන් බෞද්ධ ඉතිහාසය මකා දැම්මේ කුට උපක්ක්‍රමයක් හෝ රජයේ උවමනාවට මේ රටේ බෞද්ධ උරුමයන් වසා දැමීමේ පිළිවෙතක් ද?

මේ රටතුළ, ජාතිභේද, අගම්භේද, ජතිවධින් අවශ්‍ය නොවේ. මේ රට, ඒකීය රටක්තුළ සැමටම එකසේ ජිවත්වීමේ ක්‍රම වේදයක් සහ නීති පද්ධතියක් සදහන් කරන්න.

මේ රට රැක ගැනීම, මේ රටේ ජනතාව පත් කරන රජයන් සහ ආණ්ඩු වල වග කීමක්. සියලුම පාලකයින් බලයට පැමිණ දිවුරුම් දෙන්නේ මේ රටේ බෞද්ධ උරුමයන් සහ බුද්ධ ශාසනය රැක ගන්නවා බවට සහ සියලුම ජාතින්, ආගම් ආරක්ෂා කොට රට රැක ගන්න බවය.

අපි බෞධයන් හැටියට ඉල්ලා සිටින්නේ මේ වෙබ් පුටු සියල්ලම නිසි පරිදි සකසන්න, එමෙන්ම බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍යංශය නැවත ස්ථාපනය කොට සහ අනෙකුත් ආගම් කටයුතු සහ සංස්කෘතික අමාත්‍යංශ එක අමාත්‍යවරයෙක් වීම ගැන කිසිදු වරදක් නොවේ.

මෙයට, ඒකීය රටක් වෙනුවෙන් අපි එකමුතුව.

ජයන්ත වෙදසිංහ.

අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ අවසන් ලියවිල්ලක් සකස්කර නෑ.. හරිනි කරන්නේ පවර්පොයින්ට් ප්‍රසන්ටේෂන් එකක්.. – බිමල් කියයි

July 23rd, 2025

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ සම්බන්ධයෙන් අවසන් කෙටුම්පතක් හෝ නිශ්චිත යෝජනාවලියක් මෙතෙක් සකස් කර නොමැති බව සභානායක සහ අමාත්‍ය බිමල් රත්නායක මහතා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී අද (23) ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ පිළිබඳව හෙට (24) පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පැවැත්වෙන විවාදය ගැන විපක්ෂ නායක සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා යොමු කළ ප්‍රශ්නයකට පිළිතුරු දෙමින් අමාත්‍යවරයා මේ බව සඳහන් කළේය.

අධ්‍යාපන අමාත්‍යවරිය විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලබන ‘පවර් පොයින්ට්’ ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමක් හෝ වෙනත් ලියවිල්ලක් මත පදනම්ව දැනට සාකච්ඡා සිදුවෙමින් පවතින බව අමාත්‍ය රත්නායක මහතා පැවසීය.

අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ සකස් විය යුත්තේ අධ්‍යාපන විශේෂඥයන්, විෂය ප්‍රවීණයන් සහ විවිධ සමාජ කණ්ඩායම්වල අදහස් මත පදනම්ව බවද ඔහු අවධාරණය කළේය.

Current deputy Defence Minister maintained deafening silence on Zahran’s activities as then Eastern Commander: MP

July 23rd, 2025

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, July 23 (Daily Mirror) – Dropping a bombshell in Parliament, opposition MP Nizam Kariapper today said current Deputy Minister of Defence Aruna Jayasekera who was one time Security Force Commander in the east neglected prior information received on activities of Zahran who led the Easter Sunday attacks since 2015.

MP Kariapper said the B report submitted to the Colombo magistrate by the CID had revealed all this information. The B report was hidden for years but we have managed to find it,” the MP said.

Former President dismissed former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe from his post on October 26 2018. Aruna Jayasekera who was the chief of the intelligence unit in Batticaloa was appointed Security forces commander in the East in November 2018. The attack on policemen at Vavunathivu took place during the same month. A drama was created to show that Ajanthan, an interpreter for Sub Inspector Wijenayake was behind the attack on policemen in Vavunathivu. This interpreter ended up in jail while the military personnel who neglected their duty ended up in Parliament,” the MP said.

This is a verdict of King Kakille ,” the MP said.

Aruna Jayasekera was attached to the counter insurgency unit in 1989 and then he worked as Army intelligence chief in the East. He was then appointed as SF commander in the east. He retired in 2019 and formed an association of ex-military men,” he added.

Meanwhile the MP said CID has recommended that passports of five intelligence officers who were charged with negligence be impounded. This recommendation has been made in April this year. Who is the big boss who is preventing action in this regard?” he questioned.

Speaker certifies National Minimum Wage for Workers Amendment Bill

July 23rd, 2025

Courtesy Adaderana

Speaker of House Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne today (23) endorsed his certification on the three Bills, the Budgetary Relief Allowance of Workers (Amendment) Bill to amend Act No. 36 of 2005, the Budgetary Relief Allowance of Workers (Amendment) Bill to amend Act No. 4 of 2016, and the National Minimum Wage for Workers (Amendment) Bill.

The Second Reading debate on the three Bills was held yesterday (22), and were passed by Parliament.

The three Bills were presented to Parliament for the First Reading on June 03, 2025.

Accordingly, the Budgetary Relief Allowance of Workers (Amendment) Bill (to amend Act No. 36 of 2005) shall come into operation as the Budgetary Relief Allowance of Workers (Amendment) Act, No. 9 of 2025; the Budgetary Relief Allowance of Workers (Amendment) Bill (to amend Act No. 4 of 2016) shall come into operation as the Budgetary Relief Allowance of Workers (Amendment) Act, No. 10 of 2025; and the National Minimum Wage for Workers (Amendment) Bill will come into operation as the National Minimum Wage for Workers (Amendment) Act, No. 11 of 2025.

By the provisions of the Budgetary Relief Allowance of Workers (Amendment) Act, No. 9 of 2025, the payment of the Budgetary Relief Allowance of Workers is deemed to have been discontinued with effect from March 31, 2025 and to have come into operation from April 01, 2025, the Department of Communication of Parliament said in a statement.

Further, by the provisions of the Budgetary Relief Allowance of Workers (Amendment) Act, No. 10 of 2025, the discontinuation of the payment of the Budgetary Relief Allowance, operative from March 31, 2025, is deemed to have come into operation from April 01, 2025.

In addition, the principal amendments introduced by the National Minimum Wage for Workers (Amendment) Act, No. 11 of 2025, are as follows:

1. For the period from April 01, 2025 to December 31, 2025:

  • National minimum monthly wage: Rs. 27,000 (an increase of Rs. 9,500)
  • National minimum daily wage: Rs. 1,080 (an increase of Rs. 380)

2.  From January 01, 2026 onwards:

  • National minimum monthly wage: Rs. 30,000 (a further increase of Rs. 3,000)
  • National minimum daily wage: Rs. 1,200 (a further increase of Rs. 120)

Further, the Budgetary Relief Allowance has been incorporated as a component of the workers’ wage.

The Act is deemed to have come into operation with effect from April 01, 2025, according to the Department of Communication of Parliament.

BANANA MOUNTAINS DISCARDED AT THAMBUTTEGAMA MARKET

July 23rd, 2025

Courtesy Hiru News

Traders at the Thambuttegama Economic Centre say they are currently forced to discard around 500 kilos of bananas every day.

They attribute this to a surplus of bananas in the market, coupled with a decrease in sales.

Traders report that a single ambul banana at the economic centre cannot even be sold for Rs. 10.

FORMER BATTICALOA INTELLIGENCE CHIEF DETAINED FOR QUESTIONING

July 23rd, 2025

Courtesy Hiru News

The Criminal Investigation Department has informed the Fort Magistrate’s Court that the former Officer-in-Charge (OIC) of the Batticaloa Divisional Intelligence Unit, who was arrested in connection with the Easter Sunday attacks, is being detained for 72 hours for questioning under the Prevention of Terrorism Act.

He was arrested on suspicion of misleading investigations into the murder of two police officers in Vavunathivu, a crime allegedly linked to the Easter attacks.

The suspect is currently serving as a Police Inspector at the Wan Ela Police Station in Kantale.

RANIL’S STATE OF EMERGENCY VIOLATED FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS: SUPREME COURT

July 23rd, 2025

Courtesy Hiru News

The Supreme Court today (23), ruled that Ranil Wickremesinghe, as acting President in 2022, violated fundamental human rights through the emergency regulations he declared on July, 17, 2022, under the Public Security Ordinance to control protesters.

The majority decision was delivered by Chief Justice Murdhu Fernando and Justice Yasantha Kodagoda.

However, Justice Arjuna Obeysekere, in his verdict, stated that the acting President’s emergency proclamation did not violate fundamental human rights.

The petitions were filed by the Centre for Policy Alternatives, former Human Rights Commissioner of Sri Lanka Ambika Satkunanathan, and the Liberal Youth Movement.

As a result of the ruling, the court ordered the state to pay the petitioners’ legal costs.

PREETHI PADMAN SURASENA APPROVED AS THE NEW CHIEF JUSTICE

July 23rd, 2025

Courtesy Hiru News

Supreme Court Judge Preethi Padman Surasena has been unanimously approved as the new Chief Justice of Sri Lanka by the Constitutional Council.

The decision was made today (22) during a meeting chaired by Speaker Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne.

The nomination was submitted by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake on Monday (21), recommending Justice Surasena for the top judicial post.

Justice Surasena brings decades of legal and judicial experience to the role.

Sri Lanka Education Reform 2025–2029: A National Crisis Threatening Our Children’s Identity and Future

July 22nd, 2025

Shenali D Waduge

Education Reforms Sri Lanka PPT for 2025.07.11 for Parliament new

The Hidden Agenda: Erasing Sri Lankan Identity from Grade 1

THE PROMISE:

We will nurture global citizens who embrace sustainability, innovation, and 21st-century skills.”
— Official Reform Slides

THE REALITY:

  • No standalone History subject from Grades 1 to 5. Sri Lankan kings, heroes, and civilizational achievements are erased from early education.
  • Buddhism, the ethical and cultural backbone of Sri Lanka, is sidelined or diluted. It no longer holds a central place in the curriculum.
  • Instead, the curriculum prioritizes ‘Global Citizenship Education’ (GCED) and liberal arts — frameworks promoted by Western-funded NGOs and UN-backed agencies that push foreign ideologies displacing national pride and heritage
  • This reform is not genuine modernization; it is a calculated ideological project designed to produce rootless children disconnected from their own culture, values, and loyalties — starting as early as Grade 1.

Reforms Begin at Grades 1 & 6 in 2026

Problem:
Starting the reforms at the foundation level (Grade 1) and early secondary (Grade 6) is a calculated move to reshape national identity and thinking from the earliest and most impressionable years.

The choice of Grades 1 and 6 is strategic — targeting the earliest and most impressionable stages of education to reshape national identity and worldview.”

Hidden Agenda:

Begin social engineering at the youngest age possible so by the time children complete school, their worldview is aligned with foreign liberal ideologies, not local values or heritage.

What This Means for Our Children: A Generation Denationalized and Disoriented

  1. Grade 1 children will enter a curriculum devoid of mandatory History or Buddhist moral education, setting the stage for de-nationalization.
  2. Grade 6 children, instead of beginning more serious social studies, are channeled into ‘pathways’ that prioritize liberal arts and global citizen themes, bypassing national heritage.
  3. By the time children choose pathways in later grades, they are ideologically programmed to reject their roots and embrace foreign worldviews.
  4. This creates a generation vulnerable to cultural dislocation, lacking loyalty to Sri Lanka and disconnected from the moral foundations that have historically sustained our nation.
  5. Overall, children grow up without foundational knowledge of Sri Lanka’s history, culture, and Buddhist philosophy, losing their sense of identity and belonging.

The Digital Divide: A Tale of Two Sri Lankas (widening Haves & Have Nots)

MetricUrban AreasRural AreasEstate AreasPoor Households
Households with Computer/Laptop~34%18.1%4.6%<15%
Internet Access at Home60%+20.2%<5%<10%
Digital Literacy (Ages 10–18)62%23%<10%<10%
Smartphone Ownership80%+40%<20%<15%

Sources: Ministry of Education ICT Audit 2023, Department of Census & Statistics 2023, ICTA Digital Literacy Report 2022, UNICEF 2023

The Reality of Digital Readiness

  • Over 50% of government schools lack any computers; of those with computers, 40% are outdated or non-functional.
  • In districts like Moneragala, Mullaitivu, and Kilinochchi, 60–70% of schools have no functional computer labs.
  • Only 25% of public schools have internet access, and only 15% of rural schools have stable connections. Many rely on teachers’ mobile data — an unsustainable patchwork.
  • Over 1,000 rural and estate schools lack uninterrupted electricity, making digital labs unusable.
  • Less than 20.2% of households own a desktop or laptop; device ownership drops to 4.6% in estate areas.
  • Over 70% of poor households lack any digital device such as smartphones or tablets.
  • Digital literacy is low: just 23% of rural children (ages 10–18) are digitally literate, compared to 62% in urban areas.

During COVID, 4.3 million students had no access to online learning,

The Consequences

  • The digital agenda entrenches inequality, rewarding elite urban students and abandoning the rural majority.
  • Children without electricity, devices, or internet access cannot engage with AI, coding, or digital assessments promised by the reforms.
  • This is not digital progress — it is digital apartheid that deepens educational and social divides.
  • This digital inequality prevents the majority of children from developing critical 21st-century skills like AI literacy and coding

The Teacher Crisis: The Weakest Link in Reform

FactorUrban SchoolsRural Schools
Qualified Teachers (English)~85%55%
ICT Teacher AvailabilityMajority<50%
Recent Curriculum Training>70%<30%
Student-Teacher Ratio~22:1>35:1
  • Over 40% of rural schools lack qualified English, ICT, or Science teachers.
  • Many rural teachers are untrained in the new curriculum and digital skills.
  • Political interference in teacher appointments worsens the problem, placing underqualified and unmotivated teachers in disadvantaged schools.
  • Students suffer (especially the rural & poor) from poor instruction, leading to widening achievement gaps and dependence on costly private tuition.

Infrastructure Gaps Undermine Free Education

FacilityNational AverageRural SchoolsEstate Schools
Schools lacking desks/chairs38%>50%>60%
Schools lacking potable water27%35%>40%
Schools lacking sanitation22%30%>45%
Reliable electricity97%65%55%
  • Children in rural and estate areas walk miles to poorly equipped schools.
  • Many schools lack clean water, proper sanitation, and essential furniture — education is free” in name only.

Poverty’s Crushing Impact

  • 8% of Sri Lanka’s population lives below the national poverty line, with rural and estate poverty exceeding 30%.
  • Over 60% of poor families cannot afford private tuition, which is essential due to under-resourced schools.
  • Private tuition costs often consume 15–25% of monthly income for poor families.
  • 45% of poor children lack basic learning materials, and less than 30% have access to digital devices.
  • Participation in extracurricular activities — crucial for earning credits — is limited to 25% in rural schools vs. 80% in urban elite schools.
  • Students may be poor or disadvantaged but they may be more talented than those advantaged & having resources.

The Middle Class: Bearing the Forgotten Burden

  • Not wealthy enough for elite private schools, nor poor enough for targeted aid.
  • Forced to pay rising costs for tuition, digital devices, and coaching to stay competitive.
  • Caught in a failing system, the middle class bears financial and educational stress without adequate support.

Credit-Based Learning: Institutionalizing Inequality

  • Credits depend on extracurricular participation, which is mostly available in well-funded urban schools.
  • Over 70% of rural and estate schools lack the infrastructure for extracurricular programs, making it impossible for rural students to obtain credit accumulation.
  • This credit system entrenches a two-tier education structure that privileges urban elites and marginalizes over 80% of Sri Lankan children in rural and impoverished areas

Classroom Period Extended to 50 Minutes + School Day Extended by 30 Minutes a Logistical Nightmare

Problem:
This assumes all schools have adequate infrastructure — which they don’t.

Reality Check:

  • Over 38% of schools don’t have enough desks or chairs (MoE Infrastructure Report 2023).
  • Many schools lack fans, lights, and sanitation — especially in rural and estate areas.
  • The extra 30 minutes creates major transport challenges, disrupts meal schedules, and complicates after-school tuition timings — hitting working-class and rural families hardest, many of whom rely on walking or limited transport options

Skills Test Introduced in Grade 9 (from 2029)

Problem:
This will institutionalize inequality by assessing skills” not evenly available across school types.

These tests will act as a gatekeeper, funneling rural students into lower academic tracks while urban elites access better academic and professional opportunities.

Unfair Playing Field:

  • Rural schools lack labs, tools, or trained teachers to deliver skill-based modules.
  • Students in urban elite schools with clubs, computers, robotics, arts, and music will pass easily.
  • Students from poor or under-resourced schools will fail due to lack of access — not lack of talent.

Consequence:
Skills tests will be a filtering tool — forcing rural students into lower tracks while elite students claim higher-tier academic and professional opportunities.

Selection of Subjects” and Pathways Model

Problem:
This introduces academic streaming based on access to resources — not student potential.

What’s Really Happening:

  • Children will be directed into academic, technical, or vocational streams starting as early as Grade 9 or 10 — based largely on performance in earlier grades.
  • But performance is skewed by digital access, teacher quality, and extracurricular options — all unequally distributed.

Impact on Rural and Middle-Class Children:

  • Most rural students will be streamed into vocational tracks by default, closing doors to higher education.
  • Middle-class families, who can’t afford elite schools or tuition, will struggle to keep their children in competitive streams.

No Infrastructure = No Reform
You cannot extend time, add tests, or restructure subjects without power, internet, devices, trained teachers, and facilities — all missing in 70% of rural and estate schools.

Hidden Ideological Shift
By beginning at Grade 1, removing Buddhism and History, and prioritizing global pathways,” the reforms are designed to dismantle national identity early on.

Increased Pressure on Poor & Middle Class

  • Longer days = more cost for food, transport, energy.
  • Skill tests & streaming = more tuition demand, more stress.
  • All of this rewards the elite, punishes the poor, and squeezes the middle class further.

This Reform is a Crisis in the Making

  • The Education Reform 2025–2029 prioritizes foreign ideologies over Sri Lankan identity.
  • It ignores digital realities, punishes rural and poor children, and leaves teachers ill-equipped.
  • It deepens inequalities and destroys the promise of free, quality education for all.
  • If implemented, it will create a rootless, divided generation, disconnected from their heritage and deprived of opportunity.

A Foreign-Designed Blueprint to Divide, Disempower, and Destabilize Sri Lanka

The 2025–2029 Sri Lanka Education Reform presents itself as a modernized set of proposals aimed at nurturing global citizens.” But a closer analysis reveals a deliberate, ideologically driven blueprint — one that appears to be shaped by Western-funded NGOs and multilateral agencies to erode national identity, deepen inequality, and create future instability ripe for foreign intervention.

How this resembles a Foreign Agenda:

  1. Erasing National Identity from the Ground Up
  2. Removing History and Buddhism from the earliest grades breaks children from their civilizational roots.
  3. Global Citizenship Education (GCED) replaces local heritage with foreign ideologies.
  4. This is social engineering — not education.
  5. Digital Illusions: A Two-Tier System
  6. Elite, urban schools will thrive under digital reforms.
  7. 70% of rural and estate children — with no electricity, internet, or devices — will be left behind.
  8. This isnot digital inclusion, it is digital exclusion masked as progress.
  9. Skill Tests & Credit Systems built on inequality
  10. Poor and rural children are set up to fail skill-based tests due to lack of labs, teachers, or extracurriculars.
  11. Urban elite students will collect credits and opportunities, while the rest are pushed into vocational dead ends.
  12. Crushing the Middle Class
  13. Not rich enough to escape, not poor enough to receive aid — the middle class is trapped.
  14. Rising costs for devices, tuition, and extended school hours drive them toward burnout and frustration.
  15. Weaponizing Youth Discontent
  16. This reform breeds adisoriented, disadvantaged generation, alienated from their heritage and denied equal opportunity.
  17. The eventual result:mass resentmentyouth uprisings, and political manipulation by both local and foreign-funded movements.
  18. These angry, under-served youth becomepawns for destabilization — the perfect excuse for NGOs, international agencies, and external actors to call for intervention” or rescue missions.”

The Endgame: Create Chaos, then Control the Outcome

  • This reformdoes not serve Sri Lanka’s children — it creates fertile ground for:
    • Social unrest
    • Class warfare
    • Foreign meddling under the guise of protecting democracy” or saving youth”
  • It systematicallyweakens national cohesion and opens the door to external influence and dependency.

This is not merely an education reform — it is a nation-reengineering blueprint, crafted and rolled out on behalf of those who have elevated these agents to power: individuals and parties who loathe Sri Lanka’s history, heritage, and moral foundations. Driven by ideological insecurity and self-hatred, they now seek to infect an entire present & future generations with the same emptiness.

If, left unchallenged, this reform will manufacture a rootless, unequal, and disillusioned youth — and when their anger erupts into chaos, it will become the perfect excuse for foreign intervention, control, and the final dismantling of the sovereignty Sri Lanka has long fought to defend.

Our Children Deserve Better. Our Nation Deserves Better.

It is time to wake up, demand transparency, and reject this harmful agenda.

“THE TURNING POINT” BY WASANTHA KARANNAGODA   PART 4

July 22nd, 2025

 KAMALIKA PIERIS

During  the Eelam war, the Navy was heavily  engaged in escort duties. The cargo and fuel shipped to Jaffna from Trincomalee to Colombo were escorted by the navy.   The passenger ferry carrying civilians sailed under navy security. [1]   The LTTE closed the A9 road to Jaffna and the  government  forces had to take a sea route to the north. Navy  provided an escort for all such  sea journeys.

Navy was  responsible for the transfer of army personnel  to and from Jaffna. In 1999 navy acquired  two new fast passenger carriers capable of  carrying 300 passengers at  25 knots, named Hansaya and Lihiniya. They sailed  together every day,    carrying military personnel form Trincomalee to Kankesanturai . In Oct 2000 LTTE  destroyed Hansaya completely  and Lihiniya partially. 

In 2003 the  government direct navy to charter a suitable passenger ferry for military personnel to travel to and from Jaffna.[2]   A fast moving ferry capable   of doing  25 knots  was needed.[3]   

 Instead  they hired Pearl Cruise” .Pearl Cruise carried 700 troops at a time, mostly army personnel, from Trincomalee to Kankesanturai  and vice versa.[4]   LTTE attacked Pearl Cruise in May 2006 using suicide boats. Pearl Cruise  was saved because of a brave gesture by Lieutenant Commander Edirisinghe  who had rammed the LTTE suicide boat heading for Pearl Cruise. Both craft   exploded killing LTTE and  navy personnel.   This was the bravest act by naval personnel in the Eelam war, said Karannagoda.[5] 

 Pearl Cruise was  very unsatisfactory . Its speed of less than 11 knots was too slow. Conditions on Pearl cruise were pathetic, said Karannagoda in  his book. Soldiers were   packed like sardines and it  took nearly 16-18 hours per journey. [6]   

Pearl Cruise was to be temporary but no attempt was made to replace it  with a ferry having better speed.[7]   Instead, the  Navy Commander    kept extending the Pearl Cruise contract every 3-6 months, continuously for more than   two years,  without going for a fresh tender.[8]    

 When he became Commander in 2005 Karannagoda  called an international tender for a  suitable passenger  ferry  having the  required speed.[9] They found a suitable ferry in Indonesia, the Jetliner, [10] with speed of 30 knots  and  four engines of a make  which the navy was familiar with.[11]  It could carry up to 100  metric tons of weapons, food and medicine and could easily accommodate 200 vehicles.[12]

 Jetliner arrived in Trincomalee  around 2 pm on 22 July 2006 ,[13]    protected all the way  from  Indonesia to Sri Lanka , from pirates and LTTE. It was  most welcome. Jetliner could keep a minimum distance of over 50 km,[14]     30 nautical miles from land. Sea conditions became rougher as the distance increased from coastline,  and Jetliner could  face  these rough condition,  LTTE boats  could not, Karannagoda observed.[15]  [16] 

On arrival in Sri Lanka  Jetliner was converted to a warship by installing eight 14.5 mm guns for its protection. In addition, it carried four IGLA missiles, 40 LMGs and technical equipment including modern radar was installed, said Rear Admiral (Rtd) Noel Kalubowila in an interview for Ceylon Today.[17]

Kalubowila also  observed that  Jetliner  had a massive cafeteria,  and areas where troops could engage in small games. We showed two movies. These helped relax the mind. Jetliner  contributed to boosting the morale of troops by facilitating safe travel.” [18]

 Jetliner could carry more than 3000 troops in one go, at a speed of  28-30 knots and  took less than 6 hours to complete the  one way trip between Trincomalee and Kankesanturai .[19]   Troops traveling in Jetliner were fresh and ready to serve, unlike on Pearl Cruise. Time spent by the navy on escort was  also reduced.  Jetliner was used only once a week, so  accompanying naval craft  were could be used for other work for the rest of the week.[20] 

Jetliner made the first voyage to Kankesanturai  from Trincomalee  during day time. Ferry left around 8 am and reached  destination around 2 pm the same day,[21]   stayed overnight at Kankesanturai  and then sailed back to Trincomalee the next day. Date of this first sailing is not available.

LTTE attacked Jetliner at Trincomalee harbour  on its second voyage in 2 August 2006 when it was returning form Kankesanturai  with 1700 army  personnel. [22] It was an all out attack with four LTTE  suicide  boats, 8 attack boats and  LTTE airplanes.[23]

 LTTE  fired into the inner  Harbor  to  which   Jetliner was heading. LTTE also fired at  the  Naval dockyard, Air force camp[24] at China Bay and the army camp  at Trincomalee  harbour. [25]  at the same time,  there was an LTTE  attack on the army and navy camps in Mutur. It was clear that  LTTE had planned this for some time and had  waited for Jetliner observed Karannagoda .[26]

At Trincomalee , the last 15 rounds  of LTTE artillery had hit the  harbour entrance. This meant that some one had acted as the forward spotter for the LTTE and had given the necessary correction for the firing. The spotter may  have been stationed on the harbour road , which is  the  northern boundary of the inner harbor .  [27] 

We were  prepared for this attack and countered it, Karannagoda  said. The attack  only lasted 30 minutes. The navy response was too strong for the LTTE . Navy had fired back using  the 122 army MBRL installed in Naval Dockyard  in 2002 to face the Sampur  threat. .Navy destroyed 3 suicide boats and four attack boats of the  LTTE . No Sri Lanka Navy craft was damaged as a result of the artillery attack but 5 sailors were killed and 40 wounded in the Dockyard Naval Base[28] LTTE withdrew. Jetliner entered the harbor without a scratch .[29] 

  After this attack, Jetliner was quickly   dispatched, late at night to Galle. This is described in detail in the book. [30]     The navy upgraded the fighting capacity of   Jetliner while it was berthed at Galle.[31]

Having failed to destroy Jetliner, LTTE  then wanted Jetliner sent back to Indonesia. They used  two  officials  in the Indonesian embassy  in Sri Lanka .These two embassy officials  went to Galle and spoke to the crew, who  announced that  they  wanted to return to Indonesia with the ship. Sri Lanka resisted. The Indonesia crew were sent back and Jetliner remained with the navy.[32] 

The LTTE camp at Sampur  in Koddiyar bay, with its formidable artillery was destroyed  on the instruction of President Mahinda Rajapaksa.[33]  Jetliner returned  to Trincomalee  and berthed at Nicholson Cove, which was the only safe place for it. Due to  LTTE air threat,  anti aircraft guns were installed in several strategic places at Nicholson Cove, on board Jetliner itself and in the Naval Dockyard. Seach lights were also installed in selected strategic positions.[34]

Thereafter  Jetliner went once a week to Jaffna during daylight hours carrying 3000 troops each day. [35]  Jetliner continued  its weekly  journey until the war ended. It was returned to Indonesia in 2012.[36]   

Since Jetliner carried more than 3,000 unarmed soldiers at a time, Sri Lanka Navy paid utmost attention to protecting it from enemy attack on its journey from Trincomalee to Kankesanturai  and back.[37]The probability of LTTE  aircraft trying to target the ferry was very high .Jetliner was at the top of LTTE’s target list and there had been five subsequent attacks on it at different times.[38] The   Jetliner voyage was closely monitored,[39] Navy Commander, Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda  did  not move from the Operation Room until  the operation was over.  Embarkation and dis-embarkation on Jetliner was time consuming task.[40]

This weekly voyage was a special ops for the entire navy. It was all hands on deck when the Jetliner  started its voyage The procedure is described  in great detail in the book.[41] On days of Jetliner voyage, the entire Naval  Dockyard went into action stations from midnight. All naval craft and ships inside  the harbour   had their anti aircraft guns ready against the LTTE  air threat.  Regular exercises were conducted to prepare all naval personnel in the Jetliner and in the Naval Dockyard against possible LTTE bombing raids

 Before Jetliner  embarked , waves of FAC were sent out at intervals to comb the area. They included 24 FACs,  4 FGBs  and two offshore patrols. In march 2007, sixty Arrow and Wave rider were added.[42] .   8 FACs sailed with Jetliner forming a screen around it. [43]  Twenty  Dvoras and Arrow boats  went  alongside,[44] added Kalubowila. .A team of  air force personnel were stationed on the upper deck of the  Jet liner during her journeys, with surface to air missiles  as well.[45] ( continued)


[1] Karannagoda The turning point p 244

[2] Karannagoda The turning point p 245

[3] Karannagoda The turning point p 245

[4] Karannagoda The turning point p 171

[5] Karannagoda The turning point p197,198

[6] Karannagoda The turning point p 171

[7] Karannagoda The turning point p 171

[8] Karannagoda The turning point p 194

[9] Karannagoda The turning point p 194

[10] Karannagoda The turning point p 248

[11] Karannagoda The turning point p 247

[12] Gagani Weerakoonv.https://ceylontoday.lk/2024/05/18/jetliner-the-lifeline-of-humanitarian-operation/

[13] Karannagoda The turning point p 249

[14] Karannagoda The turning point p 247

[15] Karannagoda The turning point p 250

[16] Karannagoda The turning point p 249

[17] Gagani Weerakoonv.https://ceylontoday.lk/2024/05/18/jetliner-the-lifeline-of-humanitarian-operation/

[18] Gagani Weerakoonv.https://ceylontoday.lk/2024/05/18/jetliner-the-lifeline-of-humanitarian-operation/

[19] Karannagoda The turning point p 171, 172

[20] Karannagoda The turning point p 171, 172

[21] Karannagoda The turning point p 171, 172

[22] Karannagoda The turning point p 253

[23] https://www.sundaytimes.lk/080831/Columns/sitreport.html

[24] Karannagoda The turning point p 254

[25] Gagani Weerakoonv.https://ceylontoday.lk/2024/05/18/jetliner-the-lifeline-of-humanitarian-operation/

[26] Karannagoda The turning point p 255

[27] Karannagoda The turning point p 256, 257

[28] Gagani Weerakoonv.https://ceylontoday.lk/2024/05/18/jetliner-the-lifeline-of-humanitarian-operation/

[29] Karannagoda The turning point p 254

[30] Karannagoda The turning point p 264

[31]Gagani Weerakoonv.https://ceylontoday.lk/2024/05/18/jetliner-the-lifeline-of-humanitarian-operation/

[32] Karannagoda The turning point p 264, 265

[33] Karannagoda The turning point p 251

[34] Karannagoda The turning point p 272

[35] Karannagoda The turning point p 266

[36] Karannagoda The turning point p 274

[37] Gagani Weerakoonv.https://ceylontoday.lk/2024/05/18/jetliner-the-lifeline-of-humanitarian-operation/

[38] Gagani Weerakoonv.https://ceylontoday.lk/2024/05/18/jetliner-the-lifeline-of-humanitarian-operation/

[39] Karannagoda The turning point p 269

[40] Karannagoda The turning point p 172

[41] Karannagoda The turning point p 266-269

[42] Karannagoda The turning point p 267

[43] Karannagoda The turning point p 268

[44] Gagani Weerakoonv.https://ceylontoday.lk/2024/05/18/jetliner-the-lifeline-of-humanitarian-operation/

[45] Karannagoda The turning point p 272

“THE TURNING POINT” BY WASANTHA KARANNAGODA   PART 5

July 22nd, 2025

 KAMALIKA PIERIS

Karannagoda   in his book The turning  point ‘ provides us with a detailed account of the arms procurement method of the LTTE . Navy intelligence knew about these movements, but lacked the strength to stop them.

 Initially, most of the explosives and weapons LTTE used were obtained from Tamilnadu and also from the government of India. The items obtained from the international market were  unloaded on their boats off the Tamilnadu coast and came in, mingling with the fishing boats. From there, the cargo came to Sri Lanka across Palk Strait wit dinghies fitted with multiple outboard motors  for greater speed.[1]

in the 1990s LTTE  used the  direct sea route  to smuggle arms to the  northeast and northwest coasts. The area between Point Pedro and north of Trincomalee had the largest number of LTTE sea tiger bases along the coast. Merchant vessels carrying LTTE cargo approached the Sri Lanka  waters up to about 20 km from north east coastline and unloaded cargo unhindered. at the time,  Navy did not have   enough craft to stop them and LTTE was able to bring its goods in without any difficulty.[2]  

With the increase in navy  patrols, LTTE change its tactics. In   2000 LTTE  transferred its   goods stuff in small quantities onto different types of boats in mid sea from their large ships acting as floating warehouses ,and brought them ashore to LTTE controlled areas on the northeast coast.

The floating warehouse remained on high seas and approached Sri Lanka  up to 150-200 km from the coast. The transfer took place there.. LTTE radars installed at strategic locations in northeast and northwest coastlines monitored the present or absence of navy craft and communicated the info to the incoming arms carriers which then decided on which route to take.[3]

One method they adopted was to use  large high speed fiberglass boats fitted with multiple outboard motors of 150-200 HP to carry the cargo ashore. Once the transfer was done they made a   dash for the coast. [4].

Second method was for the ship acting as a floating warehouse to tow a large boat approx. 20 m in length, loaded with items  up to 100 km from land, and release it to proceed on its own.  Navy Intelligence showed that such large  boats took off  from remote areas in Indonesia where the LTTE arms procurement network was active .  These boats came out of the Indonesian coastline up to 150 km to meet the warehouse ship. that took them in tow.[5]

Third method was to transfer  the goods onto multi day fishing trawlers from the floating warehouses and   bring them ashore. These trawlers had Sinhalese names painted on the bow of the boat. With that they could mingle with the  regular fishing clusters. About 95 % of the multi day trawlers were owned by the Sinhala, who, I am sure could have detected the rogue boats. [6]

 After the transfer the LTTE floating warehouse ship would move away from Sri Lanka waters to  the high seas, and stay there in an area close to Indonesia, until the next transfer was to take place. The operating base for LTTE was Indonesia close to Jakarta. [7]

 LTTE had obtained its weapons  and ammunition   from different countries  illegally through their international arms procurement network. LTTE had a cell in Indonesia that provided war material including HP outboard motors and large fiberglass boats.[8]  The items were stored on the high seas in merchant vessels belonging  to them that acted as floating warehouses.  This was a very judicious move of the LTTE  as the high seas were  common to all.[9]

I, Kamalika Pieris would observe at this point that it is highly questionable whether an uneducated, non-English speaking local  group, based  exclusively in Jaffna could have accomplished all this. Clearly the LTTE was merely the local front for a war directed by and  supported from abroad. The boats they used, such as Indumathi, were built   abroad.

The book gives the inside story of how the SLMM  ( Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission) helped the LTTE  floating warehouses. One of the condition in the Ceasefire Agreement was that whenever the navy conducted an operation against the LTTE , a member of the SLMM must be present  in its vessel. Later navy was instructed to carry a SLMM member on board when they went on special operations as well. The SLMM representatives   carried  satellite phones  when they  travelled in a navy vessel. [10]

 We adopted tactics to prevent SLMM  joining us, said Karannagoda . We  gave them very short notice,  ensuring they missed the craft,  we cancelled the sailing after they got on board citing engine problems, we  took them out to sea when the sea was rough and kepi  them at sea for many days, grealty exhausting  them. This had  the desired  effect. SLMM started to avoid sailing with us.[11]

In June 2003 Director, Military Intelligence  Kapila Hendavitarana   contacted Karannagoda about another LTTE ship movement . it gave details of the ship expected to come into position 180 nautical miles northeast of Trincomalee harbor. Ship was towing a smaller craft.[12]

Then came a message from Navy HQ that if a suspicious ship was identified as an LTTE ship then SLMM was ot be informed immediately. Someone at Naval HQ,  it had to be a very senior person, had informed Defence Ministry  This was. same person as before,  purpose again to prevent Karannagoda from getting credit if the operation succeeded.[13]  

Nandimithra had spoken to the ship .  They have given bogus details, it  is not registered in any country,  it has no flag and does not belong to any company. When ordered to stop, it continued to move away from the navy reported Nandimitra.[14] .

Navy Commander was out of the country and he had  given instructions  to area commanders to use their discretion. Karannagoda decided to  destroy the ship. The navy was very enthusiastic about the operation.

When the order to  fire was given,    I could see faces light up with satisfaction recalled Karannagoda ,[15] but  a power failure occurred at Nandimithra. it could not fire and the ship moved away. The ship was  sunk but the  smaller craft   detached and escaped. A Board of Inquiry was held against the commanding officer of Nandimithra. .[16]

 Defence secretary Austin Fernando rang. .    LTTE at Kilinochchi had complained.Have  you captured a LTTE ship. This will hurt the peace talks. Who permitted you to do this.[17]  This is a serious matter. You will face the consequences [18]   Then Defence Minister rang.  He was      also not in a good mood.  Was there an SLMM on board, he asked. Only one of the four were available and by the time he came, it  was late, the  craft had sailed. We sent  him in another boat  but that boat could not catch up with the other craft.[19]    

The next day, June 15. 2003, Karannagoda  was told that Defence Secretary had issued   instruction to allow the SLMM to inspect all the craft that took part in the operation and question the commanding officers and officers in charge.[20]

SLMM turned up the next day and wanted to inspect the location where the ship sank.    They were sent  on Shakthi, given an uncomfortable journey on a very rough sea. The skipper was instructed to steer a course that would exhaust SLMM, and they returned quickly. [21]  After this incident, Defence ministry imposed further restrictions on the navy. It was made mandatory to take SLMM even on special operations.[22]  

Fishing trawler Tharindu had informed Fisheries Corporation  signal office in Galle on 16  Oct 2003  that there was a suspicious ship off the east of Trincomalee harbor.[23]    Karannagoda took action, The FACs  at that position were  alerted and in addition navy  vessels  Edithara and Ranadhera and   the  FGB Prathapa  were   directed there. Sri Lanka Air force also sent a plane to report on the ship. [24]   

SLMM representative had come  in Prathapa.  SLMM had  informed  its head office  who then checked with LTTE   at Kilinochchi whether any of their ships were in the area. When they sited the ship, SLMM had called head office in Colombo and informed of the detection of this ship.  The ship  left the area.  The time it left tallied with SLMM phone call. [25]   

Karannagoda reported the incident and Defence Minister, Defence Secretary, and Navy Commander came to inquire into Karannagoda’s actions.  They questioned Prathapa commanding officer,   other officers and Karannagoda . They appeared suspicious of Karannagoda’s report. The matter ended when in Nov 2003 President  Chandrika  took over the Defence Ministry and deported the Country head of SLMM, Major Telifsen .[26]   

In 2006, the Joint operations Command   was sending reports to the three service  HQ with details of the number and type of artillery and mortar rounds the LTTE  had fired the previous day.  Karannagoda looked at this data and saw that the  LTTE was always well supplied with weapons and ammunition regardless of how many LTTE  boats were destroyed. This  meant that they had a regular supply of  weapons from outside. This had to be stopped if the war was to be won.

The book  describes in great detail the role of the navy in destroying LTTE floating warehouses  Operation Sagara Balaya  is   described at length in the book. The event was well publicized at the time, but the media did not provide the full story. This book does. 

Karannagoda  was sure that   if he had good intelligence and good weapons, four vessels that could sail far, with another vessel to provide logistics support, the task could be accomplished.  Karannagoda    spoke to the  Defence advisor  in the US embassy in Colombo.

He told him that  the LTTE warehouses also posed a threat to US as they may be selling arms to organization like Al Qaeda. If US could provide satellite pictures,  Sri Lanka navy could  neutralize the ships. The US embassy spoke to US Pacific Command and the  US Pacific Command provided  locations to the LTTE  ships.[27]

The public  wondered why the USA  suddenly provided information against the LTTE .This book explains .Karannagoda    had earlier  established a relationship with  Admiral R Willard, Commander US Pacific Command.[28]  This fact is not well known. It would have been crucial to obtaining the location information.

The navy had only five vessels that could sail long distances. They were  missile boats Nandimithra,  Suranimila, landing ship, Shakthi, ex-coast guard cutter Samudra and   the  offshore patrol vessel, Sayura. . Two other old vessels were modified to act as logistics ships.[29] Sayura was the  youngest at 19 years, the others were more than 30  years old

Operation Sagara Balaya was carried out using  these aged ships. The ships set off  on their historic mission, from  Trincomalee, Kankesanturai, Galle and Colombo harbors at different times on different days, at auspicious times provided by an astrologer.[30] The astrologers  calculations  were sound. The last four LTTE  warehouse ships were   destroyed in September and October  2007 very neatly and  efficiently by these ships .LTTE no longer had a  supply of  heavy weapons.[31]   ( CONCLUDED.)


[1] Karannagoda The turning point p 127

[2] Karannagoda The turning point p 284

[3] Karannagoda The turning point p 284

[4] Karannagoda The turning point p 284

[5] Karannagoda The turning point p 285

[6] Karannagoda The turning point p 285

[7] Karannagoda The turning point p 286

[8] Karannagoda The turning point p 249

[9] Karannagoda The turning point p 286

[10] Karannagoda The turning point p 63

[11] Karannagoda The turning point p 63

[12] Karannagoda The turning point p 62

[13] Karannagoda The turning point p 65

[14] Karannagoda The turning point p 68

[15] Karannagoda The turning point p 69

[16] Karannagoda The turning point p 69

[17] Karannagoda The turning point p 69

[18] Karannagoda The turning point p 70

[19] Karannagoda The turning point p 71

[20] Karannagoda The turning point p 72

[21] Karannagoda The turning point p 73

[22] Karannagoda The turning point p 74

[23] Karannagoda The turning point p 94

[24] Karannagoda The turning point p 94

[25] Karannagoda The turning point p 95,96

[26] Karannagoda The turning point p 97

[27] Karannagoda turning point p 304.

[28] Rohan Gunaratne .foreward to The Turning point pxix

[29] Karannagoda The turning pointP 288-289

[30] Karannagoda The turning point p 299

[31] Karannagoda The turning point p 172,173

ඉතිහාසය පාසල් ළමුන්ට උගන්වීමේ වැදගත්කම

July 22nd, 2025

කෘත්‍රිම බුද්ධිය මගින් රචිත වාර්තාවකි


හැඳින්වීම

ඉතිහාසය යනු අතීතයේ සිදුවීම්, සමාජ සංවර්ධනය, සංස්කෘතික විකසනය සහ මනුෂ්‍ය විපර්යාසයන් පිළිබඳව ගැඹුරු අවබෝධයකට පදනම් වන විෂයයකි. පාසල් ළමුන්ට ඉතිහාසය උගන්වීම ඔවුන්ගේ චින්තා විකසනය, විචාරශීලීත්වය සහ ජනනාධිපතිත්වය පිළිබඳ අවබෝධය වර්ධනය කරයි. මෙය පුරවැසි ලෙස වගකීම් සහිත පරිපූර්ණ පුද්ගලයන් ගොඩනැඟීම සඳහා අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වේ.


එක්සත් රාජධානියේ (UK) ඉතිහාස අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමය

එක්සත් රාජධානියෙහි රජයේ ජාතික විෂය නිර්දේශය (National Curriculum) යටතේ ඉතිහාසය Year 1 සිට Year 9 දක්වා අනිවාර්ය විෂයකි.

  • අරමුණු:
    • ශිෂ්‍යයන්ට බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය ඉතිහාසය පිළිබඳ පුළුල් දැනුමක් ලබාදීම.
    • විචාරශීලීව මූලාශ්‍ර විශ්ලේෂණය කිරීමේ හැකියාවන් වර්ධනය කිරීම.
    • අතීතය වත්මන් යථාර්ථය සමඟ සම්බන්ධ කර ගැනීම.
  • උදාහරණ:
    • World War I සහ II
    • Transatlantic Slave Trade
    • British Empire
    • Civil Rights Movements

මෙම අංග හරහා ශිෂ්‍යයන්ට තමාගේ හුදෙකලා පරිදි නොව, ලෝක සන්දර්භයක පිහිටි සමාජයක සාමාජිකයෙකු ලෙස තේරුම් ගත හැකි මට්ටමක දැනුමක් ලබාදේ.


එක්සත් ජනපදයේ (USA) ඉතිහාස අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමය

ඇමරිකාවේ අධ්‍යාපනය ජනපද මට්ටමින් ක්‍රියාත්මක වන නිසා, විෂය නිර්දේශය රාජ්‍ය අනුව වෙනස් වුවද, ඉතිහාසය බොහෝ ස්ථානවල අනිවාර්යයකි.

  • අරමුණු:
    • Democratic citizenship (ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී පුරවැසිභාවය) පිළිබඳ අවබෝධය වර්ධනය.
    • සමාජ විචාරය සහ සාමකාමී විකසනය සඳහා පාදක සකස් කිරීම.
    • යුක්තිපූර්ව තීරණ ගැනීමේ හැකියාවන් වර්ධනය.
  • උදාහරණ:
    • US Constitution සහ Bill of Rights
    • American Revolution
    • Civil War සහ Emancipation
    • Civil Rights Era (Martin Luther King Jr. ආදී)

මෙම පාඩම් ඔස්සේ, අනාගත පුරවැසියෙකු ලෙස යුතුකම් සහ හිමිකම් පිළිබඳව අවබෝධයකින් යුතු විචක්ෂණාත්මක සිතුවිලි ඇති ශිෂ්‍යයෙකු ගොඩනඟා ගැනීම ප්‍රධාන අරමුණ වේ.


ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සඳහා අදාළතාවය

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේද අනාගත පුරවැසියන් සදා ගැනීම සඳහා ඉතිහාසය අනිවාර්ය විෂයකි. ඒත්, UK සහ USA වැනි රටවල් අනුගමනය කරන ආකාරයෙන්,

  • බහුකෝණී ප‍්‍රතිචිත්‍රණයක් ඇති ඉතිහාසය
  • විචාරශීලී චින්තනය
  • විවිධ ජාතීන්, ආගමිකයන්, සහ සංස්කෘතික කණ්ඩායම් පිළිබඳ සමුච්චිත අවබෝධයක්

යනාදිය වර්ධනය කළ යුතුය. එවිට විරුද්ධත්වයකින් තොර, සමබර සමාජයකට මඟ පෙන්විය හැකිය.


නිගමනය

UK සහ USA යන රටවල් අනුගමනය කරන ඉතිහාස අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රම අපේක්ෂාවෙන්ම ශිෂ්‍යයන්ගේ මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක, සමාජීය සහ පුරවැසි පදනම ශක්තිමත් කිරීමේ අරමුණ ඇතිව නිර්මාණය කර ඇත. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවටද මෙම අංග උපයෝගී කරගෙන, වඩා සජීවී හා විචාරශීලී ඉතිහාස අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමයකට මාරුවීම වැදගත් වේ. මෙය අනාගතයේ සාමකාමී, ඒකාබද්ධ, සහ වගකීම් සහිත පුරවැසියෙකු ගොඩනඟා ගැනීමේ මූලික පාදකය වේ.

Teaching Fake History in Schools Verses Not Teaching Fake History (Real History was Never Taught in Schools)

July 22nd, 2025

Dilrook Kannangara

A political debate is raging over history teaching in government syllabus following schools. One group argues for the continued teaching of fake history in primary schools that follow the government syllabus while another group argues that it should be taught only for students in Years 6 to 9. No party to the debate wants to teach real history that was never taught in schools. This is yet another meaningless, politically motivated and distracting event. Teaching or not teaching fake history has no impact. They are the same. In fact, not teaching fake history is the better option as that would lead students to learn real history themselves.

School history teaching is based on a heavily politicized syllabus created by politicians and their appointees. It aims at supporting the political narrative of the regime and reconciliation. It is not about knowing the reality which can be dangerous to politicians.

The island nation has a rich history with well documented historical chronicles numbering over 15 and backed by inscriptions numbering well into the hundreds. However, this real history has been deliberately kept out of schools.

Why?

The reasons will be apparent to anyone who has taken the effort to study real history. It took the writer over a decade to unlearn fake history taught at school and replace it with real history learned from original historical accounts of events. A nation built upon fake history is bound to collapse as its foundation itself is fake.

Here is a classic fabrication of history that is taught in schools. In the second century BC, there was a battle between Elara and Dutugemunu (161BC). The latter was victorious.

However, in reality, there was no Elara-Dutugemunu war. Instead, there was a Sinhala-Tamil war (205BC to 161BC), the first of its kind and one of 15 of similar wars between the two groups with plenty more instances to come. Elara killed the Sinhala King Asela (205BC) and occupied Anuradhapura. In the process, his Tamil army destroyed a large number of Buddhist shrines. The battle between Elara and Dutugemunu was just one small element of the Sinhala-Tamil war. Almost 30 years before that battle, Dutugemunu’s father got Elara’s Tamil army commander killed. When his severed head reached Magampura, jubilant celebrations broke out. No such celebrations occurred when Elara’s subsequent non-Tamil (Marathi ethnicity) army commanders were killed. They were treated with much respect. In fact, their association with their subjects was ridiculed.

When Dutugemunu was young his mother once told him to stretch himself and sleep properly to which the young prince snapped, how can I stretch properly when I’m trapped between the deep blue sea on one side and by Tamils on the other?”. He never said Elara. The war that he launched in 175BC took 14 years to eliminate Tamils from the island – a normal battlefield practice around the world at that time when Geneva Conventions were not around! Killing Elara was just one small element of it. After his killing, the army moved to Anuradhapura and northward eliminating Tamils. Having convinced that no more Tamils were spared the nation erupted in celebrations only to find that 60,000 Tamils were in Mannar. They were confronted and eliminated too. Since the war was between Sinhalas and Tamils, there was no animosity between Sinhala army commanders within Elara’s army and Dutugemunu’s army. They were never the enemies. In fact, King Dutugemunu married the daughter of a Sinhala army commander of Elara. Had the war was between Elara and Dutugemunu, they would have been treated as traitors and executed. Since the war was between Sinhalas and Tamils, there was unity among all Sinhalas irrespective of their political allegiance against Tamils.

Similar events took place in relation to Kings Vijayabahu, Prakramabahu, etc.

Why is this real history not taught in schools? Well, it’s obvious that it cannot be taught in schools without creating a rift, affecting reconciliation and causing distrust.

However, teaching a fake history instead of the bitter reality is not the solution. It fools students and sustains fake claims like the Tamil homeland claim. Sri Lanka has no history. There is no Sri Lankan history”. Sri Lanka is a creation of the British and Indians. There never existed a nation called Sri Lanka”. Faking Sinhala history just to prop up Sri Lankan claims does injustice to both. Real history of the island must be protected. It’s unpopular today for obvious reasons but it is the truth. School children may not be prepared to receive it. Spare them the lies until they can find the truth themselves.

Pakistan Army’s Chief of General Staff Meets Sri Lankan Defence Leadership

July 22nd, 2025

Ministry of Defence  – Media Centre

The Chief of General Staff of the Pakistan Army, Lieutenant General Syed Aamer Raza, undertook an official visit to Sri Lanka today (Jul 22), during which he paid courtesy calls on the Deputy Minister of Defence, Major General Aruna Jayasekara (Retd) and the Defence Secretary, Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha (Retd), on separate occasions.

Lieutenant General Raza was accompanied by Colonel Muhammad Farooq, Defence Advisor to the High Commission of Pakistan in Sri Lanka, during both engagements.

In his meeting with the Deputy Minister of Defence, the visiting delegation received a warm welcome and engaged in a cordial and constructive dialogue. Discussions centred on strengthening bilateral defence cooperation, with a particular focus on capacity building and the exchange of best practices. Both parties emphasized the significance of enhancing preparedness and resilience, especially in the context of natural disaster response.

Major General Jayasekara (Retd) acknowledged Pakistan’s long-standing support in the form of military training opportunities extended to Sri Lankan personnel, which have played a pivotal role in professional development and fostering regional collaboration. He also referenced the recent Sri Lanka–Pakistan Bilateral Defence Dialogue held in Islamabad in April, highlighting its importance in reinforcing defence sector partnerships across multiple domains.

In a separate meeting, Lieutenant General Raza also paid a courtesy visit to the Defence Secretary, Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha (Retd), at the Ministry of Defence. The discussions echoed similar themes of enhancing strategic cooperation, with both sides reaffirming the mutual commitment to deepening defence ties. The Defence Secretary extended his warm regards to the visiting General and expressed appreciation for the on-going collaboration between the two countries’ defence establishments.

Both meetings underscored the shared vision of Sri Lanka and Pakistan to strengthen mutual understanding, capacity enhancement and regional security through sustained high-level engagements.

Sri Lanka to end tax breaks for Port City Colombo project by Chinese firm – Report

July 22nd, 2025

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka is set to end tax breaks for the Port City Colombo project being implemented by a Chinese state-run firm as part of commitments under an International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout package, a move expected to hit the viability of the $1.4-billion venture.

Following the fourth and latest review for Sri Lanka’s extended fund facility from the IMF to help overcome the island nation’s worst economic crisis, the government in Colombo has committed to amend the Strategic Development Projects (SDP) Act and Port City Act within this year to introduce transparent, rules-based, best-practice aligned eligibility criteria for time-bound” incentives and to reduce the length of tax holidays.

There are already significant concerns about the economic viability of Port City Colombo, being developed on 269 hectares by China Harbour Engineering Company (CHEC) as part of Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). CHEC is a subsidiary of state-run China Communications Construction Company (CCCC), which has been on the US sanctions list since 2020 for its role in building militarised structures in South China Sea.

CHEC was also involved in developing Hambantota port, which Sri Lanka handed over to China in December 2017 on a 99-year lease after struggling to repay debts to Chinese firms. Experts have cited Hambantota as an instance of the debt trap diplomacy” arising from the BRI.

The Port City Act is set to be amended by October because of widespread tax holidays without any structural benchmarks, people familiar with the matter said on condition of anonymity. 

Unusually, tax-free salaries are provided to key executives of the Port City, while persons outside the facility are paying income tax. Many companies supposedly in Port City are in fact based in Colombo and are availing tax exemptions with impunity,” one of the people said.

The SDP Act is expected to be amended by the end of August, again in consultation with IMF staff, to introduce transparent and rules-based criteria to increase the effectiveness of tax incentives and to limit the duration of such incentives.

These amendments will also ensure a robust enforcement of the rules on limiting investments into Port City projects to new foreign direct investment,” said IMF’s latest staff report following the fourth review of the extended fund facility, issued earlier this month.

The report noted that unchecked and overly generous tax exemptions have been detrimental to Sri Lanka by foregoing too much tax revenue and were one of the causes of the [economic crisis of 2022]”.

Though the Sri Lankan government made a commitment that it wouldn’t grant new tax exemptions without consulting IMF staff, the staff report noted such exemptions were provided to 24 companies between January and September 2024. The report said the authorities issued these exemptions under the Port City Act without consulting IMF staff”.

These exemptions have given rise to fears that mainland firms may shift to the Port City, leading to a leakage of taxes,” a second person said. Given the lack of clarity, concerns about money laundering and the Chinese presence, the Port City will not be viable for the foreseeable future.”

Source: Hindustan Times
–Agencies 

IGP GUILTY OF MISCONDUCT; SAYS COMMITTEE

July 22nd, 2025

Courtesy Hiru News

The Committee to Investigate IGP Deshabandu Tennakoon has unanimously concluded that he is guilty of the allegations brought against him, and recommends he be removed from the post.

This was revealed by the Speaker of Parliament.

This committee has found unanimously that the officer in question is guilty of the allegations brought against him,” Wickramarathne read out.

As mandated under section 17 of the Removal of Officers Procedure Act, I am obliged and hereby undertake to place the finding of guilt in the form of a Resolution Paper in the order of the Parliament for the consideration and vote of this house.”

රෝහල්වල බෙහෙත් නෑ ?

July 22nd, 2025

Iraj Show

කාදිනල්තුමා සොයන මහ මොලකරු ජූඩ් ප්‍රනාන්දු පියතුමා ද? | නිලන්ත ජයවර්ධන හරියටම බුද්ධි තොරතුරු දීලා

July 22nd, 2025

Udaya Gammanpila

‘ ජේවීපී උම්මත්තකයන්ගේ පිස්සු තදවීම…” මේ අවු 5න් පස්සෙ, ලංකාවේ ජේවීපී නෑ

July 22nd, 2025

SepalAmarasinghe


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