Courtesy Adaderana

Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was arrested and remanded on Friday (22), has been granted bail, Ada Derana reporter said.

The order was issued by Colombo Fort Magistrate Nilupuli Lankapura.

Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe was ordered released on three surety bails of Rs. 5 million each.

The hearing of the case filed against former President Ranil Wickremesinghe commenced at the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court, at around 1:40 p.m. on Tuesday.

The former President, who is at the Intensive Care Unit of the Colombo National Hospital at present, joined the court hearing virtually via Zoom.

During the hearing, a detailed medical report of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s medical was presented to the court by his attorneys.

According to the submissions made by President’s Counsel Anuja Premaratna, three of the four coronary arteries of the former President have been blocked. 

He also submitted that the former President is suffering from multiple health complications and therefore requested the Magistrate to consider it as a special case and released former President Wickremesinghe on bail.

Earlier today, Prisons Media Spokesperson Jagath Weerasinghe said the former President is unlikely to be produced before court today, due to medical recommendations stating that he must continue to remain under observation in the ICU.

He further stated that if the Magistrate issues an order for Wickremesinghe to be presented via Zoom for legal proceedings, necessary arrangements can be made accordingly.

Accordingly, the case against the former President was taken up without his presence at the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court.

Following his arrest on Friday (22), court ordered that former President Wickremesinghe be remanded until today. However, considering his health condition, he was first admitted to the Prison Hospital, and later transferred to the Intensive Care Unit of the Colombo National Hospital based on medical advice.

Former President Wickremesinghe, who was arrested by the Criminal Investigations Department at around 1:10 p.m. on Friday for allegedly misusing state funds, was produced before Colombo Fort Magistrate Nilupuli Lankapura at around 3:00 p.m. the same day.

The case, filed under the under provisions of the Penal Code and the Public Property Act, was adjourned after initial submissions, and subsequently the commencement of court proceedings delayed due to a blackout at the Fort Magistrate Court premises.

After the resumption, considering the submissions made by the Attorney General’s Department and the defence attorneys, Colombo Fort Magistrate Nilupuli Lankapura ordered that the former President be remanded until August 26, a first in the history of Sri Lanka.

Wickremesinghe was taken into custody for allegedly misusing government funds” after being questioned about a September 2023 visit to London to attend a ceremony for his wife at a British university while he was head of state.

Ranil Wickremesinghe had stopped in London in 2023 on his way back from Havana, where he attended a G77 summit.

He and his wife, Maithree, attended a University of Wolverhampton ceremony.

Wickremesinghe had maintained that his wife met her own travel expenses and that no state funds were used.

However, the Criminal Investigation Department of the police alleged that Wickremesinghe used government money for his travel on a private visit and that the state also paid his bodyguards.

Wickremesinghe became president in July 2022 for the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s term, after the latter stepped down following months of protests over alleged corruption and mismanagement. He lost his re-election bid in September 2024.

This was the first time a former president had been arrested in Sri Lanka’s history.

Courtesy Hiru News

Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s legal counsels say that the National Audit Office has conducted an audit on the President’s expenditure head and there’s no mention of a misuse of state funds, adding that there’s no case, and the accusation against him is false.

Courtesy Hiru News

A request by the Bribery Commission to seize the property of former Minister Rajitha Senaratne, who has an outstanding warrant for his arrest, was rejected by the Colombo Chief Magistrate.

The warrant was issued for Senaratne in a case where he is accused of causing a loss of over Rs. 20 million to the government.

The alleged offence is linked to a sand mining project at the Kirinda Fisheries Harbour, which was awarded to a Korean company.

The Bribery Commission had sought an order to seize a property in Colombo, registered under Senaratne’s name and valued at over Rs. 30 million.

The Chief Magistrate advised the Commission to make the request on the next hearing date, which is the 29th, should the suspect fail to appear in court.

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Udaya Gammanpila

Udaya Gammanpila

Insight By Sunil Kumar

The arrest of Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe which was carried out yesterday by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) after arriving to record a statement over allegations of misusing state funds despite being unprecedented in the history of Sri Lanka seems to have many circumspect areas which appear not only to be questionable but appears also to points towards an act of revenge and unethical on the part of the NPP Government where many grey areas appear to have surfaced towards its legitimacy albeit its sudden enactment and a degree of ruthlessness on the part of those who initiated the arrest namely the present Administration especially considering the prima facie evidence presented towards its justification where a far deeper and in depth investigation would have been more appropriate given his status as a former Head of State.

This has been attested to by many who have opposed the arrest including international sources and those within the country who have voiced their vehement opposition where perhaps more consideration should have been given as the fallout from such an action could easiily compromise as well as jeopardize the future of the presidency as we know it and does not favour the well being of the country towards future stability as many intellectual minds have observed and perhaps even a slur on a Nation which has struggled through many crises where Mr Wickremasinghe has stood firm towards their resolution in patriotic dedication as some have put it and hardly fair by him that such a sudden enactment of stringent authority has been imposed towards his incarceration when greater consideration should have been given to the role he paid in restoring Sri Lanka to a degree of normalcy where the conclusion that he misappropriated State Funds seems more speculatively erroneous as one delves into their realities relative to those who handled his official expenses.

The arguments towards its validity appear to have not been proven beyond reasonable doubt and a benefit of the doubt perhaps something the former President was entitled to given his denial and the facts presented by his legal  representation which probably deserved greater attention and scrutiny rather than being shrugged off ignominiously as the case appears to have been.

The probe concerns his September 2023 visit to London to attend a University of Wolverhampton graduation ceremony for his wife, Professor Maithree Wickremesinghe, during which investigators claim government money was used for travel and security expenses.

Former President Wickremesinghe has denied the charges, insisting that his wife bore her own costs and no public funds were misused.

There is evidence also that the University conferring the honor on Mrs Wickremasinghe had officially invited them and the expenses which Mr Wickremasinghe is said to have misappropriated could well have been attributable to part of an official visit outside the country in his capacity as President. The CID had earlier presented evidence to the Fort Magistrate’s Court and recorded statements from his former private secretary Sandra Perera and former presidential secretary Saman Ekanayake.

He was taken into custody last morning after stating his case in defence attested to by his legal representation and is expected to be produced before the Fort Magistrate’s Court later on.Subsequently he has been remanded without bail until the 23rd of August it has ben learned.

Wickremesinghe, who assumed the presidency in July 2022 after Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation and lost re-election in September 2024, is now the first former President in Sri Lanka’s history to be arrested.

There are shades of anti Wickremasinghe sentiment and pursuit by his political opponents relative to the infamous Batalanda massacres

which took place during his tenure where despite an in depth investigation he was found to have no liabilities regardless of his political status and no charges were proven against him.

All things considerd including his present weakened health and the response of the majority of those loyal to him who have expressed their justifiable concerns in the matter of his arrest perhaps a reversal of the conditions he is being subjected to from a government perspective which appears unfair and unjustified may be in order provided a through investigation towards  his accusations is re-initiated towards the maintenance of Democracy within the Nation.

It  also seems unfair that he has been denied bail which further attests to the determination of the Government to incarcerate him unconditionally and needs consideration which now seems to be on compassionate grounds for a former Head of State whose health conditions could easily deteriorate and worsen.

Sri Lanka Sovereignty Forum

Dharman Wickramaratne

Senior journalist Dharman Wickramaratne’s latest book Premakeerthi Ghathanaye Sulamula”, written about the JVP’s second insurrection, will be launched on Wednesday, 27th August at 3 p.m. at the National Library and Documentation Services Board Auditorium, Colombo 7.

This book is based on the assassination of veteran radio broadcaster Premakeerthi de Alwis on 31st July, 1989, 36 years ago, and the series of true events connected to it, compiled through in-depth research. This 256-page book contains 168 photographs.

During this said period, around 60,000 people were killed, including 17 artists with Premakeerthi amongst them. This latest release is the fourth book of Dharman Wickramaratne’s series on the JVP’s second insurrection, and it is also his 55th publication.

Dharman previously published three other books about the span of time between 1986 and 1990: Ginnen Upan Gini Pupuru” (Flames Born of Fire), Satanin Satana” (Battle after Battle), and Comrade Lionel”, which were highly regarded by critics and readers alike.

The book launch ceremony will be chaired by Attorney-at-Law Jaliya Samarasinghe, while key-note speakers will be veteran poet and lyricist Buddhadasa Galappatty, veteran music critic Dhammika Bandara, and Prof. Rohana Lakshman Piyadasa. The launch is open to the public, and further details can be obtained by calling 071-2733986.

ධර්මන් වික්‍රමරත්න

ජවිපෙ 2වැනි කැරලි සමය පිළිබඳව ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ මාධ්‍යවේදී ධර්මන් වික්‍රමරත්න විසින් රචිත ‘ප්‍රේමකීර්ති  ඝාතනයේ සුලමුල‘ කෘතිය 27 බදාදා පස්වරු 3ට කොළඹ 7 ජාතික පුස්තකාල හා ප්‍රලේඛන සේවා මණ්ඩල ශ්‍රවණාගාරයේදී ජනගත වේ.

මෙම ග්‍රන්ථයට පාදක වන්නේ  මෙයට වසර 36කට පෙර 1989 ජූලි 31 සිදුවූ ප්‍රවීණ ගුවන්විදුලි සන්නිවේදක ප්‍රේමකීර්ති ද අල්විස් ඝාතනය සහ ඒ ආශ්‍රිතව පැනනැඟුණු සත්‍ය සිදුවීම් මාලාව පාදක කරගෙන එක්රැස් කරගන්නා ලද ගවේශනාත්මක කරුණුය. පිටු 256කින් යුත් මෙම ග්‍රන්ථයට ඡායාරූප 168ක් ඇතුළත්ය. ජවිපෙ 2වැනි කැරැල්ලේදී 60,000ක් පමණ ඝාතනය වූ අතර ඉන් 17 දෙනෙකු ප්‍රේමකීර්ති ඇතුලු කලාකරුවන්ය.  ධර්මන් වික්‍රමරත්නගේ ජවිපෙ 2වැනි කැරැල්ල ග්‍රන්ථ මාලාවේ සිව්වන කෘතිය වන මේ නව්‍ය නිර්මාණය ඔහුගේ 55වන ග්‍රන්ථයද වේ.

මෙම ග්‍රන්ථය ජනගත කිරීමේ උත්සවයේ මුලසුන නීතිඥ ජාලිය සමරසිංහ හොබවන අතර දෙසුම් පවත්වනුයේ බුද්ධදාස ගලප්පත්ති, ධම්මික බණ්ඩාර සහ මහාචාර්ය රෝහණ ලක්ෂ්මන් පියදාස යන මහත්වරුන් විසිනි. ග්‍රන්ථය එළිදැක්වීමේ අවස්ථාව සැමට විවෘත අතර ඒ පිළිබඳව වැඩි විස්තර අවශ්‍ය වන්නේනම් 071-2733986 යන දුරකථනයෙන් විමසිය හැකිය.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, August 25 (Daily Mirror) – Police protection provided to social activist and YouTuber Sudatta Thilakasiri has reportedly been withdrawn.

Thilakasiri was previously granted protection after filing a complaint with the police, claiming threats to his life.

However, the protection was withdrawn following intelligence reports which concluded that there is no credible threat to his safety. (Gayan Sooriyaarachchi)

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, August 25 (Daily Mirror) – A government cannot claim the law is equal to all” when it chases the opposition with urgency, yet moves like a tortoise when its own ministers face serious corruption allegations, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Politburo member Geethanath Cassilingham said.

“Where is the inquiry into former Speaker Ranwala’s fake educational credentials? What happened to the investigation into the release of the 323 containers? What about the growing list of corruption cases involving those in power- including Cabinet Minister Kumara Jayakody? The Hon. courts have even reprimanded the police for delaying the case against Minister Samarasinghe. Where is equality before the law for him?” Cassilingam asked in a post on X.

“Selective justice is not justice, it is a political weapon,” he added.

Courtesy Hiru News

A number of opposition political parties and civil society organisations are planning to hold a protest in Colombo tomorrow. The demonstration is timed to coincide with a court hearing for former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who is facing charges related to the alleged misuse of state funds.

Organisations including the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Youth Front, Ceylon Workers Congress, and Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) are involved. They plan to gather near the Colombo Magistrate’s Court.

According to Charith Abeysinghe, an organiser for the SJB, the protest is about more than just one person. He stated: “This is not just about one individual. It’s about standing up against political suppression.”

Hemantha Srilal, from the SLPP Youth Front, expressed similar views, arguing that the rally is to protect democratic principles. He warned that the legal action against Mr Wickremesinghe could be part of a wider trend. He said: “Ranil has been arrested today, and other former Presidents could be next. We cannot allow a former leader—who led the country through a civil war—to be politically harassed. If this continues, even President Anura Dissanayake could be restricted from accessing his party headquarters in Pelawatte.”

Dr Don Wanigasuriya, a representative of Sarwajana Balaya, emphasised the importance of unity in the face of what he described as political suppression. He added: “We are standing in unity to protect democratic freedoms.”

Mr Political

Madyawediya

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Sri Lankan journalist S Venkat Narayan said former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s arrest has nothing to do with corruption. He called the situation very silly” and suggested there may be other reasons behind it

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Nilan Watthegamage

Shenali D Waduge

Subject: UNHRC Mandate Overreach and the Dangerous Precedent Using Sri Lanka

Excellency,

I write to respectfully draw the attention of the African Union to an issue of grave concern that extends far beyond Sri Lanka and directly impacts the sovereignty and security of all nations represented in the African Union.

1. Precedent of UNHRC Overreach

Following the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009—an armed terrorist group continuing to be proscribed in over 30 countries—the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has consistently targeted Sri Lanka with intrusive mandates and politically motivated resolutions.

These actions have gone far beyond the Council’s founding mandate of impartial human rights promotion and protection.

Sri Lanka has been transformed into a precedent-setting case, where domestic counter-terrorism operations were redefined internationally as war crimes,” and politically driven reports were used to interfere in sovereign governance.

It must be noted that during nearly three decades of LTTE terrorism, the UNHRC did not pass a single resolution to protect civilians, call for accountability from the LTTE, or even recognize the scale of atrocities committed. Yet immediately following the military defeat of the LTTE in May 2009, Sri Lanka became the target of a sustained campaign of resolutions, special sessions, and monitoring mandates — creating an unprecedented imbalance

This dangerous precedent can be replicated against any nation that successfully combats terrorism or resists externally driven agendas.

• Rights of Governments to Defend Against Terror

Under both international law and domestic constitution, sovereign governments have the right—and indeed the duty—to deploy their national armed forces to safeguard citizens against terrorism and separatism.

Sri Lanka’s Armed Forces, acting under the authority of its elected government, defeated the LTTE in 2009, thereby ending three decades of terror, mass killings, forced child recruitment, suicide bombings, and ethnic cleansing.

To now criminalize a State for protecting its citizens is to negate the very principles of state sovereignty enshrined in the UN Charter.

• Vendetta Driven by Political Agendas

The campaign against Sri Lanka within the UNHRC has been fueled by:

• Politically influenced reports(Darusman Panel, OISL, High Commissioners’ reports) lacking transparency and legal basis.
• Selective use of NGO submissions and diaspora lobbyinglinked to former terrorist networks.
• High Commissioners exceeding their mandate since 2009, issuing accusatory reports that are neither impartial nor evidence-based.

Instead of closing a painful chapter of terrorism, Sri Lanka has been subjected to continuous cycles of scrutiny and resolutions, wasting UN resources and undermining reconciliation.

After LTTE’s Defeat (2009–2025):

1. 2009 (Special Session S-11/1):Adopted Assistance to Sri Lanka” resolution — later politicized and weaponized.
2. 2012 (19/2):Shifted focus to alleged accountability” of Sri Lanka’s armed forces.
3. 2013 (22/1):Intensified monitoring of Sri Lanka.
4. 2014 (25/1):Authorized OHCHR investigation” (OISL), unprecedentedly outside Sri Lanka.
5. 2015 (30/1):Endorsed intrusive hybrid accountability” model undermining sovereignty.
6. 2017 (34/1):Extended monitoring mandate.
7. 2019 (40/1):Renewed intrusive international monitoring.
8. 2021 (46/1):Established so-called evidence-gathering mechanism” (illegal precedent).
9. 2022 (51/1):Further extended the evidence mechanism.
10. 2024 (55/1):Renewed mandate again, showing institutional bias.
11. 2025 (A/HRC/60/21):High Commissioner’s Report (Aug 2025 visit to Colombo) – making intrusive demands such as:
12. Legalizing same-sex marriage(a demand far outside UNHRC’s human rights mandate).
13. Expanding universal jurisdiction” mechanisms to target Sri Lanka’s military and civilian leadership.
14. Calling for a Tribunal against Sri Lankabased on unproven allegations.

Meanwhile, note: the United States, which initially spearheaded these resolutions, has since withdrawn from the UNHRC — describing it as a cesspool of political bias.”

Total: 11 Resolutions in 16 years — all AFTER Sri Lanka defeated terrorism.

Not a single LTTE attack after May 2009 yet endless Resolutions

Sri Lanka continues to face an unprecedented campaign of punitive resolutions, setting a dangerous precedent that any Global South nation defeating terrorism would also face.

Vast UN resources are being wasted re-litigating a conflict that is long over, instead of addressing urgent global crises.

Most recently, in August 2025, the UN High Commissioner released A/HRC/60/21, and during his visit to Sri Lanka, went so far as to press the government to legalize same-sex marriage — a demand entirely unrelated to the country’s 30-year battle against terrorism. The report also repeated familiar allegations on accountability, calling to remove counter terrorism laws, change Sri Lanka’s constitution while ignoring the decades of terrorism unleashed by the LTTE. These demands represent a dangerous precedent of UN interference in internal social, cultural, and religious values — and are not limited to Sri Lanka. If unchallenged, the same intrusive conditions may be imposed on African and Global South nations, disregarding their traditions, constitutions, and the will of their people.

ohchr.org – A/HRC/60/21

• Risks to Africa and the Global South

What has been imposed on Sri Lanka sets a clear precedent that will be later applied to African nations:

• If your governments attempt to eliminate terrorism, they too could be accused of excesses.”
• If your militaries safeguard territorial integrity, they too could face selective accountability resolutions.”
• If external actors seek geopolitical leverage, UNHRC could be used as the platform for pressure and intervention. It would be made legal using Sri Lanka precedent.

The African continent, with its proud history of anti-colonial struggle, must be vigilant that the same mechanisms used against Sri Lanka are not deployed against Africa.

• Call for African Union Support

Sri Lanka respectfully seeks the solidarity of the African Union in:

• Questioning the legalityof UNHRC’s mandate overreach and biased reports since 2009.
• Defending the right of sovereign nationsto protect themselves from terrorism without facing international vilification.
• Calling for an investigation into the UNHRC processon Sri Lanka since 2009, including the conduct of its High Commissioners.
• Standing with Sri Lanka at the UN/UNHRCas a matter of principle, knowing that defending one state today safeguards all states tomorrow.

Excellency,
Sri Lanka’s case is not Sri Lanka’s alone. It is a precedent that threatens every member of the Global South.

I urge the African Union to recognize the pattern, question the misuse of the UNHRC, and extend principled support to Sri Lanka.

Respectfully,
Shenali D Waduge

Sri Lanka

Political Analyst

Recommended Articles for Attachment

1. Sri Lanka’s 2009 Post-War to Present — UN Precedents & Bias in International Injustice”
   Offers a comprehensive overview of how UNHRC actions following the LTTE’s defeat have diverged from mandates and become systematically biased.

• UN-UNHRC, Please Answer Sri Lanka”
  Highlights UN silence during three decades of terrorism and its shift to scrutiny only post-2009, underscoring the Selectivity problem.

• Sri Lanka’s Armed Forces must not fall for this trap of story-telling & confessions for compensation!”
  Critically examines Truth Commission models and warns against forced narratives that erase context, favoring politically motivated outcomes instead.

• Sri Lanka’s traditional friends in UNHRC must help secure closure of resolutions against Sri Lanka”
  Recommends diplomatic alliances (with nations like China, Pakistan, Russia, Cuba) to push back against intrusive and continuous UNHRC actions.

• Non-Binding but Deadly: How UNHRC Resolution A/HRC/60/21 (2025) Could Destroy Sri Lanka’s Sovereignty”
  Analyzes the potential impact of the latest UNHRC resolution on Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and security.

• UNHRC Report on Sri Lanka (A/HRC/60/21.2025): Mandate Abuse & High Commissioners’ Overreach Exposed”
  Critiques the UNHRC’s recent report on Sri Lanka, highlighting issues of mandate abuse and overreach by High Commissioners.

• Sri Lanka vs. UNHRC: How High Commissioners Abused Mandates, Exceeded Authority, and Politicized Human Rights”
  Discusses how UNHRC High Commissioners have overstepped their authority and politicized human rights issues concerning Sri Lanka.

• Protect Non-Aligned Movement Sovereignty Against UNHRC Mandate Overreach”
  Appeals to the Non-Aligned Movement to protect sovereignty against UNHRC’s overreach, using Sri Lanka as a case study.

• The Unfinished War Against Sri Lanka’s Defenders: From Victory to Vilification”
  Examines the ongoing challenges faced by Sri Lanka’s defenders post-conflict, focusing on international scrutiny and accountability.

1. Non-Binding but Deadly: How UNHRC Resolution A/HRC/60/21 (2025) Could Destroy Sri Lanka’s Sovereignty”
   Analyzes the potential impact of the latest UNHRC resolution on Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and security.