Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha (Retd) chaired an important meeting at the Ministry of Defence on Thursday (Jul 3) to discuss the reintroduction of Beira Lake as a water aerodrome, an initiative poised to bring renewed vitality to Sri Lanka’s tourism and domestic aviation sector.
The meeting brought together key stakeholders to review plans for Cinnamon Air, operated by Saffron Aviation (Pvt) Ltd, to take over seaplane operations at the historic Beira Lake Seaplane Base. As a company specialising in scheduled and chartered floatplane and wheeled aircraft services, Cinnamon Air is set to play a pivotal role in reconnecting Colombo’s urban heart to the skies and beyond.
At the outset, the Defence Secretary highlighted the government’s broader vision of bolstering Sri Lanka’s tourism and hospitality industry. He underlined the significance of domestic aviation as an essential driver of this growth, providing faster, scenic travel options that both local and international visitors can enjoy.
Discussions during the meeting focused on several critical areas, including the historical context of the Beira Lake Seaplane operations, overall security considerations, takeoff and landing procedures and the need to address environmental concerns responsibly. Emphasis was placed on fostering effective collaboration between all stakeholders to ensure the success and sustainability of this ambitious project.
Concluding the meeting, Air Vice Marshal Thuyacontha (Retd) extended his appreciation to all participants for their commitment and encouraged continued coordination to expedite the re-establishment of seaplane services at the iconic Beira Lake. He also proposed convening again in the near future to review progress and address any challenges that may arise during implementation.
As plans move forward, the reintroduction of seaplane operations at Beira Lake holds the promise of enriching Sri Lanka’s tourism landscape while enhancing urban connectivity and celebrating the country’s unique blend of history, nature and modern infrastructure.
The meeting was attended by the officials representing the Sri Lanka Navy, Air Force, Police, Civil Aviation Authority, Urban Development Authority, Central Environmental Authority, Sri Lanka Ports Authority, John Keels Group and Saffron Aviation (Pvt) Ltd.
Sunday, July 6, will be the tenth and the climatic day of Moharram which this year, has a unique feature, something that has never happened in history. A sizeable section of the world will, mostly, wear black, the colour of mourning and yet they will celebrate. In total contradiction of the Western media, the celebration will be for Iran having taught Israel a lesson.
The celebrations will be alongside the mourning for the tragedy of Karbala more charged this time than ever before.
For the uninitiated, the solemn observances of Moharram centres around the tragedy of Karbala which took place in 680 AD, barely 48 years after the death of Prophet Mohammad.
To escape the frenetic pace of messengers from Damascus seeking Hussain’s bayat”, or an endorsement of Yazid’s usurpation of the Caliphate, Hussain decided to leave Medina, for an indefinite period. His daughter Sughra was too ill to travel. The poignancy of the tragedy begins here.
What Hussain’s plan was has remained shrouded in a series of speculative thesis. All one does know is that the epic scale of the high tragedy was eventually enacted in Karbala. Members of Hussain’s family, his close friends and dedicated followers were a band of 72.
Armies of Yazid, numerically much larger, zero onto the group after having cut off water from Euphrates for three days in the torrid heat of Karbala. This is how the blockade of water, food and medicine to Gaza resonates with those observing Moharram.
On the tenth day of Moharram Hussain sees all options of peace closed, except one – endorse Yazid’s rule. Ali’s son would never compromise core principles.
Hussain look the decision to allow male members of his entourage to proceed one by one for single combat as was the custom then. The West has never understood how deeply embedded in the Shia psyche is the notion of martyrdom. Every combat became an epic in the hands of poets hundreds of masterpieces on such varied themes as honour, valour, separation, horsemanship, swordsmanship, relations between brother and sister, aunts, nieces, horse and master, all in dirges, nohey, songs of mourning and, above all, marsias measuring the greatest in world literature, particularly in the hands of such masters as Mir Anis.
The focus this Sunday, 10th of Moharram will be on Hussain’s passionate pursuit of peace when principles are in the bargain. Martyrdom emerges as the paramount theme in this sequence. The remarkable paradox this Sunday is that the mourners of the martyrs of Karbala will also, in undertones, be celebrating their having shattered the myth of Israel’s invincibility. For them Netanyahu will have donned the colours of Yazid. I recommend my friend Pravin Sawhney’s three essential videos” on the 12 day Iran-Israel war which confirm my own observation on the war.
Israel and its western supporters with the US in the lead has a different narrative: Iran’s nuclear project has been obliterated” to use Trump’s words.
A great tragedy that has befallen the West and which the West has chosen to ignore, is the collapse of the credibility of the western media. The media carries on regardless without qualms, not shedding spurious punditry.
Almost oracular in his pronouncements is the senior guru of the New York Times, Thomas Friedman. He is quite stunning in the authority he has given himself: he talks of Putin’s kleptocracy which he compares unfavourably, of course, with God’s gift to good governance in the persona of Syria’s Ahmal al Sharaa who mutated from Abu Mohammad al Jolani on whose head there was a bounty of $10 million because he was a certified terrorist and whom Friedman describes delicately as the new, frail, democratic government of Syria.”
Friedman is rejoicing not just at the transformation of Sharaa. He visualizes a lot of Sunnis and Shias in Lebanon and Iraq quietly rooting for Trump and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Really? I thought they were being berated for genocide. For the first time in decades, a Syrian state and a Lebanese state are being rebuilt by decent leaders, he continues.
Jolani or Sharaa or whatever name he acquires in the future would never have dreamt in his wildest dreams that he would ever qualify to be called decent” by a pundit who pontificates from the pinnacle.
I wonder what Robert Stephen Ford, US Ambassador to Syria during the Arab Spring, would have to say about Friedman’s ecstasy. The wonderful thing about American officials is that the day they retire, they acquire the right to sing like canaries. Ford revealed in a recent speech, that a British Intelligence outfit asked him to groom” Sharaa diplomatically”, socially” and sartorially” to be able to play a bigger role in Syria.
Rather like the moods in the French and the British camps on the eve of the Battle of Agincourt as sketched in Shakespeare’s history play, Henry V, Israel and Iran offer two distinct civilizational visions to compare and contrast at this moment of war and mayhem.
When spaces of apartheid and separate development are expanding like dark shadows, it may be useful even for enemies to know a little more about each other.
I have been travelling to Israel since 1968 when an Australian set fire to the Al Aqsa Mosque. A country of soft, socialist Kibbutz seemed quite agreeable. My untrained eyes were unable to spot the nasty works of Zionism behind the curtains.
Israelis and their cohorts may find it useful to keep a steady gaze on Aashura, the tenth day of Moharram this Sunday in Iran, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Bahrein, Dammam in Saudi Arab, Kuwait and significant minorities in Pakistan and India. The tendency to ignore or downplay Shia history and influences are self defeating. For instance how can one ignore the Fatimid rule which founded Cairo in the 10th century, expanded to Tunis. It is a forgotten story that Moharram processions were regular for 150 years of Fatimid rule in Palermo, the capital of Sicily.
Colombo, July 4 (Daily Mirror) – The government earlier said a joint statement was to be issued by Sri Lanka and the United States over the reciprocal tariffs but that turned out to be another tall story like most of the stories of the government, SJB MP Dr. Harsha De Silva said.
He said in a post on X that the government had rejected and laughed at the Opposition when they offered to help regarding the matter.
“President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and his government promised the people that they knew what they were doing and not only that they will ensure the stability of the economy, but register strong growth. They said a joint statement was to be issued by the two nations, but that turned out to be another tall story like most of their stories. Yes, there are a few more days and let us give them the benefit of the doubt. But if they don’t deliver, then what? What is plan B and C? Who is leading the strategy on this? Lies won’t do this time,” he said.
“Will Sri Lanka strike a better US tariff deal than Vietnam? When I questioned in Parliament as to the current status of the tariff negotiations with the US, Minister Anil Jayantha boasted that Sri Lanka is the only country in Asia negotiating a deal with the US ahead of the July 9 deadline and said a major progress and positive results are expected. However, Vietnam already did a deal this week to bring down their 46% reciprocal tariff to 20% and India is working round the clock to finalise a deal including some HS codes to come down to zero. Thereafter, they are planning on a comprehensive trade deal later this year,” the MP said.
The Lanka Indian Oil Company (LIOC) has donated Rs. 100 million to the President’s Fund, the President’s Media Division (PMD) said.
Dipak Das, Managing Director of Lanka Indian Oil Company handed over the relevant cheque to Dr. Nandika Sanath Kumanayake, Secretary to the President, at the Presidential Secretariat today (04).
Colombo, July 4 (Daily Mirror) – Opposition MP Mujibur Rahman has called for deeper investigations into the controversial release of 309 red-labelled containers, asserting that critical questions remain unanswered.
Speaking at a media briefing yesterday, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) MP said the scope of the inquiry conducted by the presidential committee appointed by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake was too narrow. The committee’s mandate was limited to determining whether these containers were released outside standard procedures,” he noted.
Rahman stressed the need to uncover whether political interference was involved in the release and to clarify the nature of the cargo within the containers. It is vital to establish whether these containers were re-exported and whether any political figure facilitated their release,” he added.
He further demanded accountability from the Department of Customs. The Customs Chief must disclose whether any political leader issued orders regarding the release. If he fails to reveal the truth, the blame will fall squarely on him and his officers,” Rahman warned.
The MP also questioned the government’s reluctance to act on the recommendations made by the presidential committee. Why have government ministers remained silent about the next steps? Will a forensic audit, as suggested in the committee report, be carried out?” he asked.
According to the report, the committee found it unclear whether the cargo posed a national security risk or a threat to public health. It also revealed that neither physical inspections nor scanning of the containers had been carried out in line with standard procedures for red-labelled shipments.
The report recommended disciplinary action against customs officials involved in the unauthorised releases. It accused the Director General of Customs of overstepping his authority under the Customs Ordinance. It also noted a breakdown in the established risk management system, stating that red-labelled containers require the approval of four committee members prior to release. In this case, only one member, aside from the Director General, had approved the release.
In addition to disciplinary action, the report called for new protocols governing the release of containers to prevent future lapses.
Colombo, July 4 (Daily Mirror) – Japanese Ambassador Akio Isomata stressed that the eradication of corruption and good governance is a prerequisite for restoring confidence of both public and private entities, including those of Japan, in making investments in Sri Lanka, according to a press release from the Japanese Embassy.
Japan will continue to work closely with the Government of Sri Lanka for the country’s sustainable development, he said.
ISHIZUKI Hideo, Assistant Minister/ Director-General, International Cooperation Bureau, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, held the Japan-Sri Lanka Economic Cooperation Policy Dialogue with Dr. Harshana Suriyapperuma, Secretary to Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development yesterday.
The Japanese Ambassador and representatives from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (online), the Embassy of Japan and Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) also attended the meeting.
Mr. Ishizuki highlighted that Sri Lanka is a critical partner for maintaining and promoting a Free and Open Indo Pacific and expressed his determination to continue development cooperation with Sri Lanka, supporting its efforts to improve the standard of living of the people and to combat corruption, in particular.
During the Dialogue, he elaborated on the overview of Japan’s Official Development Assistance (ODA) and its Country Development Cooperation Policy, which defines the direction of Japan’s ODA policy for Sri Lanka.
Both sides exchanged views on Japan’s future development cooperation with Sri Lanka, including the ongoing yen loan projects to stabilise and reinforce Sri Lanka’s economy as well as overcome its socioeconomic challenges.
Both political and terrorist separatism in Sri Lanka have toyed with the claim to a separate Tamil homeland. However, before examining either, it is critical to return to the historical roots of the Tamil presence on the island to determine whether such a homeland or Tamil kingdom ever existed independently. When the timelines, records of foreign writers, and colonial-era observations are scrutinized, the claim to an indigenous Tamil kingdom collapses and is non-existent.
If there was a Tamil kingdom in Sri Lanka, who founded it – who were these kings?
Were the rulers truly indigenous or foreign invaders from Tamil Nadu?
Where are the civilizational evidence similar to that of the first capitals in Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa etc?
Tamil Nadu with 80million Tamils sought self-determination & a separate homeland state based on being Tamil, can the same ethnic group claim two separate homelands across two sovereign nations?
Was Sri Lanka ever historically or politically part of Tamil Nadu or South India?
South Indian Kalinga Magha invaded North Sri Lanka first from 1215 to 1236
– The destruction of significant Buddhist sites during his invasion is testimony to a thriving Sinhalese Buddhist presence in the North, which Kalinga Magha forcibly displaced. This historical fact is now being twisted to falsely support separatist claims that Tamils were originally Buddhists.
After his reign began to weaken – South Indian Tamil mercenaries and administrators remained, creating the foundation for Aryachakravarti rule. Aryachakravarti dynasty rose to power under the protection or appointment of the Pandya Empire of Tamil Nadu — likely around 1250s–1270s.
These historical accounts collectively show the Aryachakravarti dynasty was a South Indian import and did not represent a native Tamil sovereignty.
Colonial Testimonies and Aryachakravarti Rule
Queyroz, in his 17th-century chronicle, clearly identifies Aryachakravarti as a South Indian invader who established dominance over the Jaffna Peninsula.
The Portuguese, Dutch, and British all documented this dynasty as having foreign roots. There is no historical record of a Tamil kingdom existing in Sri Lanka prior to the Aryachakravarti dynasty. The Aryachakravarti rule emerged only after the island experienced successive invasions from the Chola and Pandya kingdoms—numbering at least 17 incursions from South India.
Circa mid-13th century (~1250 AD): The dynasty was founded following the weakening of Kalinga Magha’s reign. The first Aryachakravarti ruler is believed to have been a Tamil military leader appointed by or associated with the Pandya Empire of Tamil Nadu.
~1250–1619 AD: The Aryachakravarti dynasty ruled the Jaffna Peninsula, establishing a feudal Tamil rule with close ties to South Indian powers. Their control was primarily limited to the Northern coastal region and had no documented historical continuity.
It is important to note that the Tamil-speaking populations present in the Northern Province today are largely descendants of later migrations, including South Indian mercenaries during medieval invasions and significant colonial-era arrivals, such as the Malabars” and Indian laborers brought by the Portuguese, Dutch, and British. This distinction clarifies that the current Tamil presence does not equate to an indigenous Tamil homeland or ancient sovereign Tamil polity.
South Indian King Cankili II was the last ruler of the Aryachakravarti dynasty.
1619 AD: The dynasty fell to the Portuguese, who executed the last king, Cankili II, marking the end of South Indian Aryachakravarti rule in Sri Lanka.
Multiple Sinhalese chronicles and foreign accounts indicate that the Aryachakravartis paid tribute to the Sinhala kingdom in Kandy. After the Portuguese destroyed the Aryachakravarti dynasty in 1619, King Senarath sent Mudaliyar Atapattu in 1620 to reclaim control of the North.
This indicates that the Sinhalese kings considered the North part of their realm, and saw the Portuguese takeover as an encroachment on Kandyan territory.
The fact that a Sinhala king was the one to respond militarily, not any Tamil successor, reinforces that the Aryachakravartis did not hold independent sovereignty over the North in any recognized national sense.
The Aryachakravarti dynasty was not a sovereign equal to the Kandyan Kingdom.
Rather, it was a foreign-invader dynasty that exercised localized control in the North but was not recognized as sovereign across the island — and when it fell, the Kandyan Kingdom took responsibility by trying to reclaim the territory from the Portuguese, not any Tamil political entity.
No Indigenous Tamil Monarchy
There is no lineage of Tamil kings in Sri Lanka unconnected to Tamil Nadu. All monarchs associated with Tamil rule in the North stemmed from dynasties or invasions from South India. This undermines the foundational argument of a historically rooted Tamil homeland on the island.
Can a dynasty founded by Indian invaders be used to claim an ethnic homeland in Sri Lanka?
Why are Tamil historians unable to list native kings of Jaffna prior to these invasions?
This undermines the foundational argument of a historically rooted Tamil homeland on the island.
Sinhala Presence in the North – Sinhalese Buddhist Roots in the North Prior to Tamil Invasions
Extensive archaeological and epigraphic findings confirm that the Northern regions of Sri Lanka were an integral part of the ancient Sinhalese Buddhist civilization long before the arrival of Tamil invaders such as Kalinga Magha in the early 13th century. Excavations in the Jaffna Peninsula and surrounding areas have uncovered Buddhist stupas, monasteries, and inscriptions dating back to the Anuradhapura period (4th century BCE – 11th century CE), a time when the Sinhalese kingdom flourished and spread its cultural and religious influence across the island. Notably, rock inscriptions and Brahmi script epigraphs found in the North mention Sinhalese kings and Buddhist monks, confirming continuous Sinhalese settlement and religious activity (Codrington, 1926; Paranavitana, 1937).
Furthermore, the toponymy of many place names in the North retains traces of Sinhalese origin, later Tamilized over centuries, indicating a longstanding Sinhalese presence that predates the Tamil influx (Dharmadasa, 1992).
Historical chronicles such as the Mahavamsa and Culavamsaalso describe the spread of Buddhism and Sinhalese rule extending into northern territories well before the 13th century, corroborating the material evidence.
This rich Sinhalese Buddhist heritage was severely disrupted during Kalinga Magha’s invasion (1215–1236 AD), during which significant Buddhist sites were destroyed or abandoned, marking a violent shift in the region’s demographic and cultural composition (Indrapala, 2005). The overwhelming archaeological and historical record firmly establishes that the North was not a Tamil homeland prior to the 13th century but was deeply rooted in Sinhalese Buddhist civilization.
Reference:
Codrington, H.W. A Short History of Ceylon. London: Macmillan, 1926.
Paranavitana, S. Inscriptions of Ceylon. Volumes I-IV, 1937-1950.
Dharmadasa, K.N.O. Language, Religion and Ethnic Assertiveness: The Growth of Sinhalese Nationalism in Sri Lanka. 1992.
Indrapala, K. The Evolution of an Ethnic Identity: The Tamils of Sri Lanka C. 300 BCE to C. 1200 CE. 2005.
Geiger, Wilhelm. The Mahavamsa or the Great Chronicle of Ceylon. 1912.
Archaeological and epigraphic evidence confirms that the North was once under the Anuradhapura Kingdom, part of a vast Sinhalese Buddhist civilization. The presence of Sinhala settlements, Buddhist stupas, and place names in new Tamilized form further validate this.
With the arrival of Aryachakravarti, South Indian Tamil communities remained and gradually assimilated or co-existed with the Sinhalese living in the North, leading to a Tamil presence—but not origin. When LTTE virtually chased every Sinhalese & Muslim out of North, we can picture this same scenario repeated under South Indian invasions.
If the Aryachakravarti rule was established through foreign invasions, can it be considered indigenous?
Who ruled Jaffna before Kalinga-Magha or Aryachakravartis?
Why is there no list of Tamil rulers in Jaffna unconnected to Tamil Nadu?
The invaders brought with people from Tamil Nadu and established rule in Jaffna, but were never recognized as indigenous to Sri Lanka. This is similar to the current Indianization taking place in the North.
Colonial Importation of Indian Laborers – Settler Colonization Policy
The British colonial administration deliberately pursued a settler-colonization policy by importing large numbers of Tamil laborers from South India to work on plantations in the Central Highlands. This policy was part of a broader ‘divide and rule’ strategy designed to alter the island’s demographic composition, weaken indigenous Sinhalese create a new minority Ceylon Tamil political influence, and maintain colonial control through creating inter-ethnic divisions. This imported Tamil population—today known as Indian-Origin or ‘Estate Tamils’—had no historical or ancestral claim to the island, further undermining any argument for an ancient Tamil homeland in Sri Lanka. Neither North or East nor Centre have any claim to separate Sri Lanka.
The importation of Tamil-speaking laborers during colonial times further complicates the narrative of a continuous, indigenous Tamil homeland, as it introduced a significant Tamil population with no historical roots in Sri Lanka prior to the 19th century.”
Portuguese and Dutch Periods: While the Portuguese brought South Indian mercenaries and artisans, the Dutch codified the term Malabars” to refer to Tamil and Muslim settlers from the Coromandel Coast.
Who were these Malabars”? Were they Tamil-speaking Hindus and Muslims from Tamil Nadu and Kerala?
If they were brought by the colonial rulers, how can they claim an ancestral homeland in Sri Lanka?
British Era: The British intensified Indian labor imports for coffee, tea, and rubber plantations. Tamils from Tamil Nadu were settled en masse in the Central Highlands. This population today constitutes the Indian-Origin Tamils or Estate Tamils.”
What was their legal and citizenship status when they arrived?
Were they brought to settle as a permanent population or for temporary labor?
Demographic Impact and Citizenship Controversies
By the early 20th century, the demographic impact of imported Indian Tamils had become a political issue.
The 1911 census distinguished Ceylon Tamils” (settled earlier, largely in the North-East) from Indian Tamils” (estate laborers). Ceylon Tamils opposed granting citizenship to Indian Tamils, citing competition for education, jobs, and political power.
Why did Ceylon Tamils oppose Indian Tamils if both were of the same ethnicity?
Does this not show intra-ethnic tension and contradict the narrative of a united Tamil homeland?
Caste and Class Divisions among Tamils
Indian-Origin Tamils faced discrimination from Ceylon Tamils, who considered themselves superior in education and class. These intra-ethnic tensions remain underexplored but demonstrate that even among Tamils, the concept of a united Tamil polity is historically impossible.
If Tamils themselves were divided by caste, class, and origin, how can they claim a collective ethnic nationalism?
The myth of a Tamil homeland collapses under scrutiny of historical records, colonial chronicles, and demographic facts. The Aryachakravarti dynasty, the only Tamil ruling entity in the North, was an extension of South Indian invasion—not an indigenous regime.
The Indian Tamils in the Central Province are a result of colonial-era importation and have no historic claim to Sri Lankan land. The notion of a Tamil homeland—be it in the North or Central Province—is an anachronistic political construct lacking historical legitimacy.
Cited Works:
Fernão de Queyroz, The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon, 1687
British Colonial Census Reports (1911, 1921)
Dutch Records on the Maritime Provinces
S. Arasaratnam, Dutch Power in Ceylon: 1658–1687
K.M. de Silva, A History of Sri Lanka
A Critical Question for Readers
Having seen the extensive archaeological and epigraphic evidence of Sinhalese Buddhist civilization flourishing in the North long before the arrival of Kalinga Magha and the Aryachakravarti dynasty, readers must now pause and ask: Were there any Tamils living in the North prior to Kalinga Magha’s invasion? If so, who ruled them, and where is the historical record of a distinct Tamil kingdom?
Moreover, if the Tamil separatist claim is to be believed, why do the chronicles and records not mention Kalinga Magha overthrowing any Tamil monarch or royal family? Instead, what is abundantly clear is that Kalinga Magha’s invasion resulted in the widespread destruction of Sinhala Buddhist temples and forced displacement of Sinhalese inhabitants. This silence in the historical record raises fundamental doubts about the existence of an independent Tamil kingdom in the North before these South Indian incursions.
A Manufactured Myth for Geopolitical Gain
The evidence is overwhelming. There is no historical, archaeological, or political foundation for a Tamil homeland in Sri Lanka. Every Tamil kingdom” or rather tributory in the North was the byproduct of invasions from Tamil Nadu, not an indigenous polity. The only historically verifiable Tamil dynasty — the Aryachakravartis — were appointed by South Indian rulers, paid tribute to Sinhalese kings, and never exercised island-wide sovereignty.
In contrast, the North bears the imprint of a long and vibrant Sinhalese Buddhist civilization, evidenced by stupas, monasteries, rock inscriptions, and place names dating back to the Anuradhapura era. Kalinga Magha’s violent invasion in 1215 — targeting Buddhist sites and displacing Sinhalese populations — is a clear attempt to deliberately erase this history and heritage. By doing so it cannot prove any indigenous Tamil rule.
The mass migration of Indian laborers under colonial rule — a clear act of British settler colonization designed to alter the island’s demography and divide its people — further complicates the notion of a cohesive Tamil homeland.
Many Tamils who now live in Sri Lanka, particularly in the Central Highlands, are descendants of those imported for plantation labor, not communities that evolved organically within the island. The regular diplomatic visits to the Central plains by Indian & US envoys showcases they are up to some form of mischief.
If we ask who truly benefits from the continued myth of a Tamil homeland today, the answer becomes clearer. India, which midwifed the LTTE through its intelligence apparatus, now eyes influence in Sri Lanka’s North, East & even Central highlights, justified on the grounds of shared Tamil heritage.” Notice the new narratives now being promoted. These are not without design or objective.
Western powers, who once backed Tamil separatism and now use the language of human rights” and devolution,” to continue to promote fragmentation under the guise of reconciliation.
With LTTE terrorism defeated, what remains is not a genuine Tamil liberation movement — but a proxy political project manipulated by external powers.
The so-called Tamil cause is today promoted by diaspora elites, Western-funded NGOs, and political actors with little connection to the suffering of ordinary Tamil people. These groups seek to carve out a geopolitical buffer — not uplift their people.
Yet, most Tamils are peaceful, law-abiding citizens of Sri Lanka, who neither identify with separatism nor have benefitted from its ideology. Many are descendants of settlers, mercenaries, or laborers, not ancient monarchs. They are used as pawns — just as they were under British rule — in a larger game of divide and rule.
If the past century has taught us anything, it is that those who did not evolve within this land, who have done nothing to defend it, and who now act on behalf of the very powers that caused Sri Lanka’s conflicts, cannot claim any part of it.
It is time for all Sri Lankans — Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims, Burghers alike — to reject these externally imposed divisions. It is time to expose the myth of a Tamil homeland for what it is:
a colonial lie,
a geopolitical strategy,
and a dangerous distractionfrom building a sovereign Sri Lanka.
A Call to Assimilated Tamils
Most Tamils in Sri Lanka today are peaceful, hardworking citizens — descendants of settlers, artisans, or laborers who have lived and worked alongside Sinhalese, Muslims, and Burghers for generations.
These Tamils have no stake in separatism, nor do they benefit from the agendas of elite diaspora activists, foreign-funded NGOs, or geopolitical powers.
To them we say: You are part of Sri Lanka. Do not let those who never shed blood for this land, who profit from its division, speak in your name
Let history speak, not myth.
Let citizenship bind, not ethnicity divide.
This is your home too.
Join hands not with those who divide, but with those who build.
Reject the myth.
Reject the manipulation.
Reject those who seek to use your identity as a weapon against your country – OUR COUNTRY.
The geographic terms Israel” and Palestine” have a long history and specific connotations for Jews and Arabs with respect to their competing claims to the same land. The only way forward for Jewish Israelis and Palestinian Arabs is to cease looking backwards.Dr Daniel Miller –https://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/ australianoutlook/israel-and-palestine-where-should-history-begin-and-should-it-matter/
The article by Dr Daniel Miller, Where should history begin, and should it matter?originally published on 19 June 2021 and one of the top ten most read articles published inAustralian Outlook in 2021, sums up what all forward looking and those who are for a mutually beneficial solution to this conflict which has simmered and flared over centuries will welcome. Unfortunately, influential leaders of the world, and leaders and people in Israel seem to be of the opposite kind. The real cost of this conflict is the insecurity of modern Israel, which increases as they decimate Gaza, and the ongoing suffering of the ordinary people of Gaza and more broadly in all of Palestine.
Dr Daniel Miller is Chair of the Dept. of Religion, Society and Culture at Bishop’s University in Sherbrooke (Quebec), Canada and has a PhD in Near Eastern Studies from the University of Michigan. His areas of academic interest are Canaanite-Israelite cultic practices, ancient West Semitic magic and, more recently, the Scholarship of Teaching and Learning. He has taught courses in Hebrew Bible (Old Testament), comparative world religions, politics and religion, ancient Near Eastern magic and divination, apocalypticism, New Religious Movements and Biblical Hebrew. Dr Daniel Miller is very well qualified to talk about this conflict, its history, and the futility of looking for solutions based on history.
As Dr Miller says, Israel and Palestine are one land, two names, where both Jews and Arabs have claimed it as theirs alone. From a purely historical perspective, Israel” predates Palestine” by more than a millennium. But, with the Jewish people then dispersed from their homeland, Palestine” became home to a substantial Arab population, again for more than a millennium. From a perspective of justice and equity, both peoples have a legitimate claim to the land”. Dr Miller goes onto say The wrongs and brutalities done by each side to the other have become too numerous to count. It does no good to try to assign blame for the latest war between Israel and Hamas. The war and the specific events that led up to it are just more entries in a ledger written in blood and tears. The stark fact is that there is now no act of vengeance or retribution that Jews and Arabs could do to the other party in the conflict that would allow them to say that accounts had been settled on their side”
Dr Miller quotes Jodi Rudoren, Editorial Director of Newsletters at The New York Times who says Any hope of ending the conflict…requires Palestinians and Israeli Jews to either acknowledge each other’s versions of history without trying to determine which is more legitimate, or to just ignore them. The only possible peace agreement is one that looks forward.” In a reversal of the transformation of the Nile in Exodus 7, the rivers of blood spilled must, somehow, become water under the bridge”. In her 14 May Looking Forward” newsletter, Jodi Rudoren, New York Times Jerusalem bureau chief during the last two Israel-Hamas wars in 2012 and 2014 (there have been four since 2008), wrote: It does not, actually, help to examine what specifically started this conflagration, or the one before or the one before that, because it does, in so many ways, end up at ‘Abraham had two sons: there was Isaac, and there was Ishmael’”—a reference to the Genesis account that the Patriarch Abraham engendered one son said to be the ancestor of Arabs (Ishmael) and another considered to be the ancestor of Jews (Isaac)”.
Citing Dr Miller again on the background to the competing historical claims, he says that” investigating the particular events that culminated in the latest Israel-Hamas war can provide only an imperfect, fragmentary understanding of a conflict that began well over a century ago and is rooted in issues of territory that predate the Common Era. Still, given that one side claims fervently that the land is Israel” and the other equally passionately that it’s Palestine,” a potentially worthwhile avenue of enquiry for understanding the conflict, at least to some degree, is to look at what each of those terms has historically denoted with respect to geography.
Israel”
In the last decade of the 13th century BCE, Pharaoh Merneptah recorded that his military forces had decisively defeated an entity called Israel” in the central highlands of what was then known as Canaan.” A few centuries later, that region would be the location for two kingdoms: Israel” and a weaker sister kingdom called Judah,” the ultimate origin of the term Jew,” to its south. The biblical tradition holds that there had previously been a united monarchy, apparently under the name Israel.”
The kingdom of Israel was overthrown in ca. 722 BCE by the Neo-Assyrian empire, centred in what is now Iraq (ancient Mesopotamia), and Israel” ceased to be a geographic entity of the ancient Middle East.
Palestina”
In the sixth century BCE, Judah and its capital Jerusalem were conquered by the Neo-Babylonians, another Mesopotamian empire. Following the Babylonian Exile, the territory of the former kingdom would serve as the geographic centre of Jewish existence until 135 CE when, following a disastrous Jewish uprising, Roman emperor Hadrian expelled the Jews from Jerusalem and decreed that the territory surrounding the city be part of a larger entity called Syria-Palestina.” Thenceforth, it would be primarily Jews in the Diaspora who would carry the traditions of Judaism forward. Palestina” had as its ultimate referent the name and traditional territory of the Philistines, mortal enemies of the Israelites (forerunners of the Jews). As part of the Islamic conquest of the Middle East in the seventh century, Arab peoples began to settle in significant numbers in the land. Apart from a relatively brief period of Crusader control, Palestine remained under Muslim control for just under 12 centuries, its population overwhelmingly Arab.
Zionism and Jewish return
In the second half of the 19th century, Jews’ yearning to return to their ancestral land was given concrete expression in the form of the Jewish nationalistic movement Zionism. Zionism arose in response to mounting virulent Jew hatred in Europe and czarist Russia. As Jews began to trickle back into the land, they encountered a sizeable Arab population that had been there for centuries. Under the Turkish Ottoman empire, the land comprised three administrative regions, none of which bore the name Palestine”. World War I saw the collapse of the Ottomans, and in 1917 the land fell under British rule. Mandatory Palestine”—comprising also the current state of Jordan—came into existence in 1923. Until that time, the Arabs living there saw themselves primarily not as Palestinians” in the sense of a nationhood but as Arabs living in Palestine (or to be precise, Greater Syria”).
The founding of the modern state of Israel
During the era of Mandatory Palestine, the Zionist leadership in Palestine (the Yishuv) strove to increase Jewish numbers in the land to solidify Jewish claims to statehood, an initiative that was ultimately blocked by British limits placed upon Jewish immigration. It would be a horrified world reaction to the Holocaust that would push the Zionist project over the finish line.
In November 1947, the United Nations General Assembly passed Resolution 181, partitioning the territory into Independent Arab and Jewish States.” The Resolution received immediate Arab rejection, and Palestinian militias attacked Jewish settlements. On 14 May, 1948, the Yishuv declared the founding of the state of Israel, immediately recognised by the United States. On the morrow of Israel’s founding, the new Jewish state was invaded by a military force comprising multiple Arab armies plus Palestinian militia forces. By the time the fighting ended in 1949, the Palestinians had lost 78 percent of what the UN had allotted to them, and 700,000 Palestinians had been uprooted from their homes with no right of return to the present day. For Israelis, it was the War of Independence.” For Palestinians, it’s al-Nakba — the Catastrophe.”
Following decades of military and diplomatic setbacks, the Palestinian National Council issued a declaration of independence on 15 November, 1988, which was recognised a month later by the General Assembly as Resolution 43/177. Currently, about three quarters of the UN’s membership recognises the statehood of Palestine, which has non-member observer status” in the UN.
Since its founding and despite multiple wars with Arab states and non-state actors, Israel has flourished as a formidable Middle Eastern power. By contrast, the Palestinians have striven fruitlessly to establish a viable state and any real, sustained economic success.
The seizure by Israel of East Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza during its overwhelming victory in the Six-Day War of 1967—in which Israel faced a true existential threat to its existence from a combined Egyptian, Syrian, and Jordanian military force—has left the majority of Palestinians under various forms of Israeli occupation or control.
Since the 1990s, there have been several unsuccessful attempts to achieve a two-state solution. Under former prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, Jewish settlement in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, considered illegal by much of the world, increased dramatically. Those Arabs who do have Israeli citizenship, about a fifth of Israel’s population, are far too often treated as second-class citizens within Israel. The 13 June ouster of Netanyahu from power could alleviate this somewhat—for the first time, an Arab Israeli party is part of a government coalition.
What is a possible way out of this ongoing insecurity and bloodshed?
The above account by Dr David Miller provides an account of the historical context to the Israeli/Palestine conflict. Neither the Israelis, who experienced the violent fury of two Palestinian Intifadas (1987–1993; 2001–2005), the second of which featured a wave of Palestinian suicide bombings and ambushes that killed over 1,000 Israelis and wounded about 3,000, nor the more recent 2023 October 7th attack on Israeli settlements which killed more than 1200 Israelis and where more than 250 Israelis were taken hostage, would wish for more violence and insecurity for their people. But violence continues on a massive scale while the world watches on, with seeming indifference or impotence in the face of Israeli and US military and economic power.
Palestinians would not wish for more land to be lost like the 78 percent of what the UN had allotted to them in 1948, and whatever left of Palestinians particularly in Gaza, like the 700,000 Palestinians who had been uprooted from their homes with no right of return to the present day. Neither would they wish for a repetition of the present war where more than 60,000 Palestinian people have been killed, and more than two million who have lost their homes.
The Palestinian National Council declaration of independence on 15 November, 1988, which was recognised a month later by the General Assembly as Resolution 43/177, with about three quarters of the UN’s membership recognising the statehood of Palestine, which has non-member observer status” in the UN, it is extremely unlikely that this situation will go any further as long as Israel is backed by the US and the US has a veto power in the UN Security Council to overturn any decision of the general assembly. So, Palestinian full Statehood is just a mirage at present, unless a miracle happens.
To say that a solution that is respectful of both sides to the conflict is almost impossible is an absolute understatement. The festering wound is too deep and too spread, with ancient history continuously exacerbating the wound, finding a genuine long-lasting solution almost a miracle. Palestinians should not provide any encouragement to extreme elements amongst them to perpetuate this conflict by not giving any recognition to the historical context of this conflict, the right of Israel to exist as a State, and the fears of the people of Isreal. Equally, Isreal people too should not allow their own leaders who do not recognise the historical claims of Palestinians, their dignity and their right to live safely and securely as equal citizens, to dictate the direction of Israel.
The power of Isreal, thanks mainly to the rich and influential Jews who wield enormous power in the US and who keep the US as its main ally, politically and militarily, gives Isreal a near cart blanche support to further their claim that the entire Palestinian region is Jewish territory, and on the other hand, the opposite of this, the impotency of the Arab nations to offer any genuine redress to the Palestinians and their cause, makes the miracle the mother of all miracles. This makes the task easier for Isael as they can and as the world has witnessed, to proceed with their final solution which is to conquer” the only bit of resistance that Palestinians have been able to muster to at least slow the Israeli violence. The direction being taken now by Israel is to totally disregard the status, wishes and above all the dignity and self-respect of the Palestinians, and usher a one-sided Jewish” solution.
In the medium, to longer term, this will not be a solution, and neither the long-term security of Israel nor the dignity and rights of the Palestinians will be addressed through a one-sided solution. A genuine long-term solution will require compromise from both sies and as Dr Miller and Jodi Rudoren have said, a look to the future as a solution and not an ever-festering, challenged version of history as a path towards a solution.
Insecurity of Israel will not be just its insecurity, but that of the region as has been witnessed in Lebanon and very recently in Iran. Impermanence of everything, including a solution based on anger and vengeance will not last as the status quo that resulted in a one-sided solution will change and the defeated Palestinians may rise from the ashes, so to speak, with support and assistance from those who did not provide that support on this occasion. Such a situation will not be one to be welcomed as more insecurity for Israel and more suffering for Palestinians and their supporters will not be what the people of Isreal or Palestine wish for or deserve.
A federal model as a solution?
Although unthinkable for those who are focused only on history, a possible futuristic conceptual solution might be to have a one State, federal union model where, Isreal and Palestine operate as semi-autonomous regions with a federal government comprising both Israeli and Palestinians in equal share being elected as members of a federal parliament and regions within the federal State having their own elected assemblies with Israeli and Palestinian members based on their populations.
Defence, foreign affairs and other ministry subjects that needs to be managed centrally, could be the responsibility of the Federal government, while subjects such as education and health etc, would be devolved to the regions. In terms of compromise, it may be necessary for Palestinians to accept some Israeli settlements as part of Israel and for Isreal to withdraw from some settlements and restore the lands back to Palestine. The opening of new Israeli settlements in mutually agreed areas to house the inhabitants of settlements being handed back to the Palestinians may be a contentious but a necessary arrangement for the long-term peace between both communities.
A model of this nature will have to contend with many of the problems and challenges faced by Israelis and Palestinians, and history that weighs on both sides will be one of the major challenges. However, considering the inevitability of change and the impermanence of everyone and everything, it could be a very difficult but worthwhile proposition to think of a solution that looks towards the future and not the past.
What is the alternative? More military spending to keep Israelis secure? According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), the world’s military expenditure reached $2.7 Trillion in 2024, an increase of 9.4 per cent in real terms from 2023. The World Bank says this represents approximately 2.5% of the global GDP (https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.XPND.GD.ZS). Military spending increased in all world regions, with particularly rapid growth in both Europe and the Middle East. The top five military spenders—the United States, China, Russia, Germany and India—accounted for 60 per cent of the global total, with combined spending of $1635 billion (https://www.sipri.org/media/press-release/2025/unprecedented-rise-global-military-expenditure-european-and-middle-east-spending-surges). Recently, the NATO countries agreed to raise this spending to 5% of GDP by 2035. The US has asked its other allies to increase spending to these levels as well. If the global average should increase to 5%, the expenditure will exceed USD 5.5 Trillion per annum.
While the world is moving towards equipping itself to eliminate or deter its enemies” with military spending exceeding USD 5 Trillion by 2035, the World Bank reports thatalmost 700 million people (8.5 percent of the global population) live in extreme poverty – on less than $2.15 per day. In 2024, Sub-Saharan Africa accounted for 16 percent of the world’s population, but 67 percent of the people living in extreme poverty. About 72 percent of the world’s population in extreme poverty live in countries that are eligible to receive assistance from the International Development Association (IDA). The World Bank reports also says that a surge in global malnutrition – State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World report had found that up to 733 million people globally suffered from malnutrition in 2023, an increase of 152 million since 2019.
If few people continue to have their way and orchestrate conflicts in various parts of the world, and they are led to spending more and more on military expenditure, the beneficiaries are not the people of such countries but the select few who created the conflicts in the first place. People of all countries should give this reality their careful thought and turn to leaders who opt to resolve conflicts through negotiation and compromise, rather than allowing them to become conflicts that end in military interventions, death and destruction.
The Israeli Palestine conflict is such an instance. However, if people in Israel and Palestine take a step back and resolve to negotiate and come up with a political solution, consider options including the one proposed here, the longer term benefit will be peace and security in their countries and in the region, and equality and equity for both communities.
The Northern Province, comprises Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, Mannar, and Vavuniya. India is heavily influencing Northern society in multiple ways. Many of these post-war partnerships are turning into regional patron asserting its control over socio-political, economic, cultural landscape of the Sri Lankan Tamils in North Sri Lanka.
Northern Province (Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, Mannar, Vavuniya)
Housing Projects
Type of Influence: Large-scale housing construction under Indian grant assistance targeting post-war rehabilitation and resettlement.
Completed Projects: Construction of thousands of homes across Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, Mannar, and Vavuniya districts.
Ongoing Projects: Continued housing construction and infrastructure upgrades under Indian government aid programs.
India’s Strategic Objective: To establish a socio-economic foothold by creating dependency and goodwill among the Tamil population through reconstruction aid.
Implications for Sri Lanka: Creates economic and social dependency on India, strengthens Indian influence in rural Tamil communities, and fosters Tamil political solidarity aligned with Indian interests.
Railway Projects
Type of Influence: Reconstruction and operation of railway lines connecting Northern towns, undertaken by Indian Railways engineering firms.
Completed Projects: Restoration of Pallai–Jaffna and Omanthai–Kankesanthurai railway sections, supply of Indian rolling stock and coaches.
Ongoing Projects: Maintenance, upgrades, and potential expansions of rail infrastructure in Northern Province.
India’s Strategic Objective: To integrate Northern transport infrastructure into India’s economic sphere, facilitating movement and logistic control.
Implications for Sri Lanka: Enhances Indian logistical presence, increases Indian economic penetration, and potentially facilitates strategic movement of goods and people under Indian oversight.
Road Projects
Type of Influence: Rehabilitation and construction of key highways and local roads financed and executed by Indian agencies.
Completed Projects: Upgrades to main arterial roads and numerous rural access roads in the Northern Province.
Ongoing Projects: Continued road infrastructure improvements under Indian funding and contractors.
India’s Strategic Objective: To deepen infrastructural dependence and embed Indian firms within Northern economic development.
Implications for Sri Lanka: Entrenches Indian control over essential transportation arteries, increasing Indian influence on local commerce and mobility.
School Infrastructure
Type of Influence: Renovation and modernization of schools, provision of educational materials, transport, and facilities supported by Indian aid.
Completed Projects: Renovation of 27 schools, supply of buses, lab equipment, computers, and study materials.
Ongoing Projects: Continued education support programs including scholarships and capacity building.
India’s Strategic Objective: To influence Tamil youth and educational narratives, promoting Indo-Tamil cultural and political alignment.
Implications for Sri Lanka: Facilitates indoctrination of Tamil youth with Indian soft power, risks altering cultural and historical perceptions favoring Indian narratives.
Kovil (Temple) Projects
Type of Influence: Construction and renovation of Hindu temples (kovils) to enhance cultural and religious ties.
Completed Projects: Establishment and refurbishment of over 200 kovils across Northern Province.
Ongoing Projects: Continued temple development and cultural program sponsorships.
India’s Strategic Objective: To project Hindu soft power, strengthening Tamil Hindu identity aligned with Tamil Nadu and Indian cultural frameworks.
Implications for Sri Lanka: Risks religious demographic shifts, cultural interference, and exacerbates ethnic-religious tensions.
Ferry & Plane Operations
Type of Influence: Maritime and air connectivity between India (Tamil Nadu) and Northern Sri Lanka.
Completed Projects: Operation of ferry services between Nagapattinam and Kankesanthurai; commencement of direct flights Chennai–Jaffna.
Ongoing Projects: Expansion of air connectivity and ferry service reliability.
India’s Strategic Objective: To enhance people-to-people contact, economic linkage, and strategic presence in Northern coastal and air corridors.
Implications for Sri Lanka: Creates channels for economic dependency, increases Indian mobility and potential intelligence operations, and challenges maritime and border security.
Immigration Processing Centre
Type of Influence: Establishment of immigration offices managing cross-border flow at Jaffna.
Completed Projects: Setup and operation of immigration clearance and visa services.
Ongoing Projects: Continued management and potential expansion of cross-border regulatory controls.
India’s Strategic Objective: To regulate and monitor movement, gaining procedural influence over Northern border management.
Implications for Sri Lanka: Potential for data sharing and control over border flows favoring Indian interests, erosion of Sri Lankan sovereignty at a sensitive point.
Indian Consulate (Jaffna)
Type of Influence: Diplomatic presence focused on cultural, political, and developmental engagement with Northern Province.
Completed Projects: Establishment of full consulate with services, outreach programs, and cultural diplomacy.
Ongoing Projects: Continuous engagement with political parties, NGOs, educational institutions, and religious groups.
India’s Strategic Objective: To embed diplomatic influence directly within Tamil heartland, projecting Indian soft and political power.
Implications for Sri Lanka: Undermines centralized foreign policy control, deepens Indian political influence in Northern governance, and encourages Tamil political narratives aligned with India.
Road and Rail Links with India (General Northern Province)
Type of Influence: Planned physical infrastructure projects aiming to establish direct connectivity to India.
Ongoing Projects: Feasibility studies and preliminary works for road and rail corridors linking Sri Lanka’s North with India.
India’s Strategic Objective: To create direct land-sea transport corridors facilitating trade, transit, and strategic movement.
Implications for Sri Lanka: Potential erosion of border controls, increased risks of illegal crossings, smuggling, and enhanced Indian strategic penetration.
Indian Nationals & Economic Influence in Northern Province
Indian Workforce Presence
Type of Influence: Employment of Indian nationals, mainly from Tamil Nadu, in construction, hospitality, trade, and service sectors in Northern Sri Lanka.
Estimated Numbers: Several thousand Indian workers are believed to be active, especially in infrastructure projects, hospitality, and retail sectors. Precise official numbers are uncertain due to informal work and visa arrangements.
India’s Strategic Objective: Establish a people-to-people presence embedding Indian cultural, economic, and social ties within Northern communities.
Implications for Sri Lanka: Demographic shifts in local labor markets, potential cultural influence, risk of unregulated foreign labor undermining local employment and social cohesion as well as marriage & land ownership issues.
Wholesale Business & Trade Links with Tamil Nadu
Type of Influence: Direct wholesale imports and business networks operating between Tamil Nadu and Northern Sri Lanka, including consumer goods, textiles, building materials, and food products.
Nature of Operations: Tamil Nadu wholesalers supply Northern retail markets, often bypassing formal trade channels through informal networks.
India’s Strategic Objective: Create economic dependence by dominating supply chains and retail inventories in the North.
Implications for Sri Lanka: Undermines local producers and wholesalers, encourages informal trade networks, complicates customs revenue collection, and expands Indian commercial footprint in the region.
Type of Influence: Unregulated movement of goods, narcotics, weapons, and contraband via maritime and land routes between Tamil Nadu and Northern Sri Lanka.
Reported Activities: Smuggling of consumer electronics, narcotics, livestock, and timber. Use of fishing boats and small vessels for illicit trade is prevalent.
India’s Strategic Objective: While officially unendorsed, some networks reportedly benefit from tacit tolerance to maintain influence and economic leverage in the region.
Implications for Sri Lanka: Erosion of border security, loss of customs revenue, proliferation of illegal arms threatening local security, empowerment of criminal networks with potential political ties, and challenges to law enforcement capacity.
Indian Partnerships with Local Entities in Northern Province
India is involved in a range of partnerships with local Sri Lankan entities in the Northern Province – government bodies, political parties, businesses, educational institutions, religious organizations, and health sector partners. These partnerships enable India to exert strategic influence in the North through infrastructure projects, cultural, diplomacy, economic linkages & political engagement.
Government & Administrative Bodies
Northern Provincial Council (NPC) and Jaffna Municipal Council: Collaborate on projects including roads, housing, cultural centres, and transport connectivity funded or supported by Indian aid.
Kilinochchi Divisional Secretariat: Implements Indian-funded housing and vocational training programs.
Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA): Works with Indian authorities on the expansion and development of the Kankesanthurai (KKS) port, enabling maritime access and trade facilitation.
Political Figures & Parties
Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP): Key Tamil political parties often involved in advocating for Indian-supported development and cultural projects in the North.
Local MPs and councillors aligned with Tamil political leadership support Indian-backed initiatives, contributing to a pro-India political narrative.
Business & Trade Entities
Jaffna Chamber of Commerce: Encourages Indian imports and investments, facilitating trade cooperation.
Numerous local Tamil traders and wholesalers maintain direct supply and wholesale business links with Tamil Nadu, enabling trade flows and consumer goods distribution.
Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in textiles, fisheries, and retail sectors engage in partnerships or import routes connected to Indian suppliers.
Reports indicate significant Indian-origin involvement in wholesale trade and informal cross-border commerce, with concerns about unregulated smuggling and informal influence networks impacting local economies.
Educational & Vocational Institutions
University of Jaffna: Aacademic and cultural exchange programs with Indian universities, promoting Indo-Sri Lankan educational cooperation.
Various vocational training centres operate in partnership with Indian government-funded schemes aimed at post-conflict skill development.
Several local NGOs work on education and community skill-building projects supported by Indian grants. Some of these NGOs include:
Shanthi Sri Lanka —post-conflict community development and education.
Center for Peacebuilding and Reconciliation (CPR) —vocational training and social cohesion projects.
Jaffna Social Action Centre (JSAC) —livelihood and education programs with foreign aid including Indian funding.
Northern Province Rural Development Foundation (NPRDF) —rural skills development and infrastructure with Indian support.
Sewa Lanka Foundation —humanitarian aid, education, and health projects, occasionally funded by Indian government grants.Young Asia Foundation (Jaffna Branch) — vocational training and youth skill-building, with funding from Indian cultural cooperation programs.
Religious and Cultural Organizations
Hindu religious trusts and temple committees are actively involved in constructing and maintaining hundreds of kovils (Hindu temples) funded or supported by Indian cultural diplomacy.
The Jaffna Cultural Centre and similar institutions work closely with Indian cultural bodies such as the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR), advancing the soft power agenda.
Religious festivals and cultural programs receive funding and organizational support from Indian government-linked organizations.
Health Sector Partners
Vavuniya District General Hospital and other regional health institutions receive medical equipment, supplies, and training supported by Indian aid and suppliers.
Local health NGOs implement community health programs under Indian-sponsored initiatives, extending healthcare influence in the region.
India’s Strategic Objectives Through These Partnerships:
Socio-political influence over Tamil-majority Northern Province.
Tamil ethnic solidarity aligned with Indian geopolitical interests.
Indian cultural and religious soft power through temple construction and cultural centres.
Maritime and logistic footholds via port expansion partnerships.
Economic dependency by facilitating trade and commerce linked directly to Tamil Nadu.
Intelligence and diplomatic presence under civilian and development covers.
Shape post-war reconciliation dynamics through controlled aid and political leverage.
Dangerous Implications for Sri Lanka:
Sri Lankan sovereignty in the Northern Province through multi-dimensional Indian influence at high risk
Creation of parallel political and economic power structures aligned with India rather than Colombo.
Risks of increased Tamil separatist political pressures fueled by Indian support.
Economic distortion via informal trade, smuggling, and Indian wholesale dominance undermining local markets.
Cultural and religious realignment potentially upsetting Sri Lanka’s multi-ethnic, multi-religious balance.
Potential for increased intelligence penetration masked by civilian projects.
Long-term dependency on Indian infrastructure, trade routes, and aid programs.
Disputes Between India and Sri Lankan Tamils – LTTE & IPKF
Perception of Indian Tamil Politics: Many Sri Lankan Tamils, have felt that Indian Tamil political parties and groups have not sufficiently supported their cause during and after LTTE defeat. There is often resentment that India prioritizes its geopolitical interests over Tamil welfare in Sri Lanka.
Opposition to LTTE by India: India initially had links to Tamil militant groups but later designated the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) as a terrorist organization, banning them in India after the assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi by the LTTE in 1991. This created a rift,
Indian Intervention and the IPKF (1987-1990): The Indian Peace Keeping Force was deployed to Sri Lanka under the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord (1987) to disarm militant groups and restore peace. However, the IPKF engaged in combat with Tamil militant groups, including the LTTE, leading to resentment among Sri Lankan Tamils toward Indian forces due to civilian casualties and human rights abuses.
Political Representation and Autonomy: Some Sri Lankan Tamil political factions feel that India’s post-war approach favors reconciliation within Sri Lankan state frameworks rather than supporting Tamil self-determination or autonomy aspirations.
Tamil Diaspora and Political Influence: The Tamil diaspora in India, particularly in Tamil Nadu, sometimes pushes for stronger advocacy for Sri Lankan Tamil rights, causing tensions between Indian state politics and New Delhi’s official policy, which aims to maintain diplomatic balance with Sri Lanka.
Disputes Between India and Sri Lankan Tamils – Fishing & Katchchativu
Fisheries Disputes Affecting Tamil Fishermen: Indian Tamil fishermen from Tamil Nadu and Sri Lankan Tamil fishermen have had disputes over fishing zones in the Palk Bay and Gulf of Mannar areas. Indian fishermen often accuse Sri Lankan authorities of harassment, and vice versa. These conflicts affect livelihoods and fuel cross-border tensions among Tamil communities.
Fisheries and Border Security: Violations and arrests related to fishing in disputed maritime zones have caused diplomatic rows, affecting Tamil fishermen on both sides who depend on these waters.
Katchatheevu Island Dispute: India ceded the small island of Katchatheevu to Sri Lanka in 1974, which remains a flashpoint for Tamil fishermen on both sides. Tamil Nadu fishermen oppose the ceding, leading to political pressure in India and occasional tensions with Sri Lanka.
Media & Communication Influence in the Northern Province
Type of Indian Influence: Massive cultural penetration through Tamil Nadu film, television, print media, and digital platforms. Ownership and dissemination of Indian-origin media dominate information flows and entertainment among Tamils in the Northern Province. Media literacy programs and journalist engagements are often funded via Indian consular channels or partner NGOs.
Completed Projects & Actions:
Widespread penetration of Tamil Nadu-based TV channelssuch as Sun TV, Vijay TV, Kalaignar TV, and Jaya TV, accessible via satellite and IPTV across Northern households.
Tamil Nadu film industry (Kollywood)dominates cinemas, local festivals, mobile viewership, and cultural imagination among youth in Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, Mannar, and Vavuniya.
Indian print media ownership influencethrough regular circulation of newspapers such as The Hindu, Dinamani, Dinamalar, Ananda Vikatan, and India-based Tamil magazines, either in print or digital form.
Media training workshops for Tamil journalistssponsored by Indian diplomatic or NGO fronts under cultural or development banners.
Distribution of Indian entertainment content via mobile apps, YouTube channels, and social media platforms, curated for Northern audiences.
Ongoing Projects:
Expansion of Indian cultural programmingand religious broadcasts in Tamil, supported by Indian High Commission and ICCR (Indian Council for Cultural Relations).
Indian NGO–local media collaborationsthat embed narratives favorable to India’s image and regional role, particularly in reconciliation and development themes.
Mobile-based content consumption campaigns, promoting Tamil Nadu music, cinema, and religious storytelling across younger demographics.
India’s Strategic Objective:
To control cultural narratives, embed India-centric identity formation, and create emotional loyalty through language, entertainment, and religious resonance. Media becomes a tool for shaping Tamil public opinion, softening resistance to Indian policy interventions, and sidelining Colombo-based narratives. Ownership of content and distribution channels ensures India maintains dominance over the cultural thought space in the North.
Implications for Sri Lanka:
Diminished national narrative controlin the Tamil-speaking regions, where Indian-origin entertainment and press dominate both leisure and information cycles.
Cultural realignmentof Tamil society with Tamil Nadu values, aesthetics, and political symbolism — subtly de-nationalizing Northern Tamil identity.
Rise in anti-Colombo or anti-majoritarian sentiment, stoked by media themes emphasizing Tamil victimhood, separatist nostalgia, or Indian savior” framing.
Marginalization of Sinhala language media and Southern Sri Lankan perspectives, deepening linguistic and political divides.
Potential soft-preparation of the Northern Province for deeper Indian influence or even political leverage, especially during future electoral or diplomatic crises.
Undermines Sri Lankan national unityby fostering a cultural semi-autonomy rooted in external media ownership and narratives.
Dangerous Implications for Sri Lanka (Northern Province Overall):
It is important that the Govt of Sri Lanka & even the Tamils in the North do not forget the ugly reality of how Tamil militancy first started after youth were clandestinely trained in India to start a guerilla warfare that leveraged India’s political involvement in Sri Lanka using the Tamil card” This Indian patronage continues still & rising resentment among Tamils themselves showcases the nature of that leverage over the years where Tamils are now being dictated to in all spheres of life. How far that is better for Sri Lanka’s Tamils than the falsely created hate narrative against the Sinhalese is left to be seen. Sooner than later Sri Lanka Tamils will have to ask themselves who is better?
Newly appointed Defence Attaché at the Embassy of the United States of America in Colombo, Lieutenant Colonel Matthew House, paid a courtesy call on the Defence Secretary, Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha (Retd), today (Jul 03) at the Ministry of Defence.
During the meeting, both officials engaged in a cordial discussion covering a wide range of topics, including enhancing defence cooperation, fostering mutual understanding and exploring new avenues for collaboration between the two nations. The visit marks an important step in further strengthening the longstanding defence partnership and shared commitment to regional stability and security.
The Defence Secretary extended his best wishes to the new Defence Attaché in his official duties in Sri Lanka and expressed appreciation for the sustained support and partnership extended by the United States.
This meeting reaffirms both countries’ shared vision of promoting peace, security and strategic cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region. The Military Liaison Officer of the Ministry of Defence also was at the occasion.
General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University proudly announces the 18th International Research Conference (KDU IRC-2025) under the theme ‘Bridging Frontiers: Interdisciplinary Research for Sustainable Progress’, scheduled to take place on the 30th of September and the 1st of October 2025 at the university premises.
Academic staff and researchers are cordially invited to submit Extended Abstracts or Full Papers for presentation at this prestigious conference. The deadline for submission is 07th July 2025.
Over the years, the KDU IRC has evolved into a premier platform uniting researchers, academics, professionals and policymakers across diverse disciplines. The conference provides an opportunity to engage in constructive dialogue and share impactful research addressing contemporary global challenges. This year’s conference aspires to foster interdisciplinary collaboration and promote innovative approaches aimed at sustainable development.
KDU warmly welcomes contributions in the fields of Defence and Strategic Studies, Management, Social Sciences and Humanities, Law, Built Environment and Spatial Sciences, Computing, Engineering, Medicine, Basic and Applied Sciences and Allied Health Sciences. Researchers are encouraged to align their submissions with the designated conference tracks to enrich the breadth and depth of the academic discussions.
The active participation of universities will greatly enhance the success of this academic forum. We look forward to welcoming academics, professionals and researchers to the KDU IRC 2025 and to collectively advancing knowledge for sustainable progress.
In commemoration of the United Nations’ MSME Day 2025, NDB Bank proudly participated in the MSME Business Development Summit and Business Excellence Awards hosted by the Institute of Certified Management Accountants of Sri Lanka (CMA Sri Lanka). Held at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH), the event brought together industry leaders, policymakers, financial institutions, and entrepreneurs to honour and advance the contribution of Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) in Sri Lanka.
Among the awardees was Sobako (Pvt) Ltd, a valued client of NDB’s Kottawa Branch, who was adjudged one of the Top 10 in Business Excellence under the Bank’s own nomination. The recognition not only reflects the entrepreneurial strength of the client but also underscores NDB’s proactive role in identifying, nurturing, and celebrating SME excellence within its portfolio.
Representing NDB Bank at this national platform was Nilendra Vithanage, Chief Manager – Zonal Head / Business Banking, who took part in a high-level panel discussion during Technical Session 2 of the summit. Drawing on his expertise in SME finance and business banking, Nilendra contributed to the discussion on enabling MSME growth through targeted lending, financial rehabilitation, access to export financing, and entrepreneurial development.
Speaking on the Bank’s role in MSME development, Nilendra Vithanage of NDB noted that At NDB, we recognize that MSMEs form the backbone of Sri Lanka’s economy. Through specialised solutions, capacity-building programmes, and partnerships such as this, we continue to empower small business owners with the knowledge, financial access, and digital tools they need to thrive in evolving markets.”
The summit, held under the theme ‘Business for MSMEs – Connecting the Entrepreneurs,’ was inaugurated by Central Bank Governor Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe and concluded with an awards ceremony graced by Asian Development Bank (ADB) Country Director Takafumi Kadono. A key highlight of the day was the presentation of the Top 10 Business Excellence Awards for MSMEs, with special recognition extended to the respective financial institutions supporting the winners.
NDB’s participation in this event reinforces its long-standing commitment to MSME advancement, both through its dedicated Business Banking and SME Banking divisions, as well as platforms such as NEOSBIZ, specialized credit schemes, and targeted advisory programmes. The Bank continues to work closely with national and international partners to deliver holistic, inclusive banking solutions to one of the country’s most vital economic segments.
As the Sri Lankan economy pivots toward sustainable recovery and inclusive growth, NDB remains committed to supporting MSMEs as engines of innovation, employment, and resilience.
Sri Lanka’s most commercially and politically vital hub is heavily influenced by India. From strategic ports and financial lifelines to digital identity, soft power, and trade deals, the Western Province is ground zero for India’s hybrid dominance — combining hard infrastructure control, financial leverage, digital entanglement, soft power, and embedded Indian-origin family networks.
India exerts influence in the Western province in
Strategic port/shipbuilding control
Economic & Finance
Digital infrastructure & cyber integration
Diplomatic & Political Networks
Cultural, Media & Educational influence
Health & Pharmaceuticals
Indian Origin family networks & Commercial power
Wholesale – Retail & Trade Dominance
India’s external partnerships
Indian partnerships with local companies
Defense partnerships & Training
Real estate & hospitality control
1. STRATEGIC PORT & SHIPBUILDING CONTROL
Type of Influence: Acquisition and control of Colombo Port terminals and shipbuilding infrastructure.
Completed Projects:
India’sMazagon Dock Shipbuilders Ltd (under Indian Defence Ministry) acquired 51% of Colombo Dockyard PLC (CDPLC).
Indian firms involved in Colombo Port logistics modernization.
India proposed Adani Group-led investments in Colombo West Container Terminal.
Ongoing Projects:
Continued Indian bids and expansion in Colombo Port terminals.
India’s Strategic Objective:
Establish a maritime logistics and surveillance hub in Colombo.
Counter China’s BRI footprint (Port City, Hambantota).
Dangerous Implications for Sri Lanka:
Loss of sovereign control over maritime chokepoints.
Port infrastructure could serve Indian military logistics under commercial guise.
Colombo risks becoming an Indo-China strategic flashpoint.
Sources: Business Standard 2022; IDSA 2023; MEA India Strategic Brief 2023
2. ECONOMIC & FINANCIAL LEVERAGE
Type of Influence: Debt aid, credit lines, trade dominance, and rupee-zone pressure.
Completed Projects:
India extended over USD 4 billion during 2022 crisis (fuel, food, credit).
First to back IMF debt restructuring.
Ongoing Projects:
Push for ECTA agreement (includes labor, land access).
Expansion of INR-based trade, new credit lines. Indian currency already in use
India’s Strategic Objective:
Become Sri Lanka’s primary financial backer.
Bind Sri Lanka into the Indian rupee trade orbit.
Dangerous Implications for Sri Lanka:
Loss of economic sovereignty.
Potential for land and job captureby Indian nationals via ECTA.
Demographic shifts through residency and land rights provisions.
Sources: Reuters 2022; Economic & Political Weekly 2023; Sri Lanka Ministry of Finance
3. DIGITAL INFRASTRUCTURE & CYBER INTEGRATION
Type of Influence: Integration of Sri Lanka’s digital ID, customs, and payment systems with India’s tech stack.
Completed Projects:
MoUs signed on Digital Public Infrastructure
Ongoing Projects:
Proposal for digital ID, e-gates, customs, and UPI-style payment systems under Indian frameworks.
India’s Strategic Objective:
Control Sri Lanka’s digital ecosystem.
Enable cross-border data access and monitoring.
Dangerous Implications for Sri Lanka:
Risk of cyber surveillance and data mining.
Loss of control over national identity systems.
Weakening of border sovereignty through shared biometric systems.
Type of Influence: Political outreach via the Indian High Commission and regional diplomacy.
Completed Projects:
High Commission in liaison with all major political parties in Colombo.
Political party training and soft diplomacy through civil society engagements.
Ongoing Projects:
Regular diplomatic engagement with MPs, business leaders, media, religious leaders.
India’s Strategic Objective:
Influence domestic policymaking and political appointments.
Create a pro-India narrative network inside the political system.
Dangerous Implications for Sri Lanka:
Democratic subversion through foreign diplomatic leverage.
Sri Lanka’s foreign policy independence compromised.
Policy concessions made under bilateral pressure, not national interest.
Source: Indian High Commission Reports 2023; Diplomatic Trackers Sri Lanka
5. CULTURAL, MEDIA & EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCE
Type of Influence: Bollywood soft power, temple diplomacy, Hindi language promotion, scholarships, academic partnerships, and media collaboration.
Completed Projects:
Bollywood events and Indian film promotions in Colombo – compromising local talent & impacting local film industry
Renovation and funding of Hindu temples and cultural centres – increasing prominence given to Hinduism over Buddhism in violation of Article 9
Establishment of Indian Cultural Centre (Colombo) offering Hindi, Bharatanatyam, and Yoga.
Scholarships for Sri Lankan students via ICCR and ITEC.
Opening of the Rabindranath Tagore Memorial Auditorium.
Ongoing Projects:
Expansion of the mythical Ramayana Trail as a cultural tourism and religious diplomacy initiative usurping history & heritage of Sri Lanka as first priority
Hindi language programs, Sanskrit study modules in schools/universities.
Launch ofe-VidyaBharati digital academic exchanges and Indian Studies partnerships.
Collaboration with University of Colombo, Kelaniya, and other higher education institutes.
India’s Strategic Objective:
Creating ashared civilizational” narrative that aligns Sri Lanka’s history with Indian epics – an extremely dangerous long-term objective
Win youth and elite loyalty through scholarships, media influence, and cultural glamour.
Buildlong-term Indo-centric academic and ideological alignment.
Dangerous Implications for Sri Lanka:
Erosion of Sinhala-Buddhist cultural identity, especially among youth and elites.
Curriculum and media exposure that downplay local history and elevate pan-Indian myths.
Use of soft power as a tool for long-term political and social influence.
Sources: MEA India Cultural Diplomacy Brief 2023; HCI Colombo; SL Ministry of Higher Education; ICCR
6. HEALTH & PHARMACEUTICALS
Type of Influence: Indian pharmaceutical companies and health collaborations operate major distribution, marketing, and administrative offices based in Colombo, serving as national hubs. Indian healthcare aid, vaccine supplies, and medical research partnerships are coordinated through the Western Province.
Completed Projects:
Establishment of Indian pharma distribution centers (Sun Pharma, Cipla, Aurobindo) in Colombo.
Supply of COVID-19 vaccines and medical equipment during pandemic relief efforts.
Health scholarships and training programs for Sri Lankan medical personnel coordinated through Colombo.
Ongoing Projects:
Expansion of Indian pharma presence in retail pharmacies and hospitals nationwide.
Joint health research initiatives with Colombo universities and institutions.
Continued vaccine and medical aid programs managed via Indian diplomatic channels in Colombo.
India’s Strategic Objective:
Position Colombo as the central node for Indian healthcare influence across Sri Lanka.
Build long-term dependency on Indian pharmaceuticals and health aid.
Use healthcare diplomacy to cultivate goodwill and policy influence.
Dangerous Implications for Sri Lanka:
Risk of pharmaceutical supply chain dependence compromising national health security as well as hela medicines & hela treatments.
Potential influence on public health policy via aid and partnerships.
Subtle shaping of health priorities aligned with Indian interests.
Sources:
Ministry of Health Sri Lanka 2023 Reports
Indian High Commission Colombo Health Division
Pharmaceutical Industry Analytics Sri Lanka 2024
7. INDIAN-ORIGIN FAMILY NETWORKS & COMMERCIAL POWER
Type of Influence: Dominance in wholesale, retail, textiles, finance, real estate, hospitality, plantation exports, and political lobbying through legacy Indian-origin families primarily based in the Western Province.
Well-Established Indian-Origin Families in Western Province:
Family / Community
Sectoral Control Areas
Colombo Chetty Families
Real estate holdings, customs clearing, shipping agencies, finance, historical political brokerage.
Data breaches, population surveillance, digital colonization
Diplomacy & Politics
Policy capture, soft regime change
Foreign subversion of democratic choices
Culture & Media
Regional identity framing, Hindu revivalism
Youth reorientation, erosion of Sinhala-Buddhist culture
Business Families & Retail
Proxy economic control
Monopoly formation, political lobbying, urban ownership shifts
Education & Academia
Indo-centric intellectual base
Curriculum hijack, identity dilution, soft power entrenchment
9. INDIA’S EXTERNAL STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIPS
Type of Influence: Indian influence has significantly increased through QUAD alliances (notably with Japan, the US, Australia), bilateral strategic deals (e.g., with Japan) selling its shares in Colombo Dockyard is a case in point where these partners are coordinating infrastructure & financial control over Sri Lanka.
Ongoing Projects:
India-Japan collaboration in Sri Lanka’s power grid and energy transitions.
QUAD-driven strategic mapping of Indian Ocean maritime logistics— Colombo is key.
Regional supply chain realignments(eg: India-US-Japan reshoring industries from China via Sri Lanka).
India’s Strategic Objective:
Partnership leverage to outcompete China in Sri Lanka.
Secure Western geopolitical cover for Indian expansion in Sri Lanka.
Tie Sri Lanka’s strategic decisions to QUAD’s Indo-Pacific vision.
Dangerous Implications for Sri Lanka:
Sri Lanka becomes a pawn in the US-India vs China rivalry.
Loss of true non-alignment as QUAD interests override Sri Lanka’s sovereign priorities.
Increased risk of foreign-backed regime destabilization if Sri Lanka resists alignment.
Energy, maritime, and cyber infrastructure risk becoming integrated into a larger geopolitical agenda beyond Sri Lanka’s control.
Sources:
Colombo Dockyard Ownership Reports 2023
MEA India-Japan Strategic Dialogue Brief
Indo-Pacific Maritime Roadmap (QUAD 2024)
Reuters / Nikkei Asia / Sri Lanka Strategic Policy Review 2024
10. INDIAN PARTNERSHIPS WITH LOCAL COMPANIES
Type of Influence: Strategic joint ventures and collaborations between Indian firms and Sri Lankan counterparts across key economic sectors—energy, logistics, finance, agro‑industry, and hospitality.
Completed Projects:
Colombo West Container Terminal Adani Ports(India) partnered with John Keells Holdings (34%) and Sri Lanka Ports Authority (15%) to own and operate the terminal
Colombo Dockyard PLC Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Ltd(India) acquired 51% share, taking control of the shipbuilding facility
Lanka IOC (LIOC) Indian Oil Corporation subsidiary in partnership with CEYPETCO, dominates fuel storage and distribution.
Watawala Plantations PLC – Tata Tea JV Since 1996,Tata Tea Ltd operates alongside Watawala in managing tea, rubber, and palm oil estates
Akbar Brothers Ltd Indian-origin founding family controls Sri Lanka’s largest tea export company across Colombo and Middle East markets
Ongoing Projects:
Adani Green Energy + Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) Joint renewable energy projects (solar farms in Mannar/Pooneryn).
Tata Consumer Products Plantation ownership—51 tea estates in Sri Lanka under Tea Board JV
IT partnerships Indian firms like TCS, Infosys, HCL collaborate on digital ID, banking systems, and e-governance with Sri Lankan agencies (ICTA, banks).
Finance • DFCC Green Bonds Sri Lankan banks issuing green bonds in India (GIFT IFSC), facilitating sustainable finance collaboration
Bharti Airtel & Tata Communications Telecom expansion via joint ventures and digital infrastructure services
Mitsui & Co – Heritage Teas JV Japanese-Sri Lankan JV in tea flips potential for Indian cross-investment
Market integration: Use joint ventures toalign Sri Lanka’s supply chains and infrastructure with Indian standards and control.
Institutional leverage: Strengthen indigenous pro-India business lobbies within Sri Lanka’s corporate landscape.
Cross-border positioning: Convert Sri Lanka into a regional logistical and economic ally under India-led frameworks (eg: Adani terminal).
Dangerous Implications for Sri Lanka:
Critical infrastructure partially controlled by foreign entities.
Loss of decision-making autonomy within energy, finance, and digital sectors.
Policy distortions favoring Indian capital, disadvantaging local competitors.
Strategic adjustment of supply chains toward India, reducing diversity and resilience.
Integration into India-centric geopolitical webs, increasing Sri Lanka’s dependence.
Summary Table – Partnerships
Sector
Indian Partner
Local Partner
Strategic Outcome
Ports
Adani Ports
John Keells Holdings, SLP Authority
Control of transshipment hub
Shipbuilding
Mazagon Dock Ltd
Colombo Dockyard
Strategic repair capacity
Fuel
Indian Oil Corp (LIOC)
CEYPETCO
Energy distribution dominance
Tea Plantations
Tata Tea, Tata Consumer
Watawala, Sri Lankan estates
Input-output control, branding
Energy
Adani Green, Tata Power
CEB
Power sector dependency
IT & Telecom
TCS, Infosys, Bharti, Tata
ICTA, national banks, mobile operators
Digital systems integration
Finance
Indian institutions
DFCC, local banks
Financial linkage via green bonds
11. DEFENSE PARTNERSHIPS & TRAINING
Type of Influence: Indian defense cooperation is administered mainly through Colombo, encompassing supply contracts, training exchanges, joint exercises, and intelligence sharing, enabling India to maintain a strategic military presence.
Completed Projects:
Signing of bilateral defense cooperation agreements via Colombo-based officials.
Indian military training scholarships for Sri Lankan officers coordinated through Colombo.
Transfer and supply of Indian defense equipment routed through Colombo ports.
Ongoing Projects:
Regular joint naval and army exercises coordinated from Colombo command centers.
Expansion of intelligence sharing and counter-terrorism collaboration.
Continued defense training programs hosted in India for Sri Lankan personnel.
India’s Strategic Objective:
Cement Colombo as the operational hub for Indian defense influence in Sri Lanka.
Develop close military ties that enable Indian strategic leverage over Sri Lankan security policies.
Use training and joint exercises to shape Sri Lankan defense posture in favor of Indian regional dominance.
Dangerous Implications for Sri Lanka:
Loss of independent military decision-making due to Indian influence.
Increased risk of intelligence penetration and surveillance.
Potential compromising of Sri Lanka’s sovereignty in defense and security matters.
Sources:
Ministry of Defense Sri Lanka 2023
Indian High Commission Colombo Defense Desk
Defense Cooperation Agreements 2023
12. REAL ESTATE & HOSPITALITY CONTROL
Type of Influence: Strategic acquisition and long-term lease of prime land, hotels, apartments, and urban commercial properties through direct Indian investment, Indian-origin business families, and joint ventures.
Completed or Ongoing Acquisitions:
Taj Samudra (Colombo)– Owned and operated by Indian Hotels Company Ltd (Tata Group).
Taj Bentota– Landmark southern coastal hotel under Indian ownership.
CG Hotels / Jetwing tie-ups– Co-managed Indian real estate & hotel investments.
Hemas & Indian hospitality partners– Ventures in wellness and tourism infrastructure.
Several Indian real estate investorslinked to Indian-origin Sri Lankan businessmen in Colombo, Nuwara Eliya, and Negombo.
India’s Strategic Objective:
Establishpermanent physical presence in elite economic zones (Colombo, Galle, Nuwara Eliya).
Use hotels as intelligence outposts, soft power launchpads, and business lobbying venues.
Acquire beachfront, heritage, and hill country properties to control tourism narrative and earnings.
Expand India-linked halal, wellness, and yoga-based tourism under their cultural footprint.
Facilitate land acquisition under long leases, bypassing direct ownership bans through local proxies.
Dangerous Implications for Sri Lanka:
Strategic real estate in Colombo and coastal areas falls under foreign control.
Indian tourist flow gets channelled into Indian-owned establishments, depriving local SMEs.
Land near sensitive military zones or ports may be acquired via commercial guise.
Hill country and heritage towns (Nuwara Eliya, Kandy) risk cultural and economic Indianization.
Influx of Indian managers, chefs, tour agents, guides, and staff shifts demographic & labor dynamics.
Sources:
Sri Lanka Tourism Investment Reports (2023)
BOI Investment Board Filings
Real Estate Watch Colombo (2024)
Hotel Ownership Registries, Ministry of Lands
Tata Group Annual Reports (IHCL)
Local press exposés on foreign hotel ownership in Colombo/Galle/Nuwara Eliya
Sri Lanka’s commercial capital & nerve centre is the Western Province. As the examples above show, it is today the epicenter of India’s strategic control & influence.
What appears as cooperation on the surface—ports, credit lines, digital ID, health aid, or cultural exchange—is, in substance, a multi-dimensional model of dependency-building. Have these not been mapped by Sri Lanka’s foreign ministry, national defense think tanks & those tasked to secure Sri Lanka’s sovereignty?
India’s actions in the Western Province are not accidental or ad-hoc. They follow a clear geostrategic doctrine that is expanding its tentacles across the provinces of Sri Lanka. When Sri Lanka becomes economically dependent, digitally integrated, dominated logistically, aligned ideologically across society through joint ventures, family networks, defense pacts, cultural absorption – what is the ultimate outcome for a nation that has boasted of never been invaded except betrayed by their own. Are we not seeing how the strategic partner” is becoming Sri Lanka’s strategic patron”. Even if the Indian origin families cast their allegiance off shore, does the political class & national security institutions not comprehend the dangers?
Today, the enemy is not coming in uniforms or with guns. It is operating digitally, through acquisitions, loans, partnerships, scholarships, culture, exchange programs, apps. Do we have strong legislation in place to safeguard Sri Lanka or are our legislators meekly changing legislation with secret pacts. Are we not returning to the theory that Sri Lanka was never invaded but were ceded by our own?
Imagine if Western province eventually ceases to be governed in Sri Lankan interest & by Sri Lankans?
Recommendations / National Action Imperatives:
1. Conduct a national security review of all foreign digital infrastructure proposals.
Sri Lanka now stands at a threshold it never imagined. A threshold where temples are no longer safe simply because they are temples, where monks are not judged by Vinaya but by the political backing or foreign funding that props them up, where the robe is worn as a disguise and not as a discipline. A Parliament caucus has already confirmed that twelve groups are actively distorting the Dhamma, and eighty-five individuals walk among us not to preach liberation (In Ceylon Buddhist liberation were Nirvana.), but to bury it. What we face is not religious difference it is doctrinal sabotage. It is an engineered campaign against the soul of the Sinhala Buddhist civilization, using NGOs, INGOs, human rights” cloaks, and foreign-backed psychological warfare against the most sacred thread of this land — the Buddha Sāsana.
The greatest betrayal is not external. It is internal: when the State, constitutionally bound, spiritually entrusted, and historically obligated, chooses inaction over defense. Article 9 of our Constitution is not a ceremonial relic — it is a legal sword. It does not say may protect” or ought to foster” — it says the State shall give to Buddhism the foremost place, and shall protect and foster the Buddha Sāsana. The verbs are mandatory, not decorative. And this protection is not vague — it includes safeguarding the Sangha’s Vinaya rulings, prosecuting imposters, shielding sacred lands, and stopping the economic pipelines through which spiritual distortion is laundered as charity. If Article 9 is not enforced in action, it becomes a beautiful lie. To fail in this duty is not just negligence — it is constitutional failure.
Article 9 is not an invention of modern jurisprudence. It is the constitutional embodiment of a duty that has guided this land since the time of King Pandukabhaya, who reigned over 2,400 years ago. From his era onward, monarchs of this island — not out of political necessity, but moral conviction — upheld the Buddha Sāsana as the civilizational spine of the nation. That legacy was not born in 1978. It was merely inscribed into writing. The duty itself is older than any statute, deeper than any court — and what we now call Article 9 is nothing more than its legal heir, echoing a thousand-year covenant between governance and Dhamma that has bound every ruler, from stone chronicle to printed Constitution.
We already possess the legislative backbone. The Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance, enacted in 1931 and amended thereafter, still stands. It governs temple property, trustee appointments, and the legal safeguarding of sacred sites such as Dalada Maligawa, Srī Pāda, and Atamasthāna. It gives the State both authority and responsibility — not just to administer, but to protect. Yet what use is authority without the will to use it? Foreign NGOs have already infiltrated Dayaka committees, placed puppet trustees, and even backed rogue monks in legal claims over temple lands. If the Ordinance is not enforced, it becomes another forgotten tool, rusted by indifference.
At the heart of this cultural warfare is funding. Evangelical organizations masked as development NGOs,” Gulf-backed networks operating under welfare labels, and Western foundations disguised as interfaith platforms — all pouring money into psychological conversion campaigns, fake meditation centers, and social media propaganda. Fake monks and some of fake civil mediator have become religious influencers. True monks are smeared as outdated or too traditional.” Meanwhile, Nirāgamaika narratives are fed to our youth, claiming Sri Lanka should be religionless when in truth, such a vision means cultureless, rootless, andvulnerable. What we are seeing is not accidental. It is organized erosion — financial, symbolic, and spiritual.
In response, the State must fulfill its supreme duty — not for political mileage, but for civilizational continuity. It must audit every foreign-funded NGO operating in Buddhist regions. It must reclassify those receiving foreign government grants as foreign agents, not neutral civil society. It must invoke anti-money laundering and anti-terror laws when covert funds are linked to spiritual subversion. It must empower the Sangha’s disciplinary rulings with State enforcement, and educate the laity in identifying true Theravāda conduct from theatrical imposture. No more hiding behind administrative paralysis. This is a national duty.
And beyond all written law, we must now invoke Diliktha Nīthiya ; let us now turn to another vital dimension through this lens. For even when statutes remain silent, the damage done to the Sāsana by distortion, negligence, or cowardice is not invisible. It is civil harm. Moral injury. A breach not only of constitutional duty, but of conscience. Through the eyes of Diliktha Nīthiya, we see that the failure to act when sacred institutions are infiltrated, when monks are impersonated, and when temples are manipulated, becomes a form of wrongful inaction. The State, even if it avoids criminal culpability, incurs a civic liability a delict by allowing deliberate injury to the spiritual fabric of the nation.
Let us not confuse legal silence with ethical neutrality. When the robe is misused to deceive, when sacred land is stolen under bureaucratic excuses, when the Sangha is publicly weakened and foreign-funded subversion is tolerated Diliktha Nīthiya reminds us that such omissions are not blameless. They are acts of harm. And in a nation whose majority identity flows through the Sāsana, this harm is not private — it is public. Thus, under Diliktha Nīthiya, the Buddha Sāsana must be recognized not only as a religious body, but as a legal and moral stakeholder entitled to protection, compensation, and intervention when injured. The State cannot claim neutrality where duty is derelict.
This is why the final wall must now be built not out of hatred, but out of heritage. Not to divide, but to defend. The robe is not a symbol it is a legacy. The Dhamma is not a sermon it is a civilization. The Buddha Sāsana is not a charity it is our compass. A government that forgets this is not merely secular. It is lost.
I/We/I am, do not write these words in anger. We write them in remembrance. Because a nation that forgets its Sāsana forgets itself. And when the final wall falls, there will be no flag left to wave. Let it not come to that. Not now. Not under our watch.
Starlink operates the world’s largest constellation of satellites, with over 6,750 units in low Earth orbit (LEO), a design that significantly reduces latency compared to traditional geostationary satellites.
Starlink is live in Sri Lanka (Representative Image: Starlink)
Prior to SpaceX’s planned launch for Starlink satellite internet service in India, the Elon Musk-led space firm has introduced its services in Sri Lanka. Starlink, which has a global presence across most of the Earth’s continents, adds Sri Lanka to its list of supported South East Asian countries, with the other ones being Bangladesh and Bhutan as India’s immediate neighbours.
The announcement came directly from Starlink’s official X profile, confirming the service’s immediate availability. Starlink operates the world’s largest constellation of satellites, with over 6,750 units in low Earth orbit (LEO), a design that significantly reduces latency compared to traditional geostationary satellites. This vast network allows Starlink to beam internet connectivity to remote and underserved regions, circumventing the need for extensive ground infrastructure like fiber optic cables or cellular towers.
For Sri Lanka, Starlink’s arrival holds substantial promise. The service promises to offer reliable and fast internet access to rural and remote areas where traditional broadband infrastructure is often scarce or non-existent.
When will India get Starlink?
While Sri Lanka has welcomed Starlink with swift regulatory approval, the company’s journey into India, where the SpaceX venture has faced more complex regulatory hurdles. India, a vast and highly competitive telecom market, has engaged in extensive discussions with Starlink. Recent reports have hinted at Starlink clearing most of the regulatory hurdles in the country by The Department of Telecom (DoT). Rumours say that Starlink is poised for an official launch in India in two months.
Starlink is already present in other Asian countries like Mongolia, Japan, the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, Jordan, Yemen, and Azerbaijan
The largest foreign investment in the history of Sri Lanka has been on hold since the start of the year. Differences between the government over local market share have stopped the Sinopec project in Hambantota. The economic recovery plan has raised fears that it will damage the country’s oil sector and energy security.
Colombo (AsiaNews) – The largest foreign direct investment (FDI) ever made in Sri Lanka, US$ 3.7 billion by the Chinese oil company Sinopec in Hambantota (Southern Province), has stalled after six months.
The main cause is the difference between the government and the company on the portion of the local market share, although the agreement for the project was signed earlier this year between Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Energy and Sinopec.
The project is facing delays due to multiple issues. These include disputes over the shareholder structure, tax concessions, land allocation for the project, and, as mentioned, market access.
Sinopec has sought unrestricted access to the Sri Lankan market for its refined products, while the government has capped domestic sales at 20 per cent.
The huge, state-of-the-art refinery planned for Hambantota was initially inked in 2023 under a previous government.
In theory, the major investment project is expected to boost Sri Lanka’s economic growth while improving living conditions for low-income communities in Hambantota.
Analysts say the rationale behind the restrictions imposed by the Sri Lankan government is to protect the state-owned Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC), which is already struggling with losses, aging infrastructure, and past corruption scandals.
Scholars believe that the deal was earlier hailed as an economic recovery plan but stalled over the crucial issue of local market access. It is, therefore, a clash of commercial and political priorities”.
According to Power and Energy Ministry Secretary K.T.M.U. Hemapala, several demands have been received from Sinopec and the Chinese government, including additional land and government-supplied water.
The government had initially offered 500 acres of land in Arabokka, Hambantota. However, Sinopec later requested an additional 200 acres of land about three kilometres from the controversial Chinese-built port of Hambantota.
Meanwhile, the Central Environment Authority (CEA) notified Sinopec of the terms of reference to conduct an environmental impact assessment and submit the report.
Established in 2019, Sinopec Fuel Oil Lanka (Private) Limited (SFOL) is a major Chinese international oil company, registered with the Board of Investment (BOI) as a hub company based in Hambantota.
With a processing capacity of 200,000 barrels per day, the plant will mainly serve export markets, increasing the country’s foreign exchange earnings,” said oil engineers Ramesh Punchihewa and Akalanka Sugathadasa speaking to AsiaNews.
The project was initially proposed during the presidency of Ranil Wickremesinghe. Former Energy and Electricity Minister Kanchana Wijesekera had met with Sinopec representatives, who confirmed their intention to double the refinery’s capacity compared to previous estimates.
A feasibility study for the construction of a 160,000-barrel-per-day refinery or two 100,000-barrel-per-day facilities was finalised in mid-2024. The cabinet approved the investment in November 2023, initially valued at US$ 4.5 billion.
Currently, Sri Lanka’s refining capacity at the Sapugaskanda refinery, built in 1969 by CPC under Iranian leadership, is limited to 38,000 barrels per day. The new refinery is expected to fill this gap while also strengthening the country’s energy infrastructure,” the engineers added.
An estimated 70 per cent of the refinery’s output is earmarked for export, particularly to markets in South Asia and Africa, while the remainder, up to 30 per cent, is earmarked to meet Sri Lanka’s domestic fuel demand.”
Meanwhile, senior officials at Ceylon Petroleum Corporation have expressed fears that unrestricted market access for Sinopec could severely disrupt the island nation’s oil sector and negatively impact energy security.”
In short, allowing a giant like Sinopec unfettered access to the local energy market could gut local capacity and put energy supplies under foreign control.
Colombo, July 2 (Daily Mirror) – The Cabinet approved a new scholarship programme aimed at providing opportunities for Sri Lanka’s highest-performing students at the G.C.E. Advanced Level (A/L) examinations, to pursue their first degree at internationally ranked foreign universities.
In line with the government’s policy objective of building a ‘civilized citizen and advanced human resources’, Rs. 200 million was allocated in the 2025 budget proposal to fund this initiative.
Under the programme, scholarships will be awarded to students to complete degree programmes – up to a maximum of four years – at universities ranked within the world’s top 500 and offering instructions in English.
A total of 200 scholarships are planned to be awarded under this programme, with 20 to 50 students to be selected in 2025, for the first phase.
Eligibility is open to students who have achieved the highest Z-scores in the main subject streams of the G.C.E. (A/L) examinations.
Applicants will be selected through a formal interview process conducted by an expert panel comprising professors and doctors from local universities.
The proposal was presented by the Prime Minister in her capacity as the Minister of Education, Higher Education and Professional Education.
Colombo, July 2 (Daily Mirror) – Former president Ranil Wickremesinghe has thanked Elon Musk for enabling Starlink satellite internet access for all Sri Lankans.
In a post on X, he said, “This marks a significant step forward in the digital transformation of our nation.”
Wickremesinghe said he was looking forward to meeting Elon Musk soon to explore further advancements for Sri Lanka’s digital future.
Wickremesinghe during a meeting with SpaceX CEO Elon Musk in 2024 discussed launching the Starlink satellite internet service in Sri Lanka.
Colombo, July 2 (Daily Mirror) – It is high time that Sri Lanka’s education system is changed to be in line with the changing world, without becoming a laughing stock of the international community, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa said referring to the incident at the World Economic Forum involving Minister Sunil Handunetti.
One should learn a lesson from what happened recently at the World Economic Forum. One should not become a laughing stock. What we saw at the World Economic Forum is a result of Sri Lanka’s failure to change its education system. I stressed the importance of improving the English language skills of school children, but I was ridiculed. However, it has become very clear that my suggestion was valid,” he added.
Following its official launch in Sri Lanka yesterday, Starlink, the satellite-based internet service by SpaceX, has released its pricing options for both residential and business users.
Residential Plans
Residential Lite Plan: Rs. 12,000 per month
Residential Plan: Rs. 15,000 per month
Hardware (Starlink Standard Kit): Rs. 118,000
Total Initial Cost:
Lite Plan: Rs. 130,000 (approx.)
Regular Plan: Rs. 133,000 (approx.)
Business Plans
Priority 40GB: Rs. 24,100 per month
Priority 1TB: Rs. 63,200 per month
Priority 2TB: Rs. 127,000 per month
Hardware (Starlink Performance Kit): Rs. 911,000
Total Initial Cost (for Priority 40GB): Rs. 929,300
With its launch, Starlink is expected to offer a much-needed connectivity solution for remote and rural communities while providing premium high-speed internet options for businesses across Sri Lanka.
Colombo, July 1 (Daily Mirror) – Indian entrepreneurs state that they are currently directing their attention towards new investment prospects in Sri Lanka, particularly in sectors like energy, infrastructure, the digital economy, tourism and agriculture, as well as on enhancing entrepreneurial capacity.
A delegation of around 20 Indian entrepreneurs, comprising heads of several prominent Indian companies, is currently engaged in an active programme in Sri Lanka, coordinated by the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII), with the aim of further developing existing investment opportunities and exploring new prospects.
These comments were expressed during the delegation’s meeting with President Anura Kumara Disanayake this afternoon (01) at the Presidential Secretariat.
The delegation is visiting Sri Lanka following an invitation extended by President Anura Kumara Disanayake during his recent official visit to India. The Indian delegation held discussions with several Sri Lankan Ministers and with officials from key government institutions, including the Board of Investment of Sri Lanka.
President Disanayake emphasized that the country has now established a more favourable environment for investors owing to the current economic stability.
The President briefed the Indian business representatives on the constructive measures implemented by the government to create a supportive economic climate and conditions conducive to investment.
He further noted that the government has strengthened the legal framework and institutional system necessary to attract and sustain large-scale investments. He assured that under the present administration efforts have been made to eliminate the losses and corruption previously associated with investments.
Kidney business is an illegal and unethical racket that has spread throughout Sri Lanka. This racket is carried out by a group of seven doctors who make monthly payments to the responsible persons in the health sector and the legal authorities and carry out this business secretly and safely. Recently, Dr. Chamal Sanjeewa, a social activist, filed a complaint with the Criminal Investigation Department with evidence that Dr. Ranga Migara Weerakkody, who is working at Karapitiya Hospital, was involved in unethical human organ (kidney) trade. But the kidney mafia is very powerful. They are still carrying out their human organ business without any problems. This is the story of the kidney mafia in Sri Lanka.
A kidney transplant is a surgical procedure to place a healthy kidney from a living or deceased donor into a person whose kidneys no longer function properly. Successful kidney transplantation improves both patient survival and quality of life. A kidney transplant improves the quality and longevity of life for patients that have end-stage kidney disease.
In 1956, the world’s first kidney transplant surgical technique was invented. The first kidney transplant was performed in Sri Lanka by Dr. Reserve Sheriff and Dr. Sheriff Dean at the Colombo General Hospital in 1985. Thereafter the kidney transplant was performed in Sri Lanka. It was a great relief for kidney patients. This was a great relief for renal patients.
An alarming surge in renal diseases, diabetes, and high blood pressure is driving the demand for kidneys, which greatly exceeds supply. This gaping hole between demand and the legal supply of kidneys is being filled by the biggest black market for organs. This created a sinister kidney business in Sri Lanka, which is called the Kidney Mafia.” Regrettably, Sri Lanka has become the new nerve center of this network, where most transplant operations are carried out. Most of these operations do not meet the country’s legal requirements. According to Al Jazeera, in recent years, Sri Lanka has attracted kidney buyers from as far afield as Israel and the United States. Some private hospitals offer “complete packages” to recipients, with prices ranging from 3 to 4 million rupees. This is a well-organized racket that trades on the susceptibilities of largely poor donors to benefit the rich.
The Indian Police indicated that illegal kidney transplants conducted in Sri Lanka and a number of Sri Lankan doctors are working with this illegal mafia. A lengthy investigation by the Indian Police into the kidney racket has revealed that many illegal kidney transplants have been carried out in Sri Lanka. India’s ‘The Hindu’ newspaper has reported on the illegal kidney operations carried out by several doctors in Sri Lanka. According to the journalist Emendi Marambe, there are several doctors who coordinate illegal kidney business.
The kidney mafia is powerful in Sri Lanka, and this racket generates billions of rupees annually, and it is second only to drug trafficking. This Mafia is run by a handful of doctors and a few senior officials from the Ministry of Health. According to Dr. Rukshan Bellana, the Kidney Mafia is also supported by a leading member of the Government Medical Officers Association (GMOA).
Trading in human organs is illegal in Sri Lanka.” According to Sri Lankan law, organs cannot be bought or sold. Organ transplant operations in Sri Lanka require prior approval from the Health Ministry. In 2016, the Health Ministry had launched an investigation into allegations that a group of surgeons ran a racket trading human kidneys. The health ministry appointed a committee of five experts to run the investigation. However, this investigation was a failure, and they could not beat the kidney mafia.
It is reported that many undocumented kidney surgeries are carried out secretly in private hospitals. These backstreet clinics offer no aftercare support and provide no documentation regarding the origin of the kidney. Patients are often detained in squalid conditions by the broker until the day of surgery, and they usually don’t know the name of the hospital or surgeon until the transplant takes place. Patients are typically smuggled into the hospital, and the transplants performed during the night to avoid being caught. These clinics care only about making money. They have no concern whatsoever regarding the success of the procedure. Organs used will probably not have been checked for infectious diseases—patients have been known to contract HIV after receiving an infected kidney during an illegal transplant. There have been many patients who have died from an infection following illegal transplantation. Kidneys are generally obtained from poor people who are in need of money. They are often in a state of very poor health, and would never have been accepted to be a live kidney donor program in a legal transplant centre. The seller is typically discharged without any follow-up care, and they frequently develop serious infections shortly after.
Although it is illegal to buy or sell a kidney in Sri Lanka, the kidney mafia in Sri Lanka is luring people into buying and selling kidneys for huge amounts, exploiting desperate patients in need of immediate kidney transplants and healthy individuals caught in financial hardships. The racket is thriving in Sri Lanka. The regulations on organ transplants in Sri Lanka are vague, and the illicit kidney trade is booming. This is a multimillion-dollar black market business. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), South Asia is now the leading transplant tourism hub globally. Each year more than 1500 Sri Lankans sell their kidneys.
A few years ago a kidney transplant racket came to light in the Jaffna Hospital, which was revealed by the Ravaya newspaper. It was reported that poor Tamil youth in the North were selling their kidneys to brokers in Jaffna. Brokers find donors who are willing to sell their kidneys on the black market. Most of these donors are poor youth from the Jaffna Peninsula. The brokers mostly target healthy and non-smoking male donors in their 20s or early 30s. The kidney broker who arranges the transactions gets a US$700 commission. These donors are paid 500,000 Sri Lankan rupees, and the recipient pays nearly 4 million rupees for the kidney. A large sum of money is paid to the doctors who are operating in this racket. To avoid any legal barriers to surgery, the donor would claim the kidney was being offered for free on humanitarian grounds. Over the years, asylum seekers were selling their kidneys so they could pay to get on a boat to Australia. A three-year News Corp investigation has found almost 100 desperate Australians have paid to have an illegal transplant overseas because the demand for organs here outstrips supply. Sri Lankan refugee advocate Samuel Chandrahasan says around 500 Sri Lankan refugees have sold their organs in the last three years. Their kidney function assessments were done by Dr. Ranga Migara Weerakkody, who worked as the Nephrologist in the Jaffna Hospital.
The kidney mafia has largely targeted poor youth in the North, Tamil Estate Workers, and Buddhist monks. Many brokers now visit temples, targeting Buddhist monks. There are hundreds of kidney brokers, and they supply donors to the kidney mafia.
Dr. Monik Ambepitiya, Dr. Habiba Sahif, and Dr. Ranga Migara Weerakkody are accused of running the kidney mafia. They are assessing kidney functions and coordinating and performing illegal kidney transplantations from paid donors from the various parts of the island. These doctors have allegedly made a fortune by luring poor people to sell their kidneys, which were then transplanted in new recipients who coughed up on average 4-5 million rupees for their organ transplants. These poor and uneducated donors have been duped by these doctors. This is a mafia-style exploitation of the poor and the vulnerable. Kidney transplant operations have been exploited by unscrupulous entities in the medical profession to make a fast buck at the expense of poor and vulnerable donors and equally helpless recipients. Unfortunately, the Sri Lanka Medical Council is maintaining a deafening silence on this scam. The Sri Lanka Medical Council and the Health Ministry have turned a blind eye to the breach of established ethical practices of medicine.
By Dr. N.S. Wijewickrama and Dr. Gamini Withana
Special thanks to
Dr. Anura Hewageegana, Consultant Nephrologist
Dr. Rajeewa Dassanayake, Consultant Nephrologist
Dr. Premil Nadeekanth Rajakrishna—Consultant Nephrologist
In a shared vision to simplify international education pathways and empower Sri Lankan students with global opportunities, NDB Bank is pleased to announce its strategic partnership with VXL Education, a leading international education consultancy firm with over 15 years of experience in the sector.
The official signing of the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) took place at NDB Bank Head Office, marking the beginning of a collaboration that promises to support aspiring students with a seamless and financially accessible path to study abroad.
Signing on behalf of NDB were Mr. Sanjaya Perera, Senior Vice President – Personal Banking & Customer Experience, and Mr. Zeyan Hameed, Vice President – Retail Banking, while Mr. Ayodhya Kodagoda, Managing Director of VXL Education, and Mr. Nihal Kodagoda, Director/CFO, represented the education consultancy at the event.
With an extensive global presence and a 97% visa success rate, VXL Education has helped over 2,000 students navigate their international education journeys, offering end-to-end services from university selection and visa processing to onshore support and accommodation. Their partnerships span across destinations including Australia, the UK, Canada, Germany, the USA, and beyond.
Through this partnership, NDB Bank will offer a suite of tailored financial solutions that complement VXL Education’s student support framework. This includes education loan offerings, student file facilities, and foreign remittance support, ensuring that families have access to the resources they need when preparing for overseas education.
Commenting on the partnership, Sanjaya Perera noted, At NDB, we are committed to empowering the aspirations of our younger generation. Partnering with a globally respected brand like VXL Education enables us to strengthen our support to students and families who are embarking on life-changing academic journeys. We are proud to be a part of their future.”
This collaboration aligns with NDB’s broader purpose of being a trusted partner in every moment that matters, whether it’s financial planning, education, entrepreneurship, or global mobility. By supporting education abroad through responsible and flexible financing, NDB Bank continues to position itself as a catalyst for personal growth and national development.
NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Bank for Corporates at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2024 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.
It is under pressure from India and the U.S. to block Chinese research vessels from docking in its ports. Will the crafting of standard operating procedures help?
Sri Lanka is again caught in a controversy surrounding a foreign research vessel. Its media has reported that the U.N.-flagged research vessel Dr. Fridtjof Nansen, operated by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), which had been scheduled to dock in Sri Lanka, was redeployed to Madagascar due to delays in securing the necessary approval.
Local media reported that the Dr. Fridtjof Nansen was to collect data in Sri Lankan waters, which would not only support domestic fisheries management but also improve the country’s chances of tapping into international climate funding, such as from the Green Climate Fund.
According to reports, the United Nations had informed Sri Lanka about the research vessel in advance. However, Sri Lankan authorities delayed approval, saying that Sri Lanka has still not implemented standard operating procedures (SOPs) for foreign research vessels. By the time President Anura Kumara Dissanayake personally intervened to facilitate the ship’s docking, the FAO had reportedly redeployed the vessel elsewhere. Neither the U.N. nor the Sri Lankan government has formally confirmed this claim. Local media also estimated that the country has lost a million dollars in research and programming due to this development. According to the FAO, the vessel is unlikely to return to the region before 2030.
This debacle is not just about one vessel. For the past few years, Sri Lanka has been pressured by India and the United States to block Chinese research vessels from docking and replenishing in the country. Unable to deal with Indo-U.S. pressure, Sri Lanka imposed a blanket ban on research vessels for a year in December 2023. This decision kneecapped the country’s marine studies initiatives.
When the moratorium was imposed in 2023, the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration said that the year would be used to develop clear, transparent, and science-based SOPs for foreign research ships. However, distracted by domestic electoral politics, the administration failed to finalize these guidelines. This blanket ban expired in December 2024, but the SOPs are still not in place.
In January 2025, the Sri Lankan government pledged to review the work that has been done and develop comprehensive SOPs, even appointing a new committee led by Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath to oversee the process. Yet, as of July 2025, these SOPs have yet to materialize.
In the case of the U.N. ship, officials at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Ministry of Fisheries are left in bureaucratic limbo, unable to guarantee approvals or even communicate a clear timeline to international partners. Director General of the MFA’s Public Diplomacy Division, Thushara Rodrigo, told journalists that he doesn’t know when the SOPs will be finalized. The decision rests entirely with the committee making the SOPs, its discussions, and its reviews.” His view was that Sri Lanka should not allow any research vessel in without established SOPs: If we proceed informally now, it could set a precedent for future similar situations. We are more concerned with safeguarding Sri Lanka’s best interests in the long term, not just for this single case.”
Sri Lanka’s institutional caution is understandable given the geopolitical context. In the highly contested Indian Ocean, India considers Sri Lankan waters as within its sphere of influence. Each foreign research vessel is scrutinized for its strategic intent rather than its scientific mission.
A section of the Sri Lankan media and academics have been insisting over the past few years that Sri Lanka must draft and adopt comprehensive SOPs for foreign research vessels. These protocols, developed collaboratively by marine scientists, legal experts, security officials, and fisheries stakeholders, could reinforce Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. They insist that well-crafted SOPs for foreign research vessels can be a critical line of defense for Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. By requiring prior notifications, setting strict clearance protocols, or even denying access outright, the country can assert its rights under international law and set boundaries on great-power behavior.
However, Sri Lanka must understand that they are not foolproof shields. Those who believe that the country is facing pressure from India and the U.S. because it lacks an SOP must understand that even with an SOP that adheres to the best international standards, India and the U.S. will continue to pressure Sri Lanka to ban Chinese research vessels from docking in Sri Lanka. And China, which becomes more powerful with each passing year, will push back harder against Indian and U.S. attempts to hinder its operations in the Indian Ocean. The strategic dynamics of the Indian Ocean region ensure ongoing interference, irrespective of administrative safeguards like SOPs.
Sri Lanka’s long-term maritime strategy, therefore, must extend beyond SOPs, incorporating diplomatic agility, regional alliances, and proactive international engagement to safeguard its blue economy future.
Starlink is live in Sri Lanka (Representative Image: Starlink)
