The demands of the inmates on hunger strike cannot be met – Defense Secretary

September 12th, 2020

Courtesy Hiru News

The hunger strike launched by a group of inmates in the special section of the Boossa Prison continues.

Thirty people, including organized criminals Podi Lasi, Wele Suda and Kosgoda Tharaka, are still on hunger strike which commenced based on several demands.

However, Defense Secretary Retired Major General Kamal Gunaratne said the demands of the Boossa prison hunger strikers could not be met.

The Defense Secretary stated this while expressing his views to the media after participating in an inspection tour of the Bogambara Prison in Kandy this morning.

The Defense Secretary visited the Bogambara Prison to inquire into the possibility of restructuring the prison due to the increase in the number of inmates arrested for underworld and heroin activities.

The Defense Secretary also participated in a workshop held yesterday at the Police Crime Records Division on behalf of senior police officers.

Meanwhile, Army Commander Lt. Gen. Shavendra Silva stated that steps will be taken to eradicate drug trafficking and underworld activities from the country as soon as terrorism and the corona epidemic are eradicated.

He was speaking as the Chief Guest at the Army Special Forces Passing Out Parade held at the Maduruoya Special Forces Training School today.

Meanwhile, three persons including Samantha Kumara alias Wele Suda’s younger sister, an organized criminal, were arrested with Kerala cannabis at a lodge in Hakmana today.

Police said that they were arrested while returning from a funeral in the Udupillagoda area in Hakmana and staying at the lodge.

In addition to 32 year old Dilini Nilmini alias Wele Suda’s younger sister, her paramour and the driver of the car have also been arrested.

Police further stated that 5 grams of Kerala cannabis were found in the driver’s possession during a search of the lodge.

Also, two persons were arrested by the Meegoda Police this afternoon on the Meegoda-Dampe road with a kilogram of heroin. They are close relatives of a person who has been arrested by the Police Narcotics Bureau and is currently in remand custody.

During a raid conducted in the Lenadora area in Dambulla today, the Anti-Corruption Unit attached to the Matale Divisional Crime Bureau arrested five persons including more than 10 grams of heroin.

Police also arrested two persons involved in heroin trafficking in Dambulla.

Siyambalanduwa Police have arrested two fathers and a son for selling cannabis to school children.

Miriswatta Tyrone was arrested in Miriswatta on suspicion of being involved in a number of drug offenses during a raid conducted in Panadura. Police said that more than 100 grams of Kerala cannabis was found in his possession.

In addition, the police also seized Rs. 16,000 which is believed to have been earned from the sale of cannabis.

The Vavuniya Police arrested another person with 3 kilos of cannabis and 3 persons with heroin in another operation carried out last night.

Officers of the Navy and the Sooriyawewa Police Special Task Force (STF) raided a cannabis field in Thanamalwila – Balaharuwa yesterday and arrested two suspects.

Meanwhile, Yakkalamulla Police arrested 7 suspects with 8 firearms, including a German made firearm, 6 locally made firearms and a frying gun.

A 44 year old suspect has been arrested with a locally made firearm at Douglas Guruge Mawatha, Meetiyagoda.

Also, a special police operation was carried out for 4 hours covering the entire island from 11 last night.

The Police Media Division stated that 4186 persons have been arrested for drug offenses including heroin and various other offenses.

16,347 police officers and 45 police sniffer dogs participated in the operation.

Wither the August Mandate: Why no dividends to the Nationalist Majority

September 11th, 2020

The August 2020 Parliamentary victory showed for the 2ndtime the power that ensues when the majority is united. The victors of 2015 openly declared their debt to the minorities which got translated into marginalizing the majority. Was this what the minorities really wanted? If that was not so, there was no visible voice objecting to the wave of discriminations & humiliations the majority was subject to, eventually culminating in mass murder on Easter Sunday. Come 2020, tables reversed & a magnificent 2/3 victory was delivered based on a nationalist platform. In terms of paying back, what the minorities via their leadership sought was poles apart from what the majority expected. This is an important topic to bring to the open.

What does the majority really want? What do they seek from the government they galvanized to bring to power? Are those demands too big to deliver? Are the demands too complicated to deliver? Are the demands not-multicultural enough to deliver? Are their external influences forcing the government not to deliver?

What does the majority really want from the Government?

Think about what the majority really expected of the government they helped bring to power.

Before answering these questions, let’s see what the minorities sought. Whenever the minorities have been kingmakers as a result of the dis”proportionate representation system, a handful of minority leaders have walked away with the cake securing plum portfolios and manipulating those positions for their own and subtly changing legislations to suit their own. Not many minorities objected to this unfair display of systematic abuse of powers primarily because they were hypnotized into the belief that ‘these were being done for the good of the minorities’.

The majority representatives on the other hand, promised the moon & the stars, the exact opposite what the majority actually asked or expected of them but once in power, their chorus to the majority was ‘we can’t do much, it will upset the minorities and the international players are not agreeable to that’.This completely ignored an important factor. The majority had never asked any of their representatives at any given time to give to the majority at the expense of the minority. Never has the majority sought handouts ONLY for the majority, never has there been requests that sought the politicians to target minorities.

But look at the minority political parties and their political manifestos. This is evidence of their mentality. Majority of the political parties formed by the minorities are for their own and having nothing country-specific in their aims & objectives. This is divisive politics taken to election platforms & unhealthy for any democracy.

When Mahinda Rajapakse lost in 2015, he left a humiliated man. He was laughed at and scorned but it was not any of the ones who surround him today that pawned their jewelry to travel miles to show the world that the people backed him. It was the ordinary people and a handful of nationalists that braved the insults and kept the momentum going and built the environment for the return of the Rajapakses. That return would not have been ever possible had it not been for these humble people and that return would not have ever happened had it been left to those that are now in their inner circles returning after deserting them. These are all lessons in life and should come as no surprise as Buddha has clearly described the behavioral patterns of people and showed us how to accept the truth – come what may.

What do the Buddhist majority of Sri Lanka seek from its leaders & is this an obstacle to good relations with the minorities?

Sinhala Buddhists have always sought the rectification of historical injustices to them which included the return of their language right. In so seeking this reverse discrimination, their request had nothing to do with requesting the repression of another language.

Minorities have no reason to regard this an affront to them.

The Majority have never claimed the country to be only theirs and others were not welcome. The majority have only claimed right to recognize Sri Lanka as a predominantly Sinhala Buddhist country & uphold the Sinhala Buddhist civilization that built the Nation.

Minorities have no reason to question this or regard this as an affront or discrimination to them. The foremost place given to Buddhism is no impediment to any minorities practicing their religions.

The majority appeals to the political leaders to ensure external, fundamental factors that seek to change demography, create religious-ethno ghettos, that spreads cults and extremisms do not hamper the country’s progress and the people’s peace.

These appeals are nothing the minorities can find fault with.

The majority repeatedly refers to the ancient rule of dasa raja dhamma where an inclusive society existed wherein man and animal lived in harmony with environment also accepted as stakeholders in living under guiding principle of Ahimsa, protection of heritage sites, historical & archaeological sites. The majority have raised issue over the need for a moratorium on construction of new religious places of worship via foreign funding, falsely claiming joint-right to historical sites that are Buddhist, laws to prevent commercialized conversion, regulations on land ownership to prevent Sri Lanka’s limited land being taken over, laws on immigrants & refugees to stop demographic change and future challenges, laws to prevent ethnic based political parties which have posed communal and religious tensions amongst all, laws that prevent polygamy, child marriage as laws must apply to all equally with no preference to one community for banking, food and marriage. While giving place to Buddhism and the Sinhala Buddhist heritage of Sri Lanka has no impediment to others practicing their faith, allowing one community special rights in marriage, court, banking and food does.

These are nothing that minorities can fault the majority over.

The majority has repeatedly requested the leaders to give compulsory prominence to National History in the education system in schools and even in public service.

This too is nothing that the minorities can claim is an affront to them.

Anyone reading the demands of the majority will realize that these demands is with foresight to ensure the country is held together for each time the country was facing threats it was always the majority that came forward to defend the nation and sacrificed their lives to do so. The handful of minorities that joined them did so because they saw the true objectives of the majority and they too wanted to join in that national quest.

Leaders must learn to align with national objectives and nationalists that push for the realization of national objectives. When leaders align with those with hidden and questionable objectives the country falls into peril.

Why is that the majority are always given second place?

Shenali D Waduge

අනේ ඔබ කවදාක බිහි වෙයිද මේ රටේ?

September 11th, 2020

චන්ද්‍රසේන පණ්ඩිතගේ විසිනි

ආයුබෝවන්
අපි ඔබතුමාට පලමුව ස්තුථිවන්තවෙනවා අපට මේ අවස්ථාව ලබාදීම සම්බන්ධව. මේ වනවිට ඔබ නවක තරුණ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරයකු බවට පත්වී හමාරයි. මේ ජයග්‍රහණය ඔබ දකින්නේ මොනවිදියකටද?

ඕනෑම මනුෂ්‍යයකු තරගයකදී බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නේ ජයග්‍රහණයයි. මේ වනවිට මම ඒ ජයග්‍රහණය ලබාගෙන සිටිනවා; මේ ජයග්‍රහණය මගේ ජීවිතයේ එක්තරා කඩඉමක් පමණයි. තව දිනා ගැනීමට කරුණු කාරනා රාශියක් තියෙනවා.

ඔබ තරුණ මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙක් වශයෙන් ඔබගේ දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ සිටින තරුණ තරුණීයන්ගේ ප්‍රශ්න වලට මුල් තැනක් දෙන්න සිදුවේවි ඒ සදහා ඔබතුල ඇති සැලස්ම කුමක්ද?

ඔබ කිව් ලෙසම මම තරුණ මන්ත්‍රී වරයෙක්. නමුත් මම මේ දිස්ත්‍රික්යේ සිටින තරුණ තරුණීයන්ගේ මන්ත්‍රීවරයා නොවෙයි. සන්ධානයේ ජයග්‍රහණය උදෙසා චන්දය දුන් සියලු දෙනාගේම මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙක්. 
ඒ මන්ත්‍රීවරයාගේ එක වගකීමක් තමයි මේ දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ සිටින සියලුම තරුණ තරුණියන්ගේ ගැටලු විසදීම: ඒ වගකීම මා සතු වගකීමක් ලෙස මා ප්‍රබලව දකිනවා.

හොදයි, ඔබතුමා නියෝජනය කරන දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ඇති ජනතා ගැටලු විසදීමට ඔබතුමා සතු සැලස්ම කුමක්දැයි පැහැදිලි කරන්න පුලුවන්ද?

මම නවක පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙක්, දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ජනතා ගැටලු විසදීමට නම් පලමුව, සැබෑ ජනතා ගැටලු මොනවාදැයි හදුනා ගත යුතුයි. ඒ සදහා ජනතාව අතරට යා යුතුයි. ජනතාව අතරට යෑමේ අරමුණ, මූලික කරගත් සුපැහැදිලි වැඩපිලිවෙලක් අපට තියෙන්න ඕනි. මම පලමුව කරන්නේ ජනතාවයි අපයි බද්ධ කරන ඒ යාන්ත්‍රණය ගොඩනැංවීමයි; මම හිතනවා අමාරුම කර්තව්‍යය එයයි කියල. පලමුව එය ජය ගත යුතුයි.

ඔබට, ඔබ කියන්නාවූ යාන්ත්‍රණය ගොඩනගන්නයි, දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ඇති ජනතා ගැටලු විසදන්නයි ලබාදී ඇත්තේ සීමිත කාලයක්, ඔබට මේ හැම දෙනාගේම ගැටලු විසදන්න මේ කාලය ප්‍රමාණවත්ද?

ගගකින් එගොඩ වන ක්‍රම කීපයක් තියෙනවා. තම තමන්ට පීනමින් එතර විය හැකියි. එහෙම නැත්නම් බෝට්ටුවකින් එතෙර වෙන්න පුලුවන්; මේ ක්‍රම දෙකෙන්ම අනාගත පරපුර මත යම් කාර්යය භාරයක් පටවනවා. පලමු ක්‍රමයට අනුව ඉපදෙන හැම අයෙක්ම පිහිනන්න පුරුදු විය යුතු වෙනවා. දෙවන ක්‍රමය අනුව බෝට්ටුව හා තොටියා නඩත්තු කරන ක්‍රමවේදයන් යොදා ගන්නට සිදුවෙනවා. නමුත් මෙහිදී අප අනුගමනය කරන්නේ; ශක්තිමත් පාලමක් ගොඩනැංවීමේ සම්ප්‍රධායයි. ඒක ක්ෂණික වැඩක් නොවෙයි නමුත් පරම්පරා ගනනක් පවතිනවා.අප ගොඩනංවන යාන්ත්‍රණය ඉතාමත් ශක්තිමත් එකක් බව මට නොබියව ප්‍රකාශ කරන්න ප්‍රලුවන්.

ඔබ ජනතාවයි රජයයි සම්බන්ධ කරවන යාන්ත්‍රණයක් ගැන පුන පුනා කථා කරනවා; ඇයි මේ යාන්ත්‍රණය පිහිටවීම මෙතරම් වැදගත් කරුණක් ලෙස ඔබ දකින්නේ?

මහජන මන්ත්‍රීවරු වශයෙන් අප අවංකව කටයුතු කල යුතුයි. අපට විසදිමට ඇත්තේ එම දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ජනතා ප්‍රශ්නයි. තවද මහජන මන්ත්‍රීවරයා යනු ජනතා ප්‍රශ්න විසදන කොන්ත්‍රාත් කරුවා විය නොහැකියි. ජනතාවට සිය ප්‍රශ්න විසදා ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය පරිසරය සකස් කරන මාර්ගෝපදේශකයා හා මිතුරා විය යුතුයි. ඒ අනුව ජනතා ප්‍රශ්නය සංවේදීවූ වහාම ඊට පිලියම ගෙනෙන මන්ත්‍රී වරයකුගේ අවශ්‍යතාවය ජනතාවට තදින්ම දැනෙන යුගයක් තමයි අප පසු කරමින් ඉන්නේ.
අපට ස්වභාව ධර්මය විසින් ඕනෑවටත් වැඩිය පාඩම් උගන්වලා තියෙනවා; අප කල යුත්තේ මැතිවරණ කොට්ඨාශයක් හොද සරු මී වදයක් බවට පරිවර්තනය කිරීමයි. එය කල යුතු හා  ඒ වගේම කල හැකි කාර්යයක් බව වටහා ගන්න.

අහන්නත් සන්තෝසයි; මැතිවරණ කොට්ඨාශයක් හොද සරු මී වදයක් බවට පරිවර්තනය කිරීමට අධිෂ්ඨාන කරගෙන සිටින, තරුණ, නවක, මන්ත්‍රීවරයකු සමග සාකච්ඡා කිරීමට ලැබීමත් භාග්‍යයක්සේ මට හිතෙනවා. ඔබ මේ කටයුත්ත ආරම්භ කරන ආකාරය පිලිබද යම් අදහසක් අපතුල තියෙනවානමුත් ඔබගේ යාන්ත්‍රණය අපට තවම ගැටලුවක්?

කල්පනා කරල බලන්න. අද බරපතල සමාජ අර්බූදයක් බවට පත්වෙලා තියෙන ඕනෑම ප්‍රශණයක ආරම්භය සිදුවන්නේ. කවුරු හරි මිනිහෙකුගේ මනසක් තුල. ඒ ආරම්භ වෙන බීජය තමයි ක්‍රමානුකූලව සමාජය පුරා ගලාගෙන ගිහිල්ලා, මුලු සමාජයම වෙලාගෙන සමාජ අර්බූද නිර්මාණය කරන්නේ. මේ සදහා අපට දිය හැකි උදාහරණ සංඛ්‍යාව අති විශාලයි.

අපි මුලින් වටහා ගන්න ඕනි; අප කියන්නේ කවුද කියල. අපට ජීවත් වෙන්න නියමිත කාල සීමාවක් තියෙනවා. කන්න පුලුවන් ආහාර වල ප්‍රමාණයක් තියෙනවා. අදින්න පුලුවන් ඇදුම් වලද උපරිම සීමාවක් තියෙනවා. මේ වාගේ හැම දෙයකටම උපරිම සීමාවන් යටතේ පැමිණෙන අප, කාලයට සාපේක්ෂව ගමන් කරන බුද්ධිමත් සත්වයෙක්. අපට තියෙන වැදගත්ම සාධකය කාලයයි. කාලය නිසිලෙස කලමනා කරණය කිරීම හරහා අප ජීවත්වෙන කාලය අඩු වැඩි කර ගැනීමේ හැකියාවක් අපට උදාවෙලා තියෙනවා. මැතිවරණයකින් බලයට පත්වෙන මන්ත්‍රීවරයාට විසදන්න වෙන්නෙ, මුලින් කිව් ආකාරයට කාගේ හෝ මනසකින් ආරම්භ වී සමාජය පුරා ගලාගොස් ඔඩුදුවා ඇති ප්‍රශ්න නම්; අප කල යුත්තේ, ප්‍රශනයේ දැන් ඇති තැනින් ආරම්භ කර එම ප්‍රශනය සමනය වන ආකාරයනට ගලායාමට සැලස්වීමයි.

අපි උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් ළදරු කිරිපිටි ප්‍රශ්ණය සාකච්ඡාවට බදුන් කරමු. මේ ප්‍රශ්ණය හරහා සමාජ අර්බූද ගනනාවක් නිර්මාණය වී ඇත.
1.ළදරුවාට හිමිවිය යුතු මව්කිරි නොලැබීම.
2.මේ අනුව ස්වභාවය අපේක්ෂිත ශරීර සංයුතියකින් යුත් නියම දරුවා    සමාජයට හිමි නොවීම.
3.ළදරු කිරිපිටි සදහා අමතර විදේශ විනිමයක් රජයට දැරීමට සිදුවීම.
4.මවට එම කිරිපිටි මිලදී ගැනීමට අමතර මුදලක් වැය කිරීමට සිදුවීම.
5.දරුවාට කිරි ලබාදීමට සැකසුන මව් ශරීරය එසේ නොකිරීම හේතුවෙන් පැන නගින සෞඛ්‍ය ගැටලු වලට මවට මුහුණ දීමට සිදුවීම.

ආදී වශයෙන් ගැටලු දාමයක් සමාජය තුල පැන නැගී ඇත. මේ සියලු ගැටලු වලට එකම සුදුසු පිලියම; මව තමන්ගේ දරුවාට මව් කිරි ලබාදීමයි. මවගේ මනස එය ඉටුකිරීමේ  තත්වයට පත්කරවීමේ සමාජ වගකීම තරුණ මන්ත්‍රීවරයකු වශයෙන් මා වෙත පැවරී තියෙනවා. ඒ සදහා මා ගොඩනංවන යාන්ත්‍රණය අතිවිශාල කාර්යය භාරයක් ඉටු කරනවා ඇති. ” මව්කිරි දරුවන්ට ලබා දෙන සමාජයක්” සමාජ ගැටලු රාශියක් උත්පාදනය කිරීම අහෝසි කරන ආකාරය ඔබට පැහැදිලි ඇතැයි මට සිතෙනවා.

ඔව් ඔබ කියන දේ පැහැදිලියි. නමුත් යාන්ත්‍රණයේ අපැහැදිලි භාවයක් අපට පෙනෙනවා.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මැතිවරණ කොට්ඨාශයක් කියන්නේ, සම්පත් සම්භාරයක්පලමුව එම සම්පත් හදුනාගත යුතුයි. වර්ගී කරණයකට භාජනය කල යුතුයි. ඊටපසු ජනතා ශුභ සිද්ධියේ දිසාවට යොමුකර, කලමණාකරණය කල යුතුයි.මූලික වශයෙන් මේ සම්පත්, මානව සම්පත, සත්ව සම්පත හා ශාක සම්පත වශයෙන් ජීවීමය වශයෙන් බෙදෙනවා.අද මැතිවරණ කොට්ඨාශයක ඇති මේ සම්පත් වලට මොකක්ද සිද්ධ වෙලා තියෙන්නේ කියල බලන්න. මානව සම්පත තමන් හුරුවුන කාර්යයන් ඔහේ කරගෙන යනවා. සත්ව සම්පත බොහෝවිට ඉබාගාතේ ඇවිදිනවා; ශාක ප්‍රජාව තමන්ට ඇති සම්පත් ප්‍රමාණයට අනුකූලව උපරිමව සිය දෛනික කාර්යයන් සිදු කරනවා.මන්ත්‍රීතුමා මෙහෙම ප්‍රජාවන් ඉන්නවද කියල දන්නෙ නැති; මොවුන්ගේ කාර්යයන් තමන්ට අයත්ද කියල දන්නෙවත් නැති සමාජයක් අපට උරුම වෙලා තියෙන්නේ. මෙම සමාජයයි වෙනස් කලයුත්තේ. මෙම සමාජයයි මම කලමණාකරනය කරන්නට යන්නේ.ඕනෑම අයෙකුට ඉතා පහසුවෙන්ම හසුරුවන්න පුලුවන් වන්නේ ශාක ප්‍රජාවයි. ඒ නිසා ප්‍රතම පියවර වශයෙන් ශාක ප්‍රජාව කලමණාකරනයට බාජනය කිරීම ආරම්භ කලයුතු වෙනවා. ඒ සදහා අවශ්‍ය පියවර ගන්නවා.

හොදයි ඔබ සදහන් කරන ශාක කලමණාකරණය කියන්නේ මොකක්ද? ඒකෙන් මේ සමාජයට ඇති යහපත කුමක්ද?  ශාක කියන්නේ ජීවයේ පැවත්මයි. ඒ නිසා මේ මැතිවරණ කොට්ඨාශයේ වෙසෙන ජනතාවගේ ජීවිත වලට මෙම කොට්ඨාශයේ ඇති ශාක ප්‍රජාවගේ බලපෑම කොතරම්දැයි. අපට වටහා ගැනීමට හැකියි. පලමුව මගේ මූලිකත්වයෙන් කොට්ඨාශයේ ශාක සංඝණනයක් සිදු කරනවා. ඒ අනුව මෙහි ඇති ඒ ඒ වර්ගයේ ශාක ප්‍රමාණය සම්බන්ධව දැක්මක් අපට ලැබෙනවා. පොල් ගස් ප්‍රමාණය, කොස් ගස් ප්‍රමාණය දෙල් ගස් ප්‍රමාණය ආදී වශයෙන් සියලූම ආහාර මය වැදගත් කමකින් යුත් සියලුම ශාක හදුනාගෙන, එම ශාක හිමිකරුවන්, පලාතේ ගොවිජන සේවා මධ්‍යස්ථානය හා පලාතේ මන්ත්‍රී වරයා සම්බන්ධීකරණය වූ යාන්ත්‍රණයකින් පලාතේ ඇති සෑම ශාකයකටම පොහොර යෙදීම මගින් පලදාව වැඩි කිරීම හා ඒවා නිසි වෙලාවට නෙලා ගැනීම හා කල්තබා ගැනීම යන කාර්යයන්ට ප්‍රමුකත්වය ලබා දෙනවා.මේ අවස්ථාව වන විට කාර්මික සංවර්ධන මණ්ඩලයේ ආහාර කල් තබා ගැනීමේ සේවාවන් හා ජනතාව ඒකාබද්ධ කිරීමෙන් ඔවුනව මේ යාන්ත්‍රණයට වඩ වඩාත් කිට්ටු කර ගැනීමේ කාර්යය මම ඉටු කරනවා. ඊටපස්සේ අපට හමුවෙනවා දිස්ත්‍රික්කය පුරාම ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් ගොඩනැංවූ නමුත් මේ වනවිට අතරමංවූ ආයතන රැසක් උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් සමූපකාරය, ග්‍රාමීය බැංකුව මේ ආයතනත් මෙම යාන්ත්‍රණයට බද්ධ කර ගැනීමත් සමගම මෙම යාන්ත්‍රණයට පලාතේ හැම දෙනාගේම දායකත්වය ලැබෙනවා. දැන් මේ යාන්ත්‍රණය වැඩ කරන්නේ පලාතේ මන්ත්‍රීවරයාගේ හෝ ලේඛම් වරයාගේ යන දෙදෙනෙකුගේ හෝ කීප දෙනෙකුගේ මොලවලින් නො‍වේ පලාතේ ජීවත්වන ජනතාව සතු ලත්ෂ ගනනක මොලවලින් වන අතර, එයින් ලැබෙන සියලුම ප්‍රතිලාබ සෘජුවම ජනතාව අතටම ලැබෙන බැවින් ජනතාව මෙය වැලද ගන්නවා ඇත. මෙයින් සිදුවන විශාලම ප්‍රතිලාභය නම් මන්ත්‍රීවරයා, ජනතාව හා ජනතා උන්නතිය සදහා බිහිකර ඇති නමුත් අතරමංව ඇති ආයතනද අත්වැල් බැද ගැනීමයි. මෙම අවධියට පත්කර ගත් යාන්ත්‍රණයකින් පලාතේ සංවර්ධනය උදෙසා කර ගන්න බැරි දෙයක් නැහැ. මෙය නිවැරදිව ක්‍රියා කරවන මන්ත්‍රීවරයාට ඊලග චන්දයේදී කටවුට් බැනර් උවමනා වෙන්නේත් නැහැ.

ඔව් දැන් අපට පැහැදිලියි ඔබගේ ශාක ප්‍රජාව සදහා වූ යාන්ත්‍රණය හා එහි ප්‍රතිලාභ සම්බන්ධව. අපගේ කාලය අපට හරස් කරනවා. ඔබට ශුභ අනාගතයක්!

චන්ද්‍රසේන පණ්ඩිතගේ විසිනි.

Book Review :-Colonialism in Sri Lanka; Plantation Economy 1833 – 1867 – Author Dr. Asoka Bandarage

September 11th, 2020

By Palitha Senanayake

A read through the scholarly work of Dr. Asoka Bandarage, or more appropriately the study of that voluminous material, posit the question whether such extensive dialectics is necessary, at this stage, on the evolution of an economy of a small country that has suffered under colonialism for over three centuries.  The relevance of the study however, dawns in the last chapter of the text which deals with neo colonialism that bedevils almost all these ex colonies in the present era, as if bequeathed by their colonial history. 

 There is a school of thought, in the current era that upholds these expeditions of colonial rule in to this  country, as the best thing that ever happened, in the economic and social spheres of this country. The proponents of this school of thought are, at pains to delineate the benefits accrued to post- colonial Ceylon due to colonialism, and particularly British colonial rule that was the most eventful.  Plantation economy is held out as the foremost among these favors of colonial rule followed by the Democratic system of governance and the English language.  The last two items, though beyond the scope of this study, however warrants some indulgence for the need to be consistent and wholesome.

Thanks to the plantation economy the Ceylonese lost their subsistence economy and became dependent on external trade pushing the country in to the capitalist economic orbit; the onset of globalization.  Thanks to democracy the average Sri Lankan, after 400 years of colonialism, is not acclimatized to being their own master. And thanks to English language the country is today divided on linguistic lines and well over 90% of the country’s people are made to live and die with an inferiority complex for not knowing English.  On the face of things, these alleged benefits, being Omni present in the Sri Lanka society today gives the impression that their absence would be fatal, unless a comprehensive and scholarly study of this nature, with reference to such research material and a surfeit of scholars, exposes the true nature of such benefits vis a vis the pre- colonial systems they replaced.

The most intriguing part however, is how the colonial administration attempted to help plantation to find labor for plantation through tax reforms.  Land and grain taxes imposed on indigenous farmers were designed to render paddy cultivation non- sustainable driving the peasants to be plantation labor.  However, when that strategy failed they looked towards India where there was a seasoned labor force in substantial numbers, whose subsistence again rested on the encouragement they received from their colonial rulers for agriculture.  Thus the colonial administrations of the two countries contrive to help the Plantation Raj making emigration to Ceylon the sole source of survival for the Indian peasants.

 Having arranged it that way the plantation Raj in Ceylon then places the Indian migratory labor under a  ‘debt bondage’ with barely subsistence wages to make sure that they attend work every day.  They deploy the Kangani system through which they exploits the helpless Indians through their own brethren in an alien country where alternative recourse is not available. The Debt bondage works through a cash advance system that advances money at the point of recruitment drawing the nonplussed worker in to a debt trap that he could not redeem even by a life time of menial slavery.   Thus the Sinhala peasant, who is accustomed to view this Indian labor as a lackey of the plantation Raj, could now appreciate the vicious slavery cycle, this helpless Indian Tamil who eked out a living in a 10’ X 8’ ‘lined room’ with his entire family, has been subjected to.

In the end the study draws a parallel between the colonialism of the world powers then, and the power rivalry of the super powers in the contemporary world, subjecting again the small states like Sri Lankato be pawns in their chess boards.  Sri Lanka has been offered funds and technology for its economic development on a bipartisan agreement by imperialist forces.  This strategic power alignment is specially sought at crucial time in world politics where the super powers have entered in to intense rivalry with focus on Asia. Incidentally, it is also a time when Sri Lanka as a country has been subjected to a resolution of human rights violation before the UNHRC sessions by the same imperialist forces.  This alleged violation of the Sri Lankan forces is in respect of Tamil civilians who were deployed as a Human shield by the terrorist organization that held the country to ransom for 34 years in the post olonial period.

 The irony of this situation is that the imperialists now appear to be much moved by the plight of Tamils in Sri Lanka; many years after subjecting them to conditions of slavery to enable them to accumulate capital through the plantation industry.  The position of neo colonialism is much more precarious than colonialism, for there is now a set of leaders in these ex-colonies  who are made to think in the colonial perspective trusting these powers for their facile concerns and offers.  If the Sinhalese think that these ex colonials desire to develop Sri Lanka for the benefit of the Sri Lankans they should realize that there is no such thing as ’a free lunch’, particularly from such calculating world powers. On the other hand if the Tamils in Sri Lanka consider these imperialist forces to be their friends at this juncture ; they should ask themselves the question, ‘why pick on us after creating so much misery around the world to maintain their power and to ensure their national security?’ What is so special about the Sri Lankan Tamils who are much better off than their Indian counterparts, except that the imperialist could destabilize Sri Lanka by instigating the Tamils and India.

Thus, it is a situation of, In the 19th century, the colonialist ‘civilized’ us, the Tamils and Sinhalese, for their benefit, and now after 4 centuries they are inducting us in to ‘Human rights’ , for their benefit again.” Therefore those who do not study the lessons of history stand vulnerable in being subject to the same historical misadventures, again and again.

රටේ නිදහස් සෞඛ්‍ය ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට කැපවෙනවා – ගරු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා

September 11th, 2020

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

රටේ නිදහස් සෞඛ්‍ය ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට නව රජය කැපවන බව ගරු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා අද 2020.09.11 දින පැවසීය.

කොවිඩ්-19 පාලනය කර ගනිමින් රටක් ලෙස යම් ජයග්‍රහණයක් ලැබුවේ නම් ඒ අපේ රටේ පවතින විශිෂ්ට සෞඛ්‍ය සේවය නිසා යැයි ආඩම්බරයෙන් කියන බව ද අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා අවධාරණය කළේය.

කොළඹ හෙද විදුහලේ හෙද සිසුන් 298 දෙනෙකු සේවයට කැපවීම හා හිස් වැසුම් පැළඳවීමේ උළෙල අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේ පැවති අවස්ථාව් අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා මේ බව පැවසීය.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා කළ සම්පූර්ණ කතාව මෙසේය,

සෞඛ්‍ය සේවය අන් කවරදාටත් වඩා අවධානය දිනාගත් වකවානුවක ඔබ හමුවීමට ලැබීම භාග්‍යයක්.

අපි දන්නවා මුළු ලෝකයම කොවිඩ්-19 වසංගතයෙන් පීඩාවට පත්ව සිටිනවා. අප රටක් ලෙස කොවිඩ් 19 පාලනය කර ගනිමින් යම් ජයග්‍රහණයක් ලැබුවේ නම් ඒ අපේ රටේ පවතින විශිෂ්ට සෞඛ්‍ය සේවය නිසා බව ආඩම්බරයෙන් කියන්න කැමතියි.

ඔබට මතක ඇති අපි බලයට පත් වූ සෑම අවස්ථාවකම මේ රටේ සෞඛ්‍ය සේවය ඉහළ  නැංවීමට කටයුතු කළා. වෛද්‍ය, හෙද කාර්යය මණ්ඩලවල ගුණාත්මක දියුණුව වගේම රෝහල් සහ පුහුණු පාසල්වල යටිතල පහසුකම් ගැනත් සොයා බැලුවා.

අලුතින් රෝහල් ඉදි කළ යුතු ප්‍රදේශවලට අලුතින් රෝහල් ඉදි කළා. නමුත් පසුගිය ආණ්ඩුව සමයේ මේ කාර්යය නියමිත පරිදි සිදු වුණේ නැහැ. ඒ නිසා සෞඛ්‍ය සේවය විවිධ අර්බුදවලට මුහුණ පෑවා. ඒ නිසා සිදු වුණේ රටේ මහජනතාව ඉන් පීඩාවට පත්වීමයි.

මේ හැමදේම ගැන හිතලා රටේ බහුතර ජනතාව එම දුෂ්කරතා ඉවත් කර ගැනීමට අපට ජනවරමක් දීලා තියෙනවා. ඒ ජනවරම නිවැරදි මාවතට ගෙන යාමට ඔබ සියලු දෙනාගේ කැපවීම අප රජයක් ලෙස බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා.

හෙද වෘත්තිය අපේ රටේ පමණක් නොවෙයි මුළු ලෝකයේම ගෞරවයට පාත්‍ර වූ රැකියාවක්.  ඔබ රෝහලක සේවයට එක්වන දා පටන් ඔබගේ දැනුම මෙන්ම මානුෂීය ගති පැවතුම් රෝගියෙකු සුවපත් කිරීමට හේතුවක් වෙනවා.

හෙද සේවයේ ඉතිහාසය ගැන ඔබ දැනටමත් හොඳින් දන්නවා. ඔබ පුහුණුව ලබන කොළඹ හෙද විදුහල මෙරට පුරෝගාමී හෙද විදුහලක්. 1939 සිට වසර 81 ක් හෙද හෙදියන් දහස් ගණනක් මේ රටට දායාද කිරීමට මෙම විදුහල කටයුතු කර තිබෙනවා.

රට පුරා විසිර යමින් ඔවුන් කරන ලබන සේවය අද ඔබටත් රටටත් ආශිර්වාදයක් වී තිබෙනවා.

ඒ නිසා ඔබගේ සේවයේ වටිනාකම ඉදිරියේදී තව තවත් වැඩි වෙනවා. වසංගත තත්ත්වයකදී පමණක් නෙවෙයි, විවිධ රෝගවලට මුහුණපාන රෝගීන් සුවපත් කිරීමට ඔබගේ දායකත්වය ඉතා වැදගත්. විශේෂයෙන් බෝ නොවන රෝගවලින් පීඩා විදින රෝගීන් සුවපත් කිරීමටත් ඔබ අවබෝධයෙන් කටයුතු කළ යුතුයි.

හෙද පුහුණුව උපාධිය දක්වා යන වැඩපිළිවෙළ මේ රජය යටතේ දැනටමත්  අප සැළසුම් කර අවසන්. ඒ අනුව වසර තුනක ඩිප්ලෝමාව වසර හතරක උපාධියක් දක්වා උසස් කිරීමට අප රජය බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා. එසේම ඉංග්‍රීසි දැනුම වර්ධනය කිරීම සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර ප්‍රමිතීන්ට අනුව විදෙස් රටවල පවා සේවය කිරීමට ඉඩ සලසන හෙද පුහුණු ක්‍රමවේදයක් අප සකස් කරනවා. ඔබටත් එහි කොටස්කරුවන් වීමේ  භාග්‍ය උදා වෙනවා.

එපමණක් නොවෙයි රට පුරා විසිර තිබෙන හෙද පුහුණු පාසල්වල යටිතල පහසුකම් වර්ධනය  කිරීමට අප පියවර ගන්නවා.  විශේෂයෙන් හෙද විදුහල් තුළ පවතින විද්‍යාගාර, ගොඩනැඟිලි හා නේවාසිකාගාර පහසුකම්වල පවතින අඩුපාඩු  ඉදිරියේදී මඟහරවා දීමට අප  කටයුතු කරනවා . මේ සියල්ල ඔස්සේ රජයේ බලාපොරොත්තුව නිදහස් සෞඛ්‍ය සේවය ආරක්ෂා කිරීමයි.

ඔබ මේ පුහුණුවෙන් පසු ගෞරවනීය හෙද සේවාවේ සාමාජිකයෙකු වූ දාට ඔබට මහත් අභිමානයක් ඇති වේවි.

රටක් වෙනුවෙන් ඔබ කරන සේවයට අප සැමදා ණය ගැතියි . අද ඔබ හිස මත පළදන හිස්වැසුම ගෞරවනීය හෙද සේවයක ආරම්භය යැයි  සිතා කටයුතු කරන්න.

මෙම අවස්ථාවට රාජ්‍ය සේවා එක්සත් හෙද සංගමයේ සභාපති, බස්නාහිර පළාත් ප්‍රධාන සංඝනායක, නාරාහේන්පිට අභයාරාමාධිපති මුරුත්තෙට්ටුවේ ආනන්ද හිමි, සෞඛ්‍ය ඇමතිනි පවිත්‍රා වන්නිආරච්චි මහත්මිය, රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය ලොහාන් රත්වත්තේ මහතා, සෞඛ්‍ය අමාත්‍යංශයේ ලේකම් මේජර් ජනරාල්  වෛද්‍ය එස්. එච්. මුණසිංහ මහතා, කොළඹ හෙද විදුහලේ විදුහල්පතිනි ඒ. ඩබ්ලිව්. එස්. ඩබ්ලිවි. පියසේන මහත්මිය ඇතුළු හෙද හෙදියන් සහ ඔවුන්ගේ දෙමාපියන් රැසක් එක්ව සිටියහ.

පර්යේෂණ ආයතනයකින් රටකට ලබාදෙන ආර්ථික හා සමාජමය සේවය මිල කල නොහැකියි – රාජ්‍ය ඇමතිනී විශේෂඥ වෛද්‍ය සීතා අරඹේපොල –

September 11th, 2020

මාධ්‍ය ඒකකය නිපුණතා සංවර්ධන, වෘත්තීය අධ්‍යාපන, පර්යේෂණ හා නව නිපැයුම් රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යාංශය.  

පර්යේෂණ ආයතනයකින් රටකට ලබාදෙන ආර්ථික හා සමාජමය සේවය මිල කල නොහැකි බව  නිපුණතා සංවර්ධන, වෘත්තීය අධ්‍යාපන, පර්යේෂණ හා නව නිපැයුම් රාජ්‍ය ඇමති විශේෂඥ වෛද්‍ය සීතා අරඹේපොල මහත්මිය පැවසුවාය.  අද දින (11) නැනෝ තාක්ෂණ විශිෂ්ටත්වයේ කේන්ද්‍රය, ශ්‍රී ලංකා නැනෝ තාක්ෂණ ආයතනයේ (ස්ලින්ටෙක් ආයතනයේ) නිරීක්ෂණ චාරිකාවකට එක් වෙමින් අමාත්‍යවරිය මේ බව ප්‍රකාශ කළාය.

ශ්‍රී  ලංකාවේ  ආර්ථික  සංවර්ධනය  ඉහළ  නැංවීමේ  කාර්යයේ දී  සුවිශේෂී දායකත්වයක් ලබාදීමේ  හැකියාව ඇති ශ්‍රී ලංකා නැනෝ තාක්ෂණ ආයතනය මේ වන විටත් අපේ ස්වභාවික සම්පත් වලට අගය එකතු කිරීම සඳහා වූ නව සොයාගැනීම් රාශියක් සිදුකර ඇත. , තවත් වැදගත් පර්යේෂණ ගණනාවක් සිදුකෙරෙමින් පවතී.  ආයතනයේ පර්යේෂණ කාර්යයන් තවත් පුළුල් කරමින් දේශීය සහ විදේශීය ආයතන සමඟ වාණිජ වශයෙන් සම්බන්ධතා ගොඩනගා ගැනීමේ වැදගත්කම මෙහිදී පෙන්වා දුන් අමාත්‍යවරිය, ඉදිරියේ දී ඒ සඳහා අවශ්‍ය සහයෝගය ලබා දෙන බව පැවසුවා ය.

 එහි දී වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දක්වමින් ඇය මෙසේ ද පැවසුවා ය.

“පර්යේෂණ ආයතනයකින් රටකට ලබාදෙන ආර්ථික හා සමාජමය සේවය මිල කල නොහැකියි. අනාගත පරපුරට තිරසාර රටක් නිර්මාණය කිරීමේ අඩිතාලම දැමිය හැක්කේ පර්යේෂණ ආයතනයකටයි. රටක් ඉදිරියට යාමට අදහස් කරන්නේ නම් පර්යේෂණ ආයතනයකට අගයක්, මිලක් තීරණය නොකළ යුතුයි.  පර්යේෂණ ආයතනයක් තුළින් ගොඩනැගෙන දැනුම ජාතියට දායාද කළ යුතුයි. ඒ දායාද කිරීමෙන් නොනැවතී එම දැනුම අපේ ආර්ථිකය ඉහල තලයකට ගෙන ඒමට, විදේශ විනිමය ඉපයීමට මෙන්ම රටේ මුදල් විදේශ වලට ගලායාම වැළැක්වීමට  අඛණ්ඩව යොදාගත යුතුයි. එම දැනුම අවශ්‍ය වන විවිධ අංශවලට වැඩදායී වන ලෙස විවිධ ආයතන සමග හුවමාරු කරගැනීම ඉතා වැදගත් වෙනවා. එය ජාතික වගකීමක් වෙනවා. ඒ සඳහා රාජ්‍ය අනුග්‍රහය ඉතා වැදගත් වෙනවා.මේ කරුණු ඉටු කිරීම සඳහා ඉදිරියේ දී රාජ්‍ය අනුග්‍රහය ලබා ගනිමින් නායකත්වය ලබා දීමට මම සූදානම්. අපේ පර්යේෂණ ආයතන සහ ජනතාව අතර සමීප බව ගොඩ නැගිය යුතුයි. ඒ සමීප බව තුළින් එම ආයතන තුළ සිදුවන දේ පිළිබඳවත් ඒතුළින් ලබාගත හැකි සේවාවන් පිළිබඳවත් දැනුවත් වීම ඵළදායී වෙනවා.”

“මේ දිනවල අප මුහුණ දී සිටින බැරෑරුම් ගැටළුවක් වන  මුහුදු ජලයට තෙල් කාන්දු වීමේ අවදානම වැනි පාරිසරික අවදානම්  තත්වයක දී එම තෙල් කොටස් ආරක්ෂිතව වෙන් කරගැනීම සම්බන්ධව  SLINTEC ආයතනය කාලයක පටන් පර්යේෂණ සිදුකර තිබේ. ලංකාවේ අමුද්‍රව්‍ය වලින් නිර්මාණය කරගන්නා ග්‍රැෆීන් යොදා ගනිමින් මුහුදු ජලයේ ඇති තෙල් ඉක්මනින් සහ කාර්යක්ෂම ලෙස ඉවත් කර ගැනීම පිළිබඳව සිදු කර ඇති ඇති සාර්ථක පර්යේෂණ දැනුම යම් හදිසි අවස්ථාවක දී ප්‍රායෝගිකව අත්හදා බැලීමට සූදානමින් සිටිනවා.

Wigneswaran’s tribal perspectives in perspective

September 11th, 2020

By Rohana R. Wasala 

The feature article: ‘False historical perspectives of Wigneswaran’ jointly written by Rienzie and Kusum Wijetilleke (The Island/September 4, 2020) provided the cue for the following positive  response. The Wijetillekes’ article makes interesting reading, though Wigneswaran’s tribal perspectives are hardly worth talking about except for the danger of their acquiring a false validity due to halo effect (for, after all, Wigneswaran is a retired supreme court judge). 

His attempt to falsify the long history of the country of the Sinhalese (the unrecorded part of it is much longer than the recorded part, as being scientifically established at present) is like trying to chip off a splinter  from the Sigiriya rock with his bare head.  Be that as it may, the more recent post-independence history of our country is more relevant to the topic, I think. The young people today may or may not know that, before our country was made a republic by their heroic parents and grandparents in 1972, our country had been officially regarded as a ‘dominion’ (i.e. ‘a semi-independent state’ under the British Crown) since 1948, the year of independence. So it was a monarchy until then, under the British monarch, locally represented by an appointed official called ‘the governor general’. In terms of the 1972 Republican Constitution, the last was replaced by a figurehead president. A few years later, the currently operative 1978 Constitution created the post of executive president. But the official naming of the country as ‘Sri Lanka’ in 1972 was a shortsighted, though significant, change introduced as a novelty. The people were heroic; but the leaders were not wise enough to retain the traditional name/s of the island, which were the formal ‘Lanka’ or the informal ‘Lankawa’ (for the Sinhalese majority, and its Tamil version ‘Ilankei’ for the Tamil speaking minorities) and ‘Ceylon’ for foreigners and the English speaking local elite. The important point is that ‘Ceylon’ was a derivation from ‘Sinhale’ (the Land of the Sinhalese), which had been the historic name of the country from time immemorial until 1815. The  interior part of the island which had remained independent of the British known as the Kandyan Kingdom was still called ‘Sinhale’, while the surrounding littoral part under British imperial occupation was identified as ‘Ceylon’, which means that, actually, the whole island was a single entity known as Sinhale/Ceylon. 

In their opening paragraph, the writers express the view that  ‘Archbishop Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith’s recent comments regarding racial and religious politics were most timely. In a climate where religious leaders seek to become political leaders, to hear the Archbishop state so unequivocally that religion and language should not be the basis for a political party is at least mildly reassuring’. OK. But why only ‘at least mildly reassuring’? From my point of  view, the Archbishop, to whom divisive politics is abhorrent, which he avoids like the plague, is putting his finger on what is ailing the Sri Lankan body politic today: racial and religious politics, and we know what the parties are that depend on the same.

But the writers seem to have mixed up or equated with each other the extremists following racial and religious politics and whom they call ‘religious leaders seek (ing) to become political leaders’ (by which they probably mean the three monks who are currently engaged in an unseemly struggle over a national list seat in parliament won by a certain political party or all monks including the three, who have been agitating against a number of longstanding issues affecting the majority community, the Buddhist establishment, and the unitary status of Sri Lanka, which are aspects of a single entity, but whose approach is apolitical.

 If the writers mean by ‘a climate where religious leaders seek to become political leaders’.  the handful of vocal Buddhist monks who are raising a voice for rescuing the country from the aforementioned anomalies and from what the Archbishop himself is denouncing (pretty much the same as the issues that the former are raising), they need to correct their terminology. These monks cannot be identified as ‘religious’ leaders among Buddhists. The Buddhists’ religious leaders are the Nayake and Maha Nayake monks who are on par with the Archbishop. The activist monks feel obliged to do what they are doing because the Maha Nayakes are not seen (as clearly as the Archbishop for some reason) to be doing for the Buddhists what the Archbishop is doing for the Catholics. (The Archbishop is trying to ensure that the government fulfill its obligations to the Catholics for whom he is responsible as their ordained leader, without stooping to politics; but we know that his concern is for the welfare of all Sri Lankans without discrimination. Buddhists also felt protected under his moral leadership in the critical aftermath of the April 21 bombings, because he had won their trust as he had already repeatedly stressed the vital importance of preserving the age-old Buddhist religious cultural heritage our country). The monk-politician-centred episode that is being currently staged should be regarded as the last flicker of the culturally embarrassing Buddhist-monks-in-parliament politics novelty introduced in 2004, which hardly survived the few years of its experimental stage. 

Talking about racial politics, the enduring nationalism that the first prime minister (of post-colonial, at least nominally independent, Sri Lanka) D.S. Senanayake championed was Ceylonese nationalism. That’s why, asked by the Soulbury Commissioners how many Tamils he wanted to have in his cabinet, he replied without hesitation, as H.A.J. Hulugalla, his biographer recorded, ‘I don’t mind the number if they act as Ceylonese’, a non-racist attitude that is still alive among the vast majority of the majority Sinhalese community, although it is not acknowledged by the few real racists among the minority political leaders. Whie D.S. Senanayake and other Sinhalese leaders were committed to non-communal nationalism, the racists among Tamil leaders opposed them. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike left the UNP to form his own party because he found that the trust that his and party’s leader D.S. placed in the treacherous Tamil leaders was not being reciprocated by them. Bandaranaike understood that his boss’s expectation that they’d come round to accept his kind of Ceylonese nationalism was not going to be fulfilled. Because of this fact I see no justification for the writers’ apparent treatment of Sinhalese and Tamil leaders of the time as equally guilty of racist prejudice.

Bandaranaike was not wrong to speak in terms of the following in the then prevailing circumstances in mid-1950s, as quoted in the Wijetillekes’ article: “… the fears of the Sinhalese, I do not think can be brushed aside as completely frivolous. I believe there are a not inconsiderable number of Tamils in this country out of a population of 8 million. Then there are 40-50 million Tamil people in the adjoining country. What about all this Tamil literature, Tamil teachers, even films, papers and magazines?… I do not think there is an unjustified fear of the inexorable shrinking of the Sinhala language. It is a fear that cannot be brushed aside”

Maybe there were only 40-50 million Tamils in India (Tamil Nadu) then. But today, there are over 72 million there, and a few more millions of diasporic Tamils scattered across the globe. And some ethnic Tamils, not necessarily of Sri Lankan origin, occupy powerful positions in international bodies who can exert adverse influence on Sri Lanka if they wish, though this is unlikely as they are also originally from similar non-violent peaceful cultural backgrounds. However, if unreasonable viewpoints are promoted among them against the beleaguered global minority  that the Sinhalese are, it will be nothing short of  something genocidal, because Sri Lankans are engulfed in much more dire circumstances than in the 1950s being constantly threatened by potential exigencies that could become reality in the boiling geopolitical cauldron that is fast emerging in our region.

It is the sort of  nationalism that DS believed in that inspires today’s nationalists. Recently, some bogus critics of the founder of the UNP have started promulgating the misconception that the word ‘national’ in the name ‘United National Party’ was divisive because it was an erroneous recognition of the alleged presence of a plurality of ‘nations’ (based on race, religion, etc.) in Sri Lanka. Nothing could further from the truth. This sort of thing is nothing but false propaganda spread by the few separatist racists there are and their misguided sympathisers. The UNP has been decimated in terms of parliamentary representation, but that is due to the inefficiency and lack of love for the country on the part of its ageing, narrowly self-seeking leaders. This affords a good chance for a vibrant young leadership to emerge who can bring the divided party together, ousting the current squabbling, leadership qualities lacking leaders, and forge it into a strong oppositional force that can work both with as well as against the SLPP government while it lasts to make Sri Lanka the kind of prosperous stable country that the traditional Guardians of the Nation, the Maha Sangha, are determined help forge, with the cooperation of our other spiritual leaders like the Archbishop.  This is an urgent need of the hour. SLMC leader Hakeem’s call at the Easter bombing inquiry for a separate administrative unit for Tamil speaking Muslims in a part of the eastern province provides food for thought. Are purveyors of racial and religious politics seeking cooperation or confrontation?

.His Eminence Malcom Cardinal Ranjith  urged the authorities a few days ago at an annual religious service held at the Tewatta National Basilica Church at Ragama to expose and punish, without any further delay or vacillation, the evil extremist forces and their agents who were actually behind the April 21 attacks that left 269 innocent persons killed and over 120 permanently disabled; who provided the perpetrators of those crimes financial and logistical support?, he demanded to know. He was unequivocal in condemning religious extremists who believed in killing adherents of other faiths to affirm their faith in their own god. The Cardinal wanted the responsible persons at the highest level under the previous administration, not only the politicians but also the officials, to be dealt with according to the law for failing to prevent, at least in the name of humanity, those heinous crimes, even though they had been previously warned many times by intelligence agencies;  and his incidental but no less urgent call for a ban on political parties based on religion and language, still reverberates in our ears. For so boldly expressing his personal conviction regarding the subject, the Archbishop has already earned the deep respect and gratitude not only of Sri Lankan Catholics but also of ordinary Sri Lankans of other faiths as well, including the majority Buddhists, who are helpless victims of the oppressive trends set in motion by the policies of such parties and the sectarian religious movements behind them. 

The Archbishop’s call needs to be heeded by  the leaders of the present administration who have been democratically elected by the pan-Sri Lankan electorate with overwhelming majorities to rescue the country from, among other things, the undue pressures exerted on parliamentary decision-making by parties based on race and religion, which enjoyed their heyday during the Yahapalanaya, taking cover behind bogus reconciliation politics imposed on the country by external interventionist forces. However, this does not mean that the opposition must step aside and look on passively, leaving everything to be accomplished by the government.
The most recent triumph of nationalism that the patriotic people have achieved (in November 2019, and August 2020) under the SLPP transcends, in its reach, promise and potential, all the previous watershed moments arrived at in 1956, 1972, and 2009, which, unfortunately, were reversed by racists. The same reversal should not be allowed to happen this time. It should not be forgotten that, without the selfless exertions of the Buddhist monk activists, the nationalist triumph would never have been possible. The united Maha Sangha will remain the anchor sheet and guarantor of the wholesome unitary state of Sri Lanka. But that historic role of the monks is intrinsically non-political, and eminently compatible with the principles of modern secular democracy. The Maha Sangha have been the Guardians of the Nation without a break (even during periods of foreign invasion) ever since the official establishment of Buddha Sasana in the island by Arhant Mahinda Thera twenty-three centuries ago.

ඇමරිකානු සාහිත්‍යයේ කේන්ද්‍රීය චරිතය – එඩ්ගර් ඇලන් පෝ

September 11th, 2020

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග 

ඇමරිකානු ලේඛකයෙකු, කවියෙකු, සංස්කාරකයෙකු සහ සාහිත්‍ය විචාරකයෙකු වන එඩ්ගර් ඇලන් පෝ  ඇමරිකානු සාහිත්‍යයේ රොමෑන්ටිකවාදයේ කේන්ද්‍රීය චරිතයක් ලෙස සැලකේ. ඔහුගේ පරිකල්පනීය කතන්දර හා අභිරහස හා භීෂණය පිළිබඳ කතා නූතන රහස් පරීක්ෂක කතාවට උපත ලබා දුන්නේය. ඔහු සාහිත්‍ය කෘතියක ශෛලිය හා ව්‍යුහයේ බලපෑම කෙරෙහි මූලික වශයෙන් අවධානය යොමු කළ පළමු විචාරකයින්ගෙන් කෙනෙකි.  ඔහු ඇමරිකාවේ පළමු ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ සාහිත්‍ය විචාරකයා සහ න්‍යායාචාර්‍යවරයා ලෙස අද දිනයේ සැලකේ.

එඩ්ගර් ඇලන් පෝ 1809 ජනවාරි 19 වන දින මැසචුසෙට්ස් හි බොස්ටන්හි උපත ලැබීය. ඔහුගේ පියා 1810 දී පවුල අතහැර ගිය අතර ඊළඟ වසරේදී ඔහුගේ මව මිය ගියේය. පෝ කිසි විටෙකත් ඔහුගේ දෙමව්පියන් දැන සිටියේ නැත. සමෘද්ධිමත් දුම්කොළ අපනයනකරුවෙකු වන ජෝන්  ඇලන් ඔහුව ඇති දැඩි කරන ලදි. එහෙත් ජෝන්  ඇලන් ඔහුව නීත්‍යානුකූලව හදා වඩා ගත්තේ නැත. ජෝන්  ඇලන් ඔහුව විධිමත් ලෙස පිළිගත්තේද නැත. දරුවා සමඟ බැඳී සිටියේ ජෝන්  ඇලන් ගේ බිරිඳ වූ  ෆ්‍රැන්සිස් ය. 1815 දී ජෝන්  ඇලන්  ඔහුව එංගලන්තයට සහ ස්කොට්ලන්තයට ගෙන ගියේය. එහිදී ජෝන් ඇලන් සිය දුම්කොළ ව්‍යාපාරය පුළුල් කිරීමට සැලසුම් කල අතර ව්‍යාපාර කටයුතු අසාර්ථක වීමෙන් පසු, ඔහු 1820 දී  නැවත වර්ජිනියාවේ රිච්මන්ඩ් වෙත ආවේය.
පෝ වර්ජිනියා විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයට ඇතුළත් වූ නමුත් මුදල් නොමැතිකම හේතුවෙන් වසරකට පසු පිටව ගියේය. වයස අවුරුදු 18 දී තරුණ පෝ එක්සත් ජනපද හමුදාවට බැඳුණි.  එහෙත් ඔහු වැඩි කාලයක් හමුදාවේ සිටියේ නැත. තම කැපකරු පියා වූ වූ ජෝන්  ඇලන් සමග ඇති වූ ආරවුලෙන් ටික කලකට පසු එඩ්ගර් ඇලන් පෝ රිච්මන්ඩ් සිට බොස්ටන් බලා පිටත් වූ අතර එහිදී ඔහු සාහිත්‍ය වෘත්තියක් කිරීමට බලාපොරොත්තු විය. 1829 දී  ඔහුට ඇල්මෙන් සැලකූ ෆ්‍රැන්සිස් ඇලන් මහත්මිය මිය ගියාය. ඇයගේ මරණය ඔහුට තදින්ම දැනුනේය.  

මුදල් හිඟකම නිසා  ඔහු සඟරා වලට කෙටිකතා විකිණීමට පටන් ගත්තේය. ඔහු කෙටිකතා 30 කට අධික ප්‍රමාණයක් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කළ අතර ඔහුගේ කෘතීන් සඳහා ධනාත්මක විචාර ලැබීමට පටන් ගත්තේය. ලේඛකයෙකු ලෙස වෘත්තීය ජීවිතයක් ගත කිරීමට උත්සාහ කළ පළමු කතුවරයා ඔහු විය. ඔහුගේ ලේඛනවලට හොඳ ප්‍රතිචාරයක් ලැබුණද, පෝ මූල්‍යමය වශයෙන් අරගල කලේය.

එඩ්ගර් ඇලන් පෝගේ සාහිත්‍ය ජීවිතය ආරම්භ වූයේ කවි වලින් වන අතර එහිදී ඔහු බොහෝ ලේඛකයින්ට බලපෑම් කළේය. ඔහු තමා කවියෙකු ලෙස සැලකූ අතර ඔහුගේ බොහෝ කවි ඇමරිකානු සංස්කෘතියට සෘජුවම බලපා ඇත. පෝ හට ජෝන් කීට්ස්, පර්සි බයිෂේ ෂෙලි සහ සැමුවෙල් ටේලර් කොලරිජ්ගේ බලපෑම තිබුනේය. ඔහු ටෙනිසන්ගේ ස්වාභාවික ගීත රචනය අගය කළේය.   කලා කෘතියක් මගින් නිර්මාණය කරන ලද මනෝභාවය  ආත්මය උසස් කරන අතර එය අධ්‍යාත්මික අත්දැකීමක් බව ඔහු කීවේය.    
1827 දී ඔහු තරුණ බයිරොනික් කවි, ටැමර්ලේන් සහ වෙනත් කවි පත්‍රිකාවක් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කළේය.  ටැමර්ලේන් කවියේ කථකයා වන්නේ  තිමූර් ( ටැමර්ලේන් ) ය. ටැමර්ලේන් තම උපන් ගමට නැවත පැමිණීම ගැනත් ඔහුගේ සුන්දර ළමා සොඳුරිය දැන් මියගොස් ඇති බව දැනගත් විට ඇති වූ කලකිරීම ගැනත් කවියා පවසයි. එය මහා රණශූරයෙකුගේ කනගාටුව පිළිබඳ කාව්‍යයකි.

ඔහුගේ එල්ඩෝරාඩෝ”කාව්‍යය ය මරණයේ ස්වභාවය සහ මරණින් මතු ජීවිතය පිළිබඳ කථිකාවකි. ඔහුගේ “The Raven” කවිය කපුටාව බුද්ධිමත් හා අද්භූත පණිවිඩකරුවෙකු ලෙස සලකයි. කුණාටු රාත්‍රියක කපුටෙකු හුදකලාවෙන් ජීවත් වන මිනිසෙකුගේ කාමරයට එයි. හුදකලා මිනිසා තම මියගිය බිරිඳ වන ලෙනෝර් ගැන වැලපෙයි. ඔහු මියගිය   බිරිඳ ගැන ශෝකයෙන් කපුටා ගෙන්  ප්‍රශ්න ඇසීමට පටන් ගනී. සෑම ප්‍රශ්නයකින්ම ඔහුට ලැබෙන්නේ එකම ප්‍රතිචාරයකි.  ඔහු විශ්වාස කරන්නේ කපුටා    පුහුණු කර ඇත්තේ එක වචනයක් පමණක් පැවසීමට බවය. ඔහු කපුටාව නපුරු අනාගතවක්තෘවරයෙක් ලෙස හඳුන්වයි.  එහි ස්වර්ගය, නිරය සහ යක්ෂයා ගැන සඳහනක් ඇත. පෝ ගේ කවිය අඳුරු ආදර සම්භාව්‍යයක් ලෙස හැඳින්විය හැකිය.  

ඇලන් පෝ  ගේ කවි ආදරය පිලිබඳව මෙන්ම හුදකලාව සහ අභ්‍යන්තර වධහිංසා පිළිබඳ හැඟීම් ප්‍රකාශ කරයි. ඔහුගේ ආදර  කවි බොහෝ විට පරමාදර්ශී කාන්තා ආදර වස්තුවක් අහිමි වීමේ භයානක භීතියට සම්බන්ධ වෙයි . මෙම තේමාව පැන නැගී ඇත්තේ පෝගේ මවගේ මුල් වියෝව ගැන ඇති වූ ශෝකයෙන් වන අතර, පසුව   ඔහුගේ හදා වඩා ගත් මව  වූ  ෆ්‍රැන්සිස් ඇලන් ගේ මරණය නිසා ඇතිවූ වියෝග කාන්සාවෙනි.  ඔහුගේ “Alone” කවිය පෝගේ තාරුණ්‍යය පිළිබඳ ස්වයං විචාරයකි. ඔහුගේ කාව්‍ය 19 වන සියවසේ අවසාන දශකවල ප්‍රංශ සංකේතවාදී කවියන්ට බලපෑමක් ඇති කළේය. ප්‍රංශ කවියෙකු වන චාල්ස් බවුඩ්ලෙයාර් පෝ ගේ කාව්‍ය අගය කලේය.

එඩ්ගර් ඇලන් පෝ කෙටි කතා පිලිබඳ ප්‍රවීණයෙකු විය.  කෙටිකතාව කෙරෙහි අවධානය යොමු කළ මුල්ම ඇමරිකානු ලේඛකයන්ගෙන් කෙනෙකු ලෙස පෝ ව නම් කල හැක. නූතන කෙටිකතාවේ ” නිර්මාණ ශිල්පියා” ලෙස ඔහු කීර්තිය ලබා තිබේ. ඔහුගේ කෙටි කතා කණ්ඩායම් තුනකට බෙදිය හැකිය එනම් භීෂණ කතා , සුන්දරත්වයේ කතා  සහ රහස් පරීක්ෂක කතා  ලෙසය. ඔහුගේ කෙටිකතා බොහෝමයක් මරණය හා මරණින් මතු ජීවිතය පිළිබඳ සිතුවිලි පිළිබිඹු කරයි. 

ඔහුගේ The Tell-Tale Heart”  කෙටි කතාව එය මහලු මිනිසෙකුගේ ඝාතනය සහ ඔහුගේ සිරුර වළලනු ලැබීම පිළිබඳ භයානක කතාවකි. මිනීමරුවා නිර්දය ලෙස මහලු මිනිසාව මරා දමයි. මහල්ලාගේ නිල් පැහැති උකුසු දෙනෙත් පිය වන තෙක් ඔහු මහල්ලාව වධයට ලක් කොට ඝාතනය කරයි.  ඝාතනයෙන් පසුව මිනීමරුවාගේ සිහිබුද්ධිය නැති වී යයි. වළ දැමූ මහලු මිනිසාගේ හදවත තවමත් ස්පන්දනය වන බව ඝාතකයා විශ්වාස කරන අතර ස්පන්දනය වන හඞ ඔහුට ඇසෙයි. එම හඞ ඔහුව භීතියට පත් කරවයි. ඔහු එම හඞ පොලිස් නිලධාරීන්ට ඇසේදෝ කියා බිය වෙයි. ශ්‍රවණ මායාව නිසා ඔහු අවසානයේදී  අපරාධය පිලිබඳව පාපෝච්චාරණය කරයි. මෙම කෙටිකතාව ගොතික් ප්‍රබන්ධ ප්‍රභේදයේ සම්භාව්‍යයක් ලෙස සලකනු ලබන අතර එය පෝගේ හොඳම කෙටිකතාවකි. මෙම කෙටිකතාව සඳහා කතාව සඳහා පෝට ඩොලර් 10 ක් ගෙවනු ලැබීය.

The Pit and the Pendulumයනු 1842 දී පෝ විසින් සම්පාදනය කරන ලද තවත් කෙටිකතාවකි. එය වධහිංසාවට ලක්වූ තරුණ සිරකරුවෙකුගේ කතාවකි. මෙම කථාවේදී, පෝ විසින් මරණීය දණ්ඩනය පිළිබඳ භයානක චිත්‍රයක් ඉදිරිපත් කරයි.  සිරකරුවා තම සොහොන යැයි සිතන  ටොලිඩෝ හි අඳුරු බන්ධනාගාරයක සිර කර ඇත.  ටොලිඩෝ සිරගෙය විමර්ශන සිරකරුවන්ට සිදුවන බිහිසුණු මරණවලට ප්‍රසිද්ධය.  නිරපේක්‍ෂ අන්ධකාරයේ භීෂණය, පතුලක් නැති වළකට වැටෙනු ඇතැයි යන බිය සහ අසරණභාවයේ භීතිකාව සිරකරුවා පෙළයි.  ඔහුව සම් පටියකින් ලී රාමුවකට බැඳ ඇති අතර ඔහුට හිස සහ වම් අත පමණක් චලනය කල හැකිය. ඔහුගේ ශරීරය මතින් සිය ගනනක් වූ මීයන් ගමන් කරති.   ඔහුට ඉහළින් තියුණු තළයක් ඇති පෙන්ඩියුලමක් ඔහු වෙත සෙමෙන් සෙමෙන් ලඟා වෙමින් පවතියි. කාලය සහ මරණය එකිනෙකා සමඟ සමීපව බැඳී ඇති බව ඉන් පෙන්වයි. සිරකරුවාගේ  හදවතට පෙන්ඩුලම් තලය බැසයාම පිළිබඳ පෝගේ විස්තරය අතිශයින්ම භයංකරය. සිරකරුවා තම බැඳීම් වලින් මිදීමට සමත් වූ නමුත් සිර ගෙදර ගල් බිත්ති වැසී ඇති බව දැක බියට පත් වේ. සිරකරුවා මීයන් පිරුණු අඳුරු කොටුවක සිරගතවී සිටින අතර අවසානයේදී ප්‍රංශ ජෙනරාල් ලසාලේ-   නැපෝලියන්ගේ ජෙනරාල්වරයා විසින් ඔහුව බේරා ගනියි. ප්‍රංශ හමුදාව ටොලිඩෝව අල්ලාගෙන ඇති බව ඔහු තේරුම් ගනී. කෙටි කතාවේ තේමාවන් අතර මරණය හා අද්භූත දේ කෙරෙහි ඇති ඇල්ම, භීතියේ ස්වභාවය, ජීවිතය සහ මරණය අතර ඇති සියුම් රේඛාව ඇතුළත් වේ.

පෝ ගේ The Masque of the Red Death කෙටිකතාව මරණයෙන් බේරීමට මිනිසාට ඇති නොහැකියාව පිළිබඳ සදාචාරාත්මක පාඩම පිළිබඳ කථාවකි. ප්‍රොස්පෙරෝ කුමරුගේ රාජධානිය වසංගතයෙන් විනාශ වෙමින් පවතින අතර එය ඇදහිය නොහැකි තරම් මාරාන්තික හා බිහිසුණු ය. එහි ප්‍රතිඑලයක් ලෙස ජනගහනයෙන් අඩක් මිය යයි. කිසිම වසංගතයක් මෙතරම් මාරාන්තික හෝ පිළිකුල් සහගත නොවීය. රුධිරය එහි අවතාරය සහ එහි මුද්‍රාවයි.  රෝගය වළක්වා ගැනීම සඳහා ප්‍රොස්පෙරෝ කුමරු සාදයක් සංවිධානය කොට දේශයේ වංශවතුන් හා වංශවත් කාන්තාවන් මාලිගාවට කැඳවයි. ප්‍රොස්පෙරෝ කුමරු ඔහුගේ නිරෝගී උදාර මිතුරන් දහස් ගණනකට ආරාධනා කරන්නේ රෝගයෙන් සැඟවී සිටින ලෙසට ඔහු සමඟ එක්වන ලෙසයි. කිසිදා නිම නොවන සාදයක් පැවැත්වීමට ප්‍රොස්පෙරෝ කුමරු අදහස් කරයි. ඔහු ජීවත්වීමට අවශ්‍ය තරම් ආහාර තොගයක් ගබඩා කර ඇති අතර මාලිගාව තුල සාද පවත්වමින් විනෝද වෙයි. 

ඔහුගේ දුප්පත් යටත්වැසියන් රෝගාතුර වී විනාශ වන අතර, ප්‍රොස්පෙරෝ සහ ප්‍රභූවරු මාලිගාවේ සුරක්ශිතව සිටිති. ඔවුන් සන්තෝශයෙන් බාල් නටති. මේ අතර රතු මරණයට ගොදුරු වූ මළකඳකට සමාන ඇඳුමින් සැරසී ආරාධිත අමුත්තෙක් පැමිණෙන විට  ප්‍රොස්පෙරෝ කුමරු සහ ප්‍රභූවරු භීතියට පත්වේ. කුමරුගේ රාජ සභිකයන් වෙස්මුහුණු ආක්‍රමණිකයා වෙත ගිය නමුත්  බිය නිසා ඔවුන් ආගන්තුකයා අල්ලා ගත්තේ නැත. රූපය සෙමෙන් ප්‍රොස්පෙරෝ දෙසට ගමන් කිරීමට පටන් ගනී.  රාජ පුරුෂයන් ඔහුව අල්ලා ගැනීමට බිය වෙති. වෙස්මුහුණ තුළ මිනිසෙකු නොමැති නමුත් එය සැබෑ රතු මරණයයි. සාදය අවසන් වන්නේ කුමරු ඇතුළු සියලු දෙනාට වසංගතයෙන් මිය යාමෙනි.  
මෙම කෙටිකතාව හරහා පෝ මිනිසාගේ මනසෙහි සංකීර්ණ අභ්‍යන්තර ක්‍රියාකාරකම් විශ්ලේෂණය කරයි. කෙටිකතාවේ ප්‍රධාන චරිතය  සමාජීය සම්මතයන්ට පටහැනි මිනිසෙකුගේ ගොතික් පරමාදර්ශයට විශිෂ්ට උදාහරණයකි.  යමෙකු සමාජයෙන් වෙන්ව හෝ දුරස්ව සිටියද, සියලු පුද්ගලයින් අවසානයේ එකම අවසානයකට පැමිනෙන බව කතුවරයා ඉඟි කරයි. පෝ විසින් කතාව පුරාම “රුධිරය” සහ “මරණය” යන වචන භාවිතා කරන අතරම භයානක නිරූපණයන් සහ බරපතල වාක්‍ය ඛණ්ඩ ඇතුළත් වේ. 
ප්‍රොස්පෙරෝ සහ මාලිගයේ සිටි  ප්‍රභූවරු සිතුවේ ඔවුන් මරණයට වඩා ඉහළින් සිටින නමුත්  අන්ධකාරය හා ක්ෂය වීම සහ රතු මරණය සියල්ලන්ටම වඩා ආධිපත්‍යය දැරීය. මෙයින් අවධාරණය වන්නේ මරණය සෑම කෙනෙකුටම පැමිණෙන බවත් මිනිසෙකු කුමාරයෙකු හෝ වංශාධිපතියෙකු හෝ දුප්පත් ගොවියෙකු දැයි ගණන් නොගන්නා බවත්ය.  “මාස්ක්” හි ප්‍රොස්පෙරෝ නිරූපණය කරන්නේ සෑම පුද්ගලයෙකු තුළම මරණයට ඇති බියයි. වෙනස වන්නේ ප්‍රොස්පෙරෝ තමාට මරණයෙන් වැළකී සිටිය හැකි යැයි සිතමින් සමාජයට හා ස්වාභාවික පිළිවෙලට විරුද්ධ වීමයි. ප්‍රොස්පෙරෝගේ ආකල්පය සහ හැසිරීම අවසානයේ ඔහු සහ ඔහුගේ සහචරයින් ඔවුන්ගේ  උපරිම උත්සාහයන් නොතකා, සියලු මිනිසුන් මරණයට සමාන බව ඔප්පු කරයි. සාහිත්‍යයේ වඩාත් ප්‍රචලිත ප්‍රොස්පෙරෝ යනු ෂේක්ස්පියර්ගේ The Tempest නාට්‍යයේ ඉන්ද්‍රජාලිකයා ය. ෂේක්ස්පියර්ගේ ඉන්ද්‍රජාලිකයා මෙන් පෝගේ  ප්‍රොස්පෙරෝ කුමරු  අවට සිටින්නවුන් පාලනය කිරීමට හා තමන්ගේ ලෝකය නිර්මාණය කර ගැනීමට උත්සුක වෙති.

මරණය නොවැළැක්විය හැකි යැයි යෝජනා කරන පෝ ගේ කෙටිකතාවක් වන The Facts in the Case of M. Valdemar ක්ෂය රෝගයෙන් පෙලෙන මරණාසන්න වූ වැල්ඩෙමර් නම් පුද්ගලයා පිලිබඳවය. මෝහනය යටතේ සිටින පුද්ගලයෙකුට මියයන විට කුමක් සිදුවේ දැයි  ” එම්. වැල්ඩෙමර්” ගේ කතාව පවසයි. ඔහුගේ මිතුරා මෝහනය මගින් වැල්ඩෙමර්” ගේ මරණය කල් දමා ගැනීමට උත්සහ දරයි. වැල්ඩෙමර් තම මිතුරාගේ යෝජිත අත්හදා බැලීම අත්හදා බැලීමට උනන්දු වන්නේ ඔහු මරණයට ඇති බිය නිසා බව පෙනෙන්නට තිබේ, නමුත් ඔහු සම්බන්ධයෙන් ගත් කල, මරණය කල් දැමීම හුදෙක් එහි අවසාන භාවය වැඩි කරයි. මෙම කෙටිකතාවට මෝහන තත්වය  යටතේ රෝගියෙකු සඳහා ශල්‍යකර්මයක් කළ වෛද්‍ය ඒ. සිඩ්නි ඩෝන්ගේ වාර්තාවෙන් පෝ ආභාෂය ලබා ගත් බව කියවේ. මරණ භීතිය පිළිබඳ පෝගේ සංවේදිවාදී ප්‍රවේශය මෙම කෙටිකතාව හෙළි කරයි. මෙම කථාවේදී,  ශරීරය හා ආත්මය අතර භේදයක පැවැත්මක් පෝ විසින් පෙන්නුම් කරයි. එඩ්ගර් ඇලන් පෝ ඔහුගේ කෙටිකතාවල සංකේතවාදය භාවිතා කල අතර  “වැල්ඩෙමර්” යන නම “මුහුදේ නිම්නය” ලෙස පරිවර්ථනය කළ හැක.  
රෝගියාගේ හුස්ම සහ හෘද ස්පන්දනය මන්දගාමී වන විට වෛද්‍යවරයා ඔහුව මෝහනය කරයි. මියයන මිනිසාට කිසිදු වේදනාවක් දැනෙන්නේ නැත. ඔහු වෛද්‍යවරයාගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටින්නේ ඔහුව අවදි නොකරන ලෙස නොව වේදනාවකින් තොරව මිය යාමට ඉඩ දෙන ලෙසයි. පසු දින රෝගියාගේ දෑස් ඉහළට පෙරළී, ඔහුගේ කම්මුල් වල පැහැය නැති වී, ඔහුගේ මුඛය විවෘත වේ. ඔහු මිය ගොස් ඇති බව පෙනෙන්නට තිබේ. කෙසේවෙතත්, ඔවුන් ඔහුව භූමදානය සඳහා සූදානම් කරද්දී වැල්ඩෙමර් ගේ දිව කම්පනය වීමට පටන් ගනියි.  මවිතයට පත් වෛද්‍යවරු මාස හතක් තිස්සේ රෝගියා එකම තත්වයේ තබති. 

මොන්සියර් වැල්ඩෙමර් මාස හතක්  ජීවතුන් අතර හෝ මිය ගොස් නොමැති තත්වයකට පත් වෙයි. අවසානයේදී, වෛද්‍යවරු ඔහුව අවදි කිරීමට එකඟ වෙති. ඔහුව අවදි කරන විට මළ සිරුර  පිළිකුල් සහගත  ද්‍රව ස්කන්ධයක් බවට පරිවර්තනය වෙයි. ශරීරය මත මනස පාලනය කිරීම පිළිබඳ විකාරරූපී නිරූපණයක් ලෙස වැල්ඩෙමර් ගේ කතාව කථාව  පෙන්වා දිය හැක. පෝ මෙම කෙටිකතාව ලියූ සමයේ  ඇමරිකාවේ සහ යුරෝපයේ මෝහනය එනම් මෙස්මරිසම්  ඉතා ජනප්‍රිය විය. ශල්‍ය නිර්වින්දනය සඳහා ක්ලෝරෝෆෝම් සඳහා විකල්පයක් ලෙස වෛද්‍යවරු එය අත්හදා බැලූහ.ඔස්ට්‍රියාවේ අධ්‍යාපනය ලැබූ ජර්මානු ජාතික ෆ්‍රාන්ස් ඇන්ටන් මෙස්මර් (1734-1815) මෙම ක්‍රමය යුරෝපය පුරා ප්‍රචලිත කලේය. ක්‍ෂය රෝගයෙන් වැල්ඩෙමර්ගේ මරණය සහ ඔහුගේ මරණය කල් දැමීමට ගත් උත්සාහයන් පෝගේ බිරිඳ වර්ජිනියාගේ අත්දැකීම් වලට බලපාන්නට ඇත.  කතාව ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරන විට ඇය අවුරුදු හතරක් තිස්සේ ක්‍ෂය රෝගයෙන් පෙළුණාය.
The Premature Burial මෙම කෙටිකතාව පදනම් වී ඇත්තේ පණපිටින් වළලනු ලැබීමේ සංකල්පය මත ය. දහනව වන ශතවර්‍ෂයේදී බටහිර සංස්කෘතිය තුළ භූමදානය පිළිබඳ භීතිය ගැඹුරින් මුල්බැස තිබූ අතර මිනිසුන් පණ පිටින් භූමිදානය කල අවස්ථා කීපයක්ද වාර්තා වී තිබුණි. නොමේරූ භූමදාන” හි කථකයා හිස් ජීවිතයක් ගත කරයි. ඔහු යථාර්ථය වළක්වා ඇත්තේ ඔහුගේ උත්ප්‍රේරණයෙන් පමණක් නොව, ඔහුගේ මනංකල්පිතයන් සහ මරණයට අසීමිත ලෙස බියක් දැක්වීමෙනි. කැටලෙප්සි තත්වයෙන් පෙලෙන ඔහු තමන්ව පණ පිටින් භූමිදානය කරනු ඇතැයි බියෙන් සිටියි.  Taphephobia හෙවත් පණපිටින් වළලනු ඇතැයි යන බිය නිසා ඔහු අධි කාංසාවෙන් පෙලෙයි. මෙය වලක්වා ගැනීම සඳහා, ඔහු තම නිවස තුල රැඳී සිටීමට අමතරව, තම පවුලේ සොහොන් ගෙය අලුත්වැඩියා කිරීම කොට එය ඇතුළත සිට විවෘත කිරීමට ඉඩ සලසයි. ඔහු සොහොන් ගෙය තුළ ආහාර සහ ජලය ඇතුළත් කරයි, යමෙකුට ඇතුළත හුස්ම ගැනීමට ප්‍රමාණවත් වාතාශ්‍ර කවුළුවක් සාදවයි. ඔහුගේ මිනී පෙට්ටිය සඳහා ආවරණයක් සාදා සොහොන් ගෙය මත සීනුවක් සවි කොට එහි ලනුව මිනී පෙට්ටියට ඇතුලත් කරයි. මේ ආකාරයෙන්,  යම් ලෙසකින් ඔහුව පණපිටින් වළලනු ලැබුවහොත්, ඔහු ජීවතුන් අතර සිටින බව පැවසීමට ඔහුට සීනුව නාද කළ හැකිය.  
වරක් දඩයම් චාරිකාවක යෙදී සිටියදී  වැස්සෙන් රැකවරණය පැතූ ඔහු  කුඩා බෝට්ටුවකට ගොඩ විය. වෙහෙස නිසා ඔහු  එම බෝට්ටුවේ නිදා ගත්තේය. නින්දේ සිටියදී ඔහු සිතන්නේ තමන් ව පණ පිටින් භූමිදානය කොට ඇති බවය. ඒ නිසා ඔහු භීතියෙන් මුසපත් වෙයි. එහෙත් ඔහු අවදි වන විට තමන් බෝට්ටුවක නිදාගෙන සිටින බව තේරුම් ගනී. එම අත්දැකීම හමුවේ ඔහුගේ මරණීය භීතිය ඔහු කෙරෙන් ඉවත් වෙයි. ඔහු තම භීතිකාවෙන් නිදහස් වෙයි. මෙම කෙටිකතාව විදහා දක්වන්නේ මරණයේ ව්‍යාධිය කෙරෙහි පෝගේ ඇල්මයි.
එඩ්ගර් ඇලන් පෝ විසින් රචිත   “The Fall of the House of Usher”  කෙටිකතාව 1839 දී  ජෙන්ටල්මන් සඟරාවේ පළ විය. මෙම කෙටිකතාවට ගොතික් ප්‍රබන්ධ ,  හුදකලාව සහ පාරභෞතික අනන්‍යතා යන තේමාවන් ඇතුළත් වේ. කතාව ආරම්භ වන්නේ නමක් සඳහන් නොකල කථකයා ඔහුගේ මිතුරා වන රොඩ්‍රික් උෂර්ගේ නිවසට පැමිණීමත් සමඟය. කථකයා උෂර්ගේ ශෝකජනක මන්දිරයට ළඟා වන්නේ සවස් කාලයේ වන අතර “නොඉවසිය හැකි අඳුරු හැඟීමක්” ඔහුගේ ආත්මය පුරා පැතිරෙයි. කථකයා පැමිණි පසු රොඩ්‍රික් තම පවුල පිළිබඳ තොරතුරු පවසයි.  රොඩ්‍රික් කියා සිටින්නේ උෂර් මන්දිරය සංවේදී බවත් එය එහි වැසියන් කෙරෙහි  පාලනයක් ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන බවත්ය. නිවසේ ජනේල “ඇසිපිය” හා නිවසේ ඇතුළත ජීවමාන “ශරීරයක්” බවට පත්ව ඇති අතර පිටත පාසි වලින් වැසී ඇත.  උෂර් මන්දිරය වේගයෙන් දිරාපත් වෙමින් පවතින බව පෙනෙන්නට තිබේ.  රොඩ්‍රික් උෂර් විශ්වාස කරන්නේ අජීවී විශ්වය “මනෝභාවයෙන්” පිරී ඇති බව සහ  මන්දිරය හුස්ම ගන්නා බවය
කථකයා පැමිණ දින කිහිපයකට පසු රොඩ්‍රික් ගේ නිවුන්  සහෝදරිය  මැඩ්ලින්ගේ මරණය සිදු වෙයි. රොඩ්‍රික් ඇයව භූමදාන කිරීමට උදව් කරන ලෙස කථකයාගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටී. ඔවුන් ඇයව නිවස යට සොහොන් ගෙයක තැන්පත් කරද්දී, ඇය සිනාසෙන බවත්, ඇගේ කම්මුල් රෝස පැහැයෙන් යුක්ත බවත් ආඛ්‍යානය සටහන් කරයි. ඊළඟ දින කිහිපය තුළ, කථකයා තම මිතුරාගේ හැසිරීමේ වෙනසක් නිරීක්ෂණය කරයි. රොඩ්‍රික්  උමතු   රෝග ලක්ෂණ පෙන්වීමට පටන් ගෙන තිබේ.  රොඩ්‍රික් හට දින ගණනාවක්  පුරා ශබ්ද ඇසෙන බව කියවෙන අතර ඔහු විශ්වාස කරන්නේ ඔවුන් පණපිටින් වළලා දමා ඇති බව සිතන ඔහුගේ සොහොයුරිය මැඩ්ලින්  පැමිණෙන බවයි.  ඒ සමගම මන්දිරයේ ප්‍රධාන ද්වාරය වන අතර, මැඩලීන් සුදු පැහැයෙන් සැරසී සිටින්නීය. ඇයගේ වස්ත්‍රයේ ලේ තැවරී තිබේ.කෙඳිරිගාමින් ඇය ඇගේ සහෝදරයා මතට වැටෙන අතර, ඔවුන් දෙදෙනාම බිම ඇද වැටෙති.  පසුව බලන විට රොඩ්‍රික් සහ මැඩ්ලින් දෙදෙනාම මියගොස් සිටිති. කථකයා භීතියෙන් පලා යයි. දිව යන ඔහු  නිවස දෙස ආපසු හැරී බලන විට නිවස දෙකට බෙදී කඩා වැටෙන ආකාරය දකියි.  
පෝ ගේ අද්භූත හා පාරභෞතික ලෝකවල භෞතික ප්‍රතිමූර්තිය මැඩ්ලින් උෂර් විය හැකිය. සොහොන් ගැබෙන් ඇයගේ පැමිණීම රොඩ්‍රික්ගේ වධහිංසා හා භීතියේ පුද්ගලාරෝපණයක් ලෙස විස්තර කෙරේ. මැඩ්ලින් සහ රොඩ්‍රික්  නවකතාව පුරාම ස්පන්දනය වන ද්විත්ව මෝස්තරයකින් බැඳී ඇත. කෙසේ වෙතත්, රොඩ්‍රික් මැඩලින්ගේ භූමදානයෙන් පසු මානසික අස්ථාවර තත්වයක සිට මනෝ ව්‍යාධිය කරා යන විට රොඩ්‍රික් මැඩලීන් මත රඳා පවතින බව පැහැදිලිය. රොඩ්‍රික් උෂර්ට ආරෝපණය කර ඇති සෑම දෙයක්ම පෙන්නුම් කරන්නේ මානසික අස්ථාවරත්වයයි.  මෙම කෙටි කතාව මගින් පෝ මිනිස් පරිකල්පනයේ අභ්‍යන්තර ක්‍රියාකාරකම් ගවේෂණය කරයි. “උෂර්ගේ නිවසේ වැටීම” අර්ථ දැක්විය හැක්කේ “පුද්ගලයෙකුගේ පෞරුෂත්වයේ විරූපණය හා විසුරුවා හැරීම පිළිබඳ සවිස්තරාත්මක විස්තරයක් ලෙස බව විචාරක එඩ්වඩ් එච්. ඩේවිඩ්සන්  පවසයි.  ත්‍රාසජනක  මෙම කෘතිය ඇමරිකානු ගොතික් සාහිත්‍යයේ විශිෂ්ටතම  නිර්මාණයක් ලෙස පිළිගැනේ.  තවද එය ගොතික් ත්‍රාසජනක කතාවේ මුල්ම හා උත්තරීතර උදාහරණය ලෙස සැලකේ.
The Imp of the Perverse  කෙටිකතාව ජනප්‍රිය එකක් නොවූවද මෙය පෝගේ විශිෂ්ට කතාවකි. මෙය පෝගේ කථා වල ව්‍යුහාත්මකව අසාමාන්‍ය එකකි. Imp යනු යක්‍ෂයා ලෙස පෝ ඉඟි කරයි.  Imp යනු යම් දෙයක් කිරීමට පුද්ගලයෙකු පොළඹවන නියෝජිතයා ය. එය ආත්මයේ දිය නොවන අභිරහස් වලින් එකකි.  මෙම කතාවේ දී, පෝගේ කථකයා තමා “විකෘතිතාවයේ” ගොදුරක් යැයි පවසයි. එනම් වැරදි ක්‍රියා කිරීමට ඇති ප්‍රාථමික ආශාව ඔහු තුල තදින් පවතියි.  කථකයා තර්ක කරන්නේ යම් විශ්වීය ආවේගයක වැදගත්කම මිනිසා අවතක්සේරු කරන බවයි. මිනිසුන් කිරීමට අදහස් කරන්නේ කුමක්ද යන්න පිළිබඳ උපකල්පන මත විශ්වාසය තැබීම වෙනුවට මානව වර්ගයාගේ ක්‍රියා තමන් තුළ සහ තමන් තුළම විමසා බැලීම වඩා ප්‍රයෝජනවත් වනු ඇතැයි කථකයා පවසයි. කථකයා මෙහි තමා ගැන පැහැදිලිවම කථා කිරීම හෝ ඔහුගේ ක්‍රියාවන් යුක්තිසහගත කිරීම නොකරයි. 
කථකයා මිනීමරුවෙකි. ඔහු විෂ සහිත ඉටිපන්දමකින් මිතුරෙකු මරා දමා ඇත. ඔහුගේ ඝාතනයෙන් පසු කථකයා වින්දිතයාගේ මුදල් උරුම කර ගනී. ඔහු සියලු සාක්‍ෂි විනාශ කරයි.  ඔහු ඒ පිලිබඳව උද්දාමයට පත් වෙයි.  වසර ගණනාවක් තිස්සේ ඔහුගේ මිනීමරු ක්‍රියාවෙහි ප්‍රතිලාභ භුක්ති විඳියි. නමුත් විකෘතිතාවය  මත  ඔහුගේ අපරාධය පාපොච්චාරණය කර තමාම විනාශ කර ගැනීමට ඔහුට දිනක් හදිසියේම  අභ්‍යන්තර බල කිරීමක් ඇති විය.  (පෝ විකෘතිය විස්තර කරන්නේ සියලු මිනිසුන් තුළ තමන් දන්නා දේ වැරදි ලෙස කිරීමට ඇති ආශාව ලෙසය) ඔහු තුළ ඇති වූ ආවේගය පාලනය කර ගැනීමට නොහැකි වූ ඔහු, “දිගු කලක් සිරගතව සිටි රහස” මුදා හැරියේය.  ඔහු තම අපරාධය බලධාරීන්ට පාපොච්චාරණය කරයි.  ඔහුව ඉක්මණින් නඩු විභාග කොට මිනීමැරුමකට වැරදිකරු වී එල්ලා මැරීමට නියම කරනු ලැබේ. කථකයාගේ මනසෙහි සැබවින්ම “විකෘති” වන්නේ යමෙකු ඝාතනය කිරීම නොව පාපොච්චාරණය කිරීම  බව කතුවරයා පෙන්වා දෙයි. කෙටි කතාව ආඛ්‍යානකරුවාගේ ස්වයං විනාශකාරී ආවේගයන් ගැන සාකච්ඡා කරයි.  කථකයා මිනීමරුවෙකු ලෙස පාපොච්චාරණය කරන්නේ කිසිදු වරදකාරී හැඟීමකින් නිසා නොව ස්වයං විනාශයේ ආශාව නිසාවෙනි.   කථාව පදනම් වී ඇත්තේ සියලු මිනිසුන් ස්වයං විනාශකාරී ප්‍රවණතාවලට නැඹුරු වන අතර අවසානයේ අප විසින් කරනු ලබන ක්‍රියාව පිළිබඳ සදාචාරාත්මක වගකීම මග හැරිය නොහැකි බවය.
 “අපි ප්‍රපාතයක අද්දර සිටගෙන සිටිමු. අපි අගාධයට එබී බලමු. අපගේ පළමු ආවේගය වන්නේ අනතුරෙන් ඈත් වීමයි.  එහෙත් අප නොසැලකිලිමත් ලෙස එහි රැඳී සිටිමු … එය බිය උපදවන සුළු සිතුවිල්ලක් පමණක් වන අතර, අපගේ අස්ථිවල ඇටමිදුළුවල භීතියේ ප්‍රීතියේ දරුණුකම සමඟ එය සිසිල් කරයි. එය හුදෙක් මෙතරම් උසකින් වැටීමකදී අපේ සංවේදනයන් කුමක් වනු ඇත්ද යන්න පිළිබඳ අදහස පමණි … මේ හේතුව නිසාම අපි දැන් වඩාත් ප්‍රබල ලෙස එයට කැමැත්තෙමු”. පෝ මිනිසුන් තුල තිබෙන මෙම ස්වයං විනාශකාරී ප්‍රවණතා පිලිබඳව විමර්ශනය කරයි. පෝ මෙම විකෘති  ආක්රමණශීලී සිතුවිලි “මොළය පුරා පියාසර කරන  සෙවනැල්ලකට” සමාන කළේය. පෝගේ සියලු කථා අතුරින්, මෙය මනෝ විශ්ලේෂණයේ නිර්මාතෘ සිග්මන්ඩ් ෆ්‍රොයිඩ්ගේ අදහස් පූර්ව නිගමනය කිරීමට ඇති ප්‍රබලම කතාවකි. පෝ මෙම කෙටිකතාව ලියන සමයේදී  ඉංග්‍රීසි කවියෙකු වූ හෙන්රි ලෝන්ග්ෆෙලෝ සමඟ ප්‍රසිද්ධ ආරවුලක් ඇති කරගෙන සිටියේය. එම ගැටුම “ලෝන්ග්ෆෙලෝ යුද්ධය” ලෙස නම් කරන ලදි. කථාව ප්‍රකාශයට පත් වී මාස තුනකට පසු, බොස්ටන්හි සාහිත්‍ය කවයට එරෙහිව පෝ පහර දුන්නේය. එක් විචාරකයෙක් පැමිණිලි කළේ ඔහු තීන්ත නොව හයිඩ්‍රජන් සයනයිඩ් අඩංගු ප්‍රස්සික් අම්ලය භාවිතා කළ බවය. ඩැනියෙල් ස්ටැෂෝවර් යෝජනා කරන්නේ මේ මගින් පෝ තම පාඨකයන් විනාශකාරී ලෙස තමන් ගෙන් දුරස් කර ගත් බවයි.
පෝ  හට ගුප්ත ලේඛන ක්ෂේත්‍රය කෙරෙහි දැඩි උනන්දුවක් තිබුණි.  ඔහු ” The Gold-Bug” කෙටිකතාව ලියන විට ගුප්ත විද්‍යාවේ ජනප්‍රියතාවයෙන් ප්‍රයෝජන ගත් අතර, එවැනි එක් ගුප්ත කේතන ක්‍රමයක් මත  සාර්ථකත්වය ලබා ගත්තේය. ඔහුට විශිෂ්ට විශ්ලේෂණාත්මක ගණිතමය මනසක් තිබුණි. “ගෝල්ඩ් බග්” කතාව ආරම්භ වූයේ  තර්කනය කෙරෙහි  පෝ තුල තිබූ ඇල්මෙනි. පෝගේ ජීවිත කාලය තුළ වඩාත් ජනප්‍රිය හා වඩාත්ම කියවන ලද නිර්මාණය මෙය විය. මෙම කතාවට ඩොලර් 100 ක ගෙවීමක් ඔහුට ලැබුණි. එය ඔහුගේ ජීවිත කාලය තුළ එක ලිවීමකට ලබාගත් වැඩිම මුදලක් විය. පෝ ගේ මෙම කෙටිකතාව රොබට් ලුවී ස්ටීවන්සන්ගේ ට්‍රෙෂර් අයිලන්ඩ් ඇතුළු පසුකාලීන සාහිත්‍ය කෘති ගණනාවකට බලපෑම් කළේය.  ඔහු පසුව ගුප්ත ලේඛනකරණ ක්‍රම පිළිබඳ රචනා ලියා ඇති අතර එය පළමුවන ලෝක සංග්‍රාමයේදී භාවිතා කළ ජර්මානු කේත තේරුම් ගැනීමට ප්‍රයෝජනවත් විය.
පෝ විසින් ලියන ලද එකම සම්පූර්ණ දිග නවකතාව වන  Arthur Gordon Pym of Nantucket (1838) ආරම්භ වූයේ ප්‍රකාශකයෙකුගේ යෝජනාවක් මත ය. ග්‍රැම්පස් නම් තල්මසුන් නැවකට ගොඩ වූ නන්ටුකෙට්හි ආතර් ගෝර්ඩන් පයිම්ගේ කතාව මෙම කෘතියෙන් විස්තර කෙරේ. පෝ ද තරුණ වියේ දී නැවකින් ගමන් කර ඇති අතර වරක් දින 34 ක් පුරා මුහුදු ගමනක් ගියේය. ඩැනියෙල් ඩෙෆෝගේ රොබින්සන් කෘසෝ   නවකතාව (1719) සහ සැමුවෙල් ටේලර් කොලරිජ්ගේ “”The Rime of the Ancient Mariner”” (1798) යන කාව්‍ය  මෙම නවකතාව ලිවීමට ඔහුට බලපෑම් කරන ලදි.   
ආතර් ගෝර්ඩන් පයිම් උපත ලැබුවේ ධීවර වරාය සහ තල්මසුන් සඳහා ප්‍රසිද්ධ නන්ටුකෙට් දූපතේ ය. නන්ටුකෙට්  දකුණු මැසචුසෙට්ස් හි කේප් කෝඩ්ට දකුණින් පිහිටි දූපතක ප්‍රධාන තල්මසුන් වරාය විය.  ඔහුගේ හොඳම මිතුරා ඔගස්ටස් බාර්නාඩ් තල්මසුන්ගේ නෞකාවක කපිතාන්වරයාගේ පුත්‍රයාය. ඔගස්ටස්ගේ ත්‍රාසජනක කතා වලින් පයිම් ආකර්ෂණය වී ඇත. මේ නිසා පයිම් ත්‍රාස ජනක  නාවික ගමනකට එක් වෙයි.  ඔහු අනතුරුදායක නාවික ගමනක යෙදී සිටියි. එය විනාශකාරී නැව් ගමනාගමනයකි.
ආතර් ගෝර්ඩන් පයිම්ගේ ආඛ්‍යානය” නව එංගලන්ත තල්මසුන් නෞකාවක නැවෙහි නැවෙහි අඳුරු වික්‍රමාන්විතයන් අනුගමනය කරන අතර එය රෞද්‍ර අද්භූත අංගයන්ගෙන් යුත් සම්භාව්‍ය ත්‍රාසජනක කතාවකි. සිහින, ආදරය, නැතිවීම; ශෝකය, වැලපීම, දුරස් වීම; භීෂණය, පළිගැනීම, මිනීමැරීම; උමතුකම, රෝග සහ මරණය. ” මෙම නවකතාවේ පිටු තුළ හමු වෙයි. තවද  නවකතාව ආධිපත්‍යය, සමූහ ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය සහ විනාශය පිළිබඳ භීතිය ගෙන එයි.  පෝ ගොතික් හා සංචාරක ආඛ්‍යානය කෙරෙහි අවධානය යොමු කළද ආතර් ගෝර්ඩන් පයිම් 19 වන සියවසේ ඇමරිකාවේ අදහස් පිළිබිඹු කරන කෘතියක් ලෙස අර්ථ දැක්විය හැකිය.  ඔහුගේ කතාව හර්මන් මෙල්විල්, ජූල්ස් වර්න් සහ තවත් බොහෝ ඇමරිකානු කතුවරුන්ගේ කෘතිවලට ආභාෂය ලබා දුන්නේය. 
පෝ යනු අන්තයේ මිනිසෙකි, ඔහු සාර්ථකත්වයේ හා අසාර්ථකත්වයේ උච්චතම හා පහත්කම් දැන සිටියේය. ඔහු තමාගේම හැඟීම් හා අරගලයන් ඔහුගේ කථා වලට ඇතුළත් කලේය.  විවේචකයන් විසින් ඔහුව බේබද්දෙකු, මත්ද්‍රව්‍යවලට ඇබ්බැහි වූවෙකු ලෙස පහත් කොට සලකන ලද්දෙකි. පෝ ගේ වටිනාකම ඔහුගේ කාලයේදී අවබෝධ නොවීම අහේතුවකි. පෝ  මූලික මිනිස් හැඟීම් වලට ආයාචනා කරන නිසාත්, සෑම භාෂාවකම සිටින සියලුම මිනිසුන්ට පොදු විශ්වීය තේමාවන් ප්‍රකාශ කරන නිසාත් ඔහුගේ කෘති විශ්වව්‍යාපී ය.  ඔහු සැබෑ පුනරුදයේ මිනිසෙකි. ඔහු ප්‍රංශ භාෂාව හොඳින් දැන සිටි අතර ඔහුගේ බොහෝ කථා වල  ලතින් සහ ග්‍රීක භාෂාවෙන් උපුටා දැක්වීම්  ඇත.  ඔහු ගණිතය හා තාරකා විද්‍යාව හොඳින් වටහාගෙන සිටි අතර මෙම කරුණු බොහොමයක් ඔහුගේ කථා වලට ඇතුළත් කලේය.  
එඩ්ගර් ඇලන් පෝ විද්‍යා ප්‍රබන්ධයේ මුල් පුරෝගාමියෙකි. පෝ ඔහුගේ කාලයේ විද්‍යාව කෙරෙහි ඇල්මක් දැක්වූ අතර ඔහු බොහෝ විට නව නිපැයුම් පිළිබඳ කථා ලිවීය.   නූතන රහස් පරීක්‍ෂක කතාවේ නව නිපැයුම්කරු සහ විද්‍යා ප්‍රබන්ධ ප්‍රභේදයේ නවෝත්පාදකයෙකු ලෙස ඔහුට පුළුල් ලෙස පිළිගැනීමක් තිබේ. ඇමරිකාවේ මුල්ම රහස් පරීක්ෂක කථාව ලෙස, 1841 දී ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරන ලද පෝගේ “”The Murders in the Rue Morgue “හැඳින්විය හැකිය. මෙම කෙටිකතාව සඳහා පෝ විසින් සී. ඔගස්ටේ ඩුපින් නම් රහස් පරීක්ෂකයෙකු නිර්මාණය කළේය. අපරාධ විසඳීමට  තර්කන බුද්ධිය යොදා ගැනීමේ සංකල්පය සාහිත්‍යයට ඔහු හඳුන්වා දුන්නේය. සී. ඔගස්ටේ ඩුපින් චරිතය විසින් ෂර්ලොක් හෝම්ස් පොත් සඳහා ‘අඩිතාලම දැමීය.  පෝ රහස් පරීක්ෂක නවකතාවේ පියා ලෙස හැඳින්වෙන අතර ෂර්ලොක් හෝම්ස්ගේ නිර්මාතෘ ආතර් කොනන් ඩොයිල්ට සෘජුවම බලපෑම් කළේය. ආතර් කොනන් ඩොයිල් වරක් කියා සිටියේ එඩ්ගර් ඇලන් පෝගේ කථා “සෑම විටම ආදර්ශයක්” බවයි. ආතර් කොනන් ඩොයිල් අනුගමනය කළේ පෝ විසින් නිර්මාණය කරන ලද ආකෘතියයි. මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක ත්‍රාසජනක ප්‍රභේදයට පෝගේ බලපෑමට ඉහළ ප්‍රශංසාවක් ලැබෙන්නේ වඩාත් නවීන කතුවරයකු වන ස්ටීවන් කිං ගෙනි . ස්ටීවන් කිං,  එඩ්ගර් ඇලන් පෝ  යෞවන කාලය තුළ තමා ආදරය කළ කතුවරයකු ලෙස උපුටා දක්වයි.
මිනිස් ස්වභාවයේ අඳුරු පැත්ත කෙරෙහි අවධානය යොමු කිරීම සඳහා පෝ ප්‍රසිද්ධියට පත්විය. අවුල් සහගත හා මාරාන්තික රූ මෝර්ග් මහල් නිවාසය සංකේතවත් කරන්නේ පෝගේ ජීවිතයට පීඩා කළ කාන්තාවන් සම්බන්ධ පෞද්ගලික ඛේදවාචකයන් ය. පෝ සිය ජීවිත කාලය තුළ  ගෘහස්ථ සැනසීමක් සොයා නොගත් අතර ඔහු ගෘහස්ථ විනාශය පිළිබඳ මෙම දර්ශනය ඔහුගේ ජීවිතයේ විචිත්‍රවත් අත්දැකීම් සමඟ ආයෝජනය කරයි. ඩුපින් නිර්මාණය කිරීම පෝට තමාගේම තර්කන බුද්ධිය ඉස්මතු කිරීමට පමණක් නොව, ඔහු දිගු කලක් තිස්සේ අපේක්ෂා කළ ගෘහස්ථ සන්සුන් භාවය සහ සහෝදරත්වයේ හවුල් වීමටද ඉඩ සලසයි.
විද්‍යා ප්‍රබන්ධ කථා ලියූ පළමු කතුවරුන්ගෙන් එක් අයෙකු වන පෝ, “විද්‍යා ප්‍රබන්ධයේ පියා” ලෙස හැඳින්විය හැකිය. මුල් කාලීන විද්‍යා ප්‍රබන්ධ කතුවරයා වන ජූල්ස් වර්න්ගේ වර්ධනයට ද පෝ ප්‍රබල ලෙස බලපෑම් කලේය. ඔහුගේ ගද්‍ය කාව්‍යය වන “යුරේකා” සමහර විට විද්‍යා ප්‍රබන්ධයේ මුල් කෘතියක් ලෙස සැලකේ. එය “ගද්‍ය කාව්‍යයක්” ලෙස උපසිරැසි ගැන්වූ නමුත් එය “ද්‍රව්‍ය හා අධ්‍යාත්මික විශ්වය පිළිබඳ රචනයක්” ලෙස උපසිරැසි ගැන්වී ඇත. එය වචන 40,000 කට ආසන්න දිගකින් යුක්ත වේ. යුරේකා, විශ්වයේ ස්වභාවය පිළිබඳ පෝගේ බුද්ධිමය සංකල්පය විස්තර කරයි.   යුරේකා භෞතික විශ්වයේ මූලාරම්භය, ව්‍යාප්තිය හා බිඳවැටීම පිළිබඳ විශ්වීය නිබන්ධනයකි. යුරේකා හි ඔහු විශ්වය පිළිබඳ න්‍යායන් කිහිපයක් ගෙනහැර දැක්වීය. යුරේකා පෝගේ මිනිස් ජීවිතය පිළිබඳ මහා විද්‍යාත්මක සමපේක්‍ෂනය ලෙසටද  හැඳින්විය හැකිය.
යුරේකා යනු විශ්වය පැහැදිලි කිරීමට පෝගේ උත්සාහයයි. 1848 දී ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරන ලද යුරේකා ඔහුගේ ලොකුම ජයග්‍රහණය බව පෝ විශ්වාස කළ බව පෙනේ.ඔහු යුරේකා සිය වෘත්තීය කෘතිය ලෙස සැලකූ බව ලිවීය. ඔහු තර්ක කළේ නිර්මල බුද්ධියෙන් මිස ඇරිස්ටෝටලියානු න්‍යාය හා වාක්‍ය ඛණ්ඩවල ප්‍රාථමික ක්‍රමයක් හෝ ෆ්‍රැන්සිස් බේකන් විසින් සකස් කරන ලද නූතන විද්‍යාවේ ආනුභවික ක්‍රමයෙන් නොවේ. නූතන විචාරකයෝ  ඔහුගේ අවසාන ප්‍රධාන කෘතිය වන යුරේකාගේ වැදගත්කම ගැන දිගින් දිගටම විවාද කරති.
ලෝක සාහිත්‍යයට පෝගේ වඩාත්ම කැපී පෙනෙන දායකත්වය ලැබෙන්නේ ඔහු නිර්මාණාත්මක කතුවරයකු වශයෙන් මෙන්ම ඔහුගේ සමකාලීනයන්ගේ කෘති විවේචකයෙකු ලෙස ද භාවිතා කළ විශ්ලේෂණ ක්‍රමවේදයෙනි. ඔහුගේ ජීවිත කාලය තුළ පෝ බොහෝ දුරට සාහිත්‍ය විචාරකයෙකු ලෙස පිළිගැනීමට ලක්විය. පෝ ප්‍රබන්ධ රචකයෙකු ලෙස ද හැඳින්වූ අතර එක්සත් ජනපදයට වඩා යුරෝපයේ ජනප්‍රිය වූ 19 වන සියවසේ ප්‍රථම ඇමරිකානු කතුවරුන් අතරට එක් විය. ඔහුගේ බොහෝ කෘති සාමාන්‍යයෙන් අඳුරු රොමෑන්ටිකවාදයේ ප්‍රභේදයේ කොටසක් ලෙස සැලකේ. ඔහු  ගොතික් කතා වල සංකේතවාදයේ අවිනිශ්චිතතාවයන් හඳුන්වා දුන් අතර, කෙටිකතාව සුවිශේෂී සාහිත්‍යමය ස්වරූපයක් ලෙස අර්ථ දැක්වීමේ ගෞරවය පෝට හිමි වේ. ගොතික් සාහිත්‍යයේ ප්‍රභේදය ප්‍රායෝගිකව නිර්මාණය කරමින් ඔහුගේ අඳුරු, බිහිසුණු බිහිසුණු කතා සඳහා පෝ ලොව පුරා කීර්තියක් ලබා ගත්තේය. ගොතික් සාහිත්‍යයට පෝගේ දායකත්වය ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළ නොහැකි අතර ඇමරිකානු සංස්කෘතිය කෙරෙහි ඔහුගේ බලපෑම ද ගැඹුරු ය. එහෙත් ඔහුගේ කෘති ඔහුගේ ජීවිත කාලය තුළ කැපී පෙනෙන ලෙස පැසසුමට ලක් නොවීය. විචාරකයින්ගෙන් බහුතරයක් පෝගේ කෘති  දකින්නේ ඔහුගේ කම්පන සහගත අතීතයේ පිළිබිඹුවක් වශයෙනි. පෝ චරිතාපදානය ලියූ  මාරි බොනපාට් සහ කෙනත් සිල්වර්මන් පවසන පරිදි, ඔහුගේ දුක්ඛිත ජීවිතයේ ප්‍රධාන සිදුවීම් වූයේ පෝගේ මව, සුළු මව සහ බිරිඳගේ  මරණ යඔහු සසල කල බවයි. ඔහුට ආරක්‍ෂාව සහ සැනසීම ලබා දුන් මෙම කාන්තාවන්ගේ වේදනාකාරී මරණ නිසැකවම ඔහුගේ පරිකල්පනය ඔහුගේ කථා හා කවි වලින් පිළිබිඹු විය.  1835 දී එවකට 26 හැවිරිදි පෝ සිය ඥාති සහෝදරිය වූ  වර්ජිනියා සමඟ රහසින් විවාහ විය. 1842 දී වර්ජිනියා ක්‍ෂය රෝගයෙන් මිය ගියාය. ඉන් ඔහු මානසිකව පරිපීඩනයට පත් විය. ඔහුගේ බිරිඳ වර්ජිනියාගේ මරණයෙන් පෝගේ ජීවිතය විනාශයට පත්විය. ඔහු මත්පැන් පානය කරමින් ඉබාගාතයේ යන්න විය. ඔහු 1849 ඔක්තෝබර් 7 වන දින වයස අවුරුදු 40 දී බොල්ටිමෝර්හිදී මිය ගියේය. එඩ්ගර් ඇලන් පෝගේ මරණය චාල්ස් බෝඩ්ලෙයාර් විසින් විස්තර කරන ලද්දේ දීර්ඝ කාලයක් පුරා සූදානම් කළ සියදිවි නසා ගැනීමක් ලෙසටය. මත්පැන් ලෝලිතාවද ඔහුගේ මරණය ඉක්මන් කලේය. මිය යන විට ඔහුගේ වයස අවුරුදු හතලිහකි. ඔහුගේ දේහය තැන්පත් කරනු ලැබුවේ බෝල්ටිමෝර් හි ප්‍රෙස්බිටේරියන් සුසාන භූමියේ ය.
එඩ්ගර් ඇලන් පෝ එක්සත් ජනපදයට වඩා යුරෝපයේ ජනප්‍රිය වූ 19 වන සියවසේ ප්‍රථම ඇමරිකානු කතුවරයා බවට පත්විය පෝගේ කෘති සාහිත්‍යයේ මුහුණුවර වෙනස් කළ අතර විචාරක ජේම්ස් රසල් ලෝවෙල් ඔහුව දාර්ශනික හා නිර්භීත විවේචකයෙකු ලෙස හැඳින්වීය. ප්‍රංශ කතුවරයකු වන ජූල්ස් වර්න් විසින් පෝව බෙහෙවින් අගය කලේය. ෆියෝඩර් දොස්තයෙව්ස්කි පෝව හැඳින්වූයේ “අති දක්‍ෂ ලේඛකයෙක්” ලෙසටය. ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ් පෝ “රිද්මයානුකූල ප්‍රකාශනයේ  ස්වාමියා” ලෙස හැඳින්වූ අතර පෝගේ කෘති ඔහුගේ  ඩොරියන් ග්‍රේ  නවකතාවට බලපෑවේය. පෝ ඔහු සිත් ඇදගන්නාසුළු සාහිත්‍ය පෞරුෂයක් නිර්මාණය කල අතර පෝගේ කෘතීන්  ඇමරිකානු හා ජාත්‍යන්තර සාහිත්‍යයට ප්‍රබල බලපෑමක් ඇති කළේය. ඔහුගේ කෘති ලෝක සාහිත්‍යයේ නූතනවාදය පිළිබඳ ඕනෑම සංකල්පයකට අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වේ.  ඔහුගේ ලේඛන ශෛලිය සියවස් ගණනාවක් පුරා විහිදී ගිය අතර බොහෝ දෙනෙකුට එය බලපෑවේය.

Works Cited
Bazil, C.W. (1999). Seizures in the life and works of Edgar Allan Poe. Arch Neurol ;56:740-743.  Harris, J.C.(2008). Edgar Allan Poe: The Raven. Arch Gen Psychiatry;65:868-869.Kennedy, J. G.(1995).. The Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym and the Abyss of Interpretation. New York: Twayne. Poe, Edgar Allan. “The Masque of the Red Death.” Complete Tales and Poems of Edgar Allan Poe. Ed.Poe, Edgar Allan. Edgar Allan Poe: complete tales and poems. New York: Fall River Press, 2012.Sova, D.(2006). “Introduction.” Complete Tales and Poems of Edgar Allan Poe. New York, NY: Fall River Press.  Thompson, G. R. (2004).The Selected Writings of Edgar Allan Poe. Ed. G. R. Thompson. New York: W. W. Norton & Company..

අග්‍රාමාත්‍යතුමා, රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය සිරිපාල ගම්ලත් මහතාගේ මෑණියන්ට අවසන් ගෞරව දක්වයි

September 11th, 2020

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

මහවැලි කලාප ආශ්‍රිත ඇළවේලි හා ජනාවාස පොදු යටිතල පහසුකම් සංවර්ධන රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය සිරිපාල ගම්ලත් මැතිතුමා ගේ ආදරණීය මෑණියන් වූ අභාවප්‍රාප්ත පනාගොඩගේ දොන් දයාවතී මැතිනියට අවසන් ගෞරව දැක්වීම සඳහා අග්‍රමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා අද 2020.09.11 දින එක්විය.

පොලොන්නරුව, පලුගස්දමන, මොණරතැන්න නිවසට ගිය අග්‍රාමාත්‍යතුමා ඇයට අවසන් ගෞරව දක්වමින් රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය සිරිපාල ගම්ලත් මහතා ඇතුළු පවුලේ සාමාජිකයින් සමඟ ශෝකය බෙදා ගත්තේය.

පිරිමි දරුවන් නව දෙනෙකුගේ, ආදරබර මෑණියන් වූ දයාවතී මැතිනිය සිය මවගේ භූමිකාව තුළ ආදර්ශමත්, නිහතමානි හා යහපත් ජීවිතයක් ගත කළ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ කාන්තාවක් බව පැවසූ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යතුමා, ජාතිය ගොඩ නැගීමට ඇය විසින් ශක්තිමත් දරු පරපුරක් මේ රටට දායාද කිරීම අගය කළ යුතු බව කියා සිටියේය.

සිරිපාල ගම්ලත් මැතිතුමා සිය මෑණියන්ගේ අභාසය ලබමින් ආගමික ස්ථාන රැසක් ගොඩනැගීමට මුල් වී කටයුතු කළ බව සිහිපත් කළ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යතුමා සෝමාවතිය විශ්‍රාම ශාලාව ඇතුළු ආගමික වෙහෙර විහාර රැසක් ගොඩනැගීමට  කළ මෙහෙවර ද සිහිපත් කළේය.

Sri Lanka: Salvage team struggles to plug supertanker fuel leak

September 11th, 2020

Courtesy Aljazeera

Salvage operations continue to stop fuel leak from fire-sticken New Diamond oil supertanker off Sri Lanka’s east coast.

A salvage team is still trying to plug a fuel leak from the fire-stricken New Diamond oil supertanker, Sri Lankan Navy spokesman Indika de Silva said on Friday.

The tanker, which is carrying the about two million barrels of oil, caught fire on September 3 and is currently 45 nautical miles (83 km), off Sri Lanka’s east coast.

The fire has been extinguished but the New Diamond has left two long trails of fuel oil after the Navy towed it out to sea.

Authorities seek to avoid damage to the coastline like that suffered by Mauritius after the Japanese bulk carrier MV Wakashio struck a coral reef off the Indian Ocean island on July 25 and began spilling oil on August 6.

Sri Lanka tanker: Navy says ‘no real risk’ of oil spill (2:23)

“Salvage operations are continuing. The engine room has been desmoked. They have identified the bunker oil tank that is leaking. The next step is to empty it and then to repair the leak,” de Silva said.

He said the cargo of crude oil remains intact. The stricken vessel has raised fears of an environmental disaster.

Protecting the ecosystem

Sri Lanka’s Marine Environment Protection Authority (MEPA) has said it plans to take action against the ship’s owner under the country’s laws to protect the marine ecosystem.

The fire, which originated in the engine room of the Greek-owned New Diamond tanker, was believed to have been extinguished on Sunday but reignited a day later.

The large crude carrier was chartered by Indian Oil Corporation to import oil to Paradip in eastern India from Kuwait.

New Shipping Ltd, the manager of the Panama-flagged New Diamond, has appointed SMIT Singapore Pte Ltd to lead salvage operations.

Salvagers Working to Repair Leak on Oil Tanker off Sri Lanka

September 11th, 2020

Courtesy https://www.manufacturing.net/

The MT New Diamond, which is carrying nearly 2 million barrels of crude oil, was damaged by two fires in a little over a week.

This photo released by Sri Lankan Air Force shows ships fighting fire on the MT New Diamond, about 30 nautical miles off the coast of Sri Lanka, Tuesday, Sept. 8, 2020. Ships and aircraft from Sri Lanka and India intensified efforts to extinguish a new fire on an oil tanker off Sri Lanka's coast on Tuesday, two days after the previous three-day blaze was doused, the navy said.

This photo released by Sri Lankan Air Force shows ships fighting fire on the MT New Diamond, about 30 nautical miles off the coast of Sri Lanka, Tuesday, Sept. 8, 2020. Ships and aircraft from Sri Lanka and India intensified efforts to extinguish a new fire on an oil tanker off Sri Lanka’s coast on Tuesday, two days after the previous three-day blaze was doused, the navy said.Sri Lankan Air Force via AP

COLOMBO, Sri Lanka (AP) — Expert salvagers have begun working on a fire-stricken oil tanker off Sri Lanka’s coast after an Indian coast guard aircraft sprayed dispersants to contain an oil slick coming from the vessel, the Sri Lankan navy said Friday.

The MT New Diamond, which is carrying nearly 2 million barrels of crude oil, was damaged by two fires in a little over a week.

After the second fire was extinguished Wednesday, salvage experts climbed on board on the ship Thursday for inspections. They have now begun salvage work, giving priority to repair a leak in the ship’s fuel tank, said navy spokesman Indika de Silva.

The 17 experts include British and Dutch professionals — rescue operation specialists, disaster evaluators and legal consultants. They have been sent by New Shipping Ltd., the commercial owner of the New Diamond in Athens, Greece.

The oil slick near the ship is about 10 to 30 meters (yards) wide and about a nautical mile long and an aircraft from the Indian coast guard on Thursday sprayed dispersants on the slick, the navy said.

The patch is likely to be heavy fuel oil from the ship, it said. The ship has about 1,700 tons of heavy fuel oil to power its engines.

The navy said the initial fire began in an engine room boiler but did not spread to where the oil is kept.

It also said the ship’s engine and pump rooms have been flooded with seawater, stabling in trim by aft condition. Therefore, it is suspected that the fuel slick was caused by sludge oozed with water, and is not a cargo leak.

Water samples taken from the site are being examined by government analysts as the Sri Lanka’s Marine Environment Protection Authority has said it plans to take legal action over the fire.

The tanker was transporting crude oil from the port of Mina Al Ahmadi in Kuwait to the Indian port of Paradip, where the state-owned Indian Oil Corp. has a refinery.

The initial fire killed one Filipino crew member and injured another, while 21 other crew members escaped uninjured.

Are “walkntalk” meetings the way forward? Lankan Youth Minister Namal Rajapaksa sets an example

September 11th, 2020

By Vimukthi Adithya/www.cmnnow.com   Courtesy NewsIn Asia

To promote a healthy lifestyle, Namal Rajapaksa had his first ‘walkntalk’ meeting with the State Minister of Self-employment Shehan Senasinghe on Friday.

Are “walkntalk” meetings the way forward? Lankan Youth Minister Namal Rajapaksa sets an example
cabinet Youth Minister Namal Rajapaksa and Self Employment State Minister Shehan Semasinghe

Colombo, September 11 : A walking meeting is simply a meeting that takes place during a walk instead of in an office, boardroom or coffee shop where meetings are commonly held. It should be noted that sitting at one place for a long period is potentially as harmful to our health as smoking is. Regularly moving will provide benefits to everyone.

Walking will lower your blood pressure, will reduce inflammation, will help the passage of food through our intestines and will allow a person to be better at problem-solving. Research also proves that walking will increase one’s creativity, the urge to look for new solutions and will help to build resilient brains.

What’s more, in addition to the numerous health benefits the meetings are expected to increase connection with the people when walking where talking side by side cuts through hierarchical and status distinctions and sets people at ease. Walking will enhance relationship building by helping the people involved to socialize more and build the team spirit.

‘Walkntalk’ meetings can help resolve conflicts for pairs and small groups. For larger groups, the walk improves team interactions and helps generate solutions.

Considering all these factors and intending to promote a healthy lifestyle, the country’s Sports and Youth Minister, Namal Rajapaksa decided to introduce a new concept called ‘walkntalk’ to hold meetings while walking.

The first such meeting was held today(11) between Minister of Sports and Youth Affairs Hon. Namal Rajapaksa and Hon. Shehan Semasinghe State Minister of Samurdhi, Household Economy, Micro Finance, Self Employment, Business Development and Underutilized State Resources Development. The two ministers had a fruitful discussion on how the two ministries could collaborate to promote entrepreneurship and startup incubation.

WHO congratulates Sri Lanka for eliminating rubella and mother to child transmission of HIV and congenital syphilis

September 11th, 2020

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

General Tedros on Twitter posted his message saying, I congratulate Sri Lanka for eliminating rubella & mother to child transmission of HIV & congenital syphilis”…

© Thomson Reuters World Health Organization (WHO) Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus attends a news conference organized by Geneva Association of United Nations Correspondents (ACANU) amid the COVID-19 outbreak at the WHO headquarters in Geneva Switzerland July 3, 2020. Fabrice Coffrini/Pool via REUTERS

Colombo, September 11 (newsin.asia) – World Health Organization (WHO) Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus congratulated Sri Lanka for eliminating rubella and mother to child transmission of HIV and congenital syphilis.

General Tedros on Twitter posted his message saying, I congratulate Sri Lanka for eliminating rubella & mother to child transmission of HIV & congenital syphilis, the Maldives for eliminating rubella and Myanmar for eliminating trachoma. These successes are testimonies that with science, solutions and solidarity we can stop diseases and save lives”.

Sri Lanka and Maldives in July were verified for having eliminated rubella, making them the first two countries in WHO South-East Asia Region to achieve measles and rubella elimination ahead of the 2023 target.

A country is verified as having eliminated measles and rubella when there is no evidence of endemic transmission of the measles and rubella viruses for over three years in the presence of a well-performing surveillance system.

The incendiary politics of beef

September 11th, 2020

By P.K.Balachandran/Weekend Express

There is more to the proposal to ban cow slaughter than safeguarding the cow

The incendiary politics of beef
The 30-year old Buddhist monk, Bowatte Indraratna Thera committing self-immolation in protest over the killing of cattle by Muslims. The act was committed near the main entrance of the Temple of the Tooth in Kandy to have a religious effect

Colombo, September 10: When the Sri Lankan Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa got the unanimous approval of his parliamentary group for legislation to ban cow slaughter, it was not the first attempt to have the practice banned. Despite toying with the idea of banning cow slaughter from time to time, no government has thought it fit to legislate on it.

This is probably because cow slaughter is entangled with larger issues, which have been religious, social, economic and political. Of these, the most important one has been Buddhist-Muslim relations. The cow slaughter issue has tended to come up when these relations are strained, and brushed under the carpet when they are fine.

In his comprehensive study of cow protectionism in Sri Lanka, James Stewart of Deakin University (Cow Protectionism in Sinhala Buddhist Sri Lanka, January 2013) says that it is linked to aspects of Sinhala Buddhist culture, its closeness to Hindu beliefs and practices, and also a periodical social or political need to use it to differentiate Buddhists from people following Abrahamic religions like Islam and Christianity. The latter need comes to the fore or recedes, depending on the political need and cultural climate of the time.

In Buddhism, ideologically, all sentient beings (beings which can feel pain) are to be respected and protected. No special place is accorded to the cow. Nevertheless, the issue of cow slaughter tends to come to the fore when the indigenous people have to distinguish themselves from outsiders” identified with a radically different culture and set of practices, such as Europeans, Christians and Muslims.

Though Theravada Buddhism, which is practiced in Sri Lanka, is theoretically antithetical to Hindu practices and beliefs, Hindu practices and ideologies are an integral part of Sinhala Buddhism at the folk level. Hindu ideas such as cow protection and abhorrence of cow slaughter, and dislike of beef eaters have become part of Sinhala Buddhist culture.

Stewart recalls that Robert Knox, who was a prisoner of the king of Kandy in the late 1600s, observed that many Kandyans were disdainful of captive Europeans, who they referred to pejoratively as ‘beef eating slaves’. Dutch records show that the Sinhalese in Galle rioted against Dutch traders and soldiers because the latter were killing cows for food.

However with the decline of Buddhism following the establishment of Portuguese hegemony in the 16 th.Century, Sinhalese Buddhists began to eat beef and over the next 300 years of European rule, beef eating had become common, says Aryadasa Ratnasinghe in Daily News (Feb 5, 2002). It was only in early 19 th.,Century, when there was a Buddhist revivalist movement in Sri Lanka, that cow slaughter and beef eating became an issue again.

Ratnasinghe recalls how Anagarika Dharmapala, the Buddhist revivalist, went from place to place in his vehicle, displaying a banner which read Gawamas nokanu” (Don’t eat beef). At that time, beef-eating was a common in Sri Lanka even among Buddhists as it was cheap, selling at 30 cents a pound.

Between Anagarika Dharmapala and the 21 st.Century, the cow slaughter issue went into oblivion because the Buddhist-Muslim conflict had given way to other issues. But in the 2000s, the issue came to the fore once again with the Lankan government getting serious about accommodating the minority Tamils and Muslims in the polity by devolving power to ethno-based provinces (The North-East for the Tamils and a separate enclave for the Muslims in the South East). Sinhala Buddhist nationalists and Buddhist monks raised the cow slaughter issue to alienate the Buddhist majority from the Muslims.

In 2009, parliament discussed a private member’s bill calling for a total ban on the slaughter of cattle presented by a Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist MP Wijedasa Rajapakshe. Rajapakshe said that a ban on cattle slaughter would give thousands of new job opportunities in the dairy industry. He further said that cattle slaughter had become a source of bribery, corruption and counterfeit licenses. The absence of a ban was also responsible for cattle-theft. Sinhala-Buddhist politicians wanted the government to go beyond the Animals Act of 1958 as amended in 1964 ,which prohibits the slaughter of cows and calves below age 12.

In September 2012, the Kandy Municipal Council passed a resolution banning animal slaughter within the municipal limits. In 2013, a 30 year old Buddhist monk, Bowatte Indraratna Thera committed self-immolation in protest over the killing of cattle by Muslims. The act was committed near the main entrance of the Temple of the Tooth to have a religious effect. In January 2016 the then President, Mahinda Rajapaksa, asked the authorities if, in case of a ban on cow slaughter, beef could be imported to satisfy the minorities. But the matter was not pursued as other anti-Muslim issues like Halal certification and the burqa grabbed the attention of Buddhist radical organizations like the Bodu Bala Sena and the Sinhala Ravaya.

Meanwhile, the anti-cow slaughter movement was incorporated in the larger animal protection movement. But primacy was given to slaughter of cows in the literature and hoardings of the movement. The Mettasutta, a popular and well-known text amongst Sinhala Buddhists, was used by the Organization for the Preservation of Life.

The reason for the use of the cow as a symbol in the animal protection movement is that the cow is adored by the Sinhala Buddhists for the milk it gives. Milk is seen as the source of life, and the cow is equated with the life giving and loving mother. Stewart refers to the famous Baila performer Nihāl Nelson who had penned a song that deals directly with cow protection. The song is called Kiri Ammā which means Milk Mother. The song is a reference to a Sinhalese goddess also called Kiri Amma.

It would seem that the deity Kiri Ammā is associated with the Hindu deity Kāma Dhenu, the mythic cow of endless lactation. The Organization for the Preservation Life carries a piece of advertising that prominently utilizes an image of Śhiva, Parvātī, and Kāma Dhenu—the latter, of course, being a precursor deity to Kiri Ammā. A billboard of the organization carries a picture of a cow with a caption asking How can we eat this?”

Availability of Beef

Livestock experts Amali Allahakoon, Cheorin Jo and Dinesh Jayasena say in the journal NCBI Resources, that beef is the second most important meat item in Sri Lanka, though far behind chicken. In 2013, in terms of availability per capita per year, chicken came first with 7.09 kg; beef second with 1.8 kg; pork 0.32 kg; and mutton 0.1 kg. Zahrah Imtiaz writing in Ceylon Today said that beef production had gone up marginally from 32.29 mt in 2003 to 35.94 mt in 2011. However, according to the Census and Statistics Department, cattle slaughtering came down from 207,000 in 2004 to 170,000 in 2013. Beef is exported, with 70.5 metric tons of it being sent abroad in 2013.

Downside of Slaughter Ban

As in 2016, Mahinda Rajapaksa, has now said that while banning cow slaughter, the government will allow import of beef to cater to communities which eat beef. But this will mean spending precious foreign exchange when the government is badly strapped for it. The other question that arises is: After a cow ceases to yield milk what will the poor farmer do with barren cows? The burden of feeding them will result in him letting them loose to roam freely causing other problems. Professional dairy farmers will see the cost of maintaining old cows as a disincentive. And finally, If the government wants to export barren cows, will Buddhist monks allow it?

It is not yet clear if the government of the Rajapaksas will actually ban cow slaughter. It is suspected in some circles that the proposal may just a tactic to get Sinhala Buddhist support at time when the government is trying to get the highly controversial 20 th.,Constitutional Amendment bill to increase the President’s powers, passed with a two-thirds majority.

The latest on this issue is what the cabinet spokesman Kehliya Rambukwella said: According to him what the Prime Minister said at the parliamentary group meeting was only a proposal and that at a decision on banning cow slaughter will be taken after a month’s consultation will all stakeholders.

‘The Diaspora gave Prabakaran all the wrong advice’ – Erik Solheim

September 11th, 2020

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

  • Mahinda sought a summit with Prabakaran  
  • Prabakaran didn’t understand the outside world   
  • Tigers rejected civilian evacuation plan  
  • Balasingham knew rebels would lose

Sri Lanka’s 30-year war would be remembered, in part, for the crucial role played by Norway.

The Norwegians managed to secure peace talks between the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the LTTE and the peace process continued for a number of years under successive Governments.   
Though Norwegian peace envoy Erik Solheim mediated between the GoSL and the LTTE under three Sri Lankan leaders, in the end attempts made by him and many others to ensure that the peace process continued failed.   
In an exclusive interview with the Daily Mirror online, Solheim revealed details of some of his discussions with the rebels and the GoSL as well as the role played by the international community.  
Excerpts:  

 Q  You played a very critical and crucial role in Sri Lanka as peace envoy. Do you regret taking on that role considering the criticism and accusations you faced, especially at the latter part of your role as peace negotiator?

Look, this was one of the most bloody conflicts in modern times killing tens of thousands of people. There are so many people in Sri Lanka missing their loved ones. Whether they are soldiers from the village in the South or Tamil civilians in the North, people are missing. People are lost. So, my regret is that we couldn’t succeed. But we did try. The fact that we are attacked by extremists on both sides doesn’t concern me. Sinhalese chauvinists claim I was too close with the LTTE and Tamil extremists claimed I was personally responsible for the defeat of the LTTE or that the Norwegians were to blame for the killing of Tamil civilians during the end phase of the war.   
Overall, I think you need to start blaming the war mongers and not those who try to make peace. Peace is what the Gods wants from us and peace is what the vast majority of Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims wanted from us.  

 Q  Was there a time when you were peace negotiator when you felt enough was enough due to much

Erik Solheim (Right) was probably the non-Tamil in the world who met Prabakaran most often

criticism?

Never ever. What counted for us was not about people criticizing us. That was normal. What counted throughout the peace process was that we had the confidence of both parties. Those were the people that needed to make peace. We had the confidence of Prabakaran, Balasingham and the LTTE leaders. We also had the confidence of Chandrika Kumaratunga, Ranil Wickremesinghe and Mahinda Rajapaksa; all the key leaders on the side of the State. So as long as they had confidence in us it didn’t bother us whether there were some critics here and there.   

We told Prabakaran that he was losing the war and that there was no way he could win this. We made an offer that every civilian and every LTTE cadre be registered, names be taken down and the civilians be moved out by ship to the South or abroad. Prabakaran rejected the offer”

 Q  Based on your internal discussions with the LTTE did you ever think the LTTE was genuinely committed to peace?

Absolutely. There is a misconception in the South. Please recall that the LTTE pursued peace when it was at the peak of its power. The LTTE was never before nor later as strong as they were in 2000-2001. It had overwhelmed Elephant Pass. It was very close to overtaking the entire Jaffna peninsula. It was beaten at the last moment because of Pakistani help to the GoSL. And they had destroyed the Sri Lankan economy with the attack on the Bandaranaike International Airport. So, it was at the peak of the strength of the LTTE that it pursued peace. So, it showed that the LTTE was absolutely genuine. However, whether it was ready to go all the way for a federal settlement, you may question. I think Prabakaran wanted peace and was ready for peace, but there was a lot to compromise on.   

 Q  There were allegations that the LTTE used the peace process to regroup and strengthen its military capabilities. Norway was also accused back then of helping the LTTE procure arms. Is there any truth to those claims?

Absolutely not. We do not give gifts to or take gifts from any side. But more importantly this is also another misconception in the South. The Sri Lankan Army strengthened itself more during the peace process than the LTTE. This we saw when we came to the final phase of the war which was between 2007 and 2009. Sri Lanka also had support from nearly all Governments in the world, whether it was India, US or China or European powers. They all wanted peace. But they also had to make a choice between the LTTE and the GoSL and they were all on the Government side. So, it was the GoSL that strengthened its position and not the LTTE. 

If the LTTE took Balasingham’s advise the Sri Lankan Tamils would have been in a much, much better position today. They would have probably enjoyed some self-rule in the North within one Sri Lanka” 

 Q  Was it difficult to deal and negotiate a settlement with then President Mahinda Rajapaksa and then Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa?

Erik Solheim

Mahinda came into power in 2005. I don’t think he had a clear plan of how to handle the peace process. He listened to our advise. But to be fair to him, he also got into a difficult position because Prabakaran made life difficult for him at the time. The LTTE started these road-side bombs killing soldiers in the North.   
Prabakaran and Mahinda had two rounds of talks through their proxies in Geneva.   
At the time Mahinda told me that he was completely open to having a summit with Prabakaran. What Mahinda didn’t want at the time was a long protracted peace process. So the situation in 2006 was very different to what we anticipated today. And I think it was the last missed opportunity for peace.   

 Q  So was this showing of interest by Mahinda Rajapaksa for a summit with Prabakaran actually communicated to Prabakaran? What was his response?

Absolutely. None of this was made public at the time. But now we can speak openly about this. There were two different approaches to the peace process. The LTTE wanted a step by step approach, winning confidence and making acts on both sides which could promote peace. The GoSL wanted to move much faster to the end discussion which was on autonomy, self-rule, self-governance or self-determination for Tamils within one State of Sri Lanka. A separate State was never on the cards. That could never be the result of the peace talks. So the compromise had to be something in-between, which was federalism.   
I think Sri Lankans should relax (on federalism). You can watch across the bay. Federalism is working very well in India. States can run their own affairs without interference from Delhi while at the same time being part of the union of India.   

“Mahinda told me he was completely open to having a summit with Prabakaran”

 Q  Could India have played a bigger role in this conflict back then?

India was a firm supporters of the peace process throughout. India always said that there is no solution to this conflict except for a negotiated settlement. In 2008 September the Indians started to change their opinion by stating that it should be a military settlement, meaning that the GoSL could win the war. But up to that point India had firmly believed that the result should be through a negotiated one. True, India provided military and other logistic support to the GoSL during the final phase of the war. 
But throughout the peace process, as long as peace was realistic, India supported peace. No doubt.   

 Q  Looking back what could Norway as peace negotiator have done differently to ensure lives were saved and the war came to peaceful end?

I spent a lot of time trying to reflect on that issue. It’s also well covered in the book by Mark Salter ‘To End a Civil War’. I believe there were two main obstacles to peace.   
One was the lack of cohesion in Colombo. At the time there were two main parties. The Sri Lanka Freedom Party and the United National Party. They were fighting over every issue. It’s not as if Chandrika did something Ranil would support or vice-versa. So the conflict between the two made it difficult to make a real offer to the LTTE. And it also made it difficult for the LTTE to believe that if they had agreed to say federalism that it could be carried out by the two main parties in Colombo throughout. We could not resolve the issues between the two main parties in Colombo. But maybe we could have worked closely with India and others who could have done that.  
The second is that we could not convince Prabakaran that federalism was the solution to the conflict. We should have been allowed to speak a lot more to Prabakaran. Of course I was probably the non-Tamil in the world who met him most often. Very few foreigners met Prabakaran. That gave him a very wrong perspective of the world. He didn’t understand the outside world. If more foreigners were allowed to meet him it would have been much easier to convince him that he also needed to compromise.   
Both sides need to compromise if you need a peaceful settlement.   

 Q  Talk to us about this person called Prabakaran since you had so many meetings with him. Was he just focused on fighting or was he interested in enjoying what others in the world were experiencing?

He was this masterful military leader for a very long time until the last phase of the war. The LTTE was the only non-state entity in the world which had established its own air and naval forces.   
His political understanding, unfortunately, was much less than this. He had very little understanding of the South, India and the outside world. Many Tamils from the diaspora gave him all the wrong advise. They told him to be non-compromising and strict rather than find ways out of the conflict.   
To his credit he kept all promises. Whenever he promised to stop military action he stopped. He had full control of his forces. Balasingham was his main confidant and main advisor. As long as he listened to Balasingham nearly everything went right. When he didn’t listen to Balasingham he got it wrong.   
When it came to personality he was a good cook. We had good meals together. But he was a guarded person, so it was not easy to get close to him.   

 Q  You recently tweeted saying you knew the thinking of the then LTTE’s peace negotiator Anton Balasingham than most others. Had Balasingham ever revealed plans by the LTTE to carry out terror attacks before the LTTE actually executed those plans?

Absolutely not. And for the obvious reasons because Balasingham was never involved in the planning of military events or terrorist attacks. Balasingham was the civilian political advisor of Prabakaran. He gave very good advise on how to understand the South and how to understand the global context and how to approach peace. At the end of the day Balasingham was the bedrock of the peace process. He was the one who really moved it forward.   
If Prabakaran had listened to Balasingham a lot of things would have been different. Balasingham told me that the LTTE might lose the East. That it might even lose the North because Prabakaran objected to Balasingham’s attempts. He (Balasingham ) thought that the peace process should continue and that the LTTE should not attempt a new military strategy. You have a lot of what ifs in history. I’m sure if the LTTE took Balasingham’s advise the Sri Lankan Tamils would have been in a much better position today. They would have probably enjoyed some self-rule in the North within one Sri Lanka.   

 Q  When and what was your last conversation with the LTTE leaders on the ground?

Our last conversation was on May 17, 2009. Pullidevan, who was the head of the LTTE peace secretariat, contacted and said they (members of the LTTE) wanted to surrender to the Army and requested for help. We said its far too late to offer any help on the battle field. That can never be done. That should have happened earlier. We advised them to hoist a big white flag, maybe make announcements through loudspeakers and make their intensions clear about wanting to surrender. Then we will inform the GoSL about your intention.   
So we informed the GoSL. The others did the same. There were some Indian Parliamentarians and some embassies who got involved. The GoSL was properly informed about this. The day after we got the message that Pullidevan and Nadesan (head of the LTTE police unit) had been killed. I do not know the exact circumstances of what had happened, but it is very, very hard to believe that they were not killed in cold blood by the Sri Lankan Army. If so, it is a war crime. If people wanted to surrender they should have been allowed to surrender and brought to court.   

 Q  From the information you had do you know if Prabaakaran also surrendered?

I have no information about that. All indications are that both he and his family were killed on May 18, 2009.  
What’s interesting is that we made an offer, which I believe could have solved the problem at the time. The offer was backed by the US, US and India. It was a very strong offer.  
We told Prabakaran that he was losing the war and that there was no way he could win this. The offer was that every civilian and every cadre would be registered, names would be taken down and the civilians would be moved out by ship to the South or abroad. And we would have the major backing of India and the US that no one will be harmed after they handed themselves over. We were confident that this would work, but in April 2009 Prabakaran rejected the plan. So in the end no key LTTE leader survived and thousands and thousands of civilians died.  

 Q  Sri Lanka today is rebuilding after the war. Do you think military action may have been the best solution since the LTTE was not really giving in either?

First of all we must celebrate peace. Peace is very important. People are able to rebuild their lives. But I don’t think a military solution was the right one. I think a compromise should have been found. We also need to remember that the main political issue which has torn apart Sri Lanka has not yet been resolved. Tamils feel like second class citizens in the Sri Lankan State. This is often hard to understand for the Sinhalese.   
But at least there is peace. Sri Lanka needs to develop economically. There is a lot of positives in Sri Lanka like in education and in health. It’s a beautiful place with a decent life.   
The Rajapaksas have won an overwhelming majority in Parliament. Its time for them to reach out to Tamils to find a lasting compromise. 

Russian Embassy concerned over SLMC’s decision on three Russian universities

September 11th, 2020

Courtesy Ada Derana

The Russian Embassy in Colombo has expressed concern over the decision of the Sri Lanka Medical Council (SLMC) to remove three prominent Russian State Universities from the SLMC Approved List without prior information”.

On Wednesday, it was reported that that three Russian medical colleges which have been offering free full scholarships to Sri Lankan students since 1960 have been removed from the approved list by of the Sri Lanka Medical Council for this year.

Issuing a statement, the Cultural section of the Russian Embassy stated that the three universities had been removed from the SLMC Approved List, despite the fact that the SLMC held several meetings with the officials of these Russian Universities who came down to Sri Lanka throughout the past years, and that regular payments to the SLMC were made by the universities in order to maintain the membership. 

The Russian Centre also expressed hope that the SLMC’s decision will not influence the practice of providing Russian State scholarships to Sri Lankan citizens in future.

Full statement issued by Cultural section of the Russian Embassy:

With a history of over 60 years of diplomatic relations between the countries, Russia has been awarding Sri Lanka with scholarships from State Universities for Sri Lankan students to pursue their higher education, resulting in producing numerous notable professionals in the country, especially in the medical field. 

The Russian side is concerned of the decision of the Sri Lanka Medical Council (SLMC) to remove three prominent Russian State Universities, i.e. People’s Friendship University of Russia (formerly known as Patrice Lumumba University), Pirogov Russian National Research Medical University and Tver State Medical University, from the SLMC Approved List without prior information, despite the fact that the SLMC held several meetings with the officials of these Russian Universities who came down to Sri Lanka throughout the past years, and regular payments to the SLMC were made by the universities in order to maintain the membership. 

Cultural section of the Russian Embassy hopes that the SLMC decision will not influence the practice of providing Russian State scholarships to Sri Lankan citizens in future, causing a loss of opportunities to young individuals to pursue their higher education free of charge in prominent Russian universities.

Seven (07) more persons confirmed for Covid -19: SL Country total increases to 3,169

September 11th, 2020

Courtesy Hiru News

Seven (07) more persons have been confirmed for Covid -19 infection.

The Sri Lanka Country total has increased to 3,169

COPE and COPA members nominated

September 11th, 2020

Courtesy Hiru News

The Speaker nominated the members of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) and the Committee on Public Accounts (COPA) for the 9th Parliament today.

The committees will consist of 22 members each, including 14 members from the ruling party and 8 members from the opposition.

The chairpersons will be appointed at the first meeting of the two committees.

Accordingly, Minister Udaya Gammanpila, State Ministers Duminda Dissanayake, Dayasiri Jayasekara, Lasantha Alagiyawanna, Dr. Sudarshani Fernandopulle, Shehan Semasinghe and Prarasanna Ranaweera are included in the Committee on Public Accounts (COPA).

MPs Tissa Attanayake, Prof. Tissa Vitarana, Harin Fernando, Niroshan Perera, Faisal Qasim, Ashok Abeysinghe, Buddhika Pathirana, Cader Masthan and Sivagnanam Sridharan have also been nominated to the Committee on Public Accounts (COPA).

In addition, Upul Galappaththi, B.Y.G. Ratnasekera, Weerasumana Weerasinghe, Prof. Ranjith Bandara, Mohamed Muzammil and Dr. Harini Amarasuriya were also nominated to the Committee on Public Accounts (COPA).

Another announcement from Russia today – likely to suspend tea purchases

September 11th, 2020

Courtesy Hiru News

The Government Medical Officers’ Association states that if action is not taken to protect the independence of the Sri Lanka Medical Council, a severe trade union action will be taken during the week beginning on September 21.

The executive council of the association met yesterday and decided to convene an emergency central committee meeting in the future.

Speaking at a media briefing in Colombo today, the Government Medical Officers’ Association (GMOA) said that Rajitha Senaratne was the only minister who politicized and weakened the Sri Lanka Medical Council. 

Meanwhile, the Cultural Center of the Embassy of the Russian Federation had issued a statement today regarding the decision taken by the Sri Lanka Medical Council to remove three universities from the list of recognized universities in Russia.

The statement said that Russia and Sri Lanka have a history of more than 60 years of diplomatic relations, and as a result, Sri Lankan students have been awarded scholarships to pursue higher education in the medical field.

A statement from the Russian Embassy’s Cultural Center said:

It is hoped that the decision will not affect future scholarships to Sri Lanka, and that young people in Sri Lanka will lose access to free higher education at leading Russian universities.

The Russian Center said in a statement yesterday that it was likely to suspend tea purchases in the future as Sri Lanka’s leading tea buyer.

We asked Dr. Hector Weerasinghe, the former Director of the Colombo National Hospital, about the standards that have arisen in Russian medical education.

Former Kaduwela Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala issued a stern warning by the Presidential Commission

September 11th, 2020

Courtesy Hiru News

The Presidential Commission of Inquiry probing into Political Victimisation, issued a stern warning to suspended Kaduwela Magistrate Dhammika Hemapala.

This was when he appeared before the commission for the first time today. The commission accused him of undermining the judicial process and undermining public confidence.

Nihal Jayatilleke had complained to the Commission that his arrest was due to political pressure in connection with the distribution of subsidies under the Prosperous Housing Program and the payment of compensation and gratuity for employees who resigned voluntarily during the conversion of the Divineguma into a Department. 

Former Ministers Mangala Samaraweera and Malik Samarawickrema who were named as respondents in connection with the complaint were summoned to the Commission yesterday.

The Commission’s presiding Judge inquired about the National Executive Council approved by the Cabinet of Ministers of Good Governance from Mangala Samaraweera and he testified that he did not know anything about the National Executive Council so far.

Former Supreme Court Judge Upali Abeyratne, the Chairman of the Commission, questioned as to how he was unaware of the Cabinet paper on the appointment of the Anti-Corruption Committee since he was a powerful government minister.

“I do not remember exactly whether I attended the relevant cabinet meeting or not,” the former minister said. Samaraweera also admitted at the commission that he should receive the information whether he attends the cabinet meeting or not. He further stated that he was not aware of the Rapid Response Committee functioning under the Anti-Corruption Committee.

He also stated that he was not aware of the fact that he had been appointed as the Chairman of a sub-committee under the National Executive Council.

The Presiding Judge of the Commission inquired whether he had acted as a responsible Minister.

Mangala Samaraweera replied that he thought he had acted in such a manner.

The Commission questioned whether it was acceptable to have a National Executive Council above the Cabinet, to which Mangala Samaraweera said that every government is appointed on the basis of the call to fight against corruption.

However, he expressed frustration that in the end what his government did was to maintain the existing system.

Judge Chandra Jayatilleke asked whether the ignorance of the Cabinet paper was a breach of collective responsibility.

Mangala Samaraweera said that speaking out against the cabinet paper would be a breach of collective responsibility but not knowing it would not be a breach of collective responsibility.

The Presiding Judge asked if he has ever seen such a Cabinet decision in any government. Mangala Samaraweera replied that perhaps the previous governments were not so stupid.

The presiding judge again asked whether the process of administering justice through another non-legal entity could be accepted while the judiciary was there to administer justice in cases of corruption and fraud.

Then Samaraweera stated that this is what will happen even if the 20th amendment is brought forward.

Then the Presiding Judge stated that they will talk about the 20th Amendment in a future government. Attorney-at-Law Senarath Jayasundara asked Mangala Samaraweera about political victimisation against government officials such as Dr. Nihal Jayatilleke. We submitted a cabinet paper to catch sharks, not sprats. “But in the end, it’s has caught the sprats and not the sharks” he said.

Meanwhile, former Minister Rajitha Senaratne, who was named as a respondent in a complaint lodged by the former chairman of the Ratna Lanka Defense Company, appeared before the Presidential Commission in connection with the allegations regarding a floating armory. ‘’

Hotel complex to be built adjacent to Sinharaja – Minister of Wildlife and Forest Conservation (Video).

September 11th, 2020

Courtesy Hiru News

The Minister of Wildlife and Forest Conservation C.B. Rathnayake states that if there are any politicians who supported the destruction of the Puttalam Anavilundawa Reserve using backhoes, the law will be enforced against them as well.

He expressed these views participating in the ‘Hiru Ettha’ programme.

He also says that no prawn farm will be allowed to be leased to anyone from now on in the Puttalam Anavilundawa reserve .

The Minister also spoke about the road being constructed adjacent to the Sinharaja, a national heritage site.

C.B. Ratnayake also spoke about the reasons for not stopping the construction of the road and a hotel complex being built adjacent to Sinharaja.

A proposal from the Prime Minister to increase the nutrition of school children

September 11th, 2020

Courtesy Hiru News

The Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa states that the Minister of Education has been instructed to look into the issue of providing an egg daily to improve the nutritional status of school children.

The Prime Minister said this when he met the Bakery Owners Association and the Egg Producers Association today.

The Bakery Manufacturers Association has briefed PM Mahinda Rajapaksa on the impact of egg prices on bakery products

The Prime Minister’s Office announced that the egg producers had explained the high cost of egg production.

The Egg Producers Association emphasized at this meeting that it is possible to provide eggs at a fixed wholesale price to all bakery establishments in the island.

Accordingly, the Prime Minister has instructed the relevant delegation to reach an agreement between the two unions to provide relief to the consumers.

How our excellent agricultural extension system of the Sixties was sacrificed.

September 10th, 2020

By Garvin Karunaratne  former G.A. Matara

In view of the attempts by our President to boost our agriculture, it may be worthwhile to ascertain what did happen to the excellent agricultural extension service we had in the Sixties- the effort of the combined Agriculture Department and Agrarian Services. 

I enclose a chapter from my forthcoming publication: NuwaraKalaviya which details what happened.. 

I was stunned  to read  a news item stating that  youths from schools in. Anuradhapura are very likely to be the cannon fodder for renal disease. Students in grades 10 to 12 in the North Central Province are prone to contact renal diseases…earlier it was people in the 30s and 40s.”(Daily Mirror (12/4) 

My mind lingered to the 25,000 farmers of the North Central Province who have succumbed to the CDKu- the Kidney Disease.  Some of them may have been the young farmers with whom I worked in the 296 cultivation committees I set up in 1962. Then there was a hive of activity- discussions and arguments  going on for hours at times till late at night-the thrust of it was to use high yielding varieties and supplement with fertilizer. This was accomplished.  

Sad to say,  some two decades later certain  administrative changes that were made did decimate the very effective   agricultural extension system that we had.  . In addition with the abolition of the Paddy Lands Act in the Eighties, the agrarian services with its overseers and the cultivation committee, the peoples’ organization at the village level ceased to exist. In around 1993, the trained agricultural overseers- the Krushikarma Vyapti Sewakas at the village level who formed the king pin that guided fertilizer and weedicde use at the village level were promoted as Grama Niladharis and till today no extension overseer with any training has taken their place. The farmers have no one to guide them. The closest trained officer is the Agricultural Instructor at the divisional level who has any number from 5000 to 14000 farmers to provide guidance. 

To my mind this lacuna in the agricultural extension system is the main cause for the misuse of fertilizer and weedicides that has caused the kidney disease. We have taken many steps, like providing clean water in barrels, establishing water treatment plants, having kidney dialysis machines at hospitals but these do not touch the core cause.  

Guiding famers to use the essential fertilizer, weedicides and pesticides is the key, In paddy cultivation we have high yielding varieties that require a fertilizer input.  This matter cannot be settled until we have a trained overseer at the village level and also build up a vibrant agricultural extension system. Left to themselves without any technical input the farmers misuse fertilizer, using the wrong fertilizer and unnecessarily large doses of it.  The massive subsidy given for fertilizer also helped the misuse of fertilizer. 

It is my opinion is that in addition to all other factors that have been identified the excessive use of fertilizer is a major cause. 

 The problem with the use of fertilizer is that there are three varieties, phosphate, potash and sulphate. Each fertilizer has to be used at different stages of the paddy plant and can have negative results if misused.  Further the effect of some varieties like ammonium sulphate and urea is easily visible which make farmers use this variety only and ignore the rest. Thus for best results a vibrant extension service is essential. 

 Let me draw on my experience as an administrative officer. I handled fertilizer distribution to the entire island in 1962 in the Agrarian Services Department and was instrumental in sending out the first island wide circular which detailed the amount of fertilizer to be used, which fertilizer and at what stage. At that time farmers used very little fertilizer and the green revolution was pursued apace with the introduction of new varieties of paddy that had a high response to inorganic fertilizer. 

 Later in 1962 to 1964, I was implementing the Paddy Lands Act in the Anuradhapura District, establishing cultivation committees and planning the use of fertilizer and high yielding varieties. The farmers were very enthusiastic and there was great progress. 

 The use of fertilizer proceeded apace and Sri Lanka almost reached self sufficiency whilst implementing the rice ration scheme, issuing rice at reduced rates by 1970. 

 During these years of expansion- I was working in Sri Lanka till 1973 and even for another decade later there was no major problem about the negative use of fertilizer. 

 At that time there were two major Departments that attended to agricultural extension. The long standing department was the Department of Agriculture, which was well staffed with qualified officers. At the District level there were District Agricultural Extension Officers(DAEO) who were authorities in the use of fertilizer. Under them in each District there were Agricultural Instructors at the Divisional level. They had studied agriculture for two years. I have met them again and again on my visits and I was always impressed with their knowledge. Each Agricultural Instructor had a number of Krushikarma Vyapti Sevakas(KVSs)- Field Assistants who were posted at the village level. These officers had an years’ training in paddy cultivation. 

 With the establishment of the Agrarian Services Department in 1958, to implement the Paddy Lands Act a boost was given to paddy cultivation by the establishment of cultivation committees. Each District was headed by an Assistant Commissioner and under him there were Divisional  Officers  who had around half a dozen Field Assistants.  The Field Assistants were trained in agriculture. This staff guided the work of the cultivation committees and we got down to planning the use of fertilizer at the village level. The KVSs of the Agricultural Departments  also worked with the cultivation committees. Peoples participation was foremost in the working of the cultivation committees and this combined strength of the Department of Agriculture and Agrarian Services did create wonders in increasing paddy production. 

 However this efficient extension service went through four major changes from the Seventies. 

 Firstly the Agrarian Services Department which was following the socialist concept of people’s participation was given less and less prominence and ultimately the cultivation committees were disbanded with the abolition of the Paddy Lands Act. Though the Agrarian Services yet has petty offices at the divisional level, these offices have hardly any tasks and their work today is a fraction of the work we did in the Sixties. The Cultivation Officers and Yaya Representatives under the Agrarian Services Act were ineffective. 

 The Department of Agriculture which was the technical department with specialist officers had a major shake up when President Premadasa decided to absorb all KVSs- some 2300 as Grama Niladharis.. Out went the qualified officers who were working at the village level guiding the farmers. For a few years there was no agriculture staff at the village level under the Agricultural Instructors, till President Kumaranatunge created the Samurdhi Niyamakas-O Level qualified youths were appointed and they knew no agriculture. Till today these Niyamakas continue. Some of them have of their own accord mastered something in agriculture due to their enthusiasm but unfortunately to date they have never been trained. 

 Another change was devolving Agriculture and Agrarian Services to the Provincial Councils by the 13 th Amendment to our Constitution. Thenceforth the efficiency depended on the whims and fancies of the Provincial Minister of Agriculture. Gone are the days when I was in charge of fertilizer extension and distribution for the entire island, when I did send out the first circular detailing the manner in which fertilizer had to be used. That was before e mails and computers came in. The circular was roneoed on a Gestetner machine and posted. Every Field Assistant in every corner of the island received it the next day. That was a time when we had an efficient postal service. The Field Assistants had to summon the cultivation committees discuss, draft plans and get down to implementation immediately. The Field Assistants knew that I or some Assistant Commissioner would pounce on them impromptu, check the progress and they knew what would happen to their service if they were found asleep. That efficient administration was totally lost with the Provincial Councils being devolved with agriculture.  

 A fourth force was the IMF and the World Bank which came up with their Training & Visit System of Agricultural Extension (TVS) which forbid  the use of people’s institutions- cooperatives and in Sri Lanka, cultivation committees and instead dictated a direct role for the Departments of Agriculture. The KVSs were asked to document the number of farmers they met individually. With as much as a few thousands of farmers in their areas the KVS could meet only a few. The only method of meeting a large clientele is by using cooperatives,  cultivation committees and such people’s organizations. This did away with popular participation. The participation of the farmers is essential to enable them to use high yielding varieties and fertilizers in the appropriate manner so that they can get the maximum harvest.  The farmers have to be consulted; their participation evoked and working with them is an art in itself. Many village level workers handle their work in a directive manner and they prefer to instruct farmers rather than work with their participation. This is what happened with the imposition of the TVS. The TVS system was imposed, with the offer of grants and loans of foreign exchange, with added grace periods, when no payment had to be made and it was immediately adored by our leaders because of the offer of foreign exchange. It sounded the death knell for our excellent and vibrant extension system, done with full peoples’ participation. There is room to think that this move of the World Bank was aimed at crippling the development in agriculture that was taking place apace in the Developing Countries. One will be convinced of this sabotage only when one learns about the ill effects of the Structural Adjustment Programme which  the IMF introduced to our countries in the next few years, which I have detailed in my book: How the IMF Ruined Sri Lanka: (Godages)

 In 1995 I came back to Sri Lanka and working on my small family farm, I had the occasion to go again and again to the extension offices at Udupila and Kadawata. I have narrated my experience in my book: How the IMF Ruined Sri Lanka”. 

The officers there did not know the exact amount  of fertilizer I should use and relate it to the high yielding varieties of paddy. At my insistence they raked their files and provided me with details. The circular advised the use of ammonium sulphate and urea at the basal stage and no mention was made of its use as the top dressing.. I brought this to the notice of the Secretary to the Ministry and .months later I got a reply to the effect that the advice given to me was out of date by half a dozen years. About a year later I dropped into one of these Centers  and to my amazement I found that even then the top dressing had not been incorporated into the advice. There is not a single farmer who does not know that ammonium sulphate/urea has to be used as the top dressing.” 

 What this illustrates is a total break down in agricultural extension. This is corroborated by Agricultural Officer Cecil Dharmasena in his very insightful article in The Island of  22/4/13, he states, 

The lack of an organized and coordinated extension and advisor system today as we had in the past(prior to the Provincial Council Administration System), where the Department of Agriculture through its comprehensive  island wide extension division provided an efficient service appears to be the biggest drawback in agriculture at present.” 

 He refers to both the decision of President Premadasa to make all KVSs Grama Niladharis leaving a gap at the village level as well as the decision based on the 13 th Amendment to our Constitution to devolve the subject of agriculture to the Provincial Council as the cause. He even states that today all types of agencies of the Provincial Council and private sector offer confusing services.” 

 These details about the lacuna in the extension services is further  corroborated by another Agricultural Officer, Ranjith Mulleriyawa in The Island of 4/6/13, where he states that after the promotion of the KVSs- the Field Assistants at the village level to become Grama Niladhari, the Agricultural Instructors had to supervise and offer extension services to as much as 13,000 farmers at Yodakandiya and 3,500 farmers at Ranoruwa. Covering even 500 farmers is a major task for a single officer and covering thousands mean that the service will be severely crippled. Even today the Agricultural Instructors cannot offer a proper service as their assistants are the Niyamakas who in their ignorance of agriculture are actually the laughing stock of the farmers. Having met a few farmers here and there on my annual visits I can definitely corroborate with both Ranjith Mulleriyawa as well as Cecil Dharmasena for the total breakdown of agricultural extension. The heading of Ranjith Mulleriyawa’s article  itself Truth is Stranger than Fiction: Messing up Agriculture” speaks volumes. Further the Niyamakas belong to the Agrarian Services Department while the trained agriculturist, the Agricultural Instructor comes under the Department of Agriculture.  

 In fact I was convinced for long about the fact that the extension system had broken down with fertilizer being misused but I wanted definite corroboration and this paper emerged after reading their insightful comments. I am most thankful to them. Crusader Ranjith Mulleriyawa is no more.  He passed away recently. 

The fact that the extension service is broken up is also clearly evident because the planting of paddy is now not adhering to the rainfall pattern, though the bulk of paddy cultivation is rainfed. In the earlier system under the Vel Vidanes of the days when the Government Agents handled minor irrigation and later when the cultivation committees handled paddy cultivation there was a definite system where the farmers met at Kanna meetings at the beginning of each season and decided when to cultivate, what seed to use and when to harvest etc. Even fines were decided which was strictly enforced by courts of law.  After the cultivation committees were disbanded the Yaya Representatives under the Agrarian Services Act were ineffective. Now, Kanna meetings are not held systematically, with the result that late cultivation is common and the harvest gets damaged by the oncoming rains. 

 It would augur well for our Ministry of Agriculture to please consider establishing a people’s institution like the cultivation committee to handle paddy cultivation and the use of fertilizer could be attend to by this organization. This is a prime requirement today. 

With the breakdown of the extension service the farmers are left to their own devices. I have spoken to a few farmers on my visit last year and they were using ammonium sulphate and urea at the basal stage, Every one research paper I have read of fertilizer use tells me that ammonium sulphate or urea if used at the basal stage just leaches into the soil in the absence of a standing crop to absorb it. To my thinking this misuse of fertilizer is one of the main causes for the CDUK disease. I have no doubts about it. 

  Further the Niyamakas have to be trained and may I suggest that this be taken up immediately- at least a months’ crash course in paddy plantation. 

 I fear that the neglect in agricultural extension which is key to the neglect in the use of fertilizer if not corrected will lead to the  kidney disease spreading in Sri Lanka which may kill perhaps millions. Let that predicament not happen to my motherland. We do have the ability to avoid it.” 

Garvin Karunaratne, Ph.D Michigan State University,  

Former G.A,. Matara 

  08092020 garvin_karunaratne@ hotmail.com

MCC Privatizing Sri Lanka – Landless State, evicting role of Politicians & creating Tamil Eelam

September 10th, 2020

On 28 June 2019, the Yahapalana Government tabled the State Lands (Special Provisions) Bill. The Bill, if enacted would have privatized 84% of land that belonged to the People (State). Sri Lanka would have become perhaps the only State without land. This would have raised the question of sovereignty, national security, key fundamental rights of the masses and plenty more issues that no politician would have been in a legal position to answer or solve. With no land under the State to control or tax, there would have been no reason to hold elections, to have a Government & it would have nullified the need for a Parliament of 225 Politicians. Envisaging the chaos further, privatization of Sri Lanka would have even led to the declaration of Tamil Eelam after LTTE diaspora begin to buy over lands in North & East. Entire Sri Lanka would have eventually ended up in the auction house. It was fortunate that President Sirisena stood his ground against it while a court case to everyone’s fortune resulted in the Supreme Court declaring the proposed Bill incompatible with Sri Lanka’s constitution. Pathfinding to MCC via privatizing Sri Lanka’s state land is a key component mentioned in the MCC agreement.

The State Land (Special Provisions) Act would have resulted in

  1. Sri Lanka’s land being privatized– with citizens becoming simply shareholders of Sri Lanka Inc.
  1. The role of Politicians/Parliament would not be requiredas they would have hardly any State land to adjudicate/tax or rule over
  1. Sri Lanka would not qualify as a sovereignty State under Vienna Conventionthat defines criteria for a sovereign state
  1. LTTE Diaspora would descend and buy up all privatized land in the North & East & automatically create their Tamil Eelamgiven the removal of dual citizenship enables them to even now contest & enter Parliament.
  1. Then what happens to the Sri Lankan citizens – left to fend for themselves in a country to be ruled by transnational companies from various countries?

The scenario may look absurd now, but had the LSPA been passed in 2019, the above is exactly what would have happened to Sri Lanka within a course of 7 years.

Let us see how this drama unfolded.

Regime change took place in 2015 and a US-India friendly government was installed.

When colonialism ended, former colonies were given only nomenclature ‘independence’. In reality, the international laws, trade agreements, banking laws were all drafted to remain advantageous to the colonial rulers. This debt-interest trap upon former colonies & developing nations remains & will remain.

Every international funding is associated with foreign studies, foreign recommendations & funding to put into action their recommendations.

Incremental reduction of sovereign-state rule should be noted by national policy makers by connecting how every foreign funding is increasingly becoming connected to scorecards associated to human rights, education, rule of law, good governance which are all judged from overseas with little say to decision makers in Sri Lanka.
It is good if at least now, policy makers look at how far they have ignorantly given up state sovereignty for foreign handouts. The givers have larger plans than the handouts they give. MCC has been a culmination of various land acts introduced since 1998 and directly is the developmentcomponent of the US pivot to Asia, where SOFA comprises the diplomaticarm and ACSA comprises the defenseaspect (US 3D strategy)

Take the MCC agreement – the $67m land project clearly insists the requirement for Land Privatization (LSPA is mentioned), Title Registration of all land (State & Private) known as Bim Saviya is the law they require to govern our land when the Mahanayakas’ Bar Association and the Samarasekera Committee appointed by President Mahinda Rajapakse has vehemently opposed this foreign law which takes away the customary laws of the country and laws that are required for cultivation.

Attempts to privatize State lands was launched in 2015 itself, with the legal draftsmen’s department preparing necessary documents.

An Act to grant absolute title to state lands held by citizens who were holders of grants or instruments of disposition and to provide for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto”

Sri Lanka’s constitution does not provide for private ownership of land. How did the AG pass a bill for the complete alienation of government land to private individuals?

Land Grants (Special) Provisions Act 43 of 1979 allowed alienation but retained government’s powers to look after the welfare of the public, providing an impetus to Agriculture. Lands were given to make ‘best use of our land’ to provide food for the people.

The Act is applicable to holders of grants under Land Development Ordinance, holders of disposition under the Land Grants (Special) Provisions Act 43 of 1979, holders of disposition under the Crown Lands Ordinance (used for agriculture), any land settlement program or colonization scheme and living for more than 10years. State lands coming under Urban Regeneration Project, Urban Development Project, Infrastructure Project or Housing Project will not come under the Act.

The former Government’s argument articulated by Lakshman Kiriella prior to introducing the Bill was that people had been living on State land with permits but because they had only permits they could not obtain loans, apply to schools etc. Without enabling them to take loans and get admissions to schools, the solution adopted was to give outright land ownership in the permit holders name. This was the yahapalana government’s justification to give 2.5million citizens title deeds. Little did this 2.5million citizens think that with a piece of paper that had their name on it, nothing much in reality was solved.

What would happen if they could not repay their loans? The banks would seize their land & sell it. This would have left them with no land, with no livelihood, with no roof over their head and with no one to go to.They would have been in worse condition than they were living for generations as permit holders. This message and this reality needs to go to the permit holders before they are falsely made to dream how lucky they are to own a piece of paper with their name on it.

https://www.newsfirst.lk/2019/07/31/state-lands-special-provisions-bill-to-acquire-1-2-mn-acres-of-land-for-economic-corridor/– July 2019

The former President Sirisena repeatedly voiced objection to the land act claiming that any private party would be allowed to purchase lands in the country. Let us not forget that the former government removed the restriction on 50acres ownership and foreign ownership. All this was aligned to a bigger plan. Former President Sirisena also highlighted that local government bodies were being granted more powers to partition lands

https://www.newsfirst.lk/2019/06/28/land-special-provisions-bill-tabled-in-parliament/
http://www.dailymirror.lk/print/news/State-Lands-Special-Provisions-Bill–Gayantha-to-incorporate-amendments-proposed-by-Prez/239-170894

The State Land (Special Provisions) Bill was included into Order Paper without seeking opinion of the Provincial Councils as per Article 154G(3) and tabled in Parliament on 28 June 2019. 

However, the privatization of State Land was stopped by a fundamental rights petition that resulted in the Supreme Court making the following declaration.

The question is does a Government elected only for a term & is only temporary custodian of State Land (People’s Land) have the right to give complete ownership of the People’s Land to a segment of citizens? 

What happens when the capital asset LAND” of a country gets transferred to individual shareholders – how is this transfer going to affect the UNITARY STATE of Sri Lanka, government, ministerial powers & provincial councils?

Have politicians thought of the consequences to their powers – would there be a need for a Land Ministry, Ministry of Public Administration etc? Where are the boundaries of a Unitary State when private individuals can sell, mortgage, excavate & deal with land as they like?

Sri Lanka’s constitution has no provision for private ownership of land. Lands previously given on permits were to make ‘best use of our land’ by growing rather than treating land as a commodity for sale.

Vienna Convention on State/Land Sovereignty  

International law defines sovereign states as having a permanent population,defined territory,one government, the capacity to enter into relations with other sovereign statesand neither dependent on nor subjected to any other power or state.

Would this definition apply if pockets of areas across Sri Lanka ended up sold and owned by foreigners (individuals, foreign governments or companies).

How would Sri Lanka’s Armed Forces/Police be able to function in such a scenario?

What would be the role of the Politicians and Public Service?

These are not scenarios that are likely to come into reality overnight. We know how foreigners grabbed coastal areas of Sri Lanka when the restrictions that denied foreigners to own land was removed.

The politicians think they can fool the people and get away. They have but now the foreign actors have found ways to manipulate them. Sadly not only with the politicians be dealt with, an entire country will suffer too.

The privatization of state land is even now happening, giving permit holders outright deed ownership which will get converted to title registration without the realization of the bigger picture and ignoring the fact that it is part of the MCC, is going to result in dangerous & detrimental scenarios for Sri Lanka unless the leaders and policy makers remove their blinkers and connect the probabilities of the pivot to Asia plan leaving Sri Lanka landless.

Shenali D Waduge

Justice for Animals and Nature pledges fullest support to the ban on Cattle slaughter in Sri Lanka

September 10th, 2020

Senaka Weeraratna Founder Member on behalf of Justice for Animals and Nature

We wholeheartedly welcome the Government’s decision to ban the slaughter of cattle.

We thank the President Hon. Gotabhaya Rajapakse and the Prime Minister Hon. Mahinda Rajapakse for taking this courageous step, and the Government Parliamentary Group for endorsing this move.

It is inspiring to note that the State is now becoming committed to not only the welfare of human beings but also to the preservation of the precious lives of animals. Such a policy enshrines the essence of Buddhism – to refrain from taking life.  It also exhibits the flowering of the most noble impulses that humans are capable of generating – that of sympathy and pity towards other living creatures.

We must remember that we in Sri Lanka are the heir to a rich and unique pre-colonial history in respect to Animal Welfare. Historical rock inscriptions and ancient chronicles e.g. Mahawamsa, reveal that extensive state protection was granted to animals and the slaughter of cows was strictly prohibited.

These historical sources further reveal that the ethic of Ahimsa (non-violence towards other sentient beings) a cardinal tenet in Buddhism and Hinduism, was a paradigm of public administration and justice in pre-colonial Sri Lanka.

Cakkavatti Sihanada Sutta

The Buddha’s discourse in the Cakkavatti Sihanada Sutta (Digha Nikaya of the Sutta Pitaka) spells out the duties of an ideal ruler as follows:

” The Cakkavatti King (Righteous King) will give protection, shelter and ward both to the different classes of human beings, and also to birds and beasts”

The social and legal history of Sri Lanka provides innumerable examples of the Buddhist attitude to animal life and the acceptance of State Responsibility for the well – being of animals.

State Responsibility for Animals

Our former Kings established some of the worlds’ first wild life sanctuaries. Five of the kings governed the country under the ‘Maghata’ rule, which banned the killing of any animal in the kingdom.

The five kings were 1) Amanda Gamini (79 – 80 AD), 2) Voharika Tissa (269 – 291 AD) 3) Silakala (524 – 537 AD) 4) Agga Bodhi IV (658 – 674 AD) 5) Kassapa III (717 – 724 AD).

(Vide ‘ History of Buddhism in Ceylon ‘by Walpola Rahula, First Edition, p.73)

King Silakala (524 – 537 AD) decreed the ‘preservation of life for all creatures’ throughout the Island. King Kassappa IV (898 -914 AD) granted safety to all creatures on land and water and in doing so observed in all respects the conduct of the ancient kings.

Several Kings established Animal Hospitals and one King i.e. Buddhadasa (341 AD) became a reputed medical and veterinary surgeon.

Animal Sacrifice banned in pre – colonial Sri Lanka

Ibn Batuta, the 14th Century Arab traveller refers to the sight of a co – religionist (a Muslim) in Kurunegala whose limbs had been amputated as punishment on the orders of the King.

On inquiry Batuta had been told that the King had spared the man’s life but nevertheless had his limbs amputated because he had unlawfully slaughtered a cow, for the purpose of animal sacrifice. This was a criminal offence punishable usually by death.

The above examples illustrate the extent to which the former rulers were prepared to act to protect and enforce the legal rights that animals, particularly the cow, enjoyed in the bygone era.

Ahimsa

The people, influenced by the principle of ‘Ahimsa’ generally kept away from occupations that required the killing of animals to earn a living e.g. hunting, fishing and the slaughter of animals for food. Those who resorted to these activities were usually relegated to the margins of the society. Cattle wealth was protected and not destroyed.

There was also taboo on consumption of meat. Robert Percival says, “They never eat meat, or anything that has had life” and Tennent says, “The mass of the population were nevertheless vegetarians and so little value did they place on animal food” (quoted in Amerasinghe “The Legal Heritage of Sri Lanka, p.132).

The neighbouring countries called our people the Aryavamsa (noble race) largely due to the strict adherence to abstain from causing harm to living beings.

Upon the entry of western influence to Sri Lanka commencing in the 16th Century, the high moral value extended to non – human sentient beings began to decline and the habit of flesh consumption gradually grew among the people.

Furthermore, occupations that were associated with the killing of animals, which fell outside the trades recommended as the means for a Right Livelihood by the Buddha in the Noble Eightfold Path, gained greater acceptance in society.

Anagarika Dharmapala

Despite these incursions, there were wake up calls by Buddhist leaders during the period of the Buddhist Revival.

Anagarika Dharmapala’s resounding call to stop eating beef with a view to preventing the slaughter of cattle had a great influence on our people. Anagarika Dharmapala was the embodiment of the campaign to stop the slaughter of cattle.

Ven. Bowatte Indraratana Thero sacrificed his precious life on Vesak Day (May 24, 2013) in front of the Dalada Maligawa (Temple of the Tooth) in Kandy, to galvanize the public to move rapidly in the direction of ushering in a ban on cattle slaughter. His martyrdom and the blood shed on the precincts of the Dalada Maligawa was meant to be a rallying point against ‘Gava Gathana ‘and cruelty to animals.

Right Livelihood

Today, in Sri Lanka, the State gives wide encouragement to people in both urban and rural areas, mostly Buddhists, to indulge in inland fisheries and rear animals e.g. chicken, goats, pigs and cattle for slaughter.

This policy is far removed from the ennobling ideals that the Buddha proclaimed when he advised rulers that birds and beasts should be given “ward and protection”.

State policies which violate the principle of Right Livelihood in the Noble Eightfold Path too should be abandoned alongside the ban on cattle slaughter.

The world is paying a heavy price for abuse of animals. Isn’t the Coronavirus pandemic a form of Karmic Retribution for slaughter of animals?

It is time to draw the appropriate lessons from this tragic crisis and move forward on a footing of compassion and loving kindness to all living beings as the Buddha taught continuously during his lifetime.

Senaka Weeraratna
Founder Member on behalf of Justice for Animals and Nature

තිරසර සංවර්ධන අරමුණු පිළිබඳ පංච පුද්ගල වාර්තාව අග්‍රාමාත්‍යතුමාට පිළිගන්වයි

September 10th, 2020

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

තිරසර සංවර්ධන අරමුණු පිළිබඳ පංච පුද්ගල කමිටු වාර්තාව එම කමිටු සාමාජිකයින් විසින් අද 2020.09.10 දින ගරු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමාට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී පිළිගන්වන ලදී.

විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍යවරයාගේ උපදෙස් මත පත් කළ මෙම පංච පුද්ගල කමිටුවේ සභාපති ලෙස විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍යංශයේ අතිරේක ලේකම් අහමඩ් ජාවිඩ් මහතා කටයුතු කළේය.

එම කමිටුවේ සෙසු සාමාජිකයින් ලෙස අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය අතිරේක ලේකම් ඇන්ටන් පෙරේරා, අචාර්ය ලොයිඩ් ප්‍රනාන්දු, මහාචාර්ය සී. එස්. වීරරත්න මහත්වරු සහ චාමින්ද්‍රි සපරමාදු මහත්මිය කටයුතු කළහ.

විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතාගේ උපදෙස් මත වසර 2030 ගෝලීය තිරසර සංවර්ධන ඉලක්කවලට අදාළ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ තිරසර සංවර්ධන අරමුණු සොයා බැලීම පිළිබඳව මෙම පංච පුද්ගල කමිටුව පත් කර තිබිණි. අග්‍රාමාත්‍යතුමාට මෙම වාර්තාව පිළිගන්වන අවස්ථාවට කමිටු සාමාජිකයින්ට අමතරව විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන, අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය අතිරේක ලේකම් චමින්ද කුලරත්න, මහත්වරු එක්ව සිටියහ

නෙදර්ලන්ත තානාපතිනිය ගරු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා හමුවෙයි

September 10th, 2020

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ නෙදර්ලන්ත තානාපතිනි ටන්ජා ගොන්ග්‍රිජ් මහත්මිය හා ගරු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද  රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා අතර හමුවක්  අද 2020.09.10 දින අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේදී පැවැත්වුණි.

මහ මැතිවරණයේ ලද ජයග්‍රහණය පිළිබඳව අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපපක්ෂ මැතිතුමාට සුභ පැතුම් එක් කළ  නෙදර්ලන්ත තානාපතිනිය කොවිඩ් -19 වසංගත තත්ත්වය පාලනය කිරීමට ශ්‍රී ලංකාව කටයුතු කළ ආකාරය පිළිබඳව  රජයට ප්‍රශංසා කළේය.

අනතුරට පත්  MT – නිව් ඩයමන්ඩ් තෙල් ප්‍රවාහන නෞකාවේ සිටි නෙදර්ලන්ත විශේෂඥයින් පිළිබඳව විමසූ අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා දෙරටේ සමුද්‍රීය විශේෂඥයින් අතර පුහුණු වැඩසටහනක් ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේ වැදගත්කම පෙන්වා දුන්නේය.

ඒ අනුව ඵෙතිහාසික අත්දැකීම් බහුල නෙදර්ලන්ත සමුද්‍රීය විශේෂඥයන්ගේ දැනුම ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සමුද්‍රීය විශේෂඥයන්ට ලබාදීමට නෙදර්ලන්ත දූත පිරිස එකඟතාවය පළ කළහ.

රෝහල් සහ පාළම් තැනීම, වෘත්තීය පුහුණුව සහ යාපනයේ දීර්ඝ කාලීන ව්‍යාපෘතියක් ඇතුළුව ආරක්ෂිත පානීය ජලය සහ කලාපයට වඩා හොඳ වාරිමාර්ග සැපයීම ඇතුළු ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ තවත් ව්‍යාපෘති රැසකට නෙදර්ලන්තය මේ වන විට සහයෝගය දක්වනු ලබයි.

සේවා අංශය සහ ඒකාබද්ධ බහු බෝග කෘෂිකර්මාන්තය අතර ඉදිරියේදී සහයෝගීතාව වර්ධනය කර ගැනීම  පිළිබඳවද මෙහිදී  සාකච්ඡා කෙරිණි.

FOREIGN RELATIONS in the CONTEXT of GEOPOLITICS

September 10th, 2020

By Neville Ladduwahetty courtesy Island

The Additional Secretary to the President for Foreign Relations, Admiral Prof. Jayanath Colombage in an interview stated: The foreign policy of the new government is based on some key pillars. The number one is neutrality. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has repeatedly stated in Sri Lanka and India and in his interaction with the press and the diplomatic community, that his primary responsibility is maintaining neutrality. We don’t want to be labelled or get caught in this power game (Daily Mirror, January 28, 2020).

However, expanding on the above policy in his current position as Foreign Secretary, Admiral Prof. Colombage, during the course of an interview to Derana 24 news channel stated: Very categorically, the President has stated that we have a strategic security-wise ‘India first’ policy because we cannot be, we should not be, we can’t afford to be a strategic security threat for India, period,” (August 20, 2020).

The need for Sri Lanka to conduct foreign relations with other countries in a manner that is not a security threat to India was a bitter lesson Sri Lanka, learnt several decades ago at great cost in terms of blood and treasure that lasted three decades.    The lesson Sri Lanka learnt was that if Sri Lanka engages in relations with countries such as the USA, or any other whose interests may be perceived by India to be inimical to the latter’s interests, in particular security, India would not hesitate to convey its displeasure at such developments in a manner of its choosing.   

ALTERED LANDSCAPE

However, the circumstances at that time were different.  India was a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement, and global politics was determined by two recognized super powers.  While the majority of countries were Non-aligned, others opted to be aligned with either one of the 2 super powers.  Today, geopolitics is defined by a single super power, the USA, that is being challenged by a rising power, aspiring to be the other super power or even the sole super power:  China.   In such a background, India is no longer serious about staying committed to being non-aligned.  Instead, it is an integral component of Quad, namely, a security related alliance made up of US, India, Japan and Australia, crafted as a feature of the US Policy ‘Pivot to Asia’.   This alliance is preparing itself to counter China’s involvement in the Indian Ocean as part of its multi trillion-dollar Belt and Road Initiative.

It is in such an altered landscape that one has to consider whether India would or would not accept Sri Lanka caving into US pressure and signing the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Compact, the Acquisition and Cross Service Agreement (ACSA) and Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA).   Bearing in mind that India is known to have already signed similar agreements with the US and is a partner of the combined defense arrangements of Quad, would India consider Sri Lanka signing any of these agreements with the US a security threat to India?  NO!. On the other hand, India might welcome Sri Lanka signing security related Agreements with the USA, because Sri Lanka would then inadvertently become a part of the Quad security alliance to counter the influence of China.    

Under these circumstances, a policy of India First” would mean that India would not have any security concerns with Sri Lanka if Sri Lanka becomes part of Quad by signing the three Agreements presented by the US, notwithstanding the sustained opposition expressed by the Sri Lankan public.   For Sri Lanka to be in a position where its interests and that of its public are determined by any other State or States, is unacceptable.  Therefore, ‘India First’ must be viewed with apprehension.

A way to overcome such hard choices is to rely on the President’s initial Foreign Policy of Neutrality; a position he declared to the nation and to the world during his inaugural acceptance speech in the hallowed precincts of Anuradhapura.   It would only be a policy of Neutrality that would enable Sri Lanka to exercise its sovereign rights and at the same time ensure other States, in particular India and Quad, that Sri Lanka would be Neutral as far as security issues are concerned while engaging with all nations in respect of other issues.   Such a policy would mean that when it comes to security no one is first.   All are equal.   This is of particular relevance in view of the emerging landscape in the Indian Ocean in respect of security issues 

EMERGING LANDSCAPE

The Annual Report by the US OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE to Congress:” Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2020 states: Beyond its current base in Djibouti, the PRC is very likely already considering and planning for additional overseas military logistics facilities to support naval, air, and ground forces. The PRC has likely considered locations for PLA military logistics facilities in Myanmar, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, United Arab Emirates, Kenya, Seychelles, Tanzania, Angola, and Tajikistan. The PRC and Cambodia have publicly denied having signed an agreement to provide the PLAN with access to Cambodia’s Ream Naval Base”.

Whether China is considering and planning additional overseas military logistics facilities” or not, the several Ports already built by China in the Indian Ocean Rim countries could readily be transformed into military logistics facilities.   In this regard Sri Lanka is particularly vulnerable because of all the countries referred to above, the uniqueness of the strategic location of Sri Lanka for military logistics in the Indian Ocean is a fact that is indisputable.   Furthermore, China already has a logistic facility in Hambantota, even though not a military facility at this point in time.  Consequently, Sri Lanka would be hard pressed to avoid the rivalry that is inexorably emerging between Quad and China.  

In such a background, would a policy of Non-Alignment or looking East for support from regional organizations such as BIMSTEC and/or SAARC help Sri Lanka to deal with security related countervailing pressures that are engulfing Sri Lanka in various forms; the latest being sanctions imposed by the US on Companies involved with the Port City Project?              

Non-alignment was relevant at a different time when the geopolitical construct was also different.  During that time, India and Sri Lanka were on the same page as far as Foreign Relations were concerned as partners of the Non-Aligned Movement.   Furthermore, no country was interested in establishing their foot print in Sri Lanka, and the Indian Ocean was not the hot bed of rivalry that it is today as a consequence of China attempting to regain its place in the world, and alliances such as Quad attempting to counter China’s efforts.   In addition, by being part of Quad, India cannot realistically claim to be non-aligned.   In such a context, Sri Lanka has to be specific and state with whom or what aspects of Foreign Relations Sri Lanka is not aligned with, if non-alignment is in fact its policy.    In the absence of an unambiguous statement, the message should be that Sri Lanka’s relations with all States would be Neutral in respect of security related issues.  Such a policy would enable Sri Lanka to stay clear of major power rivalries.

CONCLUSION

The suggestion that Neutrality was an appropriate policy to guide Sri Lanka’s Foreign Relations was mooted in an article titled Independence: Its meaning and a direction for the future” (Ladduwahetty, The Island,February 14, 2019).  This article stated: Traditional thinking as to how small States could cope with external pressures are supposed to be: (1) Non-alignment with any of the major centers of power; (2) Alignment with one of the major powers thus making a choice and facing the consequences of which power block prevails; (3) Bandwagoning which involves unequal exchange where the small State makes asymmetric concessions to the dominant power and accepts a subordinate role of a vassal State; (4) Hedging, which attempts to secure economic and security benefits of engagement with each power center: (5) Balancing pressures individually, or by forming alliances with other small States; (6) Neutrality”.

Continuing, the article stated: Of the six strategies cited above, the only strategy that permits a sovereign independent nation to charter its own destiny is neutrality, as it is with Switzerland and some Nordic countries, not only because domestic rivalries prevent the development of consistent policies for engagement with great powers but also because Sri Lanka does not have the skills or the level of sophistication to emerge unscathed from “grey zone coercion” of the great powers.   Neutrality has relevance at this particular point in time because regional cooperation arrangements among countries in the Indian Ocean Rim and South and South East Asia have lost its appeal due to each country attempting to engage in arrangements that suit them best. Under the circumstances, how could neutrality translate itself in real terms”?

Instead of making a public declaration that henceforth Sri Lanka would be neutral in its relations with the great powers, it would be more prudent to express neutrality via the manner in which Sri Lanka engages with the great powers. To start with, Sri Lanka should cease taking outright loans or loans to finance infrastructure projects however attractive the terms from either of the power blocks.   Equally important is for Sri Lanka to cease participating in security related land or sea operations with either of the power blocs because they are clearly conducted to further their own security preparedness”. 

In the current geopolitical setting where the Indian Ocean with Sri Lanka right in the middle of it has become a theater for rivalry between the security alliance of the US, India, Japan and Australia (popularly referred to as the Quad), and China, the most prudent policy for Sri Lanka, given the prevailing geopolitical particularities is one of Neutrality, as advocated and articulated by the President during his inaugural speech in the hallowed precincts of Anuradhapura.  

Neville Ladduwahetty                                                September 8, 2020.

Euthanasia: Political, Social and Health Dilemmas

September 10th, 2020

Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D.

You don’t need to kill the patient to kill the pain –Dr. Andre Bourque University of Montréal

Euthanasia or assisted suicide is a controversial topic that is defined as deliberate intervention undertaken with the express intention of ending a life, to relieve intractable suffering. Today several countries have legalized euthanasia and some view it as a human right. Those who support euthanasia point out that the importance of personal autonomy and self-determination, the right of every human being to have his / her wishes respected in decisions involving his / her own body and the recognition of every human being is in principle, master of his/ her own destiny.

In 2002 Holland became the first country in the world to legalize euthanasia and in 2003, 1626 cases were officially reported from Holland. The Dutch euthanasia law gives doctors immunity from prosecution if they help to kill patients over the age of 12 who are suffering unbearably from incurable conditions and who have repeatedly requested euthanasia.



Euthanasia Guidelines in Holland

The Dutch laid out narrow guidelines for doctors: The patient, who must be suffering unbearably and have no hope of improvement, must ask to die. The patient must clearly understand the condition and prognosis and a second doctor must agree with the decision to help the patient die.



Euthanasia in Belgium

Belgium legalized euthanasia in 2002, but the laws seem to encompass assisted suicide as well. Since its legalization eight years ago, euthanasia now accounts for 2 per cent of deaths in Belgium – or around 2,000 a year. Two doctors must be involved, as well as a psychologist if the patient’s   competency is in doubt. The doctor and patient negotiate whether death is to be by lethal injection or prescribed overdose.


Oregon Death with Dignity law

In 1994, voters in the state of Oregon approved a ballot measure that would have legalized euthanasia under limited conditions. Under the Death with Dignity law, a person who sought physician-assisted suicide would have to meet certain criteria. In order to qualify for physician-assisted suicide, a person must be an Oregon resident, 18 years of age or older, must have decision-making capacity, and must be suffering from a terminal disease that will lead to death within six months.

Forced Euthanasia

A number of reports indicate that some medical practitioners have abused the legal privilege of euthanasiaand reinforced depressive patients to select euthanasia as an option. A study found that a high proportion of deaths classed as euthanasia in Belgium involved patients who did not ask for their lives to be ended. In 1990 government sponsored surveys found that 0.8% of all deaths in the Netherlands were euthanasiadeaths that occurred without a request from the patient. In a 1995 study, Dutch doctors reported ending the lives of 948 patients without their request.

Passive Euthanasia

Although euthanasia is illegal in many countries passive euthanasia (withhold treatment and allow a patient to die) is being practiced. This is unethical and described as a malpractice. The American Medical Association emphasizes that the intentional termination of the life of one human being by another is contrary to that for which the medical profession stands. Human life has an absolute value and it is inhuman for a medical practitioner to terminate it.


Mrs. H a resident from North York Ontario Canada witnessed the agonizing death of her grandmother who suffered a stroke. When she was admitted to the …….hospital the doctors said that she would not recover. After several days the nasal feeding was discontinued. Mrs. H was near her semi-conscious grandmother all the time and the grandmother responded to her time to time by blinking the eyes. After removal of nasal feeding tube she was starving and I could see tears in my grandmother’s eyes. She was dying but the process was accelerated by discontinuing nasal feeding that led to an agonizing death says Mrs. H

Mrs. VXXX   a resident from Colombo Sri Lanka  underwent the same experience when her 92 year old mother was admitted to the ……… hospital. She was diagnosed with a benign ovarian tumor and had numerous age related complications. During her stay at the hospital she was only given Brufen  and Vitamin B. Doctors and Nurses often said that she had lived her years and taken no significant efforts to improve her condition. She was prematurely discharged and after two weeks she died at home. What worries me is not my mother’s medical condition but the attitude of the medical staff says Mrs. VXXX.  



Mr. XXX a resident from Negombo   met with a road traffic accident and admitted to the ……………….. Hospital- Intensive Care Unit. He was unconscious throughout and was on a life support. By the 8th  day his condition remained unchanged.  The medical staff decided to remove him from the life support system in order to accommodate another patient who was diagnosed with Guillain–Barré syndrome. After removing Mr. XXX from the life support system less than 24 hours he passed away. His son who is a doctor now believes that his father was not given a fair chance at the hospital to recover.

Passive Euthanasia: My Personal Experiences in the Sri Lankan Hospitals

Unfortunately I observed passive euthanasia in a number of Sri Lankan Hospitals. The first experience I witnessed was in 1994 during my internship appointment at the Matale   Base Hospital.

A 10 year old school boy was brought to the surgical ward following head injury that was caused by a road traffic accident on the Palapathwala road.  I was the house officer who gave primary care for this unconscious child. I immediately realized trepanation of the skull had to be done to evacuate the intracranial hemorrhage that was pressing the vital centers in the brain. The Senior House Officer too agreed with me. This operation is called performing a Burr Hole and had to be done by a Consultant Surgeon. I immediately called the Operation Theater and said we may need the theater facilities to treat a boy with a head injury.  

Then I called my Consultant Surgeon who had just finished the evening ward round. The time was about 3.40 pm and he was preparing to go home.  The Consultant Surgeon was annoyed that I called the operation theater. He ordered me to give diazepam 5 mg intravenous to the child even without seeing the patient. Again I asked Sir are we going to do a Burr Hole to stop the subdural hematoma. This time he responded to me in very dry language and asked me to give diazepam and monitor the child and maintain the head injury chart. I was powerless and did exactly what he ordered. Then the Consultant Surgeon left for home.

I observed the poor child until midnight. Several times he went in to seizures. Since we were given unofficial instructions not to transfer patients to the Kandy hospital at night, by the Surgeon we had no way of sending the child to the Kandy Teaching hospital for special management.  The Surgeon did not respond to our calls that night. So we waited and prayed for his life. At around 1.30 am the child died. According to my opinion we could have saved this child if the Surgeon did the surgery or allowed us to transfer the child to the Kandy Hospital. When I look back at this incident after 18 years I feel that the Consultant Surgeon who was supposed to give us knowledge, ethics, and leadership did nothing but forced us to perform passive euthanasia.

I was trained in Anesthesia by Dr. Priyangani Ariyarathne – Consultant Anesthetist at the North Colombo Teaching Hospital in 1999. I worked in the ICU and in the operation theaters at the North Colombo Teaching Hospital for about a year and observed that when the medical staff get new acute patients to the ICU they sometimes remove the life support systems of the old patients and fix it to the new patients. Due to lack of beds at the ICU the medical staff was compelled to do it. But still I had mixed feelings about this unorthodox practice.

When the Ja Ela bomb exploded on the December 18, 1999, that killed General Lucky Algama, hundreds of patients were brought to the Colombo North Teaching Hospital. The individuals who were critically injured were admitted to the ICU. There was a young man who was on the life support system following organophosphate poisoning and the medical staff removed him from the life support system and his bed was given to a bomb victim. Without the ventilator and other life support system the young man died the following day. One can always argue that the first patient became ill as a result of self-induced poisoning and the second patient became a victim of a terrorist act. But my question was who are we to decide their fate and the duration of their life span.

When I was working at the Chilaw   hospital I had the opportunity of working at the ICU and I saw this life support removal occurring there too. Once we had a snake bite case and in order to accommodate him the doctors removed another patient who was in the ventilator with Dengue hemorrhagic fever.  The snake bite case survived and the dengue patient died. Again it became a dilemma for me. So instead of working at the ICU I decided to work in the Operation Theater.

Over the years I witnessed how some of my colleagues became indifferent to human lives.  I remember one Doctor at the Negombo   hospital who was against giving blood transfusions to the severely anemic alcoholic patients. These people are alcoholics and they deserve to die without wasting medical resources he openly stated. Another PHO (Pediatric House Officer) told me that when he suspects cerebral palsy in newborns he cuts off the oxygen supply to them. I am doing a favor for the child and the parents, so they are free of life long suffering with a disabled child, he told me with confidence. I became so disgusted and replied that it was illegal, a crime and under the Hippocratic Oath he was violating professional ethics. I do not know whether he stopped this unethical practice after my brief lecture.

Euthanasia Declines in the quality of care

Euthanasia devalues human life; in the long run euthanasia can become a means of health care cost containment. In Holland legalized euthanasia has led to a severe decline in the quality of care for terminally-ill patients. Dr. Els Borst, the former Health Minister and Deputy Prime Minister who guided theeuthanasia law through the Dutch parliament recently admitted that medical care for the terminally-ill had declined since the law came into effect.



Euthanasia and Murder

According to the Criminal Code a person commits homicide when, directly or indirectly by any means, he causes the death of a human being. In this context euthanasia is mealy a murder. The main aim of the medical practitioners should be focused on improving and enhancing the care of the patient. Under the Hippocratic Oath, medical practitioner cannot engage in euthanasia.



Dr. Jack Kevorkian alias Dr. Death

Dr. Jack Kevorkian is a pathologist who actively support of voluntary euthanasia. He designed a so called death machine (thanatron) that was used by several terminally ill patients to commit suicide. He had helped more than 130 terminally ill people end their own lives. In 1994, he faced murder charges in the death of Thomas Hyde, who suffered from a terminal nerve illness. He was convicted of second-degree murder. Some experts consider Dr. Jack Kevorkian is highly obsessed with mercy killings and gradually lost the human touch. Instead of promoting health as a doctor Dr. Jack Kevorkian promoted death. 


Harold Shipman

The British doctor Harold Shipman murdered 215 of his patients using the drug Diamorphine over a period of 20 years. He killed an average of one patient a month during his medical career. Young Shipman observed the painful death of his mother who suffered from terminal cancer. In the later years he killed mainly elderly women who were suffering from various illnesses. He was an addictive serial killer who may have believed that he was helping the patients to end their suffering. Shipman hanged himself in January 2004 while in custody.



NAZI Movement and Euthanasia

Those who support euthanasia should study what the NAZI s did in Germany and in their occupied countries. The NAZI s widely used euthanasia as a social cleansing method. First, they exterminated the mentally ill and disabled Germans. Subsequently they extended euthanasia as a political tool. NAZI s used the medical practice to propagate racial supremacy. Dr. Josef Mengele alias the angel of death used to do horrible experiments euthanizing men, women and children. NAZI genocide machine started fromeuthanasia and it ended up with the Final Solution. During the Hitler’s regime, 6 million Jews were terminated.



Conclusion
Before the advances in medical science diseases like leprosy, syphilis etc. were considered as incurable and relatives often performed mercy killings to end the suffering of the patients. Today the doctors are struggling with terminal cancer and sometimes suggest euthanasia as a temporary answer. The future advancements in medical science would bring viable solutions to many incurable diseases andeuthanasia would be considered as an outdated, inhuman and unprofessional form of practice.

Chera, Chola, Pandya: Using Archaeological Evidence to Identify the Tamil Kingdoms or Homelands.

September 10th, 2020

(Article) Published by University of Hawai’i Press DOI: 1

Chera, Chola, Pandya: Using Archaeological Evidence to Identify the Tamil Kingdoms of Early Historic South India Abraham, Shinu Anna. Asian Perspectives, Volume 42, Number 2, Fall 2003, pp. 207-223 (Article) Published by University of Hawai’i Press DOI: 1

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important in the identification of Tamilakam is inscriptional evidence. Within Tamil Nadu, for example, about 80 to 90 rock inscriptions have been discovered in natural caverns. Along with fragmentary epigraphs on potsherds from around 25 sites in southern India (Zvelebil 1992 : 123) and outside South Asia (Mahadevan 1993), they form the strongest linguistic evidence for separating Tamilakam from the rest of South India. The inscriptions range from third abraham . tamil kingdoms of historic south india 211 or second century b.c. to second or third century a.d., and are written in the Bra¯hmı¯ script, which was common throughout the peninsula at the time, but the language is an early form of Tamil. The Tamil inscriptional data varies from the Sangam texts, since they have a di¤erent source and were recorded for di¤erent purposes. These inscriptions were written in what are believed to be Buddhist or Jain ascetic caves, and their purpose seems to be to remind travelers of the bounty of various merchants and kings and their support for these sects (Kennedy 1976 : 6). The inscriptions mostly contain personal and occupational names of donors who endowed the Buddhist and Jain monks with stone beds in caverns (Gurukkal 1989 : 160), and one of their greatest benefits is that they confirm certain king and place names that are mentioned in the earliest Sangam texts (Zvelebil 1992 : 124). Non-Tamil South Asian inscriptions also include references to Tamilakam. Among the most pivotal are the rock edicts of the North Indian Mauryan emperor As´oka, dated to third century b.c. One of the edicts refers to five independent states that presumably existed beyond the southern border of his empire: the Choda (Chola), Pandya, Satiyaputra, Keralaputras (Chera), and Tamraparni (Sri Lanka) (Zvelebil 1992 : 110)—an indication that the polities of Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and Sri Lanka were not incorporated into the Mauryan realm (Fig. 3). Also relevant is the central Indian Hathigumpha inscription (possibly from the second half of the second century b.c.), which discusses the destruction of a ‘‘confederacy of Tamil powers’’ (Zvelebil 1992 : 103). Outside of South Asia, it is the Greco-Roman writings that provide the most detailed historical information about Tamilakam. India is in fact frequently mentioned in the Western classical literature (McCrindle 1971: xxi). The protohistoric period in South India coincides with a phase of South Asian participation in the flourishing maritime networks of the Indian Ocean. The South Asian subcontinent is well known for having had long-standing, varied, and complex forms of interaction with the external world, and South India is no exception. Historical and archaeological reconstructions of South India during its Early Historic period have placed a great deal of emphasis on the long-distance maritime trade networks to which South India belonged—particularly its links with the Roman Empire (Begley 1996; Ray 1989, 1994, 1995). The network incorporated a number of regions along the Indian Ocean littoral—including the Red Sea coast (Saloman 1991; Sidebotham 1986), the Arabian coast (Whitehouse and Williamson 1973), East Africa (Munro-Hay 1996), Southeast Asia (Ray 1994; Smith 1999), Sri Lanka (Munro-Hay 1996), and China (Ray 1994)—and South India acted as a major node in the interregional transmittal of goods during Hellenistic and Roman times (Charlesworth 1926). Of all the historical sources available for Tamilakam, the Greco-Roman references to South India are particularly useful since they are to a large degree datable and help, therefore, to fix the centuries during which overseas trade flourished. However, most of these texts refer not to ‘‘Tamilakam,’’ but to specific trade centers and ports in peninsular India.

the archaeology of protohistoric kerala and tamil nadu Although extensive portions of Kerala and Tamil Nadu have been explored and a number of sites excavated (general overviews of the region’s archaeology can be found in Brubaker 2001; Gurukkal and Varrier 1999; Gurumurthy 1991; Leshnik asian perspectives . 42(2) . 212 fall 2003 1974; Moorti 1994; and Ramachandran 1980), the archaeological record for Tamilakam is far from satisfactory. Relatively few radiocarbon dates are available, and there are, unfortunately, no clear sequences or patterns in artifact assemblages that have permitted the development of internal relative dating sequences. Documentation of sites has been inconsistent at best—most published data on Iron Age burials take the form of brief notices, for example, and when excavations reports are available, they tend to rely on existing ill-defined artifact classification schemes. Another issue is the fragmentary nature of archaeological research in South India. Most synthetic studies are delimited by state, making it di‰cult to understand ancient regional patterns that crossed modern political boundaries. Also, scholars have tended to compartmentalize areas of research, focusing on certain site types, such as Iron Age burials or Early Historic settlements, or on Fig. 3. Polities in early South India (c. 200 b.c.–a.d. 300). abraham . tamil kingdoms of historic south india 213 specific material assemblages, such as cave inscriptions or coins. Although some South Indian historians have understood the need to treat all these elements as interrelated parts of a single past social formation (see, for example, Gurukkal 1995 : 239–240), it is only recently that archaeologists are coming to the same realization. A general over

Even this cursory overview of the sites and material culture from Kerala and Tamil Nadu highlights a key point: despite the common tendency for South Indian historians and archaeologists to speak of ‘‘Tamil’’ material culture, the archaeological evidence that sets Tamilakam as a region apart from the rest of South India has never been clearly identified. If one evaluates Tamil cultural identity using Emberling’s guidelines, then the claims of ethnic di¤erence appear to falter, since nearly all the material culture found in Tamilakam—that is, in Kerala and Tamil Nadu—can be found elsewhere in peninsular India. Similarly configured urban centers and habitation sites are located throughout South India and Sri Lanka. And, although the majority of Iron Age burials are situated in South India, they are widely distributed throughout the Indian subcontinent, and only one or two types are unique to Tamilakam. In the same way, the distribution of ceramics, iron, and other artifacts are dispersed across the alleged past cultural-ethnic, linguistic, and geographic boundaries of South India.

‘‘materializing’’ the tamil identity Given the nature and distribution of sites and artifacts across the Tamil landscape, it has been difficult to discern a pattern of style or symbol or process that stands out, making simplistic normative notions of a Tamil identity appear misplaced.”

Full Article

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/46734907_Chera_Chola_Pandya_Using_Archaeological_Evidence_to_Identify_the_Tamil_Kingdoms_of_Early_Historic_South_India

Emperor Asoka’s pillars

https://www.ancient.eu/Edicts_of_Ashoka/

Ceylon by Sir James Emerson Tennent. 1st edition 1859


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