President Gotabaya Rajapaksa revealing his development vision for the district of Monaragala says that he will establish an agriculture-based modern economy thereby attracting youth to farming instead of leaving it.
President states that his policy is to develop agricultural economy with the potential to produce a high standard harvest using minimum land and state of the art technology at low cost.
President Rajapaksa made these remarks while on an election campaign tour in Monaragala district in support of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna(SLPP) candidates today(July 31).
President commenced his campaign tour in the Monaragala district from Thanamalwila National College playgrounds.
President Rajapaksa was welcomed by the candidate Sashendra Rajapaksa, teaching staff and the pupils of the school. The student Sulochana Sandeepani delivered a speech appreciating the maiden visit by a state leader to the Thanamalwila National College, in its history.
In response to the requests made by the students to renovate the school buildings and address the issues relating to drinking water, the President instructed the Army Commander to resolve those issues immediately.
President participated in the public gathering at the Thanamalwila Public Grounds organized by the SLPP candidate Jagath Pushpakumara and inquired into the issues faced by the locals.
The residents informed the President about the wild elephant intrusions that happen almost daily, land deed issues and the need for renovation of Polkatuwewa Ela canal.
In addition, the President was also informed of the abduction of milk cows in the area.
President Rajapaksa was warmly welcomed amidst cheers at the public rally in close proximity to Thelulla Bodhirama Vihara, Wellawaya, Athiliwewa organized by the SLPP candidate Gayashan Nawananda.
The President was informed of a number of issues, including inadequate storage facilities in Sevanagala Sugar factory, issues relating to land deeds, lands adjacent to Kirindioya, shortcomings in the Ethiliwewa Middle school, unsatisfactory power supply in the area, by the local residents.
President Rajapaksa took immediate action to resolve issues relating to the power supply to the area.
The main argument to support the MCC Land Project is that technology will put an end to land problems & Sri Lanka will be on par with countries using advanced technologies. These countries are where they are as a result of a lot of research. Sri Lanka has had no such research except foreign research, foreign recommendations and foreign aid to implement foreign recommendations. This was how a foreign law was passed hurried and in secret without public consultations in 1998. In a country where the population is yet to be technologically on par with the West, totally automating the Land registrar into a foreign title system will be advantageous to the very rich at the cost of the poor who have little or no access to the technology and do not know how to use it to protect their land rights.
The question is
Do we continue with the deed system where all of us will have a physical deed & have it automated on a e-land register with new methods introduced to eliminate land fraud?
20 land registries have already been automated and only smaller districts covering the remaining land registries need to be completed
or
Do we negate all of the work done in registering land deeds to an e-land register and convert 8.5m deeds to a new Title Registration system because it is linked to the $67m MCC Land Project which requires all lands to be privatized, repeals all the land laws of the country including judicial authority to later realize that all citizens do not have computers, internet nor deeds and the Government has no Funds to pay compensation for land fraud while the Government is additionally burdened with socio-economic issues for which the Government will have no land and no funds to resolve?
What are the issues in converting Deeds to Title Registration (Bim Saviya) & is it worth the hassle for a $67m Land Project that requires implementing Bim Saviya (MCC Annex 1-28)?
Title Registration architects ignore legal aspect of adjudicating ownersof 8.5m land from deed to title registration (bim saviya)
Title Registration Act removes Judicial powersafter issuing of certificate by creating a new Commission of Title Dept who has officials with no legal knowledge in land adjudication & unable to satisfactorily resolve land matters before converting from deed to title registration. The cases piling up as a result of these issues cannot be ignored by the Government.
Only compensation for land owners if fraud title registration is registered into electronic registrar. If a fraud owner registers a fraud bim saviya into the new e-land registry the original owner can only seek remedy from the Commissioner of Title & be compensated. He/She will not have his/her land returned. This is a very dangerous scenario for land owners.
The Government is also undertaking the economic burden under Section 60 of Act 21, 1998 Title Registration to compensate in lieu of judicial remedy. Why is the Government undertaking to compensate people for lost land from frauds as a result of Bim Saviya? Why is land not being returned to the valid & original owner? $67m makes no mention funding the Compensation component as a result of frauds from bim saviya? How can GoSL agree to a foreign land system that denies regaining one’s land if defrauded & offering only compensation. How can GoSL compensate to the value of the lost land/defrauded?
The Government should not hurry to issue bim saviya certificates to land owners ignoring the legal issuesbecause MCC is Funding only 10 land registries in 7 districts. The remaining 35 land registries in 18 districts will have to be funded by GoSL.
Nowhere does the MCC Agreement say that its Funding will go for legal disputes in the 10 land registries/7districts MCC is funding. Which means GoSL has to bear compensation for any land fraud. Does the GoSL have the money to compensate?
GoSL burdened with having to Fund & Resolve new Socio-Economic Issues.In addition to compensating land owners who have had their land defrauded, how will the GoSL deal with land owners (especially the poor) who have no land to live on, no means of livelihood – where will the GoSL resettle people when GoSL has no state land as State Land has been privatized under MCC?
The Samarasekera Committee appointed by then President Mahinda Rajapakseadmitted that giving an one-page bim saviya certificate in lieu of the deed cannot address issues like co-ownership & families living on lease land for generations and engaged in some form of agriculture.
MCC demands the GoSL convert all lands (private & State) to title registration& the title registration certificate to be automated into a new e-land registrar that is internationally compatible.
Title Registration is given to ONLY ONE OWNER– this means no co-ownership or shared ownership as in the deed system is allowed. Inheritance laws will also be repealed. Issues will also arise converting Temple/Kovil lands to Bim Saviya. Title Registration will remove Personal Laws – no more Thesavalamai, Upcountry or Muslim personal laws related to land will apply
Title Registration System (Bim Saviya) REMOVES PRESCRIPTION & HISTORY RECORDS of the DEED SYSTEM. This means only the owner’s details are on the bim saviya certificate. Details of past owners will not exist. In fact the Title Registration Act 21, 1998 has provision to destroy past records in Section 53. However, in the deed system all past records of ownership prevails allowing the courts to provide legal remedy better.
The Title Registration system is an Australian land title system introduced in 1885 with the intent to eliminate the indigenous land owners adopting the legal maxim Terra Nullius.
Why doesn’t the GoSL continue with the existing deed system with almost complete Deed E-Land Register?
The existing deed system should continue. Deeds of 20 land registries have already been scanned & entered into an e-land register. The balance smaller district deeds will be entered by end of year.
The recommendations of the Samarasekera Report have been taken to account. Ironically, the Committee that was headed by Milinda Moragoda when he was Minister of Justice in 2009 recommended a simple method of recognition & identification of owners which has been statutorily introduced for Trust Deeds via Trust Ordinanceand should be extended to all deeds for land sales. This is a major development to prevent land deed fraud in manual form & in electronic format as well.
The Deed system will be 2 fold – manual deeds with co-exist with electronic deedscomplying with Electronic Transaction Act Section 23 of 2006 which states that Land Transactions SHOULD NOT be made FULLY AUTOMATED. Owners will continue to possess his/her deed & can operate the deed e-land register using the owner’s registration number. The title registration certificate has a 12 digit number accessible to anyone anywhere in the world.
Deed system also has instances of land fraud but with above owner recognition laws and the Court system we can resolve the issues as in USA WHERE THEY HAVE A DEED SYSTEM WHICH THEY CALL RECORDING SYSTEM. US has been very reluctant to accept the Torrens Title Registration system as they do not wish to deprive owners of their right to access court and because the system of compensating owners is to costly (what GoSL will soon find out)
When Sri Lanka has the solution and is already doing the solution in 2 simple steps, why do we want to confuse the situation by entering into Bim Saviya together with MCC Land Project which will take over 100 years to establish a law for the e-register as emphasized by the Commissioner of Title in 2018 report.
Why is the Attorney General’s Dept hurrying amendments in laws to facilitate & quicken Bim Saviya without simply recommending to continue with the existing deed systemand resolving the land disputes by the Courts and thereafter entering into the Deed e-land register all of which are under local patent, ownership & control and within Sri Lankan laws to adjudicate whereas the MCC-Title Registration bind Sri Lanka to follow international laws & US regulations.
Can the lawyers and professional organizations look at the issue from the lens of the citizen & citizens right to land ownership & socio-economic security instead of the merits of foreign funding only!
Why doesn’t
the government ask the CID summon Ranil on the the following revelation and
question him as to why he is not doing his duty by the country by producing
Mahendra as he had promised in the Cabinet and later in Parliament as well
that he takes personal responsibility for all what Mahendran does as the
Governor of CB
UNP leader
Ranil Wickremesinghe recently admitted receiving a telephone call from fugitive
former Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran. Responding to Chamuditha
Samarawickrema on ‘Salakuna’ on ‘Hiru’, the former Prime Minister said that he
had spoken with Singapore-based Mahendran. Asked when the conversation had
taken place, the UNP leader said recently.
Isn’t it
obvious that Ranil definitely knows where this fugitive is hiding. Since Ranil
has taken personal responsibility at the cabinet as well as in the Parliament
doesn’t amount to standing surety against this culprit. As such isn’t it
mandatory that Ranil is legally bound to produce this man in court or face
arrest for not fulfilling his duty before a court under the law. The whole country
knows it was Ranil who got down this man in 2015 and got him appointed as the
Governor of the CB in spite of objections by the then President
Sri Lanka’s
efforts to convince Singapore to hand over Mahendran has not been successful.
The election to be held on 5
August 2020 on all counts appear to be a lack lustre event. The Sri
Lankans are generally used to massive media campaigns, bill boards, cut-outs
and public rallies accommodating hundreds of thousands of supporters.
These campaigns have energised
the political parties and its leaders whilst providing much needed euphoria as
a solid return on investment on cost of media blitz. These propaganda
activities also provided stiff competition, encouraging larger voter turnout on
the election day.
The covid 19 has virtually
killed the Sri Lankan style of electioneering. To make matters worse, the
oldest political party, the United National Party is split, making traditional
UNPers to look for Elephant symbol after a long time
wanting to vote for the UNP, but likely to cross UNP as the preferred party,
but painfully looking for Sajith Premadasa’s candidates with the
Telephone and vice versa.
With a low turnout expected as
a result of above factors, this election most likely to record a high percentage
of rejected votes, as a consequence of Elephant and Telephone.
The following popular political
personalities are unlikely to win a seat at the election: Rev Athureliya
Rathana, Sujeewa Senasinghe, Ravi Karunanayke, Patali Champaka Ranawaka.
Hirunika Premachandra, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Duminda Dissanayake, Weerakumara
Dissanayake, Ranjan Ramanayake, Arjuna Ranatunga, Vijitha Herath,
Chandima Weerakkody, Palitha Ranga Bandara, Kumara Welgama, Sarath
Fonseka, Rajitha Senaratne, Chathura Senaratne, Ajith P Perera, Palitha
Thewarapperuma, Dayasiri Jayasekera, P Harrison,
The following forecast was
prepared taking into account above limiting factors, with a margin of error of
+/- 3%. The newly formed SLPP is likely to secure a tight 2/3
majority.
SLPP
UNP/SJB
TNA
CENTRAL
PROVINCE:
KANDY
8
4
MATALE
3
2
NUWARAELIYA
5
3
EASTERN
PROV.
BATTICALOA
1
4
DIGAMADULLA
4
2
TRINCOMALEE
2
1
1
NORTHERN
PROV.
JAFFNA
1
1
5
WANNI
2
4
SOUTHERN
PROV
GALLE
9
1
MATARA
7
1
HAMBANTHOTA
6
1
WESTERN
PROV.
COLOMBO
13
6
GAMPAHA
15
3
KALUTARA
8
2
NTH
WEST. PROV
KURUNEGALA
13
2
PUTTALAM
5
3
NTH
CENTRAL PROV
ANURADHAPURA
8
1
POLONNARUWA
4
1
UVA
PROV.
BADULLA
6
3
MONERAGALA
4
1
SABARAGAMUWA
RATNAPURA
10
1
KEGALLE
8
1
TOTAL
TO BE ELECTED
142
40
14
196
NATIONAL
LIST
21
6
2
29
GRAND
TOTAL
163
46
16
225
PERCENTAGE SEATS
%
72%
20% 8%
The Sajith Premadasa camp may secure 28 seats as against
Ranil to settle down for 18 seats.
Given the popularity of three-wheelers as a mode of transportation, and the close proximity between drivers and passengers, the masks will prevent COVID infection”, Director General Health, Dr.Anil Jasinghe said.
COLOMBO, July 30 (Xinhua) — The Chinese Embassy in Sri Lanka on Wednesday donated a large number of face masks and posters raising the awareness about the COVID-19 pandemic to a leading union of local three-wheel drivers.
In an event held at the Chinese Embassy in Colombo, Charge d’affaires of the Chinese Embassy Hu Wei handed over 50,000 face masks and 35,000 posters to Vice President of the All Island Three-Wheeler Driver’s Union M. J. M Hameed.
Hameed said that his union was happy to join with the Chinese Embassy and Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Health to promote health and safety amid the COVID-19 pandemic and promised to distribute the face masks to union members in order to protect themselves, passengers and the general public.
A press release from the Chinese Embassy said that the donations represent the sincere friendship and best wishes from the Chinese people,” and that the joint fight of the two countries against COVID-19 would strengthen the friendship and mutual trust between China and Sri Lanka.”
Director General of Health Services in Sri Lanka Anil Jasinghe, who attended the event, thanked the Chinese Embassy, saying that the donations would be useful given the popularity of three-wheelers as a mode of transportation, and the close proximity between drivers and passengers.
Rizwan Jamaldeen, a three-wheel driver and a union member from the country’s Slave Island, said that face masks are a thoughtful and practical donation that would go a long way to protect the health of both drivers and passengers.
Three-wheelers, popularly known as tuk-tuks, are a popular mode of transportation and source of self-employment to many Sri Lankans. ■
North Western Province Governor A. J. M. Muzammil yesterday (30) alleged that the Election Commission (EC) seemed to be brazenly selective in the implementation of relevant laws pertaining to the conducting of parliamentary polls scheduled for Aug 5.
Muzammil said that the EC owed the public an explanation as to how the EC allowed Constitutional Council member attorney-at-law Javid Yusuf to appear on the political stage whereas Governors were strongly advised against participating in the ongoing polls campaign.
In spite of the dissolution of parliament on March 2, 2020 to pave the way for parliamentary polls, the 10-member CC headed by former Speaker Karu Jayasuriya is staying put.
The EC, embroiled in a deepening controversy over the re-renaming of the Ape Jathika Peramuna as the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) consists of Mahinda Deshapriya (Chairman), Prof. Ratnajeevan Hoole and Nalin Abeysekera, PC.
Muzammil made available to The Island several letters he had received from the EC as well as Secretary to the President and his response to both EC and Secretary to the President to highlight the fact that the EC was following what he called a highly biased policy.
The EC had conveniently chosen to ignore Yusuf throwing his weight behind a civil society project meant to sabotage a high profile SLPP campaign seeking a two-thirds majority at the August 5 poll to do away with the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, Muzammil said.
The former Colombo Mayor was referring to Yusuf calling for a common stand against the moves against the 19th Amendment enacted at the onset of yahapalana administration.
Yusuf is on record as having said that the government would have conducted parliamentary polls regardless of the severe threat posed by the corona epidemic, if not for the timely intervention made by the EC in terms of the 19th Amendment.
Muzammil emphasized that the EC put off the scheduled polls in terms of the Parliamentary Elections Act of 1981 not under the 19th Amendment as referred to by the CC member. The bottom line is that in case of a calamity even the Election Commissioner had the power to put off an election, Muzammil said, urging the EC not to play politics with the process.
Muzammil said that the controversy over a CC member taking a political stand took place close on the heels of EC member Prof. Hoole controversial comments in an interview conducted in Jaffna. The CC remained silent on the EC member’s conduct and the EC ignored a CC member taking sides in the ongoing political battle, when all of them should be strictly neutral. The civil society grouping Yusuf is aligned with campaigning against the SLPP and was canvassing for the UNP, its breakaway faction the SJB, the JVP and the TNA to save the 19th Amendment, Muzammil said.
Responding to another query, Muzammil said that the polls monitoring bodies seemed to be strangely silent on what was going on at the EC. The EC lost public credibility by turning a blind eye to the CC member declaring his intention to save the 19th Amendment by campaigning with a section of civil society.
A spokesperson for civil society grouping Freedom said that due to practical difficulties caused by the Corona crisis they couldn’t conduct public meetings since the one held on July 8 at the New Town hall. However, several media briefings were held since the inaugural meeting to highlight the need to save the 19th Amendment to prevent emergence of an authoritarian administration, the spokesperson said, adding that quite a useful webinar on economic issues, too, was conducted. A second webinar would be held today, Friday (31), with the participation of Jayadeva Uyangoda, Javid Yusuf and Suren Fernando. The Freedom spokesman said that they took a strong stand in respect of the 19th Amendment on a programme on TNL television recently.
Muzammil said that he didn’t find fault with the civil society for campaigning against the SLPP. The issue is why the EC allowed a CC member to be part of the campaign whereas Governors appointed by the President were told not to engage in any promotional activity.
Muzammil said that he received a letter from Presidential Secretary Dr. P.B. Jayasundera that instructed him not to promote any candidate at public expense. The Wayamba Governor pointed out that the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) had issued several statements recently advising public servants et al, including those in the media emphasizing the importance of neutrality in the whole process. However, the HRCSL hadn’t commented on the CC member taking a political stand, Governor Muzammil said, adding that his position on the HRCSL was subjected to correction.
Yusuf, in a recent interview with The Island explained his rights as a member of the civil society as well as the CC, vowing he wouldn’t serve the CC at the expense of his primary role.
Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa yesterday said a new government will introduce laws making it mandatory to present agreements with regard to state properties in parliament before signing them.
Speaking at a forum of professionals in Colombo, Mr. Rajapaksa said the members of the previous Yahapalana Government has signed contracts to handover the Eastern Container Terminal (ECT) at the Colombo Port to India since it already leased out the Hambantota Port to China.
Had the Yahapalana Government remained in power for another term, nothing would have been left in the country. Therefore, we will introduce laws making it mandatory to submit agreements with regard to state properties in parliament before signing them. However, today, we have been forced to go ahead with whatever we are left within the country including the destruction the previous government has made,” he said.
He said the foreign exchange revenue earned from expatriate workers and the income from the garment industry continued to be the two main source of income for the country. He said the country cannot further depend on these two sources.
We made plans to set the course of the country’s economy on a new path and to create novel ways of generating income. That’s why we created the Hambantota Port, the Port City and the Mattala Airport. We made highways connecting all these to make the country an international trade centre,” he said.
Referring to the COVID-19 pandemic and its impact, Prime Minister Rajapaksa said the economy of not only Sri Lanka but also the entire world has imploded.
This is the challenge we face in the short term. Due to the fluctuations in the world economy, we are yet again at a juncture where the existence of the country depends on the ability of the leaders. Had Gotabaya Rajapaksa not been elected President, the country would have become a ‘Vishala Mahanuwara.’ I hope all Sri Lankans will use their voting right to strengthen the Gotabaya Rajapaksa Government,” Prime Minister Rajapaksa said.
The United National Party will expel top members of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) including its leader Sajith Premadasa in the second round, and it will be announced in a few days time, party General Secretary Akila Viraj Kariyawasam said today.
Mr. Kariyawasam told the Daily Mirror that Mr. Premadasa could be among those who will be expelled in the second round.
I cannot exactly say whether Mr. Premadasa will be included in the next expulsion list but it is likely that he will be included. The expulsion process will be carried out on a phase by phase basis,” he said.
He said some who were contesting under the SJB might rejoin the UNP after the general elections on August 5.
Only a few SJB big guns were included in the list of expulsions made last Tuesday.
Those who were included were Sarath Fonseka, Ranjan Ramanayake, Nalin Bandara Jayamaha, Ajith P Perera, Sydney Jayaratne, Asoka Abeysinghe, Bandulalal Bandarigoda and Vadivel Suresh.
SJB big guns such as Sajith Premadasa, S. M. Marikar, Harsha de Silva, P Harrison, Lakshman Kiriella, Eran Wickramaratne, Kavinda Jayawardene, Harshana Rajakaruna, Harin Fernando, Ranjith Aluvihare, Wasantha Aluvihare and Talatha Athukorala were not included in the list of 54 candidates expelled on Tuesday. (Yohan Perera)
The Working Committee of the United National Party (UNP) on Tuesday (28) approved the suspension of party memberships of 115 members.
Accordingly, 54 members who had submitted nominations from the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and another 61 Local Government members were expelled from the party.
Several top figures of the party including Ajith P. Perera, Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, Sujeewa Senasinghe and Ranjan Ramanayake are also among the ousted members.
However, the decision on the suspending the UNP membership of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya leader Sajith Premadasa is to be taken soon, according to sources from the party.
The list of the UNP members who were ousted for submitting nominations fron the SJB is as follows:
Three more persons have tested positive for novel coronavirus increasing the total number of confirmed cases reported in the country to 2,814.
The three new cases include a foreigner who had arrived from Turkey, a Sri Lankan who had returned from United Arab Emirates (UAE) and another Sri Lankan returnee from Qatar.
Four new cases have been reported so far today (30). Earlier today, a resident of Lankapura had tested positive for Covid-19.
Accordingly 470 patients infected with the virus are undergoing treatment at hospitals while the total number of recoveries has climbed to 2,333.
President Gotabaya Rajapaksa stated that the city of Kelaniya will be developed curbing the drug menace and underworld while preserving the city’s historical heritage and pride.
President made these remarks touring Gampaha district for the second time today (30) in support of the candidates of Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna contesting next week’s Parliamentary Election.
The meeting was organized by candidate Sisira Jayakody. The Ten Fold Kelani Declaration” aimed at the development of the area was presented to the President.
While paying attention to the issues raised by the people present at the venue, the President requested the public to elect a strong Parliament to ensure a development process that preserves the grandeur of Kelaniya.
Maha Sangha led by Prof. Ven. Kumburugamuwe Vajira Thero, Ministers Dinesh Gunawardene and Prasanna Ranatunga, candidate Prasanna Ranaweera, Dr. Seetha Arambepola were also present on the occasion.
Attending a public gathering organized by candidate Nalin Fernando in Ja Ela, the President inquired into inadequacies in the area.
President Rajapaksa stated that he will take steps to reduce the flood risks in Gampaha district by renovating all the canals in the area. The President also promised to take steps to develop the Ja-Ela city.
President Rajapaksa was cordially received by the people gathered at the public meeting organized by candidate Lalantha Gunasekara at Andiambalama area in Katana, when he arrived at the venue.
The Maha Sangha at the scene highly commended the ‘Saubhagye Gewaththa’ (Home Garden of Prosperity) programme launched by the government and pledged to make the religious places including the temples as a center point to promote this programme among the public.
The Maha Sangha pointed out the importance of using all the religious places to distribute seeds and information.
A group of students gathered at the venue requested the President to swiftly implement the proposed education policy in ‘Saubhagye Dekma’, policy statement which will enable the students to complete their degrees at the age of 20.
Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara says that they will initiate legal action against the suspension of the United National Party (UNP) membership of 60 local councilors who supported the SJB.
Speaking during a press briefing today (30), he said that local council members elected by the people cannot be removed without a disciplinary inquiry.
He added that they safeguard all the local council members ousted from the UNP and that they have already made the necessary arraignments to take the matter to the courts.
The full list of names of the 53 candidates of the SJB and 60 local government members, who were sacked from the UNP based on a decision taken by the party’s Working Committee, was released to the media today.
According to the said list, the UNP has suspended the party membership of a number of former MPs who had previously been elected to Parliament from the UNP. These include the likes of Ajith P. Perara, Ranjan Ramanayake, Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, Thushara Indunil, Nalin Bandara and Ashoka Abeysinghe.
However, the list does not mention the names of SJB leader Sajith Premadasa and General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara.
Meanwhile former MP and UNP Assistant Leader Ravi Karunanayake says that several more groups of UNP members who left the party top join the SJB will be sacked from the party under several phases.
He said another batch is expected to be expelled from the party nest Monday.
The Ceylon Electricity Board states that it has decided to provide a concession of Rs. 3 billion to all electricity consumers for the months of March, April and May.
6.7 million customers are entitled to this concession and only the fee mentioned in the February bill has to be paid for the relevant 3 months.
The CEB stated that if the bill in the three months is less than the February bill then the lower bill has to be settled.
Buvaneka Hotel? I wanted to renovate the place when I was
Secretary to the Urban Development Authority, but the owner refused to give it
up for renovation.
An amused President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to some young men who asked him, during his campaign tour of the Kurunegala district on July 27, why he kept silent when ‘our kingdom’ was bulldozed.
(The prime minister has appointed an archaeological advisory
committee consisting of twenty experts – monks and laymen, archaeologist Ven.
Ellawela Medhananda among them – as a first step towards protecting the gravely
endangered archaeological heritage of the country, according to live evening TV
news from Sri Lanka/July 29. This is a very positive response to public
concerns raised over the partial demolition of what is popularly held to be the
remains of a royal assembly hall belonging to the reign of King Bhuvanekabahu
II of Kurunegala of the 13th century CE.)
The demolition of a part of a building that is claimed to be an
archaeological site at Kurunegala on the night of July 14, 2020 caused
quite a furore, with the opposition seizing the opportunity offered by the
surreptitious operation to sling mud at the government. Why the mayor had to do
it in the night in such a hurry is yet to be explained, though. In any case,
the controversy that the destruction ignited was manna from heaven for the
opposition, which is starved of a proper platform for fighting the election.
Aside from this, the main opposition speakers are providing much needed comic
relief for the corona-fears-hit audiences across the country through their
empty campaign speeches. They have suddenly become champion protectors of the
country’s cultural heritage. But it is hardly likely that the senior SLPP
leaders would have allowed this act of (apparently accidental) vandalism to be
committed, had they had an inkling of it beforehand, particularly in this
run-up-to one of the most decisive general elections held in the
country.
Be that as it may, the episode has drawn the attention of all Sri
Lankans to a chronic issue that is directly connected with the national
security and the political stability of the Sri Lankan state: the deliberate
destruction/vandalizing/encroachment of Sri Lanka’s archaeological sites by
treasure hunters and politically motivated individuals. The protection, through
preservation and conservation, of the country’s rich ancient cultural heritage
is a national responsibility that no government can ignore. There are six main
parties who are bound to take an interest in this issue; they are, to list them
at random: Buddhist monks, the general public, historians and archaeologists,
relevant state officials, politicians in general, and the government including
the prime minister the executive president.
The president laughed when the young men queried him about the
Kurunegala affair because he knows that the name ‘Buvaneka’ had been dragged
into it by interested parties to embarrass the government (by highlighting its
supposed antiquity). With that answer, he pricked the balloon of false
propaganda of the opposition. But there is no doubt that he takes the problem
that underlies the whole affair seriously. It is very clear that, taken out of
that context, it is no laughing matter, though some people may try to make it
out to be something trivial and funny. In fact, the enemies of the
country want to represent even the general election as a form of meaningless
theatrical entertainment, which in reality this time is the moment of truth for
the whole national electorate.
Incidentally, there are those who are ever ready to attack the
recorded history of the Sinhalese in their unique homeland as mere fiction. But
knowledgeable local and foreign scholars, from colonial times to the present,
have increasingly accepted it as something well authenticated by carefully
composed ancient chronicles and orally transmitted folk traditions, both
supported by epigraphical evidence and archaeological remains found across the
length and breadth of the island. Ill-informed cynics are making the public
outrage caused by the thoughtless act a pretext for taking a playful dig at
those who are speaking up for safeguarding the rights of the variously besieged
majority community. It is a different matter that there are a few political
opportunists, fakes, and rogues among them as there are among members of other
communities. Recent evidence unearthed by archaeologists (some of them
from foreign universities) has proved that a primitive people who had
nevertheless reached a relatively advanced stage of civilization had inhabited
the central mountainous region of the island at least some four and a half
thousand years ago, which hints at the fact that the history of the Sinhalese
is much older than the recorded 2500 years. The Ravana story may be a myth, but
it is quite possible that is based on a regal ancestor of the Sinhalese who
fought invasions from abroad thousands years before the time that the Mahavansa
begins with. Some amateur ‘archaeologists’ in the form of You Tubers,
apparently none of them with any expertise in the most difficult domain of
archaeology, at various levels of commitment to the discovery of the scientific
truth from one hundred percent to zero percent, are turning out videos these
days about real or imagined archaeological sites. Some of them have published,
for example, pictures of mysterious symbolic shapes carved on a rock in a
hardly accessible place and a drawing of what looks like a dinosaur on another
rock face, images worthy of being included in Erich Von Daniken’s 1968 classic
‘Chariots of the Gods’. A responsible future government must turn its attention
to this so-called ‘Ravana’ aspect of Sri Lanka’s pre-history and bring it under
the purview of proper archaeological study. The nation can exploit its
potential for the benefit of the country in terms of its economy through the
promotion of tourism in addition to contributing to the global store of human
knowledge. Equally important, it will serve to ensure the future survival of
the Sinhalese as a race with their unique historical identity. So, the uproar
raised about the Kurunegala incident by both genuine and mischief-making
protestors is not something to be dismissed with a laugh.
There cannot be any dispute about the fact that the structure at
the place in question is of archaeological value, though the mayor of
Kurunegala, the first citizen of the city, is unaware of it. Ignorance is no
excuse for a person who holds such a responsible position. However, the
Adhikarana Sanga Nayake Thera of Vayamba, at a meeting of the Bauddha
Upadeshaka Sabhava with the President (July 25) said that the place in question
was not an archaeological site, and that it was a big lie to say that it was.
He said that there was no ‘raja sabha mandapaya’ (a royal assembly hall)
belonging to king Bhuvanekabahu II at that place. In his detailed explanation
of its recent history of about twenty years, he described how the premises was
leased out by the municipal council during that period and was enlarged and
used for various commercial purposes such as running wine shop,a
restaurant, a barber shop, and even for renting out rooms for couples. It was
implied that the enlargement of the building by adding rooms, etc was done
without proper official authorization. But the monk admitted that the old
structure that originally stood there and apparently still stands there
partly damaged or tampered with, was one built more than one hundred years ago,
which means that the place should be considered an archaeological site.
An archaeologist who was seen at the meeting, had stated to a local
newspaper on an earlier occasion, that, according to popular tradition, the
particular place was where king Bhuvanekabahu II held assizes/adjudged cases
(though there was no literary or other evidence to support this.)
With apologies to historians and archaeologists, I would like to
suggest, as a lay reader, that unrelated information available in Chapter
XC (90) of the Mahavansa (continued in the Culavansa) lends credence to
the popular tradition that the archaeologist monk mentioned. That particular
chapter narrates the goings on in a period of history made noteworthy by such
events as the relocation of the seat of government from time to time to
Dambadeniya, Kurunegala, and Yapahuwa, internecine conflicts triggered by
succession disputes sometimes leading to torture, treachery and murder, foreign
invasions, the forced removal of the Tooth Relic to the captivity of Pandyans
in south India by ‘a chief among Tamils, known as Ariya Cakkavatti, albeit he
was not an Ariya’, and its eventual recovery through sophisticated diplomacy,
cultural activity in the service of Buddhism and the advancement of letters
under royal patronage, and the construction of architectural monuments such as
the magnificent rock fortress city of Yapahuwa
(Subha-pabbata/Subhacala/Subagiri) built by king Bhuvanekabahu I, whose son
Bhuvanekabahu II ruled at Kurunegala from 1293-1302 CE. That the latter
dispensed justice from a specially constructed assembly hall in Kurunegala is
not an improbability. Has any archaeologist tried to compare the architectural
features of the alleged royal assembly hall to those found at Yapahuwa?
In view of these facts, talking further about the issue is worth our while.
(The Mahavansa references here are based on Mudaliyar L.C. Wijesinha’s
translation of 1889.)
The issue involves the accidental or premeditated partial
destruction of a heritage building and its complex aftermath. The foreign and
local supporters of the opposition may not see any complexity in either, the
former because of their ignorance of, and the latter because of their
indifference to, the cultural sensitivities and political perceptions of the
majority Sinhalese Buddhist community. Hence they might express adverse
opinions about the way the six categories of people responded to the
incident.
It is obvious that the mayor found himself caught off his guard
when he was confronted with the fact that what was partly demolished was of
archaeological value. A minister of the present government, a prominent member
of the SLPP (who comes from a business background, and who was a UNP stalwart
before he joined the Mahinda camp), rushed to his rescue, which one of his
cabinet colleagues publicly criticised. If some irregularity was committed in
this instance, which is very likely, there is a common heritage of guilt to be
shared by the incumbent and previous mayors, possibly of a different political
colour. Prime minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, it seemed, showed a special interest
in the matter as the Buddha Sasana and cultural affairs minister in the
caretaker administration. The opposition’s exploitation of the mayor’s blunder
to attack the government to gain some propaganda advantage over it, with the
elections round the corner, made the PM’s concern in this regard look like a
mark of what they probably thought was his desire to engage in some sort of damage
control exercise. In my opinion, there was absolutely no need for the
government to register a panicked response. What happened was what could have
happened under any government, notwithstanding its desire to avoid such
embarrassment or to ensure rectification of what went wrong in such a
situation. The commercial abuse of that place, and many other similar
registered and unregistered heritage sites, for that matter, has persisted for
a long time, in some cases, with the connivance of or under the sponsorship of
politicians in the local authorities allied to main parties. Party leaders have
no control over this. In politically motivated attacks on the country’s ancient
Buddhist heritage in the east particularly, government officials become
vulnerable to manipulation by well funded extremists through bribery.
The only solution is to leave matters to the law enforcement
authorities so they can take appropriate action. The PM-appointed committee has
made some recommendations (conservation of the part damaged while preserving
its archaeological features, acquisition of the building by the department of
archaeology, requesting the RDA to revise its road widening plan at this point,
prosecuting the persons responsible for the destruction, and recovering the cost
of conservation from the institutions or individuals responsible for the
destruction) which are to be implemented in the short term. Once the building
is restored and the problem, whatever it is, that required a part of it to be
bulldozed under cover of the night is sorted out, the current mode of its
utilization will have to be reviewed, and changes introduced as appropriate. At
the meeting he had with the monks of the Bauddha Upadeshaka Sabhava on July 25,
the president decided to appoint a committee of experts to propose changes to
the Antiquities Ordinance, which should ensure more robust implementation of
the law relating to archaeological places, buildings and objects than
now.
Even in the past the president was the only person in a position
of power (as defence secretary) who made a meaningful intervention in the
problem first articulated by Buddhist monks (for example, Kuragala). Meanwhile,
it will be very important to depoliticize and de-communalize the problem of
protecting the archaeological relics of the country’s glorious Buddhist past.
Most of the vulnerable sites lie in the north and east where the island
civilization started as currently understood. Actually there is no threat to
them from the mainstream Tamil and Muslim minority communities who respectively
dominate those provinces in terms of population numbers, but these peaceful
people are held hostage by a few political extremists (separatists and
jihadists). Tamils and Muslims are not confined to these two provinces.
More than 50% of them live in the south among the Sinhalese. The protection of
archaeological sites has become a political and communal issue, particularly in
the north and east, because of the the extremists. The government must enlist
the support of ordinary Tamils and Muslims in these areas to overcome the
extremists, and then entrust the protection of the archaeological sites to
people of all three communities who live there, in addition to ensuring state
protection of the same. Places already encroached upon must be re-acquired by
the state, and people already settled on them gradually relocated elsewhere
with the least inconvenience to them.
These archaeological remains belong equally to all present day Sri
Lankans irrespective of ethnicity. In economic terms, the existence of ancient
historical places and objects is beneficial to the people who today inhabit the
relevant areas, because they are tourist attractions. Most people are ignorant
of the value of these relics of the past. Popular ignorance facilitates the
extremists’ anti-national activities. One of the lessons taught by the
Kurunegala episode is about the importance of adequate awareness on the part of
the officialdom as well as the populace regarding the country’s inestimable
archaeological treasures.
Before I present
my updated write up on the above topic I give here my prediction made on the
last Presidential Election on 14 Oct 2019 in
an email I sent to Mr Gothabhaya Rajapaksa.
Your victory as well as that of the country is a
foregone conclusion. I am repeating, you will be definitely starting with at
least 65 lakhs the minimum that is what the SLPP, UPF and SLFP got at the 2018
Local Government Elections. Looking at the present trend no one should be
surprised even if it exceeds 70 lahks.
(This is the
introduction of an email sent to GR on 14.Oct 2019)
The accuracy of my prediction was proved to the very letter when he polled 6,924,255 votes
and comprehensively won that election and I take pride in that forecast as I
was the only man who said so. Many of my friends expressed their reservations
on my conclusion. But I persistently maintained my conviction and finally it was
proved correct.
Similarly I ammaking this prediction this time too on
the upcoming General election after making a general survey of the political
situation on ground by listening to people in the work place, paddy field and
on the streets and media. In addition to the changes that have taken place over
the past two weeks changes bound to occur in the behavior of the electorate
between now and the 5th of August also have been taken in to
consideration in arriving at this conclusion. This election is definitely going to be a historic land mark in the
political history of this Island Nation and it will mark the beginning of a period
of new political culture, the change people of this country are yearning for
decades.
First of all I
opine the next General Election is going to be an important historic land mark
in the political history of this Island nation for the following reasons. The
final result will be something unexpected by any. But definitely it will happen
and it is destined to become a turning point in Lankan history.
The summary of my
considered guess on the outcome of the election is given below
1The SLPP will emerge
victorious with a landslide with 170 -175 or more out of 225 seats in the next
Parliament (Eg 150-155 elected and 20 national list slots, the minimum)
2 The UNP (Ranil and +Premadasa camps
together) will get 35 or 40 (elected + national list)
3 TNA this time
may get about 12 elected and 1 National list members
4 None of the
JVP candidates will get elected. They might get 1 national list seat.
5 Not a single Independent candidate will get
elected and they all will forfeit their deposits.
This overall
result is predicted on the basis of two sets of mutually exclusive factors
coming in to play, one negative and the other positive. Both sets will have adverse
negative effects on the present UNP and Samangi Balawegaya. It is very likely
they might get completely wiped out at the end and the term UNP” in any case will
be only past history thereafter. As the ongoing life and death battle between
the two camps with no intelligent policy statements or pragmatic solutions to
the burning problems of the people or the country with hardly any effective
rebuttal against the achievements of government in power and the failure to
offer any alternative to the people have already made both these camps dwarfs
in the 2020 election battle. The harvest of their follies will be handsomely reaped
by the SLPP, recording a landslide victory never expected by any, including
even those of the SLPP and the President’s Office. It reminds me of the 1956
and 1977 election scenarios but with a marked difference. That is in both those
occasions the opposition re-emerged but this
time there want be an opposition left behind as the UNP will disappear from the
political map of this country as a political party. There is also absolutely no
chance Saji’s Camp emerging either as an alternative as it is bound to
disintegrate in to pieces after the election.
First let us look at the negative factors I mentioned
above.
1This election
is held after 5 years of complete anarchy and political bungling and economic
mismanagement in this country under the ill-famed Sirisena–Ranil-Karu, the three
headed Government. Going by the present situation in the country, the political
environment at Home could be compared to a sinking and wrecking ship in mid
seas caught by a giant Tsunami, sans a captain to rescue and navigate it in the
proper direction.
2 We are going
to have this election at a time when the country is beset by extremely serious
crises in a plethora of political, economic and social fields never witnessed
before in this country.
3 The country is
going through a serious economic depression after the nation’s Central Bank had
been robbed by the then ruling UNP lead by its own leader, and subsequently the
whole country paralyzed by extremist Muslim terrorist attacks on the nerve
centers of the economy throughout the country, now in complete disarray and
reached its lowest growth level in its 72 years of Independence. On the top of
it is a time when the whole world is
undergoing one of the most difficult and unpredictable future due to the world
wide Covid 19 pandemic that has almost crippled the whole world and brought it
virtually on its knees almost to a non-returnable situation.
4 The country’s
economy is also undergoing one of the most difficult times ever in its history
more or less facing a national crisis level with no agricultural or industrial
production and nor exports, where the main foreign exchange inflow channels like foreign employment has
almost got dried up
5 Scanty
domestic FE reserves and worldwide economic depression and limitations and
constraints on exports and imports due to global restriction on shipping and
international trade mechanism and production in all sectors.
6 Meanwhile continued interference in our
domestic affairs and competition by powerful countries to take control of our
strategic situation on the great E-W trade route in the Indian Ocean in view of
its importance in the context of emerging supremacy of the Indo-Pacific zone in
world politics and by various International agencies hostile to this country
that are trying to create disunity among Sinahala, Tamil and Muslim communities
within the country that have created
many a problem to this country.
Second on the positive side
In spite of this
darker side, after 72 years of So-called Independence on the other hand, we as
a nation have got a patriotic and strong Sinhala Buddhist Statesman in
President Gothabhaya Rajapaksa as a man with a clear vision and a mission who
has the proven capacity to successfully
face all these challenges of multifaceted conundrum and take this country
out of the Augean mess it has been put in to by all politicians who are
supposed to have ruled this country for the past 72 years since the so-called
Independence in 1948.
None of them
knew the kind of fake Independence they got in 1948. As I see it none of them
knew that the kind of Independence given by the British was only a transfer of
continuation of the same British governance to a local set of kalu Suddhas to
run the country as their proxy. This is exactly what we are doing even today.
But the brainless politicians call it Independence. The true Bhumiputras of
this country, that is Sinhala Buddhists expect at least Gothabhaya Rajapaksa
the new President to make this country a fully pledge Independent and sovereign
State after this election. This perhaps
is the priority number one, the people of this country expects from him. This
long overdue political strategy forms
the cornerstone of all the rest like economic and social development as an Independent
sovereign and free country.
1 Going by his
past record as the Secretary of the Ministry of Defense, as to how he defeated
the LTTE and how he converted Colombo to be recognized as the best City in Asia
within four years after the war are enough testimonies for his ability and
leadership as a task master. His peerless success in these two fields almost
made him the Sinhala Buddhist benevolent Statesman with no peers overnight; the
nation was desperately looking for seven decades. That is why the whole nation
almost unanimously got him elected as the 8th President of this Island nation
with 6,924,255 votes that gave him an unprecedented majority of 1,360,016 in spite
of numerous false and vicious conspiracies and intrigues’ relentlessly deployed
against him until the last moment by anti-national ant-Sinhala forces both from
within the country and outside the shores to prevent him from getting even
nominations. All such attempts were successfully foiled and finally truth
prevailed, justice won and he got him elected as the 8th President of this
country to the overwhelming joy of the Sinhala nation at last.
The way how he
has conducted in office as well as in personal life since he was sworn in front
of the Ruwanwelimahaseya and his short but dignified speech from the hallowed
precincts of the Great Stupa reminded me ancient traditions of our great Kings
who swore in in front of the Mahasangha to rule the Lankan Kingdom according to
the Dasaraaja Dhamma. How he set about thereafter by ordering not to exhibit
his photo in Government offices, reducing his staff, and even security and
banning all state tamasas, reducing the Cabinet to 17 and his simple dress and
manners has won the admiration and the hearts of the masses. How he managed the
Covid 19 pandemic when even countries like USA have miserably failed, has
already made him the most outstanding national leader the post Independent Sri
Lanka has produced. The majority in the country are unanimous on this
consensus. For them he is already a national idol and a hero as well. For the
poor and those deprived of their daily bread due to the Covid 19 disaster, the
food basket and the 5000 payment given was manna from heaven in their difficult
times. As for me I see in him as the
legendary Diyasena eulogized in Perakumbasirita by Sri Thotagamuve Rahula Thera
at last born to rescue this thrice blessed Punyabhuumi, by Lord Buddha.
All these
actions on his part have convinced the masses that at last after 72 years of
so-called Independence they have got a Patriotic and honest Sinhala Buddhist
task master Statesman of proven ability and unblemished character beyond any
doubt in Gothabahaya Rajapaksa, as the Head of State they have been looking for
decades.
2 At the same
time there is an unprecedented emerging unity among the Sinhala nation from
west to East and North to South and from the sea to mountain tops throughout
the country with no regard what so ever to their differences like caste, creed
and religion as one nation.
3 A towering
sense of belonging together also has emerged among the people of the country as
one nation due to the exemplary leadership of Maha Sangha in unison and
Catholic clergy headed by His Eminence Cardinal Malcom Ranjit Fernando.
4 The splitting
of the main opposition party UNP and infighting within it for personal gain and
glory rather than the concern for the people and the vituperative speeches
thrown at each party have left the grass root UNPers dismayed, frustrated,
disillusioned and high and dry. Majority of UNPers have already realized that
hanging on to UNP an already a sunken ship will not take them anywhere under
these circumstances. In sum all of them know pretty well that there is
virtually no UNP as an alternative Political party that can come to power ever in
the foreseeable future. It is already dead and buried under six feet, thanks to
Ranil and Sajit Premadasa. No one will hear about the UNP after 5th of August.
5 The patriotic
younger generation looking for change and new hopes getting attracted by this
new leadership qualities displayed by Gota have already got rallied round him
6 Nationwide
hope and the dream for political stability under a joint partnership between
the proven and able leadership qualities of the Rajapaksa brothers specially
the charismatic MR and proactive and dynamic Gota the task master who does not
tolerate humbug and who has aptly proved his capacity in his war against the
savages LTTE, as the Defense Sec of the country and as the President of the
country from the day he was elected as
the President and more particularly as to how he rescued the nation form
the Covid 19 pandemic when almost all world leaders have failed has made the
people confident that they have got the
leadership they were looking for decades who can rescue this country out of the
political, economic and Social mess in to which successive Governments have
dumped it.
7 The newly
emerging wave and the sense of patriotism and Sinhala Buddhist nationalism
gathering momentum around this new leadership supported by the Three Forces,
Professionals, Civil Servants and the Six National Forces Sanga, Veda, Guru,
Govi-kamkaru and Ranaviru and the youth votes around the country brimming with
new hope and power like a multi barrel war machine rolling across the battle
field are taking the lead for nation building under the new President.
At the same time we see all round auspicious
sings like anti-national elements getting caught and exposed daily clearing the
way for the nation to march forward without any obstacles.
In this most
encouraging and welcome backdrop the Pohottuwa will emerge victorious in a
landslide victory unheard and unseen in the political history of post
Independent Sri Lanka. I predicted SLPP 69-70
lakhs at the last Presidential poll and Gota polled 6,924,255. Based on
the same argument at this election the SLPP should get it increased to at least
80 lakhs of votes taking in to account ground reality factors like the
defections from the UNP, JVP, Tamil and Muslim votes and new youth segment, who
are seriously looking for a complete change in Sri Lankn politics. Therefore the
SLPP should bag at least 150t-155 out of 196 elected seats and therefore it
will bag at least 20 national list pin
slots as well, making the total to stand around 175 since the UNP disarrayed
factions together are very unlikely to get even 25 lakhs this time as against
the 5,564,239 Premadasa polled at the Presidential election. Both Ranila nd
Sajith camps will get at least 2,500,000 less than what he got at the
Presidential election.
1 On the other hand
substantial number out of UNP floating voters will also vote with the Pohottuwa
this time as they are convinced that there is no point in betting a losing
horse. The disgusted UNP hard liners will boycott elections and that will also
drastically reduce the UNP votes. The JVP as usual will get eliminated at this
election for their sins they have committed to this nation and they are also
very unlikely to get any national list slots either. The chances of UNP getting
Thodamans votes is also not there at this election as Mahinda has played his
cards well, the SLPP will get a majority of Estate Tamil votes. Estate Tamil
votes not going to SLPP getting divided between R and S will also unlikely to
make any significant impact over the overall results. But even if those
brainless Sinhala Budhhist UNPers who are suffering from chronic and incurable
UNP constipation syndrome fail to realize the gravity and the seriousness of
the crime they are going to commit against the Sinhala nation and the Sinhala
Buddhist civilization in this country by voting an anti-Sinhala, anti-Buddhist
and anti-national force, that is UNP, that is now fast disintegrating and
disappearing as a national political force in no time from the surface of this
land. Under these circumstances no force either at Home or abroad can stop the
victory of the Sinhala Buddhist forces led by Rajapaksas at this election.
There is a likelihood of all Sinhala forces drifting towards this historic
goal. I have a deep feeling all forces will merge and coalesce to emerge as one
giant national force to rescue this Land of the Buddha on the 5th of August.
Under these circumstances, even though there is going
to be a substantial drop in the voter turnout, no one can stop the MR Camp
getting a 2/3 majority in the 2020 Parliament. It will go down in history as the biggest
electoral victory ever in the post Independent Sri Lanka by any political
Party. As for me, I am fully confident that this miracle will happen on the 5th
of August, the results of which will be obvious by the 6th evening.
Taking the above
situation as a stimulant and a blessing in disguise the whole nation should
rise in unison as a mighty force in one roar like the Phoenix from ashes under
the new patriotic and vibrant leadership of President Rajapaksa to march
forward as one united and determined nation
Thereafter it is
left for Gothabhaya and Mahinda to lay the firm foundation to rescue this
country and the Sinhala Nation from all misdeeds and misfortunes committed by
all the previous Governments since 1948.
Now what all of
us, the patriotic people of this country have to do is to give the President a
clear and stable Government by voting the SLPP en-block at the forthcoming
election to enable to have a strong government exceeding 2/3 majority under MR
in Parliament to carry out the Presidents avowed mission by the nation and our
motherland.
–TNA’s call for self-determination –TNA began singing its old theme-song calling for the merger of the North and East provinces into one provincial council; self-determination and made references to a ‘Tamil Homeland’ – with a proviso that it will be within an undivided Sri Lanka”.The alliance also calls for the merger of the North and East provinces, a pipe-dream when it couldn’t even run the Northern Provincial Council without in-fighting.It is nothing but pathetic that the TNA is continuing with its communal politics to chase behind votes at the upcoming elections. They may be trying to compete with other fringe political parties of the North espousing the same or even more radical views. Maybe they are even the lesser evil. But like the House of Bourbons of France all of them seem to have learned nothing, and forgotten nothing”, committing the same mistakes over and over again expecting different results. In this instance, they are playing to the age-old sentiments of their electorate, only helping fuel an equal and opposite reaction in the ‘south’ which will be greatly advantageous to parties that wish to ride to power in Colombo by playing their own ‘communal card’.These northern politicians will not be able to blame ‘southern’ coalitions for beating the communal drum if they are doing it themselves in the North – and the East. What they are trying to do is whip up a communal frenzy among a new generation of youth. If the LTTE used a previous generation to wade through slaughter to its impossible dream of a separate state, the TNA – and other northern regional parties, seemingly want to do the same for some seats in the National Parliament.
Why can’t the
Government invoke the 6th Amendment to the Constitution passed on 8th August
1983 and Take action against this Party its members at least now and put an end
to this nuisance without dragging on as
all governments have done since 1983 creating, continuous political instability
in this country?
If it also can’t do it then why doesn’t we remove 6th A from the Constitution without allowing article 157 A to be a big legal joke as it had been from there in the book from August 1983, the day it was passed in Parliament, never used for the purpose of which it was passed by its fathers.
In brief this is what 157 A says.
(1) No person
shall, directly or indirectly, in or outside Sri Lanka, support, espouse,
promote, finance, encourage or advocate the establishment of a separate State
within the territory of Sri Lanka.
(2) No political
party or other association or organization shall have as one of its aims or
objects the establishment of a separate State within the territory of Sri Lanka
The punishments
for these offences are clearly stated as removal of civic disability,
forfeiture of movable and immovable property ect
As such it is very clear both in concept and
law. Had they made use of this provision on the first occasion after it became
effective, most of the separatist problems, both Tamil and Muslim would
probably not have been there today.
But our
politicians who never do anything properly have never used it to tame these
extremist communal politicians. The sword is not meant to cut jak fruits as the Sinhala proverb says.
It is high time therefore
at least now for the present government first to implement the 6th A and thereafter
ban all political parties named after ethnicity Language, religion and who hold
allegiance to other countries and conspire to destroy this 2500 year Sinhala
Buddhist nation on this planet earth in order to bring back political stability
and sanity to this country
As far as I know
this the only country in the world where minorities descending from invaders
,illicit immigrants and traders, not only enjoy the highest privileges for any
country but also where they enjoy more privileges than the native people who
have found the civilization in that country and defended it against
enemies. For example Tamils have
Thesavalamei and Muslims their own Muslim law an deen Kathi courts Moreover
they also don’t hold allegiance to this country where they live and earn
their daily bread. They only live and
earn their living here. For Tamils it is India and Muslims Arabia Even when
they worship their god they turn to those countries. But unfortunately we don’t
have a Putin or a Howard to put the minorities in their places. In 1815 when we
handed over the country by Convention this country had only one nation. It was
the British who divided them and conferred more privileges to minorities to
weaken the native Sinhalese. This is why I say we want to go back to the native
system of Constitution and Government we had in this country prior to 1815 that
was time tested for more than 2500 years.
What the Government must tell the minorities Tamils
and Muslims in this country
This was the
historical Homeland of Sinhala nation as it had been for the past 2600 year. The
traditional Home land of Tamils is Tamilnadu in South India and Muslims is
Arabia. You both never had a Homeland on this Island. Therefore you cannot
claim to have any Homeland here although after coming here over time under
different circumstances such as remnants of invading forces, remnants of people who have come on trade or as
indentured coolies who were brought by the British firstly to work on their
project in the north and East and secondly
highest number of South Indians as slaves/indentured labour to work on their
newly opened up Tea plantations in the Central Hill Country who were British
citizen then and left behind when the British left in 194 as Stateless people. Unfortunately
none of our politician who embraced the Pandora’s Box of so-called independence
in 1948 as a Dhatu karanduwa had the brain or the mouth to tell the British
‘Hey look none of these people were there when we handed over the country in
1815 we need you to take them back along with you in order to make Independence
to this country to be meaningful and complete. But it never happened
The minorities must
clearly understand this and be prepared to live amicably realizing that they
are only a part of another nation and society. If they are not prepared to
concede with this reality they have only one option. That is to get back to
their own mother lands without creating unnecessary problems for us.
The government
or the leaders must openly tell this as Puttin ad Australiam Pm sometime back
have told the minorities living in those countries. As much as Puttin and
Austarliama Prime minister said we have never invited them to come here. They
have come on their own and if any one of them wants to live here then they must
think, behave and talk as the citizens of this
country that is Sinhale (calledCeylon
by the British meaning the land of the Sinhala people)
The people who
are there having got elected to Parliament with the Sinhala majority votes who
have formed the government must say this clearly to everybody or depart so that
the Sinhala people of this country can elect a Government that is prepared to
do that.
The terms Robotics is often mentioned these days. There
were many local inventions that were presented in mass media recently highlighting
the possible use of Robotics in health care industry to meet the challenges
faced under the COVID -19. The local innovators need to be congratulated and
supported to ensure their prototypes are developed and converted in to fully
commercially viable ventures.
Background
The word Robot” in Czech language, meaning forced labour,
has served as the root for the word Robotics. Per ISO
8373:2012, industrial robot is defined as an automatically controlled
reprogrammable, multipurpose manipulator, programmable in three or more axes,
which can be either fixed or mobile for use in industrial automation
applications.
There
is evidence to show that mechanised human-like figures date back to ancient
times, to Greece.
The concept of an artificial man is found in works of fiction since the early
19th century. Despite these initial thoughts and representations,
the dawn of the robotic revolution has begun in earnest in the 1950s. American
inventor, George Devol, created the first digitally operated and programmable
robot, named Unimate in 1954. This ultimately laid the foundation of the
modern Robotics industry. Many significant and gigantic developments in the
timeline of Robotics happened thereafter, which led to the modern commercial
and industrial robots.
As an academic discipline
As an academic discipline, robotics is a relatively
young field with highly ambitious goals, the ultimate one being the creation of
machines that can behave and think like humans. This attempt to create
intelligent machines naturally leads us first to examine ourselves – to ask,
for example, why our bodies are designed the way they are, how our limbs are
coordinated, and how we learn and perform complex tasks.
Usefulness
Modern commercial and industrial robots are
widely used performing jobs more cheaply or with greater accuracy and
reliability than humans. Robots are used for jobs which are too dirty,
dangerous or dull to be suitable for humans. Robots are widely used in
manufacturing industry, transport, earth and space exploration, surgery,
weaponry and laboratory research.
One
key feature of robots is the ability to learn from a human and play back. A
skill of a well-trained painter, for example, can be transferred to a robot.
This can be done by ‘teaching’ the robot through conducting a painting job by
the skilled worker while holding the arm of the robot. The robot will learn all
the movements, paths and forces applied by the human in doing the job and
remember. Robot can repeat the painting work the same way as the skilled worker
when instructed. Of course, some fine tunings need to be made before a perfect
result can be achieved.
Applications in Everyday Life
Following
are some examples of the use of Robotics in everyday life, further to their
widespread use in different Industries:
Automated
Transportation (Self-driving Robot)
The
day is not that far when human drivers won’t be needed for driving vehicles. As
a result, the accidents happening today due to human errors may be reduced.
Security,
Defense, and Surveillance
Robot
monitors homes when people are away from their homes. These Robots help people
to monitor the skies, ground, and water from a remote location.
Medicine
Robots
are capable of doing things which need precise and accurate performance. For
drug delivery system (targeted drug delivery), robots can locally concentrate
therapeutic payload (dosage of medicine) around pathological sites (where
actually treatment is needed) so that they can reduce the dose of
administrative drugs and side effects caused by them.
In
the case of robotically-assisted minimally-invasive surgery, instead of
directly moving the instruments, the surgeon uses one of two methods to
administer the instruments. These include using a direct telemanipulator or
through computer control, allowing the possibility for remote surgery.
Education
Robots
can help the students attend their classes remotely. The robot performs as a
person in the classroom which is controlled by the person himself. Robot’s
cameras are his eyes, and its body is for interacting with other students and
teachers. So, the person can see and do everything in the classroom that he
wants to do, from a remote location.
There
are many other areas in everyday life that Robots can and will be able to
assist in the near future, including home maintenance, cooking and acting as
friends to humans.
Future of Robotics
As
technological developments have done in the past, the next generation of robots,
utilising artificial intelligence and automation to streamline processes
currently handled with the assistance of human workers, will significantly
alter the job market.
Robotic
engineers are designing the next generation of robots to look, feel and act
more human, to make it easier for us to work with them. Realistic looking
hair and skin with embedded sensors will allow robots to react naturally in
their environment. For example, a robot that senses your touch on the shoulder
and turns to greet you.
Author:
Dr. Gamini Padmaperuma, a
Chartered Mechanical/Production Engineer and a former Senior Lecturer at OUSL,
holds a PhD from the University of Canterbury in New
Zealand in Instructional Design for Computer-Based Learning. Email: gamini_pad@hotmail.com
By Noor Nizam, Peace and Political Activist, Political Communication Researcher, SLPP Stalwart and Convener – The Muslim Voice,
SRI LANKA MUSLIM VOTE BANK MUST HAVE THE COURAGE TO FACE
THE TRUTH. EACH MUSLIM VOTER SHOULD DECIDE TO VOTE FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE
COUNTRY AT LARGE.They should let go clining to the SLMC, ACMC, NC &
UNP/NDF.
IT IS BETTER FOR THE SRI LANKA
MUSLIMS TO SUPPORT THE GOVERNMENT OF HE. PRESIDENT GOTABAYA RAJAPAKSA AND PM.
MAHINDA RAJAPAKSA FROM THE BEGINNING TO MAKE SURE THAT THE SLPP SLPP GETS
A 2/3 MAJORITY AT THE AUGUST 5th., 2020 GENERAL ELECTIONS. This is what HE.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa is asking for from the SLPP Candidates who are contesting
the general elections and who hope to become the new government
parliamentarians and the people of our Maathruboomiya”. The Muslims should
look at this political opportunity positively and this is the right time for
Muslims to get organized to make sure that the Muslim Vote Bank will caste
their votes to the SLPP candidates at the next general elections on August
5th., 2020.
What WE AS SRI LANKA MUSLIMS HAVE FORGOTTEN is about the aspirations and
inspirations of the Sri Lanka Muslims and Muslim Vote bank. We/our votes are
sold to either the UNP or SLFP (UNF, UPFA or NDF) for the benefit of the
deceptive MUNAAFIKK” Muslim political leaders/party leaders. The Muslim Voice”
believes that the country’s thinking that a CHANGE” should be brought in with
minority communities supporting the SLPP is correct. It has been proved beyond
doubt that the present PM Ranil Wickremasinghe is really involved in the Bond
Scam and has always worked against the welfare of the poor and supported the
capitalist elite with great interest in helping the foreign powers with whom
governments headed by Ranil has been maintaining close dealings, against the
interest of Sri Lanka – our MAATHRUBOOMIYA”. Muslims should understand more
what MAATHRUBOOMIYA” has meant to the majority Sinhalese people. Moreover, he
has also forgottenbetrayed the Muslims when
ever he was in power after getting EN-BLOCK” Muslim. Since 2014,”The Muslim
Voice” spoke in favour of the Sri Lanka Muslims supporting the MAHINDA PELA”,
JO and now the SLPP, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (POTTUWA). The
Muslim Voice” is happy that 38% of the Muslim Vote Bank voted HE.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the November 16th., Presidential Elections. What
ever some of the Sinhala MP’s who say that the Muslims did not vote HE.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa (SLPP/POTTUWA), the did vote the SLPP/Gotabaya Rajapaksa and
that is the political truth.
Why The Muslim Voice” advocated this view was because, the Sri Lanka Muslims
would have worked out to win the confidence of the Mahinda/Gotabaya/Basil Pela
and its Sinhala Buddhist Nationalistic supporters/voters. Today the Muslims,
politicians and so-called civil society organizers (not the ordinary Muslim
voter) trusting the UNP and flocking en-block and have traded nearly 800,000 Muslim
votes to the UNP/NDF/TNA alliance, has betrayed and dumped the Sri Lankan
Muslims in the political dustbin, beaten and penalized as a result of the
conspiracies of the UNP/BBS/Rajitha Seneratne, Champika Ranawaka and the
so-called Civil Society groups like the Puravasibalaya which is supported by
our own Muslim Civil Society groups such as the Muslim Council of Sri Lanka (an
ad-hock group gathered without a constitution and by-laws), the National Shoora
Council and ACJU.
The political principle/ideology that The Muslim Voice” advocated and is
advocating it even now is because it is based on the political vision shown to
us by the late Dr. T.B.Jaya, viz-a-viz – NOT TO PUT ALL OUR EGGS IN ONE BASKET
WHEN IT COMES TO POLITICS”. It is Time up that the Sri Lanka Muslims should
rethink their stand to gain advantages for the future by supporting/negotiating
with the SLPP or the Mahinda Pela. THEREFORE IT IS BETTER FOR THE SRI LANKA MUSLIMS
TO SUPPORT THE GOVERNMENT OF GOTABAYA RAJAPAKSA AND PM MAHINDA RAJAPAKSA FROM
THE BEGINNING AND HELP THE SLPP ALLIANCE WIN THE GENERAL ELECTIONS IN APRIL/MAY
2020 WITH A 2/3 MAJORITY IN PARLIAMENT, Insha Allah.
The Muslim Voice” is followed by many thousands of
well-wishers supporters who have appreciated our NOBEL” cause in the struggle
to get rid of the Sri Lanka Muslim Community of MUNAAFIKK” Muslim politicians,
Civil Society groups and the deceptive ULEMA, the ACJU, Alhamdulillah. We will
therefore continue our Nobel mission till we achieve the end political goal of
creating a NEW POLITICAL FORCE that will be honest and sincere and FREE OF
CORRUPTION willing to work with the majority community,
to stand up and defend the Muslim Community politically and otherwise,
especially from among the YOUTH. This has now emerged from within the Sri Lanka
Muslim Community to face any new general election expected to take place in
August 5th., 2020, Insha Allah.
Sri Lankans would be going to the polls on August fifth to elect a new parliament. However, what is to follow depends on which party secures the majority to form a stable government. The prevailing prediction is that the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) is most likely to secure at least a sufficient majority to form a government.
Such an outcome would mean that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as the Executive and a legislature headed by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa would be jointly responsible for the governance of Sri Lanka. If the SLPP secures only a simple majority the processes of governance would be constrained by the limitations and contradictions inherent in the 1978 Constitution and in the Nineteenth Amendment (19A). This would hamper post COVID-19 recovery. Therefore, it is imperative that without a two-thirds (2/3) majority to amend 1978 Constitution and 19A to bring clarity to its provisions or even introduce a new Constitution, it would not be possible for Sri Lanka to emerge from the unprecedented challenges presented by the COVID-19 disaster.
If, on the other hand, the SLPP secures only a simple majority, a national government with a 2/3 majority could be formed by means of provisions of Article 46 (4) similar to the dubious precedent crafted by the Yahapalana government. Such an approach would compel a SLPP government to accommodate the interests of coalition partners at considerable cost both financially as well as having to compromise its agenda. Therefore, if Sri Lanka is to recover from the COVID-19 crisis it is best that the government has a 2/3 majority sufficient to give it the freedom to act free of constraints of coalition demands and fetters of the 1978 Constitution and19 A.
THE NEED to REVISITING 19A
The need to revisit the 1978 Constitution and 19A is because the ambiguities and contradictions in their provisions have caused constitutional experts and academics to arrive at vastly divergent interpretations and conclusions. For instance, some interpret that 19A has transformed what was essentially a Presidential system based on separation of power into a Parliamentary system where separation of power is blurred to such an extent that they describe the present system as a Parliamentary Democracy. Others on the other hand, maintain that what 19A achieved was to prevent arbitrariness of Executive action that had existed under the 1978 Constitution, and not to transfer power from the Executive to Parliament. This is confirmed by the Supreme Court ruling on 19A that stated: “that the transfer, relinquishment or removal of a power attributed to one organ of government to another organ or body would be inconsistent with Article 3 read with Article 4 of the Constitution”. Therefore, it could be concluded that the intended transformation from a Presidential system to a Parliamentary system did not materialize notwithstanding such claims.
The 1972 Constitution is unambiguously based on a Parliamentary system while the 1978 Constitution is based on a Presidential system. However, the incorporation of certain provisions from the 1972 Constitution into to the 1978 Constitution, followed by 19A, has caused divergent interpretations. Hence, a few key issues are presented below to illustrate the need to revisit the 1978 Constitution and 19A in order to bring clarity to the current Constitutional provisions to ensure that the system of governance is either clearly Parliamentary or Presidential and not a mix of both.
CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS of the 1972 CONSTITUTION
The relevant Articles in the 1972 Constitution are:
Article 91: “The President shall be responsible to the National State Assembly (Parliament) for the execution and performances of the powers and functions of his office under the Constitution…”.
Article 92 (1) states: “There shall be a Cabinet of Ministers charged with the direction and control of the government of the Republic which shall be collectively responsible to the National State Assembly and answerable to the National State Assembly on all matters for which they are responsible”.
Article 92 (2) states: “Of the Ministers, one who shall be the Head of the Cabinet of Ministers shall be the Prime Minister”.
Article 94 (1) states: “The Prime Minister shall determine the number of Ministers and Ministries and the assignment of subjects and functions to Ministers”.
Article 94 (2) states: “The President shall appoint from among the members of the National State Assembly Ministers to be in charge of the Ministries so determined”.
Article 94 (3): “The Prime Minister may at any time change the assignment of subjects and functions and recommend to the President changes to the composition of the Cabinet of Ministers…”.
CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS of the 1978 CONSTITUTION
Article 42 states: “The President shall be responsible to Parliament for the due exercise, performance and discharge of the powers, duties and functions under the Constitution…’.
Article 43 (1) states: “There shall be a Cabinet of Ministers charged with the direction and control of the Government of the Republic which shall be collectively responsible and answerable to Parliament”.
Article 43 (2) states: “The President shall be a member of the Cabinet of ministers and shall be the Head of the Cabinet of Ministers”.
Article 44 (1) states: “The President from time to time, in consultation with the Prime Minister, where he considers such consultation to be necessary –
(a) “determine the number of Ministers of the Cabinet of Ministers and the Ministries and the assignment of subjects and functions to such Ministers” and
(b) “appoint from among the members of Parliament Ministers to be in charge of the Ministries so determined”.
Article 44 (3) states: “The President may at any time, change the assignment of subjects and functions and the composition of the Cabinet of Ministers…”.
CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS of 19A
Article 42 (1) states: “There shall be a Cabinet of Ministers charged with the direction and control of the Government of the Republic”.
Article 42 (2) states: “The Cabinet of Ministers shall be collectively responsible and answerable to Parliament”.
Article 43 (1) states: “The President shall in consultation with the Prime Minister, where he considers such consultation to be necessary, determine the number of Ministers of the Cabinet of ministers and the Ministries and the assignment of subjects and functions to such Ministers”.
Article 43 (2) states: “The President shall on the advice of the Prime Minister appoint from among Members of Parliament, Ministers, to be in charge of the Ministries so determined”.
Article 43 (3) states: “The President may at any time change the assignment of subjects and functions and the composition of the Cabinet of Ministers…”.
IMPACT of CONTRADICTORY PROVISIONS
The constitutional provisions of the 1972 Constitution presented above are consistent with a Parliamentary system. Notwithstanding this fact, such provisions that are appropriate for a Parliamentary system have been incorporated into the 1978 Constitution and 19A that are essentially Presidential. This has caused both the 1978 Constitution and 19A to be seriously compromised. It is therefore imperative that amendments are introduced to ensure that the system of governance is either Parliamentary or Presidential in all respects.
For instance, commenting on Article 43 of the 1978 Constitution (presented above), the Supreme Court in S.D. No. 04/2015 stated: “This important Article underscores that the Cabinet collectively is charged with the exercise of Executive power, which is expressed as the direction and control of the Government of the Republic and the collective responsibility of Cabinet of which the President is the Head. It establishes conclusively that the President is not the sole repository of Executive power under the Constitution. It is the Cabinet of Ministers collectively, and not the President alone, which is charged with the direction and control of the Government. This Cabinet is answerable to Parliament. Therefore, the Constitution itself recognizes that Executive power is exercised by the President and by the Cabinet of Ministers, and that the President shall be responsible to Parliament and the Cabinet of Ministers, collectively responsible and answerable to Parliament with regard to the exercise of such powers…”.
On the other hand, the Courts have accepted that Article 3 that deals with the sovereignty of the People should be read with Article 4. Therefore, the guiding principle in the exercise of Executive power in the 1978 Constitution should be Article 4 (b). Article 4 (b) states: “the executive power of the People, including the defence of Sri Lanka, shall be exercised by the President of the Republic elected by the People”. This Article specifically reposes Executive power of the People ONLY in the President. Therefore, Executive power must necessarily be exercised solely by the President and not jointly shared with the Cabinet of Ministers. This means that anyone else exercising executive power must derive its authority from the President.
The comments of the Supreme Court in S.D. No. 04/2015 also stated: “It is in this background that the Court in the Nineteenth Amendment Determination came to a conclusion that the transfer, relinquishment or removal of the power attributed to one organ of government to another organ or body would be inconsistent with Article 3 read with Article 4 of the Constitution. Though Article 4 provides the form and manner of the sovereignty of the people, the ultimate act or decision of the executive functions must be retained by the President. So long as the President remains the Head of the Executive, the exercise of his powers remain supreme or sovereign in the executive field and to others to whom such power is given must derive the authority from the President or exercise the Executive power vested in the President as a delegate of the President”.
If, as stated above by the Court, the President as the Head of the Executive is “sovereign in the executive field”, the President who represents one of the three branches of the Government – the Executive, is co-equal with the Legislature and the Judiciary under provisions of separation of power. Therefore, the President cannot be responsible to another organ of government – the Parliament. Furthermore, since the Cabinet of Ministers derive their authority from the President, the Cabinet cannot be responsible and answerable to Parliament either. Under the circumstances, Article 33A that calls for the President to be responsible to Parliament “for the due exercise performance and discharge of his powers, duties and functions” is a violation of the principle of separation of power.
Another important issue that arises from the fact that the President is sovereign in the executive field is the constitutional provision that his executive powers include the defence of Sri Lanka. Therefore, the President has a right granted by the Constitution to be the Minister of Defence regardless of whether the President is a Member of Parliament or not. The prerogative of such a decision should be left to the President, instead of having to delegate it to someone else, invariably less competent in issues relating to security. Since the provision to select Cabinet Members from among members of Parliament is a carry-over from the defunct 1972 Constitution this constraint should be repealed since it has no relevance in a Presidential system.
ARTICLE 46 – UNIQUE ONLY TO 19A.
Article 46 (1) (a) and (b) limits the number of Cabinet of Ministers to thirty and sets an aggregate limit of forty on the number of Ministers who are not members of the Cabinet of Ministers and Deputy Ministers.
Having sets limits, the framers of 19A provided a device by means of Article 46 (4) and (5) to enable Parliament by Resolution to exceed the very limits they themselves stipulated above. In fact, this device is so crafty that it enables even a minority government with the largest majority to form a National Government with even a 2/3 majority by forming a coalition with other recognized political parties. Had the Article stated “the political party with the largest majority together with ALL other political parties” the task of forming a National Government would in all likelihood been unrealistic. This device was exploited to the fullest advantage by the former Yahapalana government. The net effect of the current provisions in 19A is to ridicule their own attempts to appear well intentioned by proposing a leaner Cabinet and make a mockery of the “will of the people” by introducing a corrupted way out of the limits set by themselves.
19A – THE CONSTITUTIONAL COUNCIL
Article 41 B (1) states: “No person shall be appointed by the President as the Chairman or the member of any of the Commissions specified in the Schedule to this Article, except on a recommendation of the Council”.
Article 41 C (1) states: “No person shall be appointed by the President to any of the Officers specified in the Schedule to this Article…unless such appointment has been approved by the Council”.
The Court ruled that the transfer, relinquishment or removal of power attributed to one organ to another violates Article 3 when read with Article 4 of the Constitution. If this is so, would not the transfer of power that the President had, to appoint Commissions and Officers prior to 19A, to another body that is not even another organ of Government as recognized by Article 3 read with Article 4, amount to a violation of the sovereignty of the People? Furthermore, the operation of the Council has become so dysfunctional that the country today does not have a functioning Inspector General of Police. The reason for this is a system failure because the President who makes the appointment could keep on rejecting nominations by the Council causing posts being vacant as in the case of the IGP. Therefore, this provision too needs to be seriously amended. An alternative would be to restore the powers the President had under Articles 54, 55 and 107 of the 1978 Constitution and for him to make appointments subject to the approval of the appropriate Oversight Committees of Parliament and repeal Chapter VIIA of 19A.
19A – DISSOLUTION of PARLIAMENT
According to 19A Article 70 (1) states: “The President may by Proclamation, summon, prorogue and dissolve Parliament. Provided that the President shall not dissolve until the expiration of a period of not less than four years and six months…unless Parliament requests the President to do so by a resolution passed by not less than two-third of the whole number of Members voting in favour”.
This Article presents two serious issues. One, it places the President at a disadvantage in relation to Parliament since Parliament is not constrained by a time bar whereas the President is. Therefore, Parliament could request the President to dissolve Parliament at any time with a 2/3 majority whereas the President is compelled to wait four and half years to dissolve Parliament. Such drastic disadvantages are not in keeping with principles of separation of power among co-equals. Such inequality is unacceptable for two separate organs of government elected separately by the People. The second serious issue is that securing a 2/3 majority for a political party under provisions of proportional representation is bound to be a rarity. This compels Parliament to continue however dysfunctional it is.
Therefore, the net effect of Article 70 (1) as currently presented is for the country to be governed by a government even if the situation is so dire that it warrants dissolution of Parliament because of the constitutional straightjacket of this Article. Consequently, as always, it is the People who have to endure.
CONCLUSION
The outcome of the forthcoming General Election to elect a new Parliament would have a serious impact on how effectively Sri Lanka recovers from the challenges imposed by the unprecedented COVID -19 crisis. The most significant single factor that would influence the recovery process is the current Constitution. The 1978 Constitution and 19A contain constitutional provisions that are a mix appropriate to both Parliamentary and Presidential systems. This has made governing processes convoluted. Therefore, it is imperative that the current provisions are amended, so that the Constitution is Presidential in all respects and not a mix of both Parliamentary and Presidential as currently exists, with the appropriate checks and balances by the Parliament and the Judiciary, in a way that would not hamper effective Executive action.
The reason for the existence of Parliamentary and Presidential systems in the present Constitution is because the operation of a Presidential system based on separation of power, is not commonly understood despite it being in existence for over four decades. A glaring example of the lack of appreciation of what separation of power means is selection of the Cabinet of Ministers from among Members of Parliament. This results in the same individual serving two separate organs of government resulting in conflict of interest. This practice should cease. If Members of Parliament are to be Members of the Cabinet, they should relinquish their association with Parliament as practiced by other countries with Presidential systems.
Under the circumstances, a government with a simple majority would not be in a position to introduce the needed amendments without which the recovery process would be hampered by the existing constitutional ambiguities and contradictions. Therefore, it is only a 2/3 Parliamentary majority that would facilitate the introduction of the needed amendments without which it would not be possible for Sri Lanka to emerge from the unprecedented challenges presented by COVID-19 pandemic.
There was a news item about the role of Viyathmaga started under the patronage of the President Few members expected to get appointed to posts of heads of corporations after presidential Election.
No one was appointed and the military top brass with the responsibility to uphold law and order were appointed to many places.
At least members of Viyathmaga could have been appointed as deputy head or head of operations to help the military head to effectively and scientifically managed.
Today we can see that some members were given nominations under protest from Old Guard politicians and the enthusiasm and the drive among Viyathmaga is somewhat fading away.
As mentioned earlier in An article, the newly formed Sri Lankan collective of Viyath (intellectuals) can play a wider role by helping the politicians to take the right path. They can be the driving force behind the politicians to run the country.
Every minister to have an Advisory Committee to scrutinize the actions initiated by the minister and advisor him to take the right path.
In the field of industries such as Agriculture, Fisheries, Transport, and Tourism an experienced advisory board under the control of the president can be very useful.
This could have been the role of existing Viyath Maga
But it is sad that the members got nominations and now forgotten their roles and gunning after the Manapa.
All the political parties have now
issued their manifestos. A large part of the government’s foreign exchange
budget goes for purchasing fossil fuels for generating electric power, and for
feeding the fleet of vehicles, tractors, trains and other internal combustion
engines used in Sri Lanka. These total some 8-10 million engines. All this
costs some 5 to 6 Billion US dollars, approximating half the total export
earnings. The burnt fuels are a major cause of sub-micron particulate dust,
heavy-metal deposition and gaseous environmental pollution, leading to
increased respiratory diseases, allergies, cancers, etc.
So, any scheme to cut down Sri Lanka’s fossil fuel imports would be a large
step forward. Unfortunately, while there is much agitation about things like
the Bhuvaneka audience hall, or Karuna’s loose talk, matters most relevant to
the nation are ignored. Where is the agitation against fossil fuel?
As the SLPP is the party most likely to win the election, it is worthwhile
looking at their Manifesto. Page 58 deals with energy. While the manifesto
mentions wind and solar power, its main emphasis continues to be on fossil
fuels.
The manifesto states that:
* We will also expedite the exploration of natural gas, identified in the
three zones of the geological survey, to ensure that the people of this country
would reap the benefits in the next three years.
Those who benefit from natural gas, in the next three years, are those who will
collect commissions! This is a project most dangerous to the environment, and
least compatible with a future of non-polluting renewable energies.
Furthermore, if significant amounts of natural gas, and other fossil fuels were
found, global oil cartels will attempt to control the resource. Countries in
Latin America, Africa, etc., that possess such resources, have been taken overs
since World War I.
The manifesto says:
* The oil refinery, located in Kolonnawa, which is 40 years old, will be
modernized, while the oil storage tanks, in Trincomalee, will also be
re-constructed and developed so that they can be used for the economic
development of the country.
We have already seen how attempts to re-command the oil tanks in Gokanna
(Trincomalee) have failed. The proposal to build oil storage in Hambantota is
adding NEW infrastructure for fossil fuels, rather than attempting to WIND DOWN
their use.
The manifesto says:
* Roof top solar systems will be encouraged so that households and small
businesses would have access to low cost energy, which will be done in the
course of the next five years. The total cost of such investments would be made
available through bank loans with low/concessional interest rates. The
government will also introduce a new method to release excess power generation
to the national grid in improving solar energy utilization.
* We will remove all impediments and incentivize the private sector and
entrepreneurs interested in setting up renewable energy projects i.e. solar and
wind, and to this end, the government will provide assistance.
The major impediment to the complete winding down of fossil fuels is the
claimed lack of a means of storing solar and wind power. They are generated
only when the wind blows, and when the sun shines. The use of ever larger
storage batteries is not a solution. It is increasingly expensive, and
disposing of used batteries is a problem. It is as bad as turning to coal, oil
or LNG as a “solution” to meeting the nation’s power needs. Turning
to huge storage batteries is NOT a solution.
Sri Lanka is fortunate in having many reservoirs, of which some 22 (e.g., Gal
Oya, Victoria, Moragahakanda, etc.) are equipped with turbines for
hydro-electric power generation. They enable a simple inexpensive scheme
that can be implemented within a few years. The rooftop solar panels, and
wind-power sources, wherever they be, have to be connected to the central
electricity grid. When they generate electricity, the power generation by the
22 hydro-electric turbines can be reduced or shut off, saving water in the
reservoirs. The saved water can be used later, at times when the sun is not
shining, and when the wind has waned. This simple means of saving power adds NO
costs, needs no batteries, pumps or storage tanks.
It only requires the use of modern algorithms to synchronize the operation of
the hydro-turbines with the distributed output of solar and wind energy.
Even as it is, the operation of turbines is controlled by input-output
algorithms. They have evolved from the hand charts originally used for the
purpose. These “single-sheet” charts can be made into multi-sheet
charts (or layers) which, when coupled together, evolve into what are known as
neural-network algorithms. For instance, while some of the layers contain the
same information as used today, new layers will have “nodes” that are
“trained” to deal with information about power from solar arrays,
wind turbines, etc. Data from a few seasons can be used to “train”
the neural algorithms for optimal control of the system, so that there is firm
power available all the time. I have discussed the principles behind neural
network algorithms in section 2.2.5 of my book “A Physicist’s View of
Matter and Mind“, (World Scientific, 2014).
The amount of electric power available can be boosted by some 25-30%, even if
the sun does not shine, by the simple process of positioning solar panels on
floats placed on reservoirs. The 25-30% boost comes from the fact that floating
panels cut down the evaporation of reservoir water by wind, and SAVES water day
and night. The use of floats cuts down the growth of water weeds and algae. So
the environmental impact works out to be very positive. The 25-30% saving is
enough to cover even a three to four month drought, and actually increases Sri
Lanka’s hydro-electric capacity of some 2000 MW to 2600 MW.
The actual increase is even larger because the floating solar arrays, occupying
up to about 60% of the surface area of 22 reservoirs, will also generate
electricity during the day time, and this electricity will be saved as head
water in the reservoirs themselves. Of course, the introduction of floating
solar panels on reservoirs is a gradual process. However, the speed of
implementation depends on the motivation of the government, the time needed to
move the extremely sluggish bureaucracy of the power administrators in Sri
Lanka, and in keeping the fossil-fuel lobby under control.
Another
approach to storing power generated from roof-top solar panels or wind turbines
is to use the batteries of the motor cars, vans, buses, tractors, trains, etc.,
owned by the government, businesses, and private individuals. Sri Lanka has
some eight million such “engines”. If these were all hybrid vehicles
storing an average of 50 kWh, these when integrated by connection of the
vehicles to the grid will create a spatially distributed mega-battery of 40 GW
capacity. Such a possibility means that the cost of the giant battery is
divided among eight million owners and costs very little to the government.
Vehicle-to-grid storage is still a
new concept but almost ready to jump off the research lab to industry. It
requires dedicated two-way charging devices that communicate with the vehicles
using high-level aggregator control systems. However, this technology already
exists. Nissan offers a limited vehicle-to-home (V2H) system that lets people
use their cars to store energy from roof-top solar panels until nightfall, when
power is needed. However, the integration to the grid is a task that the
AI-engineers who are in charge of the grid should develop, according to the
local needs, by integrating the V2H systems with the grid.
I have only considered the 22 reservoirs usually described as dedicated
hydro-electric reservoirs in the above discussion. If the
reservoirs dedicated to irrigation ( at least 12 more) are also included
in the analysis, the use of floating solar arrays on them can be used to
increase the available water as a very robust buffer against drought by cutting
the evaporation from them. The electricity generated from those floating
solar panels can also be used to save water in the hydro-electric reservoirs.
Hence the estimates given in the previous sections are a modest lower bound to
what can be down.
Unfortunately, there is a great
reluctance to move away from the well-trodden path of coal and oil that the
older power engineers of Sri Lanka learnt during their “E-Fac” days.
Most of the hydro-power potential in Sri Lanka has already been harnessed. The
politicians and senior managers are lobbied by the well-heeled fossil-fuel
merchants who come with so-called “turn-key solutions” to the
Nation’s energy problems, but at the price of a long-term commitment to being
bled for ever; sapping the nation’s wealth, and also its health and
environmental well being. Such long term issues are of no interest to
politicians who are assured of a pension after even one term in office, with
near absentee attendance in parliament.
Institutional collaboration for online training of health professionals was among the subjects discussed
Colombo, July 29 (newsin.asia): Dr. Sushil Kumar, First Secretary (Technical Cooperation) in the Indian High Commission met Mrs.H.W.M.Pushpalatha Manike, Additional Secretary, Ministry of Health and Indigenous Medicine Services of Sri Lanka on July 27th, 2020 and discussed cooperation in the area of alternative medicine systems.
Both sides also discussed institutional collaboration for online training of health professionals, health care delivery and research & development of Homeopathic medicines.
Earlier last month, the High Commission of India had handed over a consignment of Homeopathic medicines to the Government Homeopathic Hospital of Sri Lanka. Under the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) capacity building Programme, Sri Lankan health professionals working in the areas of Ayurveda, Yoga & Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha and Homeopathy (AYUSH) have participated in short term trainings in India.
The Hindu epic provides rallying points for Hindutva in India as well as Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism in Sri Lanka
The Hindu epic Ramayana has had the unusual function of providing rallying points for two contradictory and clashing nationalisms, namely, Hindu-Indian nationalism in India, and Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism in Sri Lanka.
While the Hindutvic forces in India have been assiduously turning the Ramayana and its protagonist, Rama, into a rallying point against Indian Muslims seen as an outside force,” Sinhalese-Buddhist nationalism has been fostering the epic’s antagonist, Ravana, as a rallying point against outside forces like India and the West threatening the island’s sovereignty.
The Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi issue helped the forces of Hindutva prevent the separation of the Backward Classes from the upper castes when the V.P.Singh government implemented the Mandal Commission’s report to give 27% reservations in jobs and education to the Backward Classes, thus jeopardizing Hindu unity”. Later, the demolition of the Babri Majid and the demand to build a Ram temple in its place, helped defeat the forces of secularism represented by the Congress and the Left parties.
Presently, the building of the Ram temple in the place of the destroyed Masjid under the direct supervision of Hindutva icon and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is going to be used to consolidate the hold of Hindutva in the face of mounting challenges on multiple fronts. The Modi regime has to contend with its utter failure to revive the flagging economy, combat COVID-19 and safeguard the borders against Chinese intrusions.
Ravana Cult in Sri Lanka
In Sri Lanka, Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists have been building a parallel nationalist cult around Ravana, the ancient Lankan ruler, who is Rama’s antagonist in the Ramayana. While efforts to build the image of Ravana as the embodiment of Sri Lanka in its fight against an Indian invader had been on for some years, the present nationalist government of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has revived the nationalist project to consolidate its political base vis-à-vis the opposition which is perceived as pro-India and pro-West. The Ravana project should help the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) in the August 5 parliamentary elections.
Recently, the Sri Lankan Ministry of Tourism and Civil Aviation had issued a newspaper advertisement in Sinhala urging people to share documents, books, and research material on Ravana, the legendary king of Lanka. The advertisement said that the Ministry is conducting in-depth research on King Ravana and the ancient domination of the aerial routes that is now lost”. Ravana is believed to have manufactured an aircraft called Dandu Monara” (known as Pushpaka Vimana in India). He had used the aircraft to fly to India and several other places overseas.
Although the research is being given a scientific goal – to find out Ravana’s air routes, it has a nationalistic purpose in the context of the internal and external challenges that Sri Lanka is now facing. The vestiges of Tamil separatism are still there with almost all Tamil parties in the electoral fray calling for self-determination” within a federal system marked by maximum devolution of power to a united Tamil province. The Tamil Peoples’ National Alliance (TPNA) led by former Northern Province Chief Minister C.V.Wigneswaran has even sought an UN-supervised referendum among the Tamils to determine the kind of solution they want , It wants an interim administrative arrangement in the Tamil areas supervised by India and the international community. The TPNA has also sought the reduction of Lankan army strength in the Tamil areas to the 1983 level.
Additionally, there is US pressure to sign agreements which dilute national sovereignty like the Millennium Challenge Corporations (MCC) Compact and the Acquisition and Cross Services Agreement (ACSA). Though the threat to Lanka on the human rights front is less now because of the weakening of the UN and the Western bloc by COVID-19, it could be revived to intimidate it into toeing the West’s line vis-a-vis China, which is a major investor in Lanka.
From Big Brother” India, there is pressure to yield to it the Eastern Container Terminal in the Colombo Port. But giving it to India goes against the national policy of not leasing out national assets like ports and airports to foreign interests. This policy stemmed from the controversial 99-year lease of the Hambantota port to China. The building of the Ravana cult is meant to tell foreign hegemons that attempts to enforce their will would be met with resistance.
Since Ravana stood for Lankan power, there is a Buddhist monk-led political organization called Ravana Balaya”. Sri Lanka’s first indigenously made satellite was named Raavana I” as Ravana was the first Lankan aviator.
In her paper Remaking and Trans-creating Ravana in Contemporary SriLanka,” Dr. Kanchuka Dharmasiri of the University of Peradeniya says that popular songs, films, plays, television series, social media, and historical” narratives on Ravana have gained unprecedented popularity” in 21st. Century Sri Lanka. She delineates the ways in which Ravana has been reimagined and trans-created during significant socio-political transformations in Sri Lanka since the 1950s. She examines how performances of Ravana are intertwined with present-day ideologies of nationalism, neoliberalism and power, and how the image of Ravana is in a process of continual transformation.
Deborah De Koning of Tilburg University in The Netherlands, in her paper entitled: The Ritualizing of the Martial and Benevolent Side of Ravana in Two Annual Rituals at the Sri Devram Maha Viharaya in Pannipitiya, Sri Lanka says that in this recently constructed Vihara, Ravana is the object of devotion. In addition to erecting a Ravana statue in a shrine of his own, two annual rituals for Ravana are organized by this temple. In these rituals one can clearly discern the portrayal of Ravana as a warrior king, and as a benevolent healer. De Koning says that the glorification of an ancient civilization are part of increased nationalistic sentiments and an increased assertiveness among the Sinhalese Buddhist majority in post-war Sri Lanka.”
Role of Arisen Ahubudu
Sinhalese historical chronicles like the Mahawamsa, Rajavaliya and Ravanavaliya mentioned Ramayana but identified Ravana as a Sinhala king and extolled his intellectual, artistic, physical and political prowess.
However, the credit for starting the Ravana cult in the modern era goes to the Sinhala cultural and linguistic revivalist, the Late Arisen Ahubudu. Ahubudu represented the Hela” movement founded by the Late Munidasa Kumaratunga. The Hela movement has been urging the Sinhalese to go back to their roots, shunning Indian, Hinduistic and other alien influences.
In his book Sakvithi Ravana (1988) Ahubudu says that Ravana reigned from 2554 to 2517 BC. He quotes Ravanavaliya to say that Ravana belonged to the Sun race”, as Ra” signified the Sun and vana” signified generation. Ravana’s ten heads represented the ten crowns he wore as a result of his being the sovereign of ten countries.
Ahubudu trashes the story that Rama invaded Lanka because Ravana had kidnapped his consort Sita. According to Ahubudu, Ravana’s step brother Vibhishana, had invited Rama to invade Lanka because he was wanting to oust Ravana from the kingship of the island and take it over. Considering the fact that Sita’s chastity was proved, this (the alleged abduction of Sita) can be taken as a story concocted by Yuwaraja Vibhishana in order to discredit Ravana in the eyes of his people and take advantage thereof.”
According to Prof.Buddhasasa Hewavitharana, the Sinhalas disapproved of Vibhishana’s conduct. In popular lore, the area to which he belonged to (Kalutara North) came to be known as the land of the Desha Shatru (betrayer of the country).
Munidasa Kumaratunga claimed that Ravana had written medical books such as Nadi Pariksha, Arka Prakashata, Uddisa Chiktsaya, Oddiya Chikitsa, Kumara Tantraya and Vatina Prakaranaya in Sinhala, which were translated into Sanskrit.
Historically, Sri Lankan Buddhist monks have had problems with Rama. Prof K.N.O. Dharmadasa, Editor of the Sinhala Encyclopaedia recalled that a 15th century Sinhala poet had asked why Rama, a God, could not hop across to Sri Lanka like Hanuman did, and had to get a bridge constructed. Could a God’s power be so small in this world?” the poet wondered.
President Gotabaya Rajapaksa stated that the Colombo city will be developed according to a systematic plan, after identifying the major problems faced by the people living in the Colombo district.
The President’s Media Division stated that this program aims to address issues such as lack of housing facilities, difficulties related to garbage disposal and flooding.
The President made this statement at a public meeting held in Colombo.
Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa yesterday said a new government will introduce laws making it mandatory to present agreements with regard to state properties in parliament before signing them.
Speaking at a forum of professionals in Colombo, Mr. Rajapaksa said the members of the previous Yahapalana Government has signed contracts to handover the Eastern Container Terminal (ECT) at the Colombo Port to India since it already leased out the Hambantota Port to China.
Had the Yahapalana Government remained in power for another term, nothing would have been left in the country. Therefore, we will introduce laws making it mandatory to submit agreements with regard to state properties in parliament before signing them. However, today, we have been forced to go ahead with whatever we are left within the country including the destruction the previous government has made,” he said.
He said the foreign exchange revenue earned from expatriate workers and the income from the garment industry continued to be the two main source of income for the country. He said the country cannot further depend on these two sources.
We made plans to set the course of the country’s economy on a new path and to create novel ways of generating income. That’s why we created the Hambantota Port, the Port City and the Mattala Airport. We made highways connecting all these to make the country an international trade centre,” he said.
Referring to the COVID-19 pandemic and its impact, Prime Minister Rajapaksa said the economy of not only Sri Lanka but also the entire world has imploded.
This is the challenge we face in the short term. Due to the fluctuations in the world economy, we are yet again at a juncture where the existence of the country depends on the ability of the leaders. Had Gotabaya Rajapaksa not been elected President, the country would have become a ‘Vishala Mahanuwara.’ I hope all Sri Lankans will use their voting right to strengthen the Gotabaya Rajapaksa Government,” Prime Minister Rajapaksa said.
The Ministry of Education has decided to resume academic activities at all government schools from August 10, following government imposed holidays due to the COVID-19 outbreak.
However, only Grades 5, 10, 11, 12, and 13 will be allowed attend school on all five weekdays.
Grades 1, 2, and 3 will have school for only one day per week.
It has also been decided to reopen schools according to the number of students in the school.
Schools with less than 200 students may reopen for all grades from August 10.
Primary schools with over 200 students will reopen as:
Grades 1 and 5 – Monday
Grades 2 and 5 -Tuesday
Grades 3 and 5 -Wednesday
Grades 4 and 5 -Thursday, Friday
Secondary schools with over 200 students will reopen as:
Grades 6, 10, 11, 12, 13 – Monday
Grades 7, 10, 11, 12, 13 – Tuesday
Grades 8, 10, 11, 12, 13 – Wednesday
Grades 9, 10, 11, 12, 13 – Thursday, Friday.
However, the time duration for a school day for Grades 6, 7, 8, and 9 will be from 7.00 am till 1.30 pm, while it will be from 7.30 am until 3.30 pm for Grades 10, 11, 12, and 13.
Meanwhile, Heads of Schools have been informed not to open school canteens until health officials confirm that the prevailing situation is under control.
