Prof. Hudson McLean

Ukraine is Redundant!

Let Us Not Start a Destructive WW111!

NATO Does Not Need Ukraine Anymore.

NATO has now Finland & Sweden as Members.

Old Joe(ker) Biden on his way out, is only trying to create trouble for King Donald Trump.

Ukraine is hoping and trying to get NATO involved by getting Russia to attack Poland. Hope Russia stays out of this!

Russia-Ukraine must be given the opportunity to sort their own problem, started by NATO-USA.

Any Mediator involved must be out of UK-USA-NATO-EU!

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By Veeragathy Thanabalasingham Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, November 23: Among the many historic ‘firsts’ that the November 2024 parliamentary elections witnessed, two achievements by the National People’s Power (NPP) have evinced the most attention.

The NPP’s landslide victory marks the first time since the introduction of the proportional representation electoral system in Sri Lanka that a single party or alliance has won a two-thirds majority in parliament.

The NPP has won all but one of the 22 districts in the country. What is particularly noteworthy about this victory is that the NPP has won more seats in all the five electoral districts in the Northern and Eastern provinces, except Batticaloa. The same is true in districts where Malaiyaha ( Hill country )  Tamils ​​live in large numbers.

For the first time, a majority-Sinhalese political party has won most of the seats in the districts of the Northern and Eastern provinces, including Jaffna district, which was considered a ‘fortress’ of Tamil nationalist politics.

For the first time in Sri Lanka’s electoral history, the NPP has received overwhelming support from voters across ethnic and religious lines, from north to south and from east to west. No politician or observer has yet been able to provide a proper objective interpretation of this historic victory.

Some observers have said that the overwhelming support received by the NPP across the country is a significant step towards national unity, breaking with tradition, and that even regions historically disillusioned with central governance have placed their trust in the leadership of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake.

They also  said that the president and his NPP have  succeeded in fostering a  national perspective that transcends traditional divisions even though some of the most pressing problems of the people of the north and east was not a part of their election campaign. This I seen as a reflection of the fact that those people have begun to show interest in joining the national political mainstream.

Meanwhile, leaders of the flagship party of the NPP, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), especially its General Secretary Tilvin Silva, say that the minority communities have rejected communal politics.

Unusually, this time there was no room for nationalist campaigns in the South at the presidential and parliamentary elections. The main reasons for this were that the forces that spearheaded Sinhala Buddhist nationalist politics under the leadership of the Rajapaksas  had been severely weakened and that the main political parties had reached out to the minority communities to win votes.

The Tamil nationalist political parties that had represented the Tamil people in the North and East suffered a severe setback in the parliamentary elections. The Ilankai Thamizharasu Katchi  (ITAK)  has nothing to be proud of in winning two more seats this time than it did in the previous parliament. The party should look at its current standing among the Tamil people against the backdrop of the fact that the NPP won more seats in five districts.

Amidst this unprecedented setback for the Tamil parties, many politicians who were identified as Sinhala Buddhist hard line nationalists in the South did not get elected to parliament this time. Based on these trends, some political analysts claim that Sinhala Buddhist nationalism in the South and Tamil nationalism in the North have been defeated.

One has to bear in mind the fact that just as the electoral defeat of certain Sinhala hard line nationalists cannot be interpreted as a defeat of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism, the setbacks suffered by Tamil nationalist parties in the North and East cannot also be interpreted as a rejection of Tamil nationalism by the Tamil people.

It cannot be said that the Tamil people accepted the position of the NPP on the national ethnic problem and supported it in the election without showing any interest in their legitimate political aspirations and grievances based on long- standing ideas.

The Tamil people of the North and East have expressed their resentment against Tamil parties and their leaders who had represented them for the past fifteen years since the end of the civil war. The Tamil people believe that their leaders merely harked back to past struggles and used emotional Tamil nationalist slogans to get votes. They had failed to adopt effective approaches to secure the Tamils’ long standing demands.

Moreover, the Tamil people are outraged that the Tamil polity is fragmented at a time when Tamil political forces need to unite and act as one like never before.

The Tamil people had no other choice but to turn to the NPP because there was no political force among them that could lead them on a practical and sensible political path as an alternative to Tamil parties. A situation arose in which large numbers of those people who had not supported Anura Kumara Dissanayake in the presidential election nearly two months ago were inclined to vote for the NPP after he assumed the presidency.

In many areas, the Tamil people directly told Tamil leaders who met   them that they would vote for the President’s party this time. Those leaders, who failed to properly assess the feelings of their people, remained lukewarm, hoping that the Tamil people would vote only for the Tamil parties as usual.

The NPP was considered the best alternative by the people of the South to reject the traditional mainstream political parties that were responsible for misrule and the prevailing corrupt political culture. Taking advantage of the changed political situation in the period following the Aragalaya” People’s Uprising, the NPP developed itself into a grand political movement.

The Tamil people in the North and East, who were waiting for an opportunity to reject Tamil political parties, had no other option but to turn to the NPP. It is doubtful whether the Tamil parties, which have not learned any lessons from past experiences and devised prudent strategies, will be able to meet the demands of the situation.

This being the case, President Dissanayake, who delivered his government’s policy statement at the first sitting of the new Parliament last Thursday, said that he would never allow  politics of racism and religious extremism to resurface. But ensuring that racism and religious extremism do not reappear depends entirely on the policies and actions of his government.

If the President believes that the overwhelming support that the people have given to his government, across ethnic and religious lines, will help create a situation where racism will not resurface, then it is essential for him to find meaningful solutions to the problems that racism had created in the country. without delay.

The first requirement for the President to achieve his goal is to change the political culture of Southern Sri Lanka, which does not respect the legitimate political aspirations and genuine grievances of minority communities.

The NPP, especially the JVP, has so far shown no clear signs of breaking free from its intolerant past, when it opposed all attempts to find a political solution to the national ethnic problem. The position expressed by the NPP during the recent controversies over the 13th Amendment to the Constitution was the latest evidence.

The people have given Dissanayake a resounding mandate that has never been given to any previous president. There is no obstacle for him and his government to find solutions to the ethnic problem, whether by amending the law or introducing a new constitution. All that is needed is political will.

The President has a duty to send a clear message to the Tamil people, who have rejected most Tamil parties and supported the NPP. At the same time, the he also has a responsibility to tell the Sinhalese people what approach they are obligated to adopt in dealing with the problems of the people of the North and East, who have sent several members of a national party to Parliament for the first time in history rejecting their own leaders.

The President should dedicate himself to creating a conducive climate in the South to find a political solution to the ethnic problem by winning the confidence of the majority who have deep-seated negative attitudes towards devolution of power and the legitimate political aspirations of the minority communities.

He is now in a very strong position to prevail upon the Sinhala polity and the Sinhalese people on the necessity to find a political solution and bridge the divisions in the country.

If he succumbs to the compulsions of Sinhalese hard-line nationalist forces and factions of the Maha Sangha, like previous Sinhalese leaders, President Dissanayaka will surely join the list of leaders who have missed the rare opportunities presented by history.

An acid test of his political mettle will be how he handles the 13th Amendment ahead of the provincial council elections which he intends to have any time next year.

Finally, a comment made last week by JVP general secretary Tilvin Silva in an interview with Meera Srinivasan, a Colombo correspondent  of the influential Chennai English daily ‘The Hindu’, is noteworthy: He said: ” There was a wrong perception because of the  history written by those who defeated us. Our path was not willingly chosen, it was forced on us. We were facing allegations of violence. It  was not our action, but a reaction from our end. If the state’s repression was armed ,so was our response.”

” The political moment has opened up space to rewrite the story of not just the party, but also the country without characterising some as terrorists who took up arms for no reason.”

It is time the JVP leaders realized that even for the Tamils, there is a long story to tell about the misconceptions  that exist regarding the root causes of their armed struggle and the need to rewrite distorted history and to adopt a healthy new approach to the ethnic problem in the interest of the future of the nation.

( The writer is a senior journalist based in Colombo)

Courtesy Xinhua

COLOMBO, Nov. 22 (Xinhua) — A supplementary agreement for the China-aided housing project for low-income families in Sri Lanka was signed here on Friday, with officials from Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Urban Development, Construction and Housing and Chinese Ambassador to Sri Lanka Qi Zhenhong attending the event.

Anura Karunathilake, minister of urban development, construction and housing, said that over the past decades, whenever Sri Lanka faced difficulties, the Chinese government and people have always extended a helping hand without hesitation. He expressed gratitude for the selfless assistance from the Chinese government and people, emphasizing that the agreement signed on Friday is of utmost importance to the Sri Lankan people.

Tang Yandi, counselor of the Chinese embassy in Sri Lanka, said the project aims to provide high-quality residential buildings in designated areas of Colombo for low-income households.

“The successful signing of the supplementary agreement will be a token of our further strengthened friendship,” Tang said, expressing his confidence that the project will be another success with close cooperation between the two sides.

The implementation agreement for the housing project was signed in November 2023, and the supplementary agreement details specific bidding and division of work for the project.

According to the agreement, the construction works for 1,996 housing units for low-income families in Sri Lanka will commence soon.

Data from the Ministry of Urban Development, Construction and Housing showed that more than 700,000 families in Sri Lanka lived without permanent housing as of November 2023. 

Courtesy CNN

COLOMBO: Sri Lanka’s new leftist government has agreed to press ahead with a controversial IMF bailout programme that involves tough austerity and economic reforms, the international lender announced on Saturday (Nov 23).

The International Monetary Fund said it reached an agreement with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s administration to continue with the four-year loan negotiated by his predecessor last year.

“The authorities have committed to stay within the guardrails of the programme,” IMF team leader Peter Breuer told reporters at the end of talks with the new government.

He said the new government’s commitment ensured policy continuity.

“Sustaining the reform momentum is critical to safeguarding the hard-won gains of the programme, and putting the economy on a path towards lasting recovery and stable and inclusive growth,” Breuer added.

Sri Lanka went to the IMF for a rescue package after the country defaulted on its US$46 billion external debt in April 2022 during an unprecedented economic meltdown.

The shortage of foreign exchange, which left the country unable to finance even the most essential imports of food and fuel, led to months of street protests and forced then-president Gotabaya Rajapaksa to resign.

The US$2.9 billion loan secured early last year required Colombo to sharply raise taxes, remove generous energy subsidies and agree to restructure more than 50 loss-making state enterprises.

Related:

Commentary: Sri Lankans made it clear they want change in a historic election

Commentary: Sri Lankans want change. They deserve continuity

Dissanayake’s predecessor Ranil Wickremesinghe secured the rescue that involves the disbursement of a US$2.9 billion loan over four years.

In his first address to parliament, after his National People’s Power party won a landslide at the Nov 14 election, Dissanayake backed the IMF deal on Thursday, marking a U-turn from his election pledge.

The dissatisfaction with traditional politicians held responsible for the economic collapse was a key driver of Dissanayake’s electoral success.

Dissanayake said there was no room to make any mistakes in managing the economy.

According to Breuer, the new government’s pledge to fight corruption will “reinvigorate governance reforms”, rebuild economic confidence, and make growth more robust and inclusive.

Sri Lanka will now be able to draw down US$333 million, subject to IMF board approval, by the end of the year.

Last month, Dissanayake’s interim cabinet signed off on a controversial restructuring of US$14.7 billion in foreign commercial credit tentatively agreed by Wickremesinghe.

The debt restructuring is a key IMF demand to rebuild the island’s economy, which shrank 7.8 per cent in 2022, its worst performance ever.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

2024 මාස් කන්නය අරඹා මාසයක කාලයක් ගතවී තිබුන ද ගොවීන්ට සහනාධාර ලෙස රු. 15000ක මුදලක් පසුගිය රජය විසින්  ලබාදෙන බව ප්‍රකාශ කර තිබුනද, එම මුදල රු. 25000 දක්වා වර්තමාන රජය ඉහළ දමා ලබාදෙන බව පැවසුවද, මේ වන තෙක් එම 25000ක මුදල කෙසේවුවද 15000ක මුදල පවා ගොවීන්ට නොලැබී ඇති බව ගොවීහු චෝදනා කරති.

වේදිකාවේ කුමන කතා කීවද බලයට ආ පසු ඒ කිසිවක් ක්‍රියාත්මක නොවන බවත් පවසන ඔවුන්, මාසයක් වයසැති ගොයම් පැලවලට අවශ්‍ය මූලික පොහොර ටික පවා යෙදීමට නොහැකි වීමෙන් අනුරාධපුර ප්‍රදේශයේ ගොවීහු දැඩි අපහසුතාවට පත්ව ඇති බවත් පෙන්වා දෙයි. 

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka’s new government has agreed to press ahead with a IMF bailout programme that involves tough austerity and economic reforms, the international lender announced on Saturday (Nov 23).

The International Monetary Fund said it reached an agreement with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s administration to continue with the four-year loan negotiated by his predecessor last year.

The authorities have committed to stay within the guardrails of the programme,” IMF team leader Peter Breuer told reporters at the end of talks with the new government.

He said the new government’s commitment ensured policy continuity.

Sustaining the reform momentum is critical to safeguarding the hard-won gains of the programme, and putting the economy on a path towards lasting recovery and stable and inclusive growth,” Breuer added.

Sri Lanka went to the IMF for a rescue package after the country defaulted on its US$46 billion external debt in April 2022 during an unprecedented economic meltdown.

The shortage of foreign exchange, which left the country unable to finance even the most essential imports of food and fuel, led to months of street protests and forced then-president Gotabaya Rajapaksa to resign.

The US$2.9 billion loan secured early last year required Colombo to sharply raise taxes, remove generous energy subsidies and agree to restructure more than 50 loss-making state enterprises.

Dissanayake’s predecessor Ranil Wickremesinghe secured the rescue that involves the disbursement of a US$2.9 billion loan over four years.

In his first address to parliament, after his National People’s Power party won a landslide at the Nov 14 election, Dissanayake backed the IMF deal on Thursday.

The dissatisfaction with traditional politicians held responsible for the economic collapse was a key driver of Dissanayake’s electoral success.

Dissanayake said there was no room to make any mistakes in managing the economy.

According to Breuer, the new government’s pledge to fight corruption will reinvigorate governance reforms”, rebuild economic confidence, and make growth more robust and inclusive.

Sri Lanka will now be able to draw down US$333 million, subject to IMF board approval, by the end of the year.

Source: AFP

–Agencies

Courtesy Adaderana

IMF staff and the Sri Lankan authorities have reached staff-level agreement on economic policies to conclude the third review of Sri Lanka’s economic reform program supported by the IMF’s Extended Fund Facility (EFF). 

Once the review is approved by IMF Management and completed by the IMF Executive Board, Sri Lanka will have access to about US$333 million in financing, a statement said.

The new government’s commitment to the program objectives has enhanced confidence and ensures policy continuity, it said, adding that sustaining the reform momentum is critical to safeguarding the hard-won gains under the program thus far and putting the economy on a path towards durable recovery and stable and inclusive growth.

The IMF’s Executive Board will consider completion of the review based on the implementation by the authorities of prior actions; and the completion of financing assurances review, confirming multilateral partners’ financing contributions and assessing adequate progress with debt restructuring, the statement added.

An International Monetary Fund (MF) team led by Peter Breuer, Senior Mission Chief for Sri Lanka, visited Colombo from November 17 to 23, 2024. 

After constructive discussions in Colombo, Mr. Breuer and Deputy Mission Chief Ms. Katsiaryna Svirydzenka issued the following statement:

We are pleased to announce that the IMF team reached staff-level agreement with the Sri Lankan authorities on the third review under the 4-year  Extended Fund Facility (EFF) arrangement. The arrangement was approved by the IMF Executive Board for a total amount of SDR 2.3 billion (about US$3 billion) on March 20, 2023.

The staff-level agreement is subject to the approval by IMF management and the IMF Executive Board, contingent on: (i) the implementation by the authorities of prior actions including the submission of a 2025 budget consistent with program objectives; and (ii) the completion of financing assurances review, which will focus on confirming multilateral partners’ committed financing contributions and whether adequate progress has been made with the debt restructuring to give confidence that the restructuring will be concluded in a timely manner and in line with the program’s debt targets.

Upon completion of the Executive Board review, Sri Lanka would have access to SDR 254 million (about US$333 million), bringing the total IMF financial support disbursed under the arrangement to SDR 1,016 million (about US$1,333 million).

Sri Lanka’s ambitious reform agenda supported by the EFF is delivering commendable outcomes. The economy expanded on average by 4 percent y-o-y in the four quarters ending in June 2024. High-frequency indicators point to continued expansion across all sectors. Average headline and core inflation remained contained at 0.8 and 3.8 percent during the third quarter. Gross official reserves increased to US$6.4 billion at end-October 2024 with sizeable foreign exchange purchases by the Central Bank. Public finances have strengthened following substantial fiscal reforms.

Program performance was strong, with all quantitative performance criteria and indicative targets (IT) for end-June 2024 met, as well as the ITs for end-September 2024, except for the IT on social spending. Most structural benchmarks due before October-2024 were either met or implemented with delay; some benchmarks are delayed because of the election cycle.

The new government’s commitment to the program objectives has enhanced confidence and ensures policy continuity. Sustaining the reform momentum is critical to safeguarding the hard-won gains of the program and putting the economy on a path towards lasting recovery and stable and inclusive growth. Since the crisis has affected Sri Lanka’s entire population, it will be important to ensure that the benefits from economic growth are shared appropriately.

Maintaining macroeconomic stability and restoring debt sustainability are key to securing Sri Lanka’s prosperity and require persevering with responsible fiscal policy. Continued revenue mobilization efforts and spending restraint are needed to prepare the 2025 budget in line with program parameters. Revenue administration reforms and efforts to improve tax compliance will help to ensure that the burden stemming from the crisis is shared proportionately to taxpayers’ ability to contribute. Avoiding new tax exemptions will help reduce fiscal revenue leakages, corruption risks and build much needed fiscal buffers, including for social spending and to support Sri Lanka’s most vulnerable. Maintaining cost recovery in fuel and electricity pricing and resolving legacy debts will help minimize fiscal risks arising from state-owned enterprises.

The government has an important responsibility to protect the poor and vulnerable at this difficult time. It is important to redouble efforts to meet the program’s minimum spending target on social spending and to improve targeting, adequacy, and coverage of social safety nets, particularly Aswesuma.

While inflation has decelerated faster than expected, continued monitoring is warranted to ensure sustained price stability and support macroeconomic stability. Against ongoing global uncertainty, it remains important to continue rebuilding external buffers through strong reserves accumulation.

Sri Lanka’s recent Agreement in Principle with bondholders is an important milestone putting Sri Lanka’s debt on a path towards sustainability. The critical next steps are to complete the commercial debt restructuring, finalize bilateral agreements with official creditors along the lines of the accord with the Official Creditor Committee and implement the terms of the other agreements. This will help restore Sri Lanka’s debt sustainability.

The new government’s mandate will reinvigorate governance reforms addressing corruption risks, rebuilding economic confidence, and making growth more robust and inclusive.

The IMF team held meetings with His Excellency President and Finance Minister Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Honorable Labor Minister and Deputy Minister of Economic Development Prof. Anil Jayantha Fernando, Honorable Deputy Minister of Finance and Planning Dr. Harshana Suriyapperuma, Senior Economic Advisor Duminda Hulangamuwa, Central Bank of Sri Lanka Governor Dr. P. Nandalal Weerasinghe, Secretary to the Treasury Mr. K M Mahinda Siriwardana, and other senior government and CBSL officials. The team also met with Parliamentarians, representatives from the private sector, civil society organizations, and development partners.

We would like to thank the authorities for the excellent collaboration.”

කැබිනට් අමාත්‍යංශයක් ඉල්ලූ මුස්ලිම් ජනතාවට විජිත දුන් පිළිතුර – ”2004 කැබිනට් පත්‍රිකාව දැම්මේ සිංහල මමනේ”

Courtesy Hiru News

පක්ෂ නායක පුටුවේ වාඩිවෙන්න කලින් දොස්තරයි සජිතුයි ගහපු ප්ලෑන් එකේ හඬ පටයක් එළියට ————————————————————————————————————- Welcome to Neth News – Your Trusted Source for News Updates! Subscribe to Neth News for the latest in-depth news coverage: https://bit.ly/3OWCArU Stay informed with the most recent updates on Neth News. We are committed to delivering accurate and timely news for you. 📰 About This Video: This video has been uploaded exclusively for news reporting purposes, ensuring you receive credible and informative content.

Dr Sudath Gunasekara

Colombo, November 21 (Daily Mirror) – The Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands and Irrigation has established a special unit to address the issue of harmful animal populations causing significant damage to crops. This initiative aims to implement multiple strategies for sustainable control.

A special discussion on the matter was held under the chairmanship of Minister K. D. Lalkantha. The discussion focused on identifying sustainable measures to control toque monkeys and other animals that cause extensive damage to key crops, such as coconuts and fruits.

The Ministry outlined plans to implement an immediate and actionable work plan.

Representatives from about 15 institutions participated in the discussion including the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands and Irrigation, the Wildlife Conservation Department, the Agriculture Department, the Agricultural Research Institute, the Sri Lanka Army, and the Civil Defence Force.

My Comment

This is an excellent move to rescue the entire agricultural sector. If it is properly done, that alone, will protect 60 % of the country’s agricultural production as it is the estimated percentage of crop lost annually, and the new Minister will be a national hero even if he does not do anything else during his tenure as Minister of Agriculture.  One can just imagine the plight of the nation’s agricultural sector when such a high % is lost, that being the mainstay of our economy.

 I can remember, way back in 2014 at a meeting convened by the chief Minister CP at my request to discuss the monkey and stray dog problem in Hanthana, where I live just on the fringe of the city. The then chief minister came out with a bunch of problems explaining the difficulty in sorting out he issue. My simple response to his apology was, if the provincial council or the government cannot solve even such a simple problem, why we have a government at all, with such a massive political and administrative network spending almost 85 % of the national income. I also told him, during the times of the British this country was run by one Governor in Colombo assisted by three state Secretaries and 9 Government Agents in the 9 Provinces assisted by a small band of native officials  compared with the present day army of nearly 100 or more Cabinet Ministers heads by an executive President (as it was then), as the say goes who could do anything under the sun other than making a woman a man and vice versa, nine governors in the provinces again armed with 9 Chief Ministers of Cabinet rank  with another  band of  36 Ministers in the provinces, more than 150 Secretaries in Colombo and the Provinces Assisted BY 25 Government Agents and a whole band of  public officials.

He smiled rather sarcastically, but did not utter a single word thereafter and we left. Monkey – stray dog menace still exist at Hanthana as the sunrises in the morning and sets in the evening, with no chance of a solution as the monkeys and the dogs also have got voting rights in Sri Lanka. Governments come and Governments go.  We are left helpless, saddled with an eternal survival problem with no foreseeable permanent solution for these monkey donkey problems. I If only someone can visit my place at no 21 Gemunu Mavatha Hanthana pedesa, Mahanuwwara. Only 1 km from the city center he can see the mutilated banana and coconut tree tops and vegetable plants and even sweet potato beds. Of cause, I need not tell you about the damages done to crops and houses by elephants in the Dry Zone villages, that is daily displayed on the TV and the press.

Therefore, we look forward hopefully that at least this new Minister and his government will sort out this eternal between man -animal competition for survival.

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Gal Oya starts in the hill country east of Badulla and flows through the south east of Sri Lanka passing Inginiyagala and flows into the sea 16 km south of Kalmunai.

The idea of using   Gal Oya for development was first suggested in the late 1930s.  A technical survey on harnessing the development potential of the Gal Oya catchment was conducted in 1936. A more detailed ‘Gal Oya Development Plan’ was formulated in 1946. The Gal Oya Development Board was appointed in 1949. It was modeled on the Tennessee Valley Authority and the Damodar Valley Corporation, but these were giant corporations, unlike Gal 0ya.

The Gal Oya Irrigation and Power Project was inaugurated on August 24, 1949. Irrigation engineer W. T. I. Alagaratnam carried out the preliminary surveys and investigations. He later became   the first Ceylonese   Director of Irrigation (1952-1955). Preliminary designs and estimates were prepared by Designs & Research Engineer D. W. R. Kahawita assisted by Designs Engineer, V. D. Kothare  and Actg. Designs Engineer V. N. Rajaratnam.

Kahawita took the designs to the consultants, at Denver, Colorado, USA.  The consultants, International Engineering Co were greatly impressed by the complete and comprehensive set of drawings, soil tests, gauge readings and other information needed to design the project, provided by Kahawita and his team.  Kahawita participated in the Denver design team’s work and was a decision maker in the project, said analysts. [1]

Gal Oya was Sri Lanka’s first, much hyped, development project of the post-independence period. It was a multipurpose project, serving Agriculture, Irrigation, Flood Control, Domestic Water Supply and Hydro Power.

The Gal Oya scheme was located some 150 miles from Colombo, in a region that had previously been jungle, sparsely populated by slash-and-burn cultivators. The valley had the air of being sealed off. It was situated in the deep interior and seemed inaccessible because of poor roads and transport.

Construction work began in March 1949. Modern machinery as well as elephants were used.  Machinery removed the top soil as well as the trees. Large swathes of land had been dozered” bare. [2]

Work on the Left Bank started in 1951, Right Bank in 1957. Headworks were completed in 1951 and the  water sent out.     The project created new water bodies, but also incorporated existing tanks such as Kondavattavan, Valathippiddy, Veeragoda, Chadayantalawa and Irakkamam. A 10 MW hydro power plant was built.

 Gal Oya project created a reservoir at Inginiyagala. The catchment area of the reservoir was in the Uva Province, but the reservoir benefited those living in the Eastern Province, observed analysts. The reservoir, Senanayake Samudra, had a capacity of 979 million cubic meters.   Gal Oya National Park was declared in 1954 to protect the reservoir’s catchment area.

Immediately below the dam there were three main channels that control the delivery of the water the Right Bank (11,741 ha), the River Division (8,502 ha), and the Left Bank (16,328 ha).

The main reservoir was completed in 1960, and the full irrigation system transferred from the Gal Oya Development Board to the Irrigation Department. Its combined irrigated area made Gal Oya the largest contiguous irrigation system in Sri Lanka.[3]

Rice production was a priority at Gal Oya because 70% of the rice was imported. [4] The project would provide irrigation for 70,000 acres of new paddy land. Gal Oya acquired a huge rice mill, to assist in processing rice.

 Provision was also made for cultivation and marketing cash crops by agricultural organizations. There was also a tile factory and   a sugar factory at Gal Oya. The sugar factory was an utter failure, said analysts.  The local farmers, unused to sugar cane cultivation, were never able to supply more than 18% of the factory’s requirements

The project functioned from 1951 onwards, garnering both praise and criticism. In 1966 the Dudley Senanayake government appointed a Committee to Evaluate the Gal Oya Project. The committee stated that from a purely cost/benefit point of view the project was a failure. But from colonization, paddy production point of view the project was successful. .[5]

The Gal oya scheme was also a colonization scheme, providing land to the landless. Gal Oya was sparsely populated, much of it was jungle. The jungle area was developed and people brought in and settled. First preference was given to people from the Eastern province. There were no applicants.[6]

Tamil Separatist Movement charged that Sinhala colonists were brought into the traditional homelands of the Tamils”. K.M. de Silva   said that Gal Oya and most of the other major colonization schemes of the Eastern Province were located in areas which were either the sites of remnant Sinhalese villages or were jungle. For example, the Sinhala farmers were given land in Wewegampattu, which was a Sinhala area. [7]

 The number of families settled from 1951 – 1953 were: from  Batticaloa district  852 families, Kandy  213, Kegalle  275, Uva 250, Hambantota  175. By 1962, 6000 families were settled in over 40 villages. 2250 families were from the Batticaloa area.  3750 families came from other parts of the country.

  S.J.Tambiah said about 50 percent of the settlers came from Eastern Province. They were Muslims and Tamils. This group also included Veddahs. The other 50% came from outside Gal Oya. About 25% of this second category came from from the Central Province, the majority being from the Kandy and Kegalle districts. The balance 25% came from Southern, Western, and Sabaragamuwa provinces, and they were all Sinhalese. [8]

Jayasuriya looked at the period 1951-1962. He said initially 15 villages, each with about 150 families were occupied by 2 categories of people .The first category were settlers from the area including Veddahs. They were the first to be settled in Wavinne and Paragahakelle in 1951. They were hunters and chena cultivators and they found it difficult to adjust to their new surroundings.

The second category was people from East Coast villages around Kalmunai. They were not interested in changing their traditional methods of livelihood. Their land produced only about 25 bushels of paddy per acre.

The most successful were those from Kandy and Kegalle. 25 villages, each with about 150 families, were occupied by settlers from Kandy and Kegalle in 1955/1956 . They were allotted 1 acre of highland & 3 acres of paddy land. They were the most enthusiastic . They used fertilizers  and improved methods of cultivation. Their land gave the highest yield of 45 bushels per acre..[9]

By 1980, the numbers had increased. Vandervelde reported that  about 19,000 families were resident in the project area, mostly  second or third generation sons and daughters of original colonist families for whom no provision for agricultural land was made in the original settlement. (VanderVelde 1982)  

The settlements were segregated by ethnic group.  Sinhalese settlements were separate from the settlements of the  east coast Tamils and Muslims. Nine settlements were located in the  Batticaloa District. There were no Sinhalese in these settlements.

From 1950 to 1958, about 43 village units were created in the Left Bank. The  Left Bank channel’ extended into Batticaloa District. Sinhalese households were in the majority in the Left Bank. Most of these were settled in the head and middle areas in the Left Bank, while Tamil and Muslim households were located downstream. [10]

The Sinhalese were settled on the favored upper reaches of the Left Bank, immediately below the dam, and the others were allotted less well irrigated lands at the ends of the irrigation channels close to their original settlements, reported Tambiah.

Vandervelde (1982) said  that on the Left Bank at the top end all families are Sinhala. They  have no problems with irrigation. The middle zone is mixed, majority Muslim with Sinhala and Tamil. They have serious problems with irrigation during the Yala season. At the bottom area families are from the Tamil speaking Muslim community and Tamil community. This area experiences the most acute and persistent water problems, including domestic water, especially during the Yala season.

Wimalaratne & Uphoff (1997) said that the most productive farming in Gal Oya was done in parts of the Right Bank and in the central portion of the system served directly by the Gal Oya River, because these areas had better water supply. The population in these areas was mostly Tamil and Muslim.

The colonists came into Gal Oya at staggered intervals as the main irrigation channels, distribution channels and field channels were developed and the paddy field sites were cleared and leveled. The first batch arrived in Gal Oya in November 1951. [11]

K.A. Podi Menike had come as an eight-year-old with her parents from Gonagala in Kegalle. When her father left his ancestral home and hearth and arrived with only his family and bundles of clothing to make a life here   Colony hathalihak hadala minissu dura gam walin genawa, she recalled.

63-year-old Digamadulle said his father was from Hindagala, Peradeniya and his mother from Dunkewila, Gampola. News filtered to Gampola that Gal Oya needed settlers. Seventy-two applications went from their village and nine families, eight of whom were closely related, were chosen after medical check-ups. In 1952 a lorry picked them up and dropped them at the Gampola Railway Station. When they de-trained at Batticaloa, they were met by a Colonization Officer and two Village Officers.

Herath Mudiyanselage Gunaratne came from Badulla. His father grew oranges there for a living but decided to take a chance in the new world of Gal Oya. They were amongst the first settlers, arriving to a literal desert, with all vegetation cleared by huge machinery and set ablaze in the village of Wawinna. Ithama dushkarai api enakota, yana-ena paraval thibbe ne, guru paraval witharai thibbe.” Malaria was rampant and the ambulance was regularly taking the sick to hospital.

Gunaratne attended the new village school which had on its register about 140 children and was the first to pass the Senior School Certificate from there, after which he trained as a teacher and returned to serve the area, retiring as a Principal.

Each colonist family was given a small cottage with three rooms, all tools such as mammoties, pannittu (buckets), kethi (sickles) lanterns, 400 rupees to buy  buffaloes  for ploughing and two busal of bittara wee (seed paddy) of the Illankaliya variety.

Their new houses were of cement-block walls and tile-roof while a school in the area before the scheme sported only goma-meti biththi (mud walls) and an iluk-thatched roof. The colonists were issued balapatra (permits) for the land they cultivated which were later changed to Swarnabhoomi or Jayabhoomi deeds. .[12]

The original allotments to each peasant family was 4 acres of irrigated paddy land and 3 acres of highland. This was reduced to 3 acres of paddy land and 2 acres of highland in 1953, and still later to 2 acres of paddy land and 1 acre of highland. [13] The families had to  have knowledge of  farming, [14] be in need of land and  their eldest should be a son. [15]

Farmer Organizations were  set up. the ‘main channels’ under the Gal Oya Scheme would be looked after by the Irrigation Department, the ‘distribution channels’ jointly by the department and the farmers and the ‘field channels’ by the farmers, using these Farmers Organizationa..[16] ( continued)

[1] https://thuppahis.com/2022/05/20/the-galoya-valley-scheme-the-people-who-made-it-a-reality/ KK de Silva.

[2] https://www.sundaytimes.lk/180204/plus/an-ocean-of-gratefulness-still-flows-279447.html

[3] https://www.iwmi.org/Publications/IWMI_Research_Reports/PDF/PUB018/REPORT18.PDF

[4] https://thuppahis.com/2017/01/14/gal-oya-addressing-errors-in-ajit-kanagasundrams-recollections/ GH Peiris

[5] https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2016/10/10/the-gal-oya-project-60-years-on/

[6] Neville ladduwahetty cites Hoole etc.    See Island  continuation  of the 20.5.16 essay

[7]Gamini Iriyagolle  The Eastern Province, Tamil Claims and “Colonisation”   https://fosus2.tripod.com/fs20000614.htm

[8] https://thuppahis.com/2017/02/02/the-anti-tamil-gal-oya-riots-of-1956/ SJ Tambiah

[9] https://thuppahis.com/2022/05/20/the-galoya-valley-scheme-the-people-who-made-it-a-reality/  KK de Silva.

[10] https://thuppahis.com/2017/01/14/gal-oya-addressing-errors-in-ajit-kanagasundrams-recollections/ GH Peiris

[11] https://thuppahis.com/2017/01/14/gal-oya-addressing-errors-in-ajit-kanagasundrams-recollections/ GH Peiris

[12] https://www.sundaytimes.lk/180204/plus/an-ocean-of-gratefulness-still-flows-279447.html

[13] Economic Review, March, 1977

[14] https://thuppahis.com/2017/02/02/the-anti-tamil-gal-oya-riots-of-1956/ SJ Tambiah

[15] https://www.sundaytimes.lk/180204/plus/an-ocean-of-gratefulness-still-flows-279447.html

[16] https://www.sundaytimes.lk/180204/plus/an-ocean-of-gratefulness-still-flows-279447.html

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Tamils were initially very keen on the Gal Oya Project. They thought it would help   strengthen their position in the Eastern Province. They thought it would strengthen Settler Colonization. Gal Oya scheme was in Ampara and Ampara was part of Batticaloa the time.

G.H. PeIris observed that the records of the State Council proceedings indicate very clearly that Tamil representatives, especially those from Batticaloa District which, at that time covered the present Ampara District as well, were at the forefront of the agitation for implementing the Gal Oya project in the 1940s. [1]

However, when they found that the Gal Oya project was going to bring Sinhala settlers into Gal Oya, their attitude changed. The Tamil Separatist Movement then became openly hostile to the project.  Settler Colonization greatly feared the arrival of the Sinhalese into the Eastern Province.

The Gal Oya Irrigation and Power Project was inaugurated on August 24, 1949. Three months later, on the occasion of the inauguration of ITAK, in December 1949, its leader, Chelvanayagam, said There is evidence that the government intends planting a Sinhalese population in this purely Tamil-speaking area.”  He warned that the government’s colonization policy, starting with Gal Oya was even more dangerous to the Tamil people than Sinhala Only.[2]

Chelvanayagam had also complained to K.Kanagasunderam. Kanagasunderam was the Chairman, Gal Oya Development Board from 1952-1957.  Kanagasunderam’s son recalled, Once, travelling to Batticaloa by train, my father was told by SJV Chelvanayagam   Young man, do you realize that you are driving a dagger into the heart of the Tamil people”.

 Father had explained that, as AGA Kegalle, he had witnessed the dire land hunger of the Kandyan peasantry. The lands to be colonized at Gal Oya were un-inhabited jungle lands. There would be ample village expansion lands for the Tamils and Muslims too. Chelvanayagam had rejected the explanation. [3]

At Gal Oya the first preference for settlement   was given to people from the Eastern Province. But there were no applications from the Eastern Province. No one had applied. Tamil Separatist Movement noted this much later on, with deep regret. [4]    Clearly East coast Tamils had not wanted to leave the coastal areas and go into the hinterland. The Gal Oya Board then turned to applicants outside the Eastern Province. They found plenty. There were eighty eight applicants from HIndagala, (Peradeniya). Only 8 were selected. [5]

It is not well known that there were Sinhala-Tamil clashes in Batticaloa before the Gal Oya riots. There were Sinhalese in Batticaloa at the time,  well entrenched, doing business. Pieter Keuneman, speaking in Parliament in 1956 said the Eastern Province had a history of communal rioting,   S. J. V. Chelvanayakam admitted in    Parliament on 26 July 1956 that there had been clashes in Batticaloa and in the area between Batticaloa and Kalmunai before the Gal Oya riots took place. He admitted that   the offenders were Tamils .  [6]

The  Gal Oya  settlers  did not go straight to Gal Oya from their homes. They hit Batticaloa first. Batticaloa was a Tamil majority district . 1953 Census showed 72% Tamil, 25% Muslim and 1% Sinhalese.[7]  Batticaloa was also the entry point to the Gal Oya scheme. The road to Gal Oya started at Batticaloa and went through Kalmunai, also Tamil into the Gal Oya scheme.  

Gal Oya  settlers  arrived at Batticaloa by train to proceed  by road to Gal Oya.  Tamils  were  not happy to see the Gal Oya project become a reality.  In 1951  Tamils  demonstrated  when  the  first Sinhala settlers arrived at Batticaloa   railway station   . The ‘demonstration’ was   clearly an alarmingly aggressive one, because the army was brought in. Not police, but army. It should be noted therefore that the first Sinhala settlers  arrived at their settlements  in Gal Oya under army protection.

K.S. Podi Menike   who hailed from Kegalle recalled    that  from Polgahawela they took the train to Batticaloa. At Batticaloa  railway station,  they faced violent protests by the Tamils.  They travelled to their new home  in Gal Oya accompanied by an army escort.  Army came in the lorries they travelled in, she recalled,  providing a guard from the Railway Station to their  new home. [8] This means that  even before they   arrived  at Gal Oya, at Batticaloa railway station  itself,  the  Sinhala  settlers  faced aggressive  Tamil opposition.

The Gal Oya authorities would have known  that the East coast Tamils  as well as  ITAK objected to  Sinhala settlements in the east. The settlements  were therefore   planned as segregated settlements, not mixed. Sinhalese settlements were   separate from the Tamil and Muslim settlements.

 Elsewhere in Sri Lanka , Tamils and Sinhalese were living  next to each other. But Gal Oya was different.  The  Gal Oya colonization scheme was   in a highly  sensitive area. It was reaching into   the Eastern Province which Settler Colonization wanted to make fully Tamil. Settlement of large number of Sinhalese  in what Tamil nationalists considered their traditional Tamil homeland, would   create tension, observed   critics.

Four years later, in 1956, a few months after the  April 1956  general election,  Gal Oya became the site of the first major  Sinhala-Tamil riot. The riots started on June 11, 1956 and continued over the next five days. Gal Oya Board authorities were unable  to control the riots. They had to bring in the army.The army brought the riots under control.

S.J. Tambiah  , then  a lecturer in University of Ceylon had been in Gal Oya doing field work with his students when the riots broke out there.  On his return to Peradeniya , he was asked by the  Vice Chancellor, Nicholas Attygalle  to provide a  report on the riots, because these riots were a new phenomenon and  people did not know what to make of them.

In his report[9]  Tambiah said the Gal Oya disturbance cannot be treated as an isolated phenomenon. It must be viewed in the general context of communal tensions existing in the country and also as a continuation of disturbances that started in Colombo from June 5^th.[10]Violence on a scale hitherto unknown broke out in Gal Oya some five days after Sinhala-Tamil clashes took place in Colombo, over Sinhala Only, he observed.

 If you wonder what the relationship between the official language controversy and ethnic violence in the Eastern Province might be, why the rioting leapt from urban Colombo on the west coast to Gal Oya, a bustling enclave of hectic development activity and peasant resettlement, the answer is that around this time, the language issue was also becoming interwoven with the government’s policy of peasant resettlement, continued Tambiah. [11]  

The  Sinhala Only” Bill, specifying that Sinhala would henceforth replace English as Sri Lanka’s official language was presented in Parliament on June 5^th 1951. ITAK Leaders had  whipped up feeling against the Bill  for weeks. There was a hartal” in the Tamil-majority areas of Sri Lanka on June 5^th.

 Also on June 5 ITAK staged a satyagraha at Galle Face Green in Colombo. Some 200 Tamil protesters, including leading politicians, took part. They were beaten up by  a crowd of Sinhalese who had  assembled there. Some  had to be taken to hospital.

In Batticaloa, probably at the same time, a mass demonstration by about ten thousand Tamils was fired on by the police, resulting in at least two deaths, reported Tambiah. [12] The main supply route to Gal Oya was the Batticaloa-Ampara road. There were large numbers of Tamils concentrated in Batticaloa and in the colonized areas of the valley, and a large number of Sinhalese in the Gal Oya Valley.  What takes place in Batticaloa and its hinterland would have repercussions in the Valley and vice versa, observed Tambiah.

The  riots  in Gal Oya were Sinhala versus Tamil . Both groups attacked each other .According to  a newspaper account the riots had started by someone setting fire to a Sinhalese shop in Batticaloa.  A Sinhalese inside the shop had shot three Tamil persons in the crowd that had gathered to watch the fire. A false rumor was spread in Gal Oya that a Sinhalese girl had been raped and made to walk naked down a street in Batticaloa town, by a Tamil mob.[13]

In his report to the Vice Chancellor Tambiah said, I was told that the rioting, assaults and looting in the Gal Oya scheme was done mainly by the irrigation and construction workers in Ampara   and those working in other construction sites such as Pallang Oya.  This group was   later joined by truck drivers.

Unlike the colonists who were a permanent population, these irrigation and construction workers and truck drivers, were not permanent residents in Ampara. They might not have been directly concerned with the language issue, but the politics and the wave of emotionalism prevailing in the country at the time, pushed them to exploit the situation, said Tambiah.[14]  This group later went to the Gal Oya   workshop,   took the vehicles in the workshop and went into the colonized areas. On the third day the fighting had spread to the colonized areas which had hitherto been peaceful.

Several incidents took place at Gal Oya on the first day, reported Tambiah. A bus was stopped and asked whether there were Tamils in the bus. On being told there were none, they were allowed to proceed . Miranda’s, a restaurant and store run by Indian Tamils was set on fire.

Gal Oya Board officials were celebrating at a café. a mob collected outside and demanded that the Tamil officials and their wives inside be delivered to them, the Sinhalese officials refused to do so. Instead they were smuggled out the back way. When the Sinhala officials emerged they were assaulted and their cars stoned.

The Sinhala Assistant Commissioner of Local Government told Tambiah that the rioters entered his house, where another official, Rajavarothiam also lived, and assaulted Rajavarothiam. Independent of this, Tambiah saw four Tamils brought to hospital. Two were dangerously clubbed on their skulls.

Thanks to all this, Tamils in Ampara had run to the Circuit Bungalow to seek refuge. By evening of the first day, the Circuit Bungalow was full of Tamils. A large [Sinhala] mob had encircled the Circuit Bungalow. the mob tried to stop a jeep bringing a Bren gun and assaulted the driver. the police opened fire. One man was shot dead through the bowels, another shot through the shoulder (he subsequently died) and the third was shot in the arm. All three were Sinhalese.

 Then the mob cut off the electricity and water supply to the bungalow, and a group broke into a dynamite dump at Inginiyagala and stole dynamite with the intention of blowing up the bungalow. Fortunately they could not lay hands on the detonators. The military arrived about 11 P.M. and with their arrival the mob dispersed. [15] Tamil refugees in Ampara were sent under escort to Batticaloa.

Tamil colonists retreating to their parent villages returned in large numbers armed with guns. Pitched battles began to take place in Bakiella, Vellai Valli, and the village units 11, 16, 14.  A lorry arrived in Ampara with Sinhalese refugees from Bakiella, who said that they had been attacked by Tamil Colonists, reported Tambiah.

It was rumored that an army of 6,000 Tamils armed with guns were in the process of approaching the Sinhalese settlements in the Gal Oya valley. This caused pandemonium. Some Sinhala colonists ran to the Circuit bungalow seeking refuge there.

On the fourth morning the bungalow grounds were swarming with Sinhalese refugees from the colonized areas, recalled Tambiah. Other Colonists started to flee in the direction of Ampara.  Vehicles packed with men, women and children evacuated the valley through the Inginiyagala-Moneragala road.

The rioters however, unlike the colonists, did not run away. Vehicles filled with armed men and carrying dynamite went to meet the mythical Tamil army which was supposed to be advancing. Batticaloa then became the scene of a reverse scare and rumor, continued Tambiah.

 The G.A.’s bungalow was mobbed by residents of Batticaloa who said that a Sinhalese army from Ampara, armed and in possession of dynamite and travelling in Gal Oya Board vehicles was going to attack the town. They requested the G.A. to issue them with rifles and to give them permission to blow up the bridges. No such attack took place, however.

The riots were discussed in Parliament. Pieter Keuneman said that while the Eastern Province had a history of communal rioting,  the events of June 1956 dwarfed them. The government should be more careful when forming mixed colonies

the explanations offered for the  Gal Oya riots, that it was due to food shortage, administration matters or labor problems was  incorrect, he said. The riots took place in the context of earlier incidents against Sinhalese in the Batticaloa-Kalmunai area. He called for a Commission of inquiry.

On 26 July 1956, S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, said in Parliament The Hon. Prime Minister announced that he was going to appoint a commission of inquiry into the riots at Gal Oya and elsewhere in the Batticaloa District. There were clashes before, but the scale of such attacks never rose to the level of riots.  Rioting took place on the 5th and 6th in Colombo and on the 11th and 12th at Gal Oya. (edited)^[[16]

There was no Commission of Inquiry on the Gal Oya riots. There was an inquiry conducted by the Inspector General of Police, in collaboration with the Gal Oya Development Board, but in the huge turbulences of 1958 and the chaos that followed the SWRD assassination, the Gal-Oya riots faded into oblivion, said G.H .Peries. [17] The Sinhala Only” Bill, specifying that Sinhala would henceforth replace English as Sri Lanka’s official language was passed on June 14, 1956, by a vote of 56 to 29.  ( continued)

[1] https://thuppahis.com/2017/01/14/gal-oya-addressing-errors-in-ajit-kanagasundrams-recollections/ GH Peiris

[2] https://thuppahis.com/2017/02/02/the-anti-tamil-gal-oya-riots-of-1956/ SJ Tambiah

[3] https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2016/10/10/the-gal-oya-project-60-years-on/

[4] Neville ladduwahetty cites Hoole etc. island  continautin of the 20.5.16 essay p … Modern used file 13

[5] https://www.sundaytimes.lk/180204/plus/an-ocean-of-gratefulness-still-flows-279447.html

[6] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1956_anti-Tamil_pogrom

[7] 1951 Census was postponed to 1953.

[8] https://www.sundaytimes.lk/180204/plus/an-ocean-of-gratefulness-still-flows-279447.html

[9] https://thuppahis.com/2017/02/02/the-anti-tamil-gal-oya-riots-of-1956/ SJ Tambiah

[10] Stanley J. Tambiah, Leveling Crowds. Ethnonationalist Conflicts and Collective Violence in South Asia, pp. 87-94 https://thuppahis.com/2017/02/02/tambiahs-contemporary-account-of-the-gal-oya-riots-of-1956-to-vice-chancellor-attygalle/

[11] https://thuppahis.com/2017/02/02/the-anti-tamil-gal-oya-riots-of-1956/ SJ Tambiah

[12] https://thuppahis.com/2017/02/02/the-anti-tamil-gal-oya-riots-of-1956/ SJ Tambiah

[13] https://ellalanpadai.wordpress.com/2013/12/11/ceylon-anti-tamil-riots-part-1-gal-oya-riots/

[14] https://thuppahis.com/2017/02/02/tambiahs-contemporary-account-of-the-gal-oya-riots-of-1956-to-vice-chancellor-attygalle/

[15] https://thuppahis.com/2017/02/02/tambiahs-contemporary-account-of-the-gal-oya-riots-of-1956-to-vice-chancellor-attygalle/

[16]  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1956_anti-Tamil_pogrom

[17] https://thuppahis.com/2017/01/14/gal-oya-addressing-errors-in-ajit-kanagasundrams-recollections/ GH Peiris

Prof. Hudson McLean

UK Cannot & Must Not Risk the Citizens of UK for a Corrupt Regime in Ukraine! 

Biden Made a Huge Mistake to Allow Ukraine Long Range Missiles.

Let Us Stop the War!

Express Your Opinion – Read What Others Say!
The Independent Interactive Voice of Sri Lanka on the Internet.

Please visit -: http://www.lankaweb.com/

Prof. Hudson McLean

Let Elon Musk Lead Trump & USA! 

The IQ, Experience, Background, Success  of Elon Musk is Much Superior than the rest of Trump Team collectively!

Ukraine to Allow Long Range by USA & UK is an unnecessary escalation, more killing  just before Christmas and when Trump will VETO as he starts in January!

Biden runs from Afghanistan leaving Billions of Dollars of Americam military assets and now getting Russia to destroy Ukraine, as well as threatening UK, Finland & Poland.

Express Your Opinion – Read What Others Say!
The Independent Interactive Voice of Sri Lanka on the Internet.

Please visit -: http://www.lankaweb.com/

By Dr. Gamini Padmaperuma

Initiatives on Digital Transformation are given very high priority by the new government. While the opportunities and benefits that are associated with Digital Transformation are widely highlighted, the challenges that face such major initiative are not so well identified. The purpose of this article is to highlight Opportunities, Challenges and Strategies relating to the Digital Transformation with a view to providing a holistic view of the subject.

The benefits of the Digital Transformation are widely published in the literature. These publications relate to case studies and other experiences worldwide relating to digitalization in both private and public sector. The experiences in digitalization initiatives in private and public sector have many similarities while they also do differ in some major aspects. In this article, the author will try to focus on the general issues as well as the specific issues which directly relate to the digitalization in governments.

Key Opportunities

Following are a few major opportunities and benefits of the digital transformation in the government:

Increased efficiency and productivity: Having a single reliable source, and ready access of documents and data can save valuable time in finding and updating information. Readily accessible data means users have the information they need when they need it the most. Document management automation can also help avoid repetitive tasks and streamline workflows, avoiding the need for manual data entry, etc.

Better understanding of stakeholders: With relevant data, it is easier to establish a reliable picture and behavior patterns of both internal and external stakeholders and use this information to continuous improvement of services. For example, with internal digital workflows (instead of exchanging physical files among different offices), it is much easier to identify bottlenecks and take action to remove them. Externally, website data and analytics can reveal valuable insights into how citizens use the site and where improvements can be made.

Effective collaboration across the organization: With documents and data accessible to everyone who needs them, every department has the latest version and the most accurate data. This avoids occurrence of out-of-date information in the reports, or the wrong details being held and duplicated across departments. 

Better decision-making through data-driven insights: Real-time access to documents and data means you always have the latest version.

More dynamic and responsive public services: Simply bringing in new technology does not constitute digital transformation. For transformation to be successful, it requires a deep cultural change. With people onboard, digital technologies can help organizations become more agile, making them more able to adapt to changing priorities and the demands of citizens.

Key Challenges

There are many challenges in implementing Digitalization in Government. Embarking on a digital transformation journey is not a simple task for any organization, and governments are no exception. The public sector faces unique challenges due to its size, complexity, and the critical nature of the services it provides. Major challenges include:

Resistance to Change: One of the major hurdles to digital transformation in government is the resistance to change. Well thought-out change management strategies, top management’s commitment and support and comprehensive training programs are necessary for promoting a culture of digital innovation.

Legacy Systems: Many government agencies depend on outdated legacy (traditional) systems that are incompatible with modern digital technologies. These systems can be expensive to maintain, difficult to integrate with newer solutions, and may pose security risks. This is where the Business Process Engineering (BPR) should be used to reengineer the inefficient and outdated processes prior to digitalization. Migrating data from legacy systems to modern platforms (digitizing) can also be a complex and time-consuming process.

Budget Constraints: Digital transformation initiatives can require significant financial investments in new technology, infrastructure, and training. However, governments often face budget constraints and competing priorities, making it difficult to secure the necessary funding.

Cybersecurity Risks: As governments digitize their services and store more sensitive data online, they become increasingly vulnerable to cyberattacks. The consequences of a successful cyberattack can be severe, including data breaches, service disruptions and loss of public trust. Ensuring the security of digital systems and protecting citizens’ data is a critical challenge for any digital government.

Skills Gap: Digital transformation requires a workforce with the skills to implement and manage new technologies. However, there is often a shortage of qualified personnel in the public sector with expertise in areas such as cyber security, data analytics and cloud computing. This skills gap can hinder the successful implementation of digital initiatives. The skills gap or the level of digital literacy of the citizens who are going to avail the government’s digitalized services is also a concern.

These challenges, while significant, are not insurmountable. By acknowledging and addressing these roadblocks upfront, the government can pave the way for a successful digital transformation.

Key Strategies

Despite the challenges, many governments worldwide have successfully implemented their digital transformations, proving that it is possible to overcome the obstacles. Here are some key strategies that can pave the way for success:

Strong Leadership: Digital transformation in government requires strong leadership at all levels. Leaders must articulate a clear vision for the digital future, set ambitious goals, and secure buy-in from stakeholders. They must also be willing to challenge the status quo, take calculated risks, and champion change throughout the organization.

Change Management: Successful digital transformation involves more than just implementing new technologies; it requires a fundamental shift in organizational culture. Change management strategies, such as top management commitment and support, effective communication, employee engagement and training programs, etc. are essential to ensure that employees understand the benefits of digital transformation and are equipped and motivated to adapt to new ways of working.

Technology Selection: Choosing the right technology solutions is critical for the success of digital transformation in government. This involves careful consideration of factors such as functionality, scalability, security, and compatibility with existing systems. Governments should also prioritize solutions that are user-friendly and accessible to all citizens, regardless of their digital literacy.

Collaboration: Digital transformation is not a solo endeavor. Governments can benefit significantly from collaborating with the private sector, academic institutions and other government agencies. Partnerships can provide access to expertise, resources, and innovative solutions that may not be available in-house. Sharing best practices and lessons learned can also accelerate the pace of transformation.

(Dr. Gamini Padmaperuma is a Chartered Professional Engineer, Honorary Fellow Member of the IESL, former Director, Academic Affairs at Saegis Campus and Senior Lecturer at OUSL. He holds a PhD in Instructional Design for Computer-Based Learning from the University of Canterbury, New Zealand and can be contacted at gamini_pad@hotmail.com) 

Sarath Wijesinghe President’s Counsel, former Ambassador to UAE and Israel Solicitor in England and Wales, President Ambassador’s Forum UK/SL

Best tourist destination ?

It is a known fact that Sri Lanka is one of the best tourist destinations – if not for the best-  which is a beautiful compact Island in the Indian ocean with varied climatic conditions within hours in an excellent network of roads and other modes of communications with facilities for other modes of transport available with the excellent infrastructure and communication network. It is a historic island with a great history to be proud of on culture civilization places of religious significance and today an educated nation with high library rate IT skills and mobile penetration of over 160% countrywide with the citizen skilled in operation of modern digital platforms in consumerism with the rest of the world. It is happy to note the newly elected government and the energetic young President has pledged to introduce digitalisation in all the sectors including tourism that will open a new chapter on tourism promotion which is badly needed to the ailing and battered economy to be taken to the correct tract to give relief to the citizen pressed with issues on cost of living and indebtedness to the world for the past mistakes by previous regimes. World is developing fast towards Artificial Intelligence and the closest  ally of AI is digitalisation which is the mode of compression of data and  images in a compressed format to be able to transfer,store and to be utilized fast and easily in all kind of business, technology and administrative activities. In the modern world when the world happening are so fast and in all sectors Sri Lanka can not afford to be lagging behind when other tourist nations and growing faster in the most competitive tourism  world which carries trillions to the  world economy and respective GDPs of the nations thriving by tourist trade.

President’s inaugural speech at the parliament on digital Sri Lanka

His speech was long as usual and delivered without notes or a written paper by others which is normally the case on previous occasions. He spoke from his heart based on knowledge and experience in many areas in details surprising the listeners including the foreign dignitaries on his eloquence, knowledge of subject matters, continuity,and the convincing nature of the speech on digitalisation amongst many other matters discussed. Whilst justifying the  appointment of Dr Hans Wijesuriya for the appointment he is amply suited to implement the digitalisation process in Sri Lanka, he put forward his vision and plan for the nation he is entrusted to represent based on his vision to the satisfaction of the citizen who are still undergoing hardships in all areas and respects with teh country as a nation during the difficult periods not in the vicinity of at least signs of successful future.

How will digitalisation help promote tourism ?

Digitalisation helps to store and forward the date and images fast accurately and technically for the promotional process of tourism in the modern form also towards Artificial Intelligence. A good example of implementation of AI is unmanned vehicles by Uber which is often used in tourism in Sri Lanka and worldwide. The other good news is that many digital and consumer platforms have initiated programs and implementation in Sri Lanka with easy access to the world on world affairs in business and eschatology. President AKD has reiterated that he will take steps to utilize digitalization developments which he has proved by taking the services of Dr Hans Wijesuriya who has chosen  to lead ICTA whilst serving the President on voluntary basis are new and pleasant developments. Digitalisation may help expedite the system and prevent corruption and briary to the minimum as there could be an orderly system in place on digitalisation, that also will help to step into the next stage of Artificial Inelegancy obviously depend on the next steps strategies and implementation of strategies and policies.

Brand for Tourism in Sri Lanka Let us suggest ‘’Beautiful Sri Lanka’’ to be the brand name

Volume on tourism and hospitality edited by this author with 40 chapters and 330 pages is freely availabe on the Google Drive for the public

India’s Brand is Incredible India, and Malesia’s brand is Truly Asia and there is none on the internet on  Sri Lanka and we suggest it to be ‘’ beautiful Sri Lanka’’ as it is a truly most beautiful compact island full of beauty and all requirements to be the best tourist destination. We hope the Head of Tourism Mr ‘Buddhadasa’ who appears to be a genuine and learned professional on the subject ( though I have not met him yet as I am based in UK planning to  be in SL soon) take our suggestion forward  to appropriate forums for Sri Lanka to have a brand name which is a requirement in promoting tourism which may be a boom to our GDP funds are badly needed. In Sri Lanka the largest contribution to GDP is on tourism which is 12%,and France 231 billion as the most visited nation, USA earns2.36 million UK 100 million are few examples of earnings on tourism for the GDP which are lessons for us as the most beautiful island with a great potential to contributes much more in billons if properly utilized the beauty and resources to suit the modern world.

Way forward for Sri Lanka to be the best tourist destination on the Globe

It appears we have a Minister who will read  and listen and a professional to lead tourism in teh right direction, with no resistance from the top and also to be able to serve with not undue influence and free of bribery and corruption. These are our visions and thinking as observers, professionals and academics to give you guidance on implementation of the task before you entrusted by the people with great expectations and trust. It is your duty to implement it with no fer or favour to gather maximum to our GDP. Sarath Wijesinghe could be reached on sarathdw7@gmail.com The articles by the editor could be retried from the internet/ Towards the best destination of the globe – a reality/ Sri Lanka an ideal tourist destination in the future/Tourism in Sri Lanka to be the best destination of the globe/ Sri Lanka a Paradise  tourists and tourism on the globe/Foreign policy foreign relations foreign policy and foreign relations/Cricket cinnamon tea and tourism/Comparative tourism regimes and world tourism day/Tourism and hospitality/World based omnipresent digital Normandy/SMEs  on tourism the cradle of tourist industry/Is tourism booming in Sri Lanka/

Padma Rao Sundarji Courtesy The Asian Age

Sri Lanka’s NPP sweeps elections, ending political dynasties. Challenges await in corruption, IMF demands, and ethnic relations Fed up of nepotism, corruption and a staggering economic crisis and for the first time in their history, Sri Lankan citizens last week voted a largely unknown political party, the National People’s Power (NPP), with a landslide two-thirds majority in their Parliament. The snap poll came barely two months after the leader of the NPP, Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the Marxist-Leninist-Communist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), was elected as the country’s new President.

But though the NPP’s parliamentary victory last week was somewhat predictable, few expected such a resounding one. It ensured the defeat of political dynasties like the powerful Rajapaksa family and the supremely confident Opposition leader Sajith Premadasa, also the son of a former President. Even political veteran Ranil Wickremesinghe, who, as the former President, had at least set the debt-ridden country on the path to recovery over the past two years, was shown the door.

A motley constellation of NPP activists, academics and doctors will now occupy 159 seats in the 225-member Parliament. In many ways, the NPP’s victory is no ordinary one. There is a trim cabinet of 22 ministers. The previous one had more than 50 Cabinet ministers and ministers of state. Of the total elected 159 MPs, 145 are rank newcomers to politics and 20 are women. However, the most outstanding achievement of all is how the NPP fared in the Tamil-Hindu-dominated Northern Province of Sri Lanka.

President Dissanayake’s JVP has a bloody and chequered past. It had instigated two uprisings, in which thousands were killed. The JVP has consistently rejected all attempts to grant greater autonomy to Sri Lanka’s Tamil-majority Northern and Eastern provinces, such as the 1987 India-authored 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution. But more than autonomy, Sri Lankan Tamils are enraged about other issues.

Even 15 years after the end of the devastating civil war, the Sri Lankan Army continues to occupy land in their provinces. The local police, too, still report to the Central government in Colombo. Since Mr Dissanayake himself made no reference to the Tamil demands before he became President in September, it could be surmised that of the 690 odd parties who contested last week’s snap election, his JVP/NPP would be the last to win hearts in the Tamil heartland. And yet, that’s precisely what happened. At a recent rally in Jaffna and much to the chagrin of his security detail, Mr Dissanayake mingled fearlessly with the Tamil audience, and promised to return occupied lands. That had a mighty effect.

The NPP became the first Sinhala-Buddhist party to win in the traditionally hardline Tamil bastions of Jaffna and the Vanni, where the terror group, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, once had its headquarters”. The northern victory by NPP is historical,” says Jaffna-based economist Ahilan Kadirgamar. Over the last few years, the Tamil National Alliance (parliamentary party in Colombo), which was really a political mouthpiece of the separatist Tamil Tigers, provided no solutions. Instead, they kept lobbying Western actors and the Tamil diaspora kept pumping money into the TNA to prop it up. Alienation mounted. People were angry, they lost faith. And they turned to Dissanayake.”

The director of Colombo’s National Peace Council (NPC), Jehan Perera, points to other factors that led to the NPP’s path-breaking victory in the North. Tamils voted for the NPP because they see how happy the rest of the country is with it, and felt they could trust it too,” he says. But he warns that the NPP must now put that faith to good use. The new government has a majority, but it must not act unilaterally. It now has ‘its own’ minority Tamils and Muslims in Parliament. And since these MPs have themselves come in under the JVP/NPP mandate, it will be harder for them to obstruct the government. It is very hard for Sri Lanka’s Sinhala majority to think like its minorities. So, the latter must be consulted, when it comes to ethnic relations,” Dr Perera said.

However, minority woes, or even relations with India (whose security interests the NPP government says it will protect) are not the main issues in Colombo right now. There is endemic corruption, that led to the devastating economic meltdown in 2022, for one. President Dissanayake has sworn to put an end to it. But to any South Asia watcher, corruption is a by-product of unlimited power and an inherent fault-line that cannot be eradicated.

So how will Mr Dissanayake’s largely inexperienced government succeed, when others have failed? I agree that corruption is embedded at every level,” says Dr Perera. But over the past 40 years, JVP leaders have demonstrated a certain ascetic quality. They dress simply and don’t lead ostentatious lives. I am confident that that ethos of the core JVP group will permeate the NPP, and Sri Lankan society as a whole. Everybody knows that this government has inherited a bad situation and will give them time for their promised reforms.”

The other urgent issue is Sri Lanka’s staggering external debt and the ongoing negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to help pull the country out of its economic crisis. The IMF had approved an Extended Fund Facility (EFF) of $3 billion to be disbursed over 48 months and subject to periodic reviews.

An IMF delegation recently concluded its third such review. But the austerity measures” that the IMF has demanded of the Sri Lankan government are what made the previous President, Ranil Wickremesinghe, highly unpopular. President Dissanayake had defeated him by assuring relief from those very austerity measures, whilst assuring adherence to the IMF’s demands at the same time. But that’s a Gordian knot. Can it really be untangled?

A billion-dollar question”, said economist Ahilan Kadirgamar, who maintains that the IMF had mounted early pressure on Mr Dissanayake by arriving in Sri Lanka ahead of the presidential poll in September, when it became clear that the Marxist” would win, and that it was almost a kind of blackmail into cornering him” to accept the IMF’s conditions. The NPP raised expectations all over Sri Lanka and is now secure with an overwhelming vote,” he said. This is the honeymoon period. But, if the government fails to find a balance between the IMF’s demands and relief measures in about a year from now, we may well see protests on the streets all over again.”

Courtesy The Business Recorder

The CSE All-Share index settled 1% lower at 12,982.10.

Sri Lanka’s consumer price inflation reached minus 0.7% year-on-year in October after easing to minus 0.2% in September, official data showed on Thursday, as the island nation continued its economic rebound.

The change was largely driven by a slowing in non-food price inflation that dipped to minus 2.3% in October from minus 0.7% in September, the Department of Census and Statistics said.

Sri Lankan shares rise as president reappoints prime minister, keeps finance minister role

Bukit Darah Plc and eChannelling Plc were the top losers on the index, down 7.8% each.

Trading volume on the index rose to 161.4 million shares from 137.6 million shares in the previous session.

The equity market’s turnover rose to 7.04 billion Sri Lankan rupees ($24.20 million) from 2.73 billion rupees in the previous session, according to exchange data.

Foreign investors were net sellers, offloading stocks worth 341 million rupees, while domestic investors were net buyers, purchasing shares worth 6.91 billion rupees, the data showed.

Courtesy Kuwait Times

COLOMBO: Sri Lanka’s new leader on Thursday backed a controversial IMF bailout, marking a U-turn from his election pledge to renegotiate the deal secured by his predecessor.

Leftist President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who tightened his grip on power last week after winning a huge majority in the legislature following his own victory in September, vowed to maintain the IMF program. Sri Lanka went to the IMF for a rescue package after the country defaulted on its $46 billion external debt in April 2022 during an unprecedented economic meltdown. The shortage of foreign exchange that left the country unable to finance even the most essential imports of food and fuel led to months of street protests and forced then-president Gotabaya Rajapaksa to resign. The $2.9 billion loan secured early last year required Colombo to sharply raise taxes, remove generous energy subsidies and agree to restructure more than 50 loss-making state enterprises.

Dissanayake’s National People’s Power party had said it did not agree with the International Monetary Fund’s debt assessment and would renegotiate the bailout program. But in his first address to the new parliament, where his party enjoys a two-thirds majority, Dissanayake said the economic recovery was too fragile to take risks. The economy is in such a state that it cannot take the slightest shock… there is no room to make mistakes,” he said as he ruled out negotiations with either the IMF or creditors.

This is not the time to discuss if the terms are good or bad, if the agreement is favorable to us or not… The process had taken about two years and we cannot start all over again,” he said. The delayed third review of the four-year loan program could be concluded by this weekend, with the finance ministry holding talks with a visiting IMF delegation in Colombo, he added. Sri Lanka expects the next tranche of about $330 million following an early approval from the board of the international lender of last resort.

Dissanayake’s interim cabinet last month signed off on a controversial restructuring of $14.7 billion in foreign commercial credit tentatively agreed by predecessor Ranil Wickremesinghe. The debt restructuring is a key IMF demand to rebuild the island’s economy, which suffered its worst crisis in 2022 when it shrank 7.8 percent. The dissatisfaction with traditional politicians held responsible for the economic collapse was a key driver of Dissanayake’s electoral success.

In June, the government concluded a deal with its bilateral lenders to restructure its official credit amounting to $6 billion, but formal agreements are yet to be signed. Under the deal announced on September 19, private creditors holding more than half of international sovereign bonds and foreign commercial loans to the South Asian nation agreed to a 27 percent haircut on their loans. They also agreed to a further 11 percent reduction on the interest owed to them. International sovereign bonds account for $12.5 billion and the balance of $2.2 billion is owed to the China Development Bank. — AFP

Bharti Mishra Nath Courtesy NDTV

Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s leftist coalition, the National People’s Power (NPP), made history by securing an unprecedented mandate in the country’s snap parliamentary elections held on 14 November. The NPP coalition won 159 out of 225 seats in Sri Lanka’s Parliament. This victory is a more significant achievement than Dissanayake’s key presidential win in September, further consolidating his alliance’s position from a fringe political force to the main player in Sri Lankan politics.

Previously, the NPP held only three seats in the outgoing Parliament, which led Dissanayake to dissolve it ahead of its full term in August 2025, seeking a fresh mandate to pursue his electoral promises.

Dissanayake’s victories – first in the presidential elections in September and now in the snap parliamentary polls – have major implications for Sri Lanka’s domestic and international politics. He now possesses the legislative power needed to advance his policies on alleviating poverty, fighting corruption, and steering the country out of financial crisis. At the same time, he must maintain a delicate geopolitical balance, especially between India and China.

On the Domestic Front

The NPP received overwhelming support from ethnic minorities, even in Tamil-majority areas in the north and east, where its candidates outperformed traditional Tamil nationalist parties. For the first time in the island nation’s history, Tamils in the northern province district of Jaffna voted for Dissanayake’s JVP (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna), a Sinhala-Buddhist party. This marks a successful outreach and a shift in voter sentiment towards the NPP, which promises to improve the daily lives of the people.
The NPP’s victory in the parliamentary elections gives President Dissanayake the legislative power needed to implement his policies, which are primarily focused on alleviating poverty and combating corruption. The country is still grappling with the aftermath of a financial collapse.

The twin elections, especially the parliamentary one, are a game changer for the JVP-led NPP coalition. Overnight, they have moved to centre stage in the country’s politics,” says Sripathi Narayanan, a New Delhi-based security and foreign policy analyst.

With traditional political heavyweights decimated in the elections, Dissanayake’s NPP must act swiftly.
Sri Lanka’s northern and eastern provinces, which endured 26 years of civil war between the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) and the Government of Sri Lanka, remain impoverished with little sign of development. These regions lack industries or significant job opportunities, relying primarily on trade and fishing. There is now an opportunity for this government to focus on development in these areas. With the flight of Tamils and Muslims from Jaffna, this government has the chance to win them over by implementing developmental work, providing equitable opportunities, and ensuring fair governance.

One of the main promises of the NPP coalition was to abolish the executive presidency, which grants the President enormous powers – a long-standing demand of civil society.

Prosecutions of prominent individuals in corruption cases, as well as thorough investigations into Sri Lanka’s horrific Easter terrorist attack in 2019 and targeted killings 15 years ago, were also pledged. The coalition’s call to renegotiate the USD 2.9 billion International Monetary Fund bailout will also be under close scrutiny.

Sri Lanka has still not overcome its economic challenges. Therefore, much of the administration’s focus will be on the state of the economy, particularly issues affecting people’s daily lives, which were key factors in the NPP coalition’s public mandate,” says Narayanan.

Implications for India

The NPP’s parliamentary majority has significant implications for India, given its strategic interests in Sri Lanka. Adding to this, China’s growing economic footprint and political influence in Sri Lanka have further strained India-Sri Lanka relations.

President Dissanayake is known for his anti-India and pro-China stance. Historically, Dissanayake’s party, the JVP, opposed the 1987 India-Sri Lanka Accord and did not support the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution, which sought to devolve powers to Tamil minorities. These have been sensitive issues for India.

Conversely, the JVP has always viewed China as a friend and maintains wide contacts with the Chinese Communist Party.

Dissanayake’s criticisms of Indian projects, particularly renewable energy projects, have raised concerns in India.

It’s a leftist position to scrap all projects involving India. Dissanayake has categorically stated that he plans to renegotiate all Indian projects. This signals that he is unlikely to move forward with the previously planned projects with India,” says Gooneratne.

However, recently Dissanayake has made positive remarks regarding granting political rights to Tamil communities, suggesting a readiness to engage with India on these issues.

He has also repeatedly assured that he will not permit Sri Lanka’s territory to be used against India. He has expressed a desire to engage with India and maintain cordial relations. Dissanayake visited India as early as February 2024 and met with External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and National Security Adviser Ajit Doval.

India, too, has proactively engaged with Dissanayake since his presidential win.
EAM Jaishankar visited Sri Lanka in October this year and met Dissanayake to strengthen bilateral ties.

President Dissanayake chose India for his first foreign visit after taking office, which is significant. He accepted India’s official invitation. We have many examples in the past showing that without India’s close relationship, Sri Lanka cannot move forward,” says Thushara Gooneratne, editor-in-chief of Mawrata News.

President Dissanayake has also acknowledged India’s economic and humanitarian support for development efforts in Sri Lanka. Recently, he has been critical of Chinese-backed projects, such as the Hambantota Port.

On the bilateral front, much give and take can be expected. This will reflect both the cost-benefit assessments by both sides and the local conditions affecting specific points of engagement,” says Narayanan.

For instance, a legal procedure has been initiated in Sri Lanka on projects of interest to India. This legal process must reach its logical conclusion before anyone can draw any conclusions,” he adds.
The current engagement reflects India’s continued prioritisation of its relationship with Sri Lanka under the Neighbourhood First policy.

As Sri Lanka navigates its political and economic uncertainties, it needs India as a constant support and partner. A positive view suggests opportunities for enhanced collaboration in areas such as trade, maritime security, and people-to-people connections, further strengthening India’s influence and leadership in the region.

Meera Srinivasan Courtesy The Hindu

President Dissanayake’s government had earlier said it would revisit the deal after the Parliamentary election

Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe and Gautam Adani during a meeting in New Delhi in July 2023. Photo: Special Arrangement

Sri Lanka should be vigilant about the Adani power project in the island, experts said on Thursday,after Federal prosecutors in New York indicted Group Chairman Gautam Adani and seven others on multiple counts of fraud. 

Sri Lanka has often seen cases of significant corruption in the country being exposed in other jurisdictions, according to Nishan De Mel, Executive Director of Verité Research, a Colombo-based think tank. He referred to the allegations of bribery in Sri Lankan Airlines’s purchase of aircraft from Airbus, which surfaced in a United Kingdom-based investigation a few years ago, and to the Pandora Papers that threw up names of local politicians and businessmen. It is very important for Sri Lanka to redouble its efforts against corruption, to ensure that we are protected from corrupt deals,” he told The Hindu.

 Why Gautam Adani was indicted in the U.S. over alleged $250mn bribery scheme?

After news on the alleged bribery scheme of the Adani Group surfaced on Thursday, many citizens and activists in Sri Lanka took to social media and called for greater scrutiny of the Group’s power project on the island. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who won the Presidency this September, and his National People’s Power [NPP] alliance, which secured a historic, two-thirds majority in the November 14 general election, have pledged to root out corruption. Days before his election win, Mr. Dissanayake vowed to cancel the corrupt Adani deal” if his government came to power. Subsequently, Foreign Minister and Cabinet spokesperson of the interim administration said the government would review” the project after the Parliamentary polls.  The International Monetary Fund, too, in its ongoing programme with Sri Lanka, has underscored the need to arrest corruption vulnerabilities”.

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• Rahul Gandhi demands immediate arrest of industrialist Gautam Adani
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• Gautam Adani US Indictment: Who are the seven others charged with defrauding American investors?

Controversial deal

Adani Green Energy is investing $442 million in a wind power project in Mannar and Pooneryn in northern Sri Lanka. From the time the former Gotabaya Rajapaksa government roped in the firm in 2022, the project has remained controversial. The main political opposition accused the conglomerate of backdoor entry”, in the absence of an open call for tenders. The same year, a top Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) official told a Parliamentary panel that the project was given to the Adani Group after Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi pressured” President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The official subsequently resigned, after withdrawing his original statement.

Regardless, the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration went ahead with the project, amid questions from corruption watchdogs. When the Adani Group came under the global spotlight in early 2023, and its stocks plummeted in the wake of U.S. short seller Hindenburg accusing it of pulling the largest con in corporate history”, then Foreign Minister of Sri Lanka Ali Sabry said the Wickremesinghe administration was very, very confident” of the future of the project, which it saw as a government-to-government” deal with India.

U.S. indictment: Adani’s legal storm explained

Earlier this year, environmentalists and Mannar residents moved Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court, challenging the project on grounds of potential environmental impact and lack of transparency”. The case was taken up by a five-member Bench and the next hearing is scheduled on March 18 and 19, 2025, according to sources familiar with the proceedings.

Also read: Adani wind power project sparks concern in Sri Lanka’s Mannar district

‘Review the project’

The U.S. indictment of the firm now bolsters” the NPP’s argument for reviewing the project in Sri Lanka, noted Shihar Aneez, a consultant editor with Colombo-based news portal Economynext. Right from the beginning there has been ambiguity over whether the Adani project is a government-to-government deal with India, or a private sector investment. We saw heated debates in the last Parliament,” the financial journalist said.

The credibility of Adani projects has come into question not just in the U.S., but also in the region, he noted, pointing to the Bangladesh High Court recently ordering a high-level probe to re-examine the country’s power purchase agreement with the Group. Going forward, the Dissanayake government must revisit the project with an open tender process, Mr. Aneez said, adding, If Adani Green wins the bid through that process, then they are welcome… The Sri Lankan government has greater bargaining power now.”

The renewable energy project is one of two projects that the Adani Group is executing in Sri Lanka. Its other major investment is the Adani Ports-led container terminal project in Colombo. In November 2023, the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) announced a $553-million investment in the project, a  $700-million joint venture among Adani Ports, Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA), and Sri Lankan conglomerate John Keells Holdings.

Sisi Tv

TAPROBANE TV

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Controversial Jaffna District MP Dr. Archchuna Ramanathan made headlines on the first day of the new Parliament after taking the seat traditionally allocated for the Leader of the Opposition.

Dr. Archchuna Ramanathan made headlines earlier this year after raising concerns at the Chavakachcheri Hospital and was later elected to Parliament after contesting independently in the 2024 General Election.

At the inaugural session of the 10th Parliament of Sri Lanka today, the first-time MP assumed the seat of the Leader of the Opposition, refusing to move when requested by a Parliament Staff.

Responding to the Parliament staff, MP Archchuna Ramanathan pointed out that there were no seating arrangements on the first day of the new Parliament.

Requesting for any announcement stating the allocated seat for the Leader of the Opposition, the MP refused to move from his seat, claiming We have changed the tradition of the Parliament.”

Dr. Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake

The list of recent IMF program successes is long. Barbados and Benin, Cabo Verde and Costa Rica, Moldova and Morocco, Suriname and Sri Lanka, to name but a few’, triumphantly declared the International Monetary Fund head, Kristalina Georgieva at Annual Meetings in Washington last month.[i]  Heedless of repeated calls for reform to give voice to the Global South perspectives, the IMF Managing Director claimed Sri Lanka as a debt restructuring ‘success’ story:

Left unsaid was that the geostrategic Indian Ocean island’s debt had apparently ballooned from $ 26 billion to a purported whopping $100 billion in just two years of IMF Extended Fund Facility (EFF) negotiations and reforms. The latter included mandate and mission creep into domestic debt restructure (DDR)![ii] Simultaneously, the retirement funds of working people were earmarked to pay International Sovereign Bond (ISB) private creditors who charge predatory interest rates despite widespread protests by trade unions and activists. Sri Lanka’s largest private creditor is BlackRock.

Nor did Georgieva dwell on the BRICS summit held earlier that week in Kazan, Russia, where de-dollarization was a hot topic amid renewed calls for reform of the Bretton Wood Twins (IMF and World Bank). The US dollar has been weaponized in multiple forms, not just sanctions, against many emerging economies trapped in International Sovereign Bond (ISB), odious debt and the IMF’s bailout business. There are 55 countries in post-Covid-19 Eurobond debt traps. Meanwhile, Sri Lanka is currently on its 17^th IMF program and Argentina on its 23^rd! 

Around the world and in Sri Lanka, skepticism has been growing about IMF claims to be a ‘Savior’ of countries in economic crisis, and the narrative that ‘there is no alternative to the lender of last resorts’. Under its Debt Restructuring Agreements (DSA), dollar denominated Eurobond debt traps seems to deepen and extend, rather than reduce. At this time there are 55 countries caught in post-Covid-19 ISB debt traps, in IMF treatment. The IMF Extended Fund Facility (EFF), seems to be aptly named!

It’s the Economy Stupid! Forget Woke Ethno-religious Identity Politics

In General Elections last week, the National Peoples Power (NPP) party led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka swept to power on a landslide mandate to restore Sri Lanka’s economic sovereignty, exit US-dollar Eurobond debt neocolonialism, and ensure debt justice for working people whose retirement funds are at risk.

The fundamentally economic reasons for the NPPs sweeping victory have been little remarked in post-election analysis in the corporate media echo chamber and NGO think tank discussions. These seem to be still distracted with Woke ethno-religious identity politics, which the electorate had rejected wholesale. After all, identity politics has long been a well-funded research industry that distracted from economic inequality and the geopolitical dimensions of the geostrategic island’s permanent ‘poly crisis’. However, it would appear that geopolitical economic history of colonialism is embedded somewhere in the ‘political unconscious’ of the nation and manifest in the rejection of ethno-religious identity politics by voters across Sri Lanka.

Recall that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake had reversed IMF-promoted ‘reforms’ and privatization of the Ceylon Electricity Board and Sri Lankan Airlines within a month of taking office in September. It was hence too that he received a huge vote of approval from the general public who gave his National Peoples Power (NPP) party landslide win two months later.

The new NPP government that came to power supported by trade unions would now be expected to take the time to carefully review the IMF Debt Sustainability (DSA) and other booby trap agreements and sweetheart deal with ad hoc groups of ISB holders entered into by the previous Ranil Rajapaske regime. 

To rescue working people’s EPF pension funds it would be necessary for the new NPP government to roll back ISB-IMF mission creep into DDR. So too review of Lazard, Clifford and Chance’s Macro-economy-linked (MLB) proposales would also as part of the fight against corruption and for Debt Justice.

Eurobond debt traps, Sanctions, and hybrid economic proxy war

During her plenary address at the annual meetings, IMF Managing Director, Georgieva sought more information on the BRICS new payment system, which was discussed as an alternative to the current US controlled SWIFT international trade settlements and payment system in Kazan. SWIFT leaves countries vulnerable to brow beating and US exchange rate manipulation in the context of not just trade and tariff wars, but hybrid economic proxy wars on partner countries of on China’s Belt and Road (BRI), as well as, sanctions hit Russia, Iran, Venezuela etc.

The United States recently sanctioned an Indian firm which is in a consortium with a Russian firm to manage Sri Lanka’s Mattala Airport. [iii]  According to EconomyNext: The U.S. Department of the Treasury had sanctioned India-based Shaurya Aeronautics Private Limited (Shaurya), among 275 individuals and entities involved in supplying Russia with advanced technology and equipment.

The Mattala International Airport in Hambantota initially built by the Chinese was perceived to be a White Elephant’ development project, but is actually located near one of the world’s busiest maritime trade, energy and submarine Date Cable routes in the world. The Shaurya Aeronautics plan to develop the airport would bring needed foreign investment to the country and showcase collaboration among the big three Asian powers- China, India and Russia but is now on ice due to US sanctions.

Sri Lanka clearly caught in the cross-hairs of big power rivalry, had formally submitted an application to join BRICS and the New Development Bank at the meeting in Kazan, where President Putin hosted China’s President Xi and Indian Premier Modi along with other Global South leaders. The new government in Colombo would be hoping to leverage regional growth and support from the Global South in the Asian 21^st Century”. However, no senior Minister from Sri Lanka attended the meeting in Kazan– an opportunity missed in deference to Washington?

BRICS, Geopolitics and IMF’s Bailout Business

With BRICS increasingly challenging the narrative that ‘there is no alternative to the IMF’, hybrid economic proxy war and de-stabilization in the geostrategic island nation at the center of the Indian Ocean is clearly set to continue.  The new Government in Colombo led by the President Anura Kumara Dissanayake that won a landslide victory to restore economic sovereignty would hence have to tread a fine line. Escaping US dollar-Eurobond debt neocolonialism given America’s expanding sanctions regime and the on-going hybrid economic proxy war with Digital Colonialism will be challenging.

An IMF team led by Peter Breuer arrived in Colombo for the third review of the EFF this week even before the Cabinet Members of the new government were sworn in. The first challenge of the new government would face is avoiding being bamboozled into signing the draft booby trap agreements granting sweetheart deals to ad hoc groups of bondholders and the Official Creditor Committee (OCC), negotiated sans transparency by the previous Ranil Rajapase regime, which was implicated in a series of bondscams at the Central Bank CBSL.

It was primarily those CBSL bondscams that led to the accumulation of Odious Debt and the staging of Sri Lanka’s first ever Sovereign Default in 2022. That pattern continues with the subsequent debt restructuring corruption racket with a gravy train of local and international Economic Hit men.

Since the new government won a landslide victory on November 21 to fight corruption in order to restore Sri Lanka’s Economic Sovereignty it would need to carefully review the Debt Sustainability Agreements. This, especially as several national economists (Danushka Pathirana, Ahilan Kadirigamar), have noted that the current agreements with ad hoc groups of bondholders of the colonial Club de Paris, set up the country for Default no sooner it starts servicing the Odious debt.

Moreover, the IMF principles of ‘compatibility of treatment’ creditors regardless of whether they charge predatory interest rates, the secrecy surrounding the identity of bondholders, and the practice of ‘lending into arrears’ by marketing Macro-economy linked bonds in order to borrow from the same predatory creditors in order to pay them is highly questionable.

Clearly, fighting corruption would be a big part of the new government’s Primary Mandate, which is to restore the Sri Lanka’s economic sovereignty in the context of the IMF’s mission and mandate creep into domestic debt restructure/ optimization (DDO) and reverse the IMF agenda to privatize State Owned Enterprises, State Owned Enterprises and other strategic assets – coastal and hilltop lands, transport, energy, telecom infrastructure.

Finally, would be of paramount important that the new government replace Lazard, Clifford and Chance, with a team of Sri Lankan national experts, better able to represent citizen’s interests in negotiations with bondholders and the IMF. It is well established that Lazard has conflict-of-interest given connections with bondholders. Indeed, it is of paramount importance that the county be rescued from local-global networks of corruption that include the gravy train of debt restructuring advisors, consultants and Economic Hitmen, who have turned debt restructuring into rocket science, replete with numbers games and Disinformation. The devil they say is in the detail!

TO BE CONTINUED

[i] https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2024/10/25/sp102524-annual-meetings-plenary

[ii] https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2024/10/25/sri-lanka-met-with-bondholders-aims-to-exit-default-as-soon-as-possible-central-bank-governor-says/

[iii] https://economynext.com/us-sanctions-indian-firm-involved-in-deal-with-sri-lankas-mattala-airport-186347/

Vichara

Now that the NPP has won an absolute majority in the Parliament, there will be reams written on their achievement, particularly on the unique contribution and wise leadership of AKD the President. While endorsing the sentiments expressed so liberally, what is not understood is why this radical change did not come earlier in a country with a literacy rate of 92 % for adults aged 15 and above and a high income inequality where more than half the total household income of the country is enjoyed by the richest 20% while the bottom decile (poorest 20%) gets only 5%, with the share of household income being just 1.6% for the poorest 10%.

https://www.cepa.lk/blog/the-correlation-between-poverty-and-inequality/

The country did not lack the leadership to rectify this situation. It was Robert Knox who said in1680 about the farmer of the country that by reason of his quality and descent is fit to be a King and if the mud was washed off the back of a farmer, he was fit to be a king.” President AKD has proved beyond doubt the veracity of the observation of Knox many centuries back.

The roots of the NPP-led revolution can be traced to the Kannangara Education Reforms, which stressed that Education is not just literacy. It should be important to shape the thinking of the people of a country. The main objective should be to create a free and open-minded people.” The radical recommendation in para 372 is that education should be free from kindergarten to the University. That made education open to every child regardless of income.

Knnangare said in Parliament that Any amount of money spent on education will have a very big return. It will certainly compensate for the loss in the first instance.” (Hansard 1944, pp. 838-860).” Today, we see the return on investment in free education in the nonviolent political revolution by the NPP.

The next step in the ladder of social change was heralded in 1956 when there was a social and cultural revolution all over the country that generated a national outlook. Eminent author Martin Wickremasinghe identified the 1956 Revolution as the fall of the Brahmin regime. That revolution did not survive in any radical form as it lacked a strong political ideology. It crumbled with the assassination of the leader by reactionary forces.

The next socialist coalition governments failed to meet the expectations of the masses due to divisions within the coalition, an adverse international environment, and a combination of political, economic, and social factors. Consequently, a neo-liberal UNP government under JR Jayawardhana with absolute power emerged. The massive majority in the parliament allowed the UNP to dominate Sri Lankan politics and implement sweeping economic and political reforms in the years that followed.

The harsh policies of the JR regime encouraged the JVP to become more active. The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord made them adopt an anti-Indian nationalistic policy. However, the insurgency mounted by the JVP was ruthlessly demolished by the government. The party was banned but later participated in electoral politics with negative results. It was the nadir of socialist politics which could not muster even 3 to 4 % of the national votes. The main reason for this regress was the fear among the population that the JVP believed and nurtured violence which was an anathema to the national culture.

The separatist war sent socialism to the backburner. The war pushed back the country for several decades. India’s former National Security Adviser and Foreign Secretary, Shivshankar Menon had disclosed in his book Choices: Inside the Making of India’s Foreign Policy” that the estimated cost of this three-decade-old war was around US$ 200 billion. This estimate does not include the opportunity cost” to Sri Lanka which was once the fastest growing and the most open economy in South Asia.

The euphoria of the victory over the LTTE created a sense of impunity in the MR regime, which allowed corruption and maladministration to creep in and made socialism irrelevant.

With an ineffective President and neo-liberal Prime minister, the Yahapalana regime too acted with impunity in governance and particularly in the management of the economy. It is the wanton borrowing in ISBs at high rates of interest that finally led to the bankruptcy of the country.

The consequent impact of the dearth of foreign exchange leading to a fuel and power crisis and the insufferable cost of living made the people rise against the government. It engendered the desire and opportunity to change the system of government, which had miserably failed the people. It is in this sordid background that the leadership of the JVP had to choose between Ballot or Bullet. The route of the bullet taken previously by the JVP had been disastrous. in the two JVP insurgencies in 1971 and 1988/89, the country lost over 80,000 youths of the JVP and government supporters, which was the cream of the youth in the country.

This time in 2024, the JVP had a leader in AKD, who believed that the path of violence should be abandoned and the nonviolent path of the ballet must be adopted. He realized that violence begets violence, creating a cycle of violence. It is the concept described in the Gospel of Matthew, verse 26:52. “Put your sword back in its place,” Jesus said to him, “for all who draw the sword will die by the sword.”

Buddhism went further and believed that Hatred does not cease through hatred at any time. Hatred ceases through love. This is an unalterable law.”

Gandhi took the religious principle of ahimsa, common to Buddhism, Hinduism, and Jainism, and turned it into a nonviolent tool for mass action. He used it to fight not only colonial rule but also social evils such as racial discrimination and untouchability.

Malcolm X used the mantra Ballot or the Bullet” to galvanize the black community to use political power to achieve civil rights and caution the government of the repercussions of holding back. It was a powerful rallying cry coined by Malcolm X in 1964 to emphasize the urgency of Black Americans securing civil rights and equality”.

There is no doubt that AKD would have to do a lot of convincing with his more militant comrades to agree with his approach. In July 2022, when the Gotabaya left the country and MR resigned and the military was reluctant to intervene, the country was ripe for a revolutionary capture. It would have been AKD’s calm and composed personality and perspicacity that would have made him win their unequivocal consent to take the path of the ballot instead. It is his statesmanly poise and sincerity, which has won the trust of 6.8 million voters of all communities giving him an absolute majority in the Parliament.

The unprecedented victory of the NPP was not accompanied by celebrations and harassment of the defeated parties. There is only a nationwide sense of calm and satisfaction. AKD, as President, has already announced that his government would be all-inclusive and serve all citizens equally. The support he has received from minority communities heralds a unified nation with common objectives.

The President has appointed a cabinet of ministers with both academic and professional distinction. The vilification that they lack experience should not be taken seriously. The efficiency and effectiveness of the LSSP ministers in the coalition regimes, who had no previous experience, prove the inanity of this concern. The AKD cabinet has to face the same economic crisis that brought them to power. It is an enormous challenge. In this task, it is hoped that the government resorts to the widest possible consultation with the citizens of the country which placed their implicit trust in the government. It is suggested that before major policy changes are adopted, ‘white papers’ are published for public discussion. (This is a common practice In the UK)

In the current complex international political milieu and the strategic location of the country there could be hostile developments against the new regime. Therefore it is essential that the security of the President and the regime be accorded very high priority. In the meantime, the President must nurture a successor in his own mould to take his place in the future.

Thank you AKD for your choice of ballot over bullet.

Vichara

Dr Sudath Gunasekara. Mahanuwara 

  20th Nov 2024.

Dear Sir,

Please accept my hearty and warm congratulations!

firstly, on your unprecedented and historic victory as the President of this Island nation, the pearl of the Indian ocean and the most important geopolitical, economics and strategic hub of the present-day world.

Secondly, on your landslide victory at the general election where you were able to unify this country after 574 years, since it was done last by King Parakramabahu the sixth of Kotte, by capturing the Jaffna Kingdom in 1450 under his able commander Prince Sapumal.  Your victory this time, I have no doubt will also go down in history of this country as a turning point in political development and a land mark that will be scribed in golden letters in Mahawansa.

Besides that, you also have captured the Kandyan kingdom as well (now turned out to be a virtual Malayanadu- which they call Malayaiha,), for the first time after 1815 British subjugation and once again assured its continuity to be a part of the Republic of Sri Lanka. Thereby, you also have dismantled the back bone of the virtual serfdom of the feudalist Thondaman rule for good, and diffused the Malayanadu atom bomb of Indian dream of expansionism, against which your party had stood right from the beginning as a national liberation movement. In pursuance of this ideology your party has scored a double century by getting a labourer girl Ambika, elected as a potential future leader of the entire estate Tamil community in the hill country, who is prepare to live and die as a true Sri Lankan and no more as an Indian. Thereby, you also have put an end to the hegemonic exploitation of this helpless people by the Thondaman Maharaja clan on the hills for 76 years from 1948 UpToDate, virtually as their slaves. They were brought by Jeevans Great grandfather Kanupriya as indentured slave labour, starting from 1883 and his grandfather Samyamurthi Thondaman from 1924 until he died on 30 October 1999. Even today, the Thondaman clan use these labourers as slaves in their virtual serfdom.

Your strategy in getting Ambika to Parliament is a first-class political strategy of the Kautilyan strategy and it has opened a new chapter in Sinhala-Tamil social integration in this country, free from all future Indian meddling in our internal governance, as an independent and sovereign nation.

The other matter I would like to bring to your immediate and serious notice, before any lawyer or a politician raise it in Parliament.   

Mr. President,

Please check with your legal advisors, whether your appointment of Cabinet Ministers done on the 18^th, other than the PM and Mr. Vijitha Herath, were in conformity with Sec 44 (b) of the Constitution, as they have not yet taken their oaths as members of Parliament, as required by the Constitution.

Therefore, you may advise your secretary immediately to take suitable steps to avoid any legal or political embarrassment in this regard before the parliament meets on the 21^st.

Wishing you all success in all your future endeavors to take this country out of the present political, economic and social quagmire, into which it had been dumped into, by self-centered ugly politics since 1977, as you have got a clear mandate to arrest this disastrous trend and make your mark in the annals of political history in this country.

Thank you.

Dr Sudath Gunasekara. Mahanuwara 

071 8075326 -081 2232744   

PS:  Another national issue pertaining to the Hill Country that needs your Special attention”

I had prepared a comprehensive concept paper and a working plan on the need to protect the Physical stability of this region in 1991, when I was Executive Director of the Hadabima Authority of Sri Lanka as a Geographer and a member of the Sri Lanka Administrative Service.

First,

 To protect the physical stability of the Central Hill Country, (which I have identified as the Geographical Heartland (HADABIMA)- the Heart of the country) that guarantees the perennial flow of all 103 rivers of this country that have their sources there and that determine and dictates the survival of the entire life system of this Island nation which in turn decides the destiny of human civilization on this Island.     

And

Second, to find a permanent solution to the following long neglected issues.

1 Landlessness, and other issues such as abject poverty, housing, education, communication, medical facilities, unemployment among the Kandyan Peasants as identified by the Kandyan Peasantry Commission in 1951 (which remain unsolved up to date)

2 Rectifying the historical injustices done to the native Kandyan Sinhalese who protected this country from all European colonial invasions from 1505 to 1948 particularly by the British colonial invaders who took over all m their ancestral land by force after 1815, which they had owned for millennia from the inception of history on this Island.

3.Claiming compensation from the Portuguese, Dutch and the British Colonial rulers for the draconian and savages’ crimes and war damages they committed on the Kandyan Sinhalese who defended and protected the motherland, without allowing it to be another America, Australia or New Zealand, where the natives were annihilated and colonized by the invaders. If not for the valiant sacrifices they made to defend[S1]  the motherland, there would have been no Sri Lanka or a Sinhala Buddhist nation on this Island to boast about. 

4. Reverting the entire central hill country and all its adjoining areas forcibly taken over by the British and where Coffee and Tea plantations were established by them from 1840 to 1910, back to their original owners, where an artificial South Indian Tamil enclave has been carved out to take revenge from the Sinhala natives for defeating the invaders for from 1505 onwards, specially in 1803 the British at Balana, Waagolla and Randenigala battles and the fatal resistance displayed by them in 1818 (Uva- Wellassa) and 1848 (Matale) freedom struggles.

(I see a close parallel between this move by the British and other Western attempts on the one hand and the  Indian conspiracies on the other, both in  prehistoric and recorded historic times, from Ramayana days  down the line to the present day, such as the Rajiv Ghandhi- Dixith  Parippu invasion in 1987, the Sethu Samudra bridge, the Manar -Trinco  superhighway and the much hyped Ramayana trail project designed to cover the whole Island   and all other projects like the Adani involvement in power generation  under  the Modi regime, as well orchestrated universal attempts to conquer this resplendent and bountiful Island nation strategically located at the midst of the Indian Ocean  right at the center of the great East- West  connectivity of the future world and to destroy its millennia old unique Sinhala Buddhist Civilization, which is the envy of many a nation in the world. Apart from these reasons, Sir Arthar clerk’s prophecy that by 2050 all religions based on the belief in God will disappear and only Buddhism will remain thereafter (Deep Range) may also has heavily contributed towards this world envy of the followers of Abrahamic religions towards this Sinhala Buddhist Sri Lanka).

Deep Range is a 1957 science fiction novel by British writer Arthur C. Clarke

5. Finding a permanent solution to the 1. 2 million Indians slave labourers left behind by the British on this soil. It has to be mentioned here that although countries like Uganda and Burma chased them out after getting independence from the invaders, foolish comprador Sri Lankan leaders kept the venomous serpent under their panties without, realizing the dangers to come.

6 Workout a resettlement programme of ethnically mixed settlements of 2- to 2 ½ acre land selected by lot for both the native landless Sinhalese and the estate Tamil labour who qualify to be Sri Lankan citizens under the conditions in the Nehru/Kotalawala Agreement 1953, within a 2500 feet wide belt between 1000 ft and 3500 ft msl, right round the hill country.  But unfortunately, so far, no politician has been able to understand its value. Because they all are only politicians and none was a Stateman

I have already given a copy of my proposal on this subject to my friend the Governor of the CP Prof Sarath Abeykon about a month back to be given to you Sir.

 [S1]

Chanaka Bandarage

The fact that we now have a fine government (at least uncorrupt), many have the unrealistic expectation that we will soon become a developed nation.

Sri Lanka is a  3^rd world country; a chronic one. Before becoming a 1^st world country (eg. Singapore), we have to pass the 2^nd world stage (eg. Malaysia).

Surely AKD and his Ministers/MPs will do their best to  make Sri Lanka a clean, prosperous country. They are a highly disciplined, hardworking and corruption free lot.

This is a real blessing for Sri Lanka.

It is very good that the whole country is now united (from Point Pedro to Dondra)

The government cannot perform miracles.

It must be afforded full support by everyone.

If we are determined to become a better country, all of us must pull our weight.

Needles to say our public service (who now receives good wages/perks) is one of the worst in Asia. Overall, it is utterly indisciplined, lethargic, not friendly to people, ill-trained, very inefficient, dishonest and bribe taking.

Our school teachers – than teaching the full syllabus, many concentrate on securing students to their afterschool  tuition class.

Politicians, especially those who were in power after 1978, must bear the responsibility for ruining our public service.

When the British left us in 1948 we probably had the best public service in Asia.

Can this corrupt public service be rescued/reformed?

An extremely difficult task, but possible.

Then the people at large – the citizenry – sadly, majority of them  are indisciplined, impolite (thankfully not to foreigners), selfish, unpatriotic, rude, aggressive and deceitful.

If we want to become a 1^st world country (of course, this is a distinct possibility), each of us must change.

We must acknowledge that as citizens we have many weaknesses and that we must reform.

We must remove ourselves from bad habits and  cultivate good ones.

Some of our vices – environmental pollution – from public spitting (now it is more of spitting out red saliva in the open  after chewing betel nuts), illegal dumping (including to rivers and sea), queue jumping, careless pedestrian walking, dangerous vehicle driving, unbearable honking, illegal vehicle parking, bad bus commuter manners, stealing/theft, chronic lying, using ugly language, substance use, sexual misconducts and  basically  very bad manners everywhere including committing public nuisance.

Sadly, it is those who were born after 1970 that show bad manners, ill-discipline.

Of all the age groups, the baby boomers demonstrate best manners and discipline. This is because they grew up in the best good old years. During that time, there existed a culture of discipline, respectfulness, caringness, command obedience and high law and order.

It is important that we go back to the drawing board, and as the last resort try to rescue our children. If they continue to go down in the current pit, there will be no Sri Lanka left.

From scratch, let us teach our children good manners, discipline, camaraderieship, patriotism and overall how to become responsible citizens.

Children must be taught of the correct history – who we are and how we came to be.

All children must be able to proudly sing the National Anthem loudly – in Sinhala or Tamil (better if in both languages). Children must know about our National Heroes. They must be encouraged to attend Sunday religious schools (Daham Pasal, Christian/Hindu Sunday schools etc). Private tuition classes must be banned on Sunday mornings.

For these; the government, in good faith, will have to re-train all the teachers. It will be a massive task.

The government must utilise its resources. It must realise that it is a good future investment.

Again, it is ludicrous to expect AKD and his team to perform  miracles. Of course they will do their best – to the best of their ability and belief; as stated before, we must do our bit.

We must resolve to work towards making our beautiful Sri Lanka a better, peaceful, friendly, clean, corruption free and  respectful place.

Then, at the end of this government’s 5-year term, Sri Lanka will be a country hastening to become a 1^st world nation.