13 පූර්ණව ක‍්‍රියාත්මක කරන්නැයි ජයශංකර් ගෙදරටම ඇවිත් ජනපතිට දන්වයි..

October 5th, 2024

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

රී ලංකා භූමිය කිසිවිටෙකත් ඉන්දියාවේ ආරක්‍ෂක අවශ්‍යතාවලට අහිතකර ලෙස භාවිත කිරීමට ඉඩනොදෙන බව ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා අවධාරණය කළ බව ඉන්දීය මහකොමසාරිස් කාර්යාලය නිවේදනය කර තිබේ.

එම නිවේදනයේ දැක්වුණේ, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පැමිණි ඉන්දීය විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍ය එස්. ජයිශංකර් මහතා සමග පැවති හමුවේදී ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා මේ බව සඳහන් කර ඇති බවය.

එමෙන්ම ජනවාර්ගික ප්‍රශ්නය සහ ප්‍රතිසන්ධාන ක්‍රියාවලිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් අවධානය යොමුකළ ජයිශංකර් මහතා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඒකීයභාවය, භෞමික අඛණ්ඩතාව සහ ස්වෛරීභාවය පවත්වා ගනිමින් සමානාත්මතාවය, යුක්තිය, ගෞරවය, සාමය සඳහා දෙමළ ජනතාව ඇතුළු සියලුම ප්‍රජාවන්ගේ අභිලාෂයන් සඳහා ඉන්දියාවේ සහාය අවධාරණය කර තිබේ.

එහිදී ඔහු වැඩිදුරටත් සඳහන් කර ඇත්තේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 13 වැනි සංශෝධනය පූර්ණ හා ඵලදායී ලෙස ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම සහ පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණ කඩිනමින් පැවැත්වීම මෙම අරමුණු සඳහා පහසුකම් සපයනු ඇති බවය.

නිල සංචාරයක් සඳහා ඉන්දීය විදේශ අමාත්‍ය එස්. ජයිශංකර් මහතා එරට ගුවන් හමුදාවට අයත් විශේෂිත ගුවන් යානයකින් කටුනායක බණ්ඩාරනායක ජාත්‍යන්තර ගුවන් තොටුපොළෙන් දිවයිනට පැමිණියේය.

ඉන්දීය විදේශ අමාත්‍යවරයා ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා හමුවූයේ ජනාධිපති කාර්යාලයේදීය.

එහිදී ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සංචාරක ක්ෂේත්‍රයේ මෙන්ම ආයෝජන, විදුලිබල හා බලශක්ති සහ දියර කිරි කර්මාන්තය යන ක්ෂේත්‍ර සඳහා සහාය වීමට ඉන්දියාව දක්වන උනන්දුව පිළිබඳ කරුණු පැහැදිළි කළ ඉන්දිය විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍යවරයා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව් ආර්ථික පුනරුදය සඳහා ඉන්දියාවේ පූර්ණ සහයයෝගය ලබාදෙන බවට ද සහතික වී තිබේ.

එමෙන්ම ඉන්දියාවේ සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආරක්ෂාව සම්බන්ධයෙන්ද සාකච්ඡා වී ඇති අතර කලාපයේ ස්ථාවරත්වයට සහ ආරක්ෂාවට දෙරටේ සහයෝගීතාව පිළිබඳවත් එහිදී අවධානයට ලක්වී ඇති කරුණකි.

– Adaderana

IMF acknowledges Sri Lanka’s progress, warns of ongoing vulnerabilities

October 5th, 2024

Courtesy Adaderana

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) says Sri Lanka’s Third Review under the USD 2.9 billion Extended Fund Facility (EFF) programme, will be announced in due course.
  
Addressing a bi-weekly media briefing held in Washington DC, IMF’s Director for Communications Julie Kozack noted that vulnerabilities and uncertainties remain, meaning sustaining the reform momentum is critical for Sri Lanka.

However, Kozack reiterated that Sri Lanka’s performance under the programme is strong, and reform efforts are bearing fruit in terms of reviving economic growth.

Meanwhile on Friday (04), the IMF team who visited the island said it will continue its close engagement with Sri Lanka’s economic team to set a date for the third review of the IMF-supported program. 

We are encouraged by the authorities’ commitment to continue the reform efforts,” the global lender’s Director for the Asia Pacific Department, said in a statement at the end of the visit to Sri Lanka.

He further stated that the IMF remains a steadfast partner in supporting Sri Lanka and its people and stands ready to assist the country achieve its economic reform goals.

An International Monetary Fund (IMF) team led by Mr. Krishna Srinivasan, Director for the Asia Pacific Department, visited Colombo October 2-4, 2024. 

During the visit, Mr. Srinivasan met with President Dissanayake, Prime Minister Amarasuriya, Minister Herath, Governor Weerasinghe, Secretary to the Treasury Siriwardena, and other stakeholders.

He stated that they agreed on the importance of continuing to safeguard and build on the hard-won gains that have helped put Sri Lanka on a path to economic recovery since entering one of its worst economic crises in 2022.

Later, Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Finance also issued a statement confirming the country’s successful completion of consultations with the Official Creditor Committee (OCC) and the IMF.

PHIs issue notice over imported coconut oil

October 5th, 2024

Courtesy Adaderana

The Public Health Inspectors’ Union has reassured the public that there is no need for undue concern regarding imported coconut oil. 

Commenting regarding the rising suspicions surrounding the safety and quality of coconut oil entering Sri Lanka, the Chairman of the Public Health Inspectors’ Union Upul Rohana said: When coconut oil is imported to Sri Lanka, a special inspection is conducted by food inspectors from the Food Control Unit at Sri Lanka Customs. Imported RBD (Refined, Bleached, and Deodorized) oil can be sold as regular coconut oil, provided it adheres to the standards set by the 1987 directives under the Food Act No. 26 of 1980. There is no legal obstacle to its sale.”

Mr Rohana emphasized that, in addition to customs inspections, the Public Health Inspectors conduct regular checks on coconut oil available in stores, both locally produced and imported. 

Random sampling and testing are done by public health inspectors. Sometimes we detect aflatoxins in both local and imported coconut oil, and in such cases, we take legal action and remove the affected products from the market,” he explained.

He also noted that Sri Lanka’s domestic production of coconut oil is insufficient to meet demand, which is why imports are necessary. The public should not be alarmed. Imported coconut oil, as long as it complies with current standards, is safe for consumption,” Rohana stated, urging consumers not to succumb to unnecessary fears.

However, concerns have been raised by the All Ceylon Traditional Coconut Oil Producers’ Association, which alleges that a racket is operating, selling imported oil—claimed to be toxic—as locally produced coconut oil.

 The Divisional Development Councils Programme of  President Sirimavo

October 4th, 2024

Garvin Karunaratne  Former GA Matara

 The experience of the Divisional Development Councils Programme(DDCP) of Sri Lanka(1970-1977) is currently of great importance in today’s situation of unemployment and also the inability to import goods due to the lack of foreign exchange.   This is because the DDCP is a programme that really creates employment. Further it is important to note that the DDCP was entirely implemented with local Rupees.  Foreign funds were only required to import dyes for the Crayon Project and the amount of dollars spent to import dyes saved a vast amount of dollars that would have had to be spent on importing crayons.  The DDCP is a blue print that can be immediately implemented almost entirely with existing staff and it can get into production mode within months.  

There are very few employment creation programmes in the world. What one can find are training programmes which provide training but do not include placing the trained in an income generating project, including guidance till the project- either on a self employed basis or a cooperative endeavour, is successful. The DDCP included all the elements of vocational training in an on the job manner and active intensive guidance, ending in the trainee becoming self employed or cooperatively employed in production. The key element is that success was judged in terms of commercial viability. 

Another important factor in assessing the DDCP lies in the fact that the DDCP created employment for the drop outs of the education system. In any country, the education system provides knowledge and training and those who are very successful enter the universities or institutes of higher addressing the current situtaion of unbemployment and education to attend to further studies. The next lot that get pass marks at secondary school, but fail to enter further studies enter the job market and find employment. Those who are not successful in the education system and who do not get pass marks are classified as the drop outs and they continue to do menial jobs or continue to be unemployed, scraping the barrel, for life. The DDCP dealt with. the youths who are in the third category- i.e. the drop outs and therein lies its greatness. 

Training on the job, ending in being fully occupied in a cooperative enterprise, or being self employed, in both cases being engaged in income generation activities is what the DDCP attended to. The fact that drop outs of the education system were concentrated on gives the DDCP a great place among development programmes. 

The DDCP was the flagship of the Sirimavo Government of Sri Lanka during the period 1970 to 1977. It had very wide and visionary aims in keeping with the Manifesto of the United Front that won the 1970 parliamentary election . It was ” to transform the administration thoroughly, make it more democratic and link it closely with the people” 

As stated by Dr N.M.Perera, the Hon. Minister of Finance, in the Budget Speech 1973: The main objective of this Programme is to create employment opportunities in the rural areas through small scale projects in agriculture, industry and the provision of infrastructural facilities, making use of the resources available locally: increase national production and involve the people in national development work.” 

The chief aim of the DDCP was to create employment for the youth. As stated in the 1970 Budget Speech it was ” to fulfill the aspirations of thousands of young men and women for whom life will lose all meaning unless they can find a useful place in our society.” 

In actuality the DDCP was a crash programme with the objective of creating 100,000 jobs within the first year of the new government.. It was a socialist government that took office in 1970 and in keeping with the aims of the Government as reflected in The Five Year Plan of 1970, the aim was to lay the foundation for a further advance towards a socialist society”. 

Professor H.A.de S. Gunasekera, the eminent professor of economics at the University of Peradeniya was handpicked to lead the programme and he was appointed as the Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Plan Implementation. The main charge of the Ministry was the implementation of the DDCP. 

The DDCP got off to a grand start. The Ministry of Plan Implementation was specially created for the purpose of planning and implementing the DDCP. Great prominence was accorded to the Programme. Even a helicopter was placed at the disposal of Professor Gunesekera, for him to travel to the various Districts. This was the first time that an administrator was accorded this privilege. 

At the District level, the Government Agent, the head of the District was held responsible for this programme.  

A Divisional Development Council was established in each division and these Councils were chaired by the Divisional Revenue Officer, later renamed Assistant Government Agent. A number of Graduate Assistants were posted to each AGA area and there was a Graduate Assistant for each Council. The Graduate Assistants were recruited specially for this DDCP. This category was recruited from among unemployed graduates. 

Popular participation was foremost in the mind of the Government. As Peris and Nilaweera state 

” these councils were expected to enable popular participation in which the elected bodies of the village- the cooperative society, the cultivation committee, the village council could have a role in planning and coordinating the overall development of the area.” (Rural Poverty Alleviation in Sri Lanka, 1983) 

The Plan also included organizing agricultural, industrial, fisheries and other income generating projects and for obtaining the maximum participation of the people in the planning, operation and management of the projects. The Divisional Development Council was the method of eliciting the participation of the people in planning their own development. 

The monthly meetings of the Council were held regularly and were attended by all the officers at the divisional level, representatives of all village level bodies and also by officers from the district level. Thus it was a body that could attend to the total planning of all development tasks at the divisional and village level. 

Each Council was allocated Rs. 200,000.00 to be spent within the first two years. Of this, 35% was earmarked for agricultural projects. However specific approval had to be obtained for each project from the Ministry of Plan Implementation and the feasibility of each project was studied in great detail. Special grants were given amounting to 35% of the total cost including capital costs and working capital. For instance in the case of the Gohagoda Agricultural Project of the Kandy District, an average project, the capital cost was Rs. 65,000.00, the working capital Rs. 34,000.00 and the grant allowed was Rs. 32,000.00. By 1976, the penultimate year of this Programme, as much as Rs. 127 million had been spent on various projects. 

While it was hoped that the Councils would be a coordinating body for all development work it was also projected that each Council would have to initiate and manage special projects where youths would be offered employment. What was new in the DDCP was that new projects were to be approved where youths would be enlisted, trained and guided to be employed in income generating projects. 

In these projects, the youths were to work with community support where community leaders would help the enterprises. Earlier there were multipurpose cooperatives at the village level with an apex body- a cooperative union at the divisional level. What was new with the DDCP was the thrust of community cooperatives at economic development. Earlier the multi purpose cooperatives only attended to the distribution of essential food, the purchase of paddy, providing credit and supplies for agricultural pursuits. In addition there were industrial cooperatives established for making furniture and for crafts.  There were Power Looms established on a cooperative basis. 

The Achievement 

By 1972, the DDCP was implemented islandwide. By 1973, 590 Councils were fully established and these Councils had submitted 1900 projects proposals of which 900 projects were approved and special allocations of funds were made for their implementation. All these projects were planned from the grass root level. These projects comprised 341 agricultural projects, 512 industrial projects and 47 infrastructural projects. Nearly 2000 acres were brought under cultivation, 68 poultry projects with a bird population of 150,000 were established and this enabled 7904 persons to find employment at an expense of Rs. 4.2 million. Over the period 1970 to 1976, a total of Rs. 127 million was spent and 33,271 jobs were created. Some of these offered only part time engagement. 

The work of the Councils concentrated on developing these projects. The role of planning and coordinating the total development in the division gradually receded to the background and was ultimately forgotten. The Assistant Government Agent of the division already attended to the function of planning and coordinating all development work at the divisional level. He continued to do this work. Projects were planned and established in all districts. There was a duplication of work because many of the industrial projects approved for the Divisional Development Councils were in crafts, an area that also came under the Small Industries Department. There were a few non craft industries like ceramics. In agriculture, the thrust was at establishing cooperative farms and this was a new feature. The services of the Department of Agriculture was obtained for this purpose. In most agricultural and industrial projects the youth workers were able to draw good incomes. 

Of special mention is the Paper Making Project in Kotmale in the Nuwara Eliya District where paper and cardboard making was commenced using waste paper and straw. This was a success till it was closed down by the new Government of 1977 which ran down the working and the achievement of the DDCP purposely. 

In the Galle District progress was made in agricultural farms and in the manufacture of farm implements. The Baddegama Assistant Government Agent, Wilson Perera was provided with four Graduate Assistants and 12 Project Officers. The latter were officers with experience in the particular vocation whose services were sought and they had been seconded for service for the DDCP. Their task was to work with the cooperative workers on a participative basis, teaching youths the essential elements of entrepreneurship in producing and marketing the products. It was hoped that the youths would eventually acquire the ability and capacity to manage the cooperative industry or agricultural farm on their own on a commercially viable basis, when the Project Officer would leave them and revert to their own substantive post or be posted to lead another DDCP project. Thereafter the youths were expected to function on their own steam. 

The development work done in Baddegama Council area included establishing a cooperative farm with 60 youths . At the very inception a neglected old farm was taken over. Its factory was repaired and a part of it was converted into residential quarters, 12 acres of neglected rubber was rehabilitated and tapping commenced, 40 acres of neglected tea was rehabilitated, 20 acres of jungle land was cleared and coconut saplings planted, 50 acres of neglected paddy land was rehabilitated and brought under regular cultivation. In addition, in 1975, a housing scheme was launched for the cooperators. Similar farm projects were established in most Districts. 

The Baddegama Farm Project was a great success till it ran into political problems. The DDCP was a socialist concept and engineered by the Marxist group of Ministers of the Cabinet of Ministers. These included Dr N.M.Perera, the Minister of Finance. These Ministers left the Government in 1975 and thereafter less emphasis was Placed on this Programme. 

The DDCP was implemented islandwide but I will confine myself to detail what was achieved in my District, Matara, to illustrate what the SLFP and its ally the LSSP stood for.  

In the Matara District, where I was the Government Agent many projects were planned and implemented. The projects included garment making, batik dyeing, crafts, pre-stressed concrete, sewing industry projects etc. The sewing and craft projects were a replica of what was done by the Small industries Department. 

A Batic Dyeing Cum Sewing Project was initiated in Morawaka where employment was offered to twenty girls. Batic Dyeing Training was at that time not done by any State Department or institution and it continued to be within the private sector with a very high margin of profit. The Sewing and Batic Dyeing Unit was a great success. 

In agriculture in the Matara District, virgin crown land was identified, jungles cleared, the land graded and brought under cultivation. A number of farms were established and the cooperator youths drew good incomes by cultivating cassava, ginger and other crops for which there was a market demand. The youth cooperators were taught details of crop planning, preparation of the land for cultivation, planting, , crop care, harvesting and marketing. All of these aspects were taught on the job as they engaged in the various tasks. The entire approach was participatory as detailed earlier in the case of the Baddegama Council in the Galle District. The aim was to make the youths think and thereby enhance their ability and capacity to get to working on their own. This included training in the management of every aspect of their cooperative enterprise. 

The Councils in the coastal areas of Weligama, Matara and Dondra had submitted projects for making inboard fishing boats. It was difficult to obtain approval for these projects from the Fisheries Ministry, the one Ministry that should have been interested.. Two projects for Matara and Dondra Councils were approved with the greatest difficulty. The Boatyard for Matara was established in 1972 and manufactured twenty four, 30 ft inboard motor boats a year. This was the first cooperative boat building project in the entire island and the cooperator youths were taught full details on the job from the selection of timber, tracing the templates, seasoning timber, cutting and fitting the timber and fixing the engines etc. The trainees had been trained in carpentry and they learned the manufacture of the boats on the job. The boats were sold to fishermen in cooperatives. This Boatyard Project was ably handled by the Assistant Government Agent, Ran Ariyadasa and Kumarasiri, the Graduate Assistant. This industry was an acclaimed success till it was closed down in 1978 by the newly elected UNP Government which wanted to discredit the DDCP. 

Other important industrial units established included a Hand Made Paper Unit at Yatiyana, an industry that has survived to this day(2009), recycyling used paper from government offices. At Kekanadure, an industry making agricultural implements was established in a village which was traditionally associated with the industry. This industry exists till today(2009).At Talpawila training in pottery was imparted to youths and a pottery industry was successfully established.  A Pre-Stressed Concrete Factory was established at Talpawila which made concrete pipes and posts of all types. This industry exists and currently employs 40 youths. 

The Morawaka Council submitted a proposal to establish a Water Colour Paint making project, A Feasibility study was made by the Industrial Development Board at our request. The project was aimed at avoiding imports. There was no resource in the area for this industry other than labour, but that was the strategy used by Japan and Singapore in their industrial development. The Ministry of Plan Implementation rejected this application. Instead of import substitution type of projects the Ministry of Plan Implementation was advising us to concentrate on brick making, tile making and crafts- the areas where the Small Industries Department had made inroads with great success.. In the private sector there were plenty of tile and brick making factories. The Ministry was not interested in establishing any import-substitution type of industries. Though we had submitted various proposals for Import-substitution type of industry they were all thrown into the dustbin. I therefore decided to plan and establish a cooperative industry on my own. I was ably assisted by the Planning Officer Vetus Fernando, who happened to be a chemistry graduate and Chandra Silva a resourceful officer who was the District Land Officer. He was working on the DDC Projects in addition to his duties. A graduate trainee Dayananda Paliakkara was specially selected to handle this task. 

In my work as the Deputy Director of Small Industries I had approved many new industries to be established and I had directed all my officers that they should investigate when they go for inspections and be certain that the entrepreneur actually manufactured the product. On my inspections too I saw that the items were really produced. This was done because there were people who pretended to have industries in an attempt to secure allocations of foreign exchange, import and sell the goods in the market instead of engaging in production. I had approved an industry to make water colours and was familiar with the process of manufacture. According to my opinion crayons was allied to making water colours. I decided that this could be an area for action. At that time easily 90% of the country’s requirements were imported and if we succeeded we will be creating employment for the unemployed and at the same time cutting off imports. The import content of the ingredients was easily less than 20% and this looked ideal.. 

After we had done some initial experiments and was hopeful of success, we had to obtain the services of a laboratory. I spoke with Mr Ariyawamsa, the Principal of Rahula College, the premier educational institute in the District. I knew a number of science teachers at this College, who offered ideas. Mr. Ariyawamsa readily agreed to allow us to use the College science laboratory for experiments to find out the technical process for the manufacture of crayons. We were also helped by the Science Inspector Mr. Rajapaksa. I had heard about the working of the Land Grant system in the USA where the Universities offered their technical expertise to bring about national development. 

Pooling the knowledge of every scientist that was available, led by our Planning Officer,Vetus Fernando it did not take long to find out the exact proportions of each ingredient that had to be used and to arrive at the real process of manufacture. The process was gradually mastered, but the crayons were not firm enough and Vetus Fernando, the Planning Officer who happened to be a chemistry graduate of the University thought it best to obtain the help of the Chemistry Department of the University of Sri Lanka, from where he had graduated a few years earlier. Vetus spent a number of days beseeching and begging his professors but none of them were interested in offering any advice. 

If any one of the dons had to spare an hour or two to have a careful look, to think of how it could be solved and try a few experiments- that was all that was required. This was a situation where a Land Grant University like Michigan State would have taken on the mantle of development very willingly. But sad to say our Universities are more engrossed with training graduates rather than been concerned about the role they could play in the development of the country. We continued experiments at the Lab at Rahula College and mastered the art of making crayons in around a further month. 

Once the process of manufacture had been finalized I had to decide how we would proceed with the manufacture. It had to be a cooperative structure. Further it had to be done with a great deal of secrecy because I was not expected to be establishing new industries without the approval of the Ministry of Plan Implementation. Though as the Government Agent of the District I controlled vast funds; each vote had a definite remit which had to be meticulously adhered to in spending. Finally I decided to trust Mr Sumanapala Dahanayake, the Member of Parliament for Deniyaya, an electorate in my District. He was also the President of the Morawaka Cooperative Union and in that capacity he had access to the funds held in the Cooperative Union which we could use as capital for the necessary expenses. However he had no authority to use the funds for a new industry. This was a deadlock that had to be surmounted. 

As the Government Agent of the District I was gazetted as a Deputy Director for Cooperative Development. This had been done with the idea of the Government Agent supervising the Assistant Commissioner of Cooperatives and the work of the Cooperative Department in the District for the purpose of implementing the agricultural development programme. I usurped the full powers of a Deputy Director of Cooperatives and ordered the President of the Morawaka Cooperative Union to use funds available with the Coop Union and establish the industry and get down to manufacturing crayons.. Sumanapala Dahanayke the President of the Coop Union, the maverick he was, readily agreed and we got down to establish the industry. Twenty unemployment youths were recruited and the Coop Union purchased the necessary equipment. More youths were employed for packing and handling. 

The industry was established and we got down to the making of crayons; labels and boxes were hastily printed and crayons packets were produced to fill a large room. This was done very quickly, working day and night because secrecy was a prime necessity. It was a grand task where every one- officers and cooperators pitched in to work as a team- working day and night. If the Ministry of Plan Implementation got wind of the project they could stop it forthwith, hold an inquiry and punish me. The task was to establish the manufacturing unit, make good quality crayons and to show them to key Cabinet Ministers and get them involved so that they could stand up for me in case I ran into a  problem for acting on my own without Ministry approval. The Minister for Industries Mr T.B.Subasinghe was surprised when shown the crayons that were produced and readily agreed to open the sales. With that we felt safe. With the inauguration of the sales, the industry came to the open and the success in production and sales amply justified the fact that no Ministry approval had been obtained. The Ministry of Plan Implementation had to eat humble pie and finally the crayon factory, established without authority in a most clandestine manner, gained the full approval of the Government. Ultimately the Coop Crayon industry established by Sumanapala Dahanayake in his capacity as the Presidenbt of the Morawaka Cooperative Union produced around a tenth of the crayons that Sri Lanka required. became  the flagship industry of the DDCP. 

The only import item in the ingredients that went into the manufacture was dyes and at the initial stages we obtained dyes at black market prices from the open market. The Ministry of Industries was requested for an allocation, but they said that they had no foreign exchange to be allocated to cooperatives for this purpose. An year earlier as Deputy Director of Small Industries I was personally in charge of allocating foreign exchange for small industries and I could have given an allocation for any cooperative. The personnel in the Small Industries Department and the Ministry of Industries were not prepared to bend the rules for the sake of national development. Finally we had to beseech the Controller of Imports, Harry Guneratne. The Controller of Imports allocated funds for the import of crayons and readily agreed to my suggestion to allocate funds for the import of dyes and to reduce the allocation for imports accordingly. Guneratne had the capacity to understand that in a crayon the import constituent was only 5 to 10% and he was making a real saving in foreign exchange to the extent of 90%. The Minister of Trade, Mr T.B.Illangaratna, whose authority was sought, too readily agreed. He was surprised with the quality of the crayons and it ended with a request from him that we should commence a crayon factory in Colombo. We put off that request for the moment stating that we would do that after our crayon industry was fully established on a commercially sound footing. 

This crayon industry was a grand success which paid up the total outlay in the first six months of its operation. After I left the Administrative Service in April 1973, the industry continued under the able direction of the Government Agent of the District and Sumanapala Dahanayake the President of the Coop Union till 1977 when the new Government interfered. Any good industry established by the former government was anathema to the new Government and the new Government sent a Deputy Director of Cooperatives, N.T,Ariyaratne with specific instructions to find fault with this industry so that they could take action against Sumanapala Dahanayake, the President of the Coop Union, the earlier member of parliament, who had established the industry under my direction and had with the youth cooperators managed it in a commercially viable manner. Mr Ariyaratne had found the industry in proper order fully commercially viable and reported that the industry was an asset and this saved Mr. Dahanayake. 

However, the crayon industry had to close down due to the onslaught of imports under the free trade policies of the new Government. At its heyday from 1972 to 1977 this crayon industry did produce around a tenth of the crayon requirements of the country and it could easily have been developed to produce not only the country’s entire requirements but could have even be developed to build up an export trade. 

. In any country when a successful industry is established it should be closely supported and guarded in the national interest. Not so in Sri Lanka, when political rivalry raises its ugly head.. 

As stated earlier the Marxist Ministers led by Dr N.M.Perera leaving the Government in 1975 led to the Government de- emphasizing the DDCP. With the free market and liberalization policy followed by the new Government the death knell of the DDCP was sounded. In the Budget Speech of 1978, it is said that though as much as 2619 projects were approved, 666 projects never got off the ground and of the balance approximately 700 closed down by 1976, of the remaining 700 only 5% were found viable, and as much as 72% of the agricultural projects had failed. This was more a part of the tirade that the new Government had toward the DDCP flagship of the former Government. 

Strengths and Weaknesses 

Many are the weaknesses and the strengths of the DDCP. 

The weaknesses are many. As pointed out earlier, the Ministry of Plan Implementation was approving only traditional and craft type of industry and agricultural farms and was shy of approving new import substitution type of industry. Perhaps the Ministry was frightened to march into new areas of activity because any failure would reflect badly. Imports eat into our available foreign exchange and also cause our people to be unemployed. Concentrating on crafts and basic traditional industries amounted to duplicating the work done by the Small Industries Department that had been active earlier. The Ministry should have actually taken the forefront to plan and establish import substitution type of industries. 

Another weakness was that the Programme solely depended on worker cooperatives and left the private sector totally alone. If the private sector had been activated in addition, then it would have been a case of walking on two legs. 

The main weakness lies in the Parliamentary form of party political governance system where when a new political party comes into power it throws away all the programmes and policies of the earlier government irrespective of successes. In the process, the baby is also thrown away with the bath water. 

The Strengths lies in the few projects that were successful. These commercially viable ventures helped the national economy. Their production did save foreign exchange that would have been incurred in imports. The fact that employment was made available for the cooperative entrepreneurs is also of key importance. 

An additional strength was the educational process of building up the abilities and the capacities of the participants and making them self-reliant entrepreneurs, able to stand on their own feet. This was due to the strategies of community development and non formal education which we used. At that time administrators who worked in the Rural development Department and that included the Government Agents of the Districts and the Assistant Government Agents in charge of Divisions had come to follow community development strategies and principles. We administrators had not even known the word non formal education, but we thought it best that we work with the trainees in a truly participatory manner, so that they could learn on the job. 

In the planning and implementation of the DDCP the Ministry of Plan Implementation did not give us any instructions as to how we should adopt a participatory approach. However the officers under the Government Agent included those who had worked for long under the Rural Development Department which attended to rural development work with the participation of the people. This Rural Development Department was our counterpart to the Community Development Programme of India and many other Third World countries that were implemented in the Fifties. The Rural Development Department followed the principles of Community Development as enunciated by the United Nations; The term Community Development has come into international usage to connote the process by which the efforts of the people themselves are united with those of Governmental authorities to improve the economic , social and cultural conditions of communities, to integrate these communities into the life of the nation and to enable them to contribute fully to national progess. This complex of processes is then made up of two essential elements ”…”the participation of the people themselves in efforts to improve their level of living with as much reliance as possible on their own initiative and the provision of technical and other services in ways which encourage initiative self help and make them more effective.(United Nations, 1965) 

It so happened that the entire staff handling development in Sri Lanka at the District level came under the influence of the Community Development ideas and this included the Government Agents who were development hardened workers who had a great deal of experience. It did not need directions on how to handle the education aspect to officers that had attended to working with the people for decades. The result was that the staff handpicked for the planning and the implementation of the DDCP did use the community development participatory approach. 

This included non formal education ideas as defined by me later on: Non Formal Education comprises experiential education processes to which people as participants are spontaneously subjected to as they actively work on an individual basis or in any group endeavour, be it in a discussion in the decision making that takes place in a trade union or a cooperative. It is completely spontaneous and as the learner participates, thinks and conscientizes, weighs the pros and cons of a problem and arrives at decisions, knowing fully well the confrontations involved and as the participants cooperate to face the obstacles, get used to collaborative practices of mutual help in achieving the tasks then through these repeated educational experiences, their initiatives develop and they become responsible.(From Karunaratne: Non Formal education Theory & Practice at Comilla) 

This quote would encapsulate the educational methods used by us in educating the trainees in the on the job situation in the various agricultural farms and industrial projects. Details provided of the projects in the Baddegama electorate in the Galle District and the Matara District shows that educational strategies were used to effectively enable the trainees to whet their abilities and in that process they gained the ability to become self reliant entrepreneurs. 

This educational enhancement is the strength that should have been built upon in every development program. 

In the case of the DDC Programme projects, with an initial grant for the machinery and a paltry allowance till the entrepreneurs derive incomes, we paved the way for the unemployed youth of a country to become net contributors. In this process they march from being net consumers to become net contributors. They have also in the process developed their abilities and capacities to stand on their own feet. This is a strength that stands in good stead. 

In Projects, the manufacture of farm implements in Baddegama, , the manufacture of crayons at Deniyaya, the pre-stressed concrete industry at Matara, the making of paper products at Kotmale and Matara and a number of such industries were all well established and commercially viable. So were many textile and sewing industries. The good number of DDCP industries that have been successfully implemented even today(2009), defying the inroads of imports indicate the viability of the DDCP Projects and the underlying strategies. The main tenet was import substitution which is forbidden under the IMF rules of the Structural Adjustment Programme, Even today, three decades later, my blood boils when I see a packet of foreign crayons being sold in Sri Lanka. My mind travels back in nostalgia to the time when the crayon factory provided employment to scores of youths in making and packing crayons and in selling them island wide. 

. Establishing the crayon industry was easily the happiest task I had done in my eighteen years’ service to my Mothercountry. It was also the most dangerous task I had done because I was not authorized to establish a new industry without the specific approval of the Minstry of Plan Implementation. I had experience in handling small industries earlier and was certain that the venture would be a success. If it had failed I would have been demoted for certain but I was certain of success. Further I knew Dr N.M.Perera the Minister of Finance personally as he had been a member of parliament in the opposition in Kegalla District where I worked as the Additional Government Agent for two full years. He gauged my ability and I became one of his trusted lieutenants in the field of development. I was certain that he would have stood up for me if I fell into a scrape by attempting to do the impossible which other administrators would shrewdly avoid. 

The DDCP had all the elements of a great employment creation programme.

Conclusion

The DDCP can stand comparison to many other development programmes both in Sri Lanka as well as overseas. 

May I hope that a better programme for employment creation will emerge with our new Government. 

Garvin Karunaratne 

Former GA Matara

Constitutional Supremacy versus Parliamentary Supremacy: Which way for Sri Lanka when a new constitution is introduced?

October 4th, 2024

By Raj Gonsalkorale

Sri Lanka has a new President, and a fresh general election will be held on the 14th November to elect members to its parliament and for a new government to be formed thereafter.

The choice before the voters will be whether the NPP should be given a Parliamentary majority for them to form the next government or those opposed to the NPP should be given a majority for them to form the next government. This article will not analyse and discuss this issue as it is a topic that is already being widely discussed.

Suffice perhaps for voters to ask themselves the question who will be best placed to introduce changes to the culture of politics in the country and who will be best placed to introduce changes to the foundations of better economic management that will usher more hope and opportunities for the present and future generations. Will it be the same wine in a different bottle, or will it be a new wine in the same bottle?

The bottle referred to here could be considered the political system of the country that has a direct relationship to the political culture of the country. In regard to what is regarded as political culture”, the Brittanica says political culture, in political science, a set of shared views and normative judgments held by a population regarding its political system. The notion of political culture does not refer to attitudes toward specific actors, such as a president or prime minister, but rather denotes how people view the political system as a whole and their belief in its legitimacy”.

One could say therefore that political culture, more than any other factor contributes to how the country is governed and how the economy is managed. So, by extension, one could argue that unless the political system changes, neither will the political culture. In effect, unless new wine comes in a new bottle, the chances of a change to the political culture could be minimal.

Perhaps an important factor to be reckoned with in changing the political culture of a country, is that as much as politicians, civil society leaders, religious leaders, union leaders and other key players in a system need to change and provide leadership to guide necessary changes, people themselves have to recognise the need to change as the relationships between leaders and those who are being led are inter dependent and one impacts on the other. This is more so in democracies rather than in other political systems.

It is in this context that a political system change needs to be considered and a new Constitution needs to be framed that recognises this inter dependency. The NPP has committed themselves to framing a new constitution and one hopes that the process for it will commence after the general election. A doubt does arise whether this will happen in the event the NPP does not receive a majority in the new Parliament, and they are unable to form the next government. Perhaps a commitment by the Opposition parties irrespective of whether they form the next government or not, to support the enactment of a new constitution would be an ideal and responsible position for them to take, as such a project needs multi-party participation, cooperation and support.

The foundation for the process of introducing a new constitution could be U.S. President Abrham Lincolns famous Gettysburg address on November 19, 1863 (that these dead shall not have died in vain– that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth” 

Firstly, the public should consider whether their periodic voting (usually every 5 years in Sri Lanka) has effectively produced governments of the people, by the people, for the people. They should consider whether this periodic voting, although essential in a democracy, and which is a key element in the political system of the country, has been effective in making changes to the political culture and therefore to the political system.

Secondly, if the answer is that it has done minimal change or no change, then what should happen to introduce the required changes.

There are a few points needs to be considered.

  1. At a very fundamental level, have people succeeded in electing governments that they feel and would refer to as governments of the people, by the people and for the people? If not, what are the options that may be considered to advance this objective in real and practical terms?
  2. Has the political party system divided rather than united the people, and have governments by and large served the entire population rather than those who elected them to office?
  3. Have the next layers of the political system like provincial councils and local government bodies played an effective role in bringing people closer to governance and governance closer to the people?
  4. Have non-government sectors like the private sector played an effective role in improving the political system, and if not, what could they do and how should they be involved in improving the political system?
  5. Has the media assisted in advancing the objective of bringing people and governance closer through factual, non-partisan reporting, debates, discussions and programs?

No doubt there are many other issues to consider in framing a new constitution, but importantly, it will be useful if options outside the traditional framework is considered in doing so. For example, the role of the provincial councils, local government bodies, the private sector, tertiary teaching institutions, among others could be considered as they all are people based and could play a role in bring people and governance closer.

Constitution and the Parliament

In drafting a new Constitution, the role of the constitution and the role and powers of the Parliament needs to be examined. While there are numerous views, traditions and practices that emphasise the supremacy of a Parliament and the sole responsibility they have in enacting laws, such practices make an assumption that Parliaments and parliamentarians do so in the best interest of all the people in the country and that they pass laws for the people, on behalf of all the people”. One can argue whether this has happened in Sri Lanka, where the political culture of the country and its political system has generally tended to favour some people over others, although its current constitution emphasises equal rights for all its citizens. It is generally felt by many that the judiciary of the country, the third pillar of sovereign Sri Lanka (after the legislature, and the executive) has not always acted independently and that they have made decisions either at the behest of the government in power or have done it to be in the good books of a government.

Parliamentary supremacy and Constitutional supremacy

An essential role of the judiciary is to consider the consistency of laws passed by the legislature with the constitution of the country. In this regard it will be paramount that the constitution represents the will of the people, and it is the foundation on which a system that facilitates a political culture of equality, equity, fairness, and kindness to others is built on. For this to happen, the constitution and not the legislature has to be supreme.

The following statement is relevant here as it establishes the clear position on legislative responsibility and supremacy. The basic contrast between constitutional supremacy and parliamentary sovereignty is where ultimate legislative authority lies. The legislature is under parliamentary sovereignty, whereas the state constitution is under constitutional supremacy (https://ddp.org.za/blog/2024/05/02/constitutional-supremacy-versus-parliamentary-supremacy-which-way-for-south-africa-post-the-elections/#:~:text =The%20basic%20contrast %20between %20constitutional, constitution %20is%20under%20constitutional%20supremacy)

It cements the role of a legislature to enact laws, but it brings clarity that it is not their task to interpret laws. That responsibility lies with the Judiciary as the independent body that needs to establish consistency of laws passed with the constitution.

What is sovereignty?

The Princeton university defines it as Sovereignty is supreme authority. It involves authority over all others within its field of operation, and the absence of any other superior authority in that same field. It is essentially a legal construct, rather than one reflecting the possession of power and authority in practice (sometimes referred to as political sovereignty). Sovereignty is a concept used predominantly in the domestic context of the legal authority wielded within and by a State. It is thus more a concept of constitutional law than of international law, since on the international plane no State has as a matter of law, authority over all other States” (https://pesd.princeton.edu/node/671).

Here, the sovereignty of the Parliament is established as it is the body that has the supreme responsibility to pass laws in the country. However, based on a legal requirement that all such laws have to be adjudged as being consistent with the constitution, which is the function of the judiciary, the judiciary could be regarded as assuming supremacy over sovereignty of the parliament when it comes to enactment of laws.

Drafting a new Constitution

The following three passages cited from the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance provides a good basis for consideration when Sri Lanka engages in drafting a new constitution.

(https://www.idea.int/sites/default/files/publications/what-is-a-constitution-primer.pdf)

  1. What is a constitution? Principles and Concepts

The vast majority of contemporary constitutions describe the basic principles of the state, the structures and processes of government and the fundamental rights of citizens in a higher law that cannot be unilaterally changed by an ordinary legislative act. This higher law is usually referred to as a constitution. The content and nature of a particular constitution, as well as how it relates to the rest of the legal and political order, varies considerably between countries, and there is no universal and uncontested definition of a constitution. Nevertheless, any broadly accepted working definition of a constitution would likely describe it as a set of fundamental legal-political rules that:

a. are binding on everyone in the state, including ordinary law-making institutions;

b. concern the structure and operation of the institutions of government, political principles and the rights of citizens

c. are based on widespread public legitimacy;

d. are harder to change than ordinary laws (e.g. a two-thirds majority vote or a referendum is needed); and

e. as a minimum, meet the internationally recognized criteria for a democratic system in terms of representation and human rights

2. Constitutions as social declarations

Constitutions often attempt, to varying degrees, to reflect and shape society—for example, by expressing the (existing or intended) common identity and aspirations of the people, or by proclaiming shared values and ideals. These provisions are generally found in preambles and opening declarations but can also be found in oaths and mottos or on flags and other symbols that are defined by the Constitution. Other substantive provisions of the constitution, particularly those defining socio-economic rights, cultural or linguistic policy, or education, might also belong to this category (Lutz 2006: 16–7).

  • Constitutions as political instruments

The constitution prescribes a country’s decision-making institutions: constitutions ‘identify the supreme power’, ‘distribute power in a way that leads to effective decision making’ and ‘provide a framework for continuing political struggle’ (Lutz 2006: 17). The political provisions show how state institutions (parliament, executive, courts, head of state, local authorities, independent bodies, etc.) are constituted, what powers they have and how they relate to one another.

Sri Lanka badly needs a political system change as what it now has, has failed the country. The political culture of the country has also tuned itself to the flawed political system and this has produced politicians, a large majority of them, who are reviled by the people. Besides the recent financial bankruptcy, it is felt by many that it is socially, morally and ethically bankrupt with rampant corruption, cronyism over merit, some being consistently more equal than others, the judiciary not always independent, and law and order often compromised to favour a few over the many. They feel that central mismanagement with the least participation of the people at all levels in major policy decision making has made the notion that the country has had governments of the people, by the people, for the people largely a myth, as generally, a few have decided what they have reckoned is best for the many and failed.

A new constitution making process needs to through a more consultative process and the essential role of provincial councils, local government entities, other relevant stakeholders like tertiary education entities, the private sector etc, from the point of view of bringing people close to governance must be explicitly stated and be an integral part of a new constitution. A constitution could be regarded as the instrument that binds a governance system to the people. It is a kind of a social contract between the two. It cannot be a one-sided contract where governance as per the constitution is carried out with no participation of the people.

Opening up Expressways for new traffic – strong solution to traffic problem + a new revenue source

October 4th, 2024

Chanaka Bandarage

Clearly,  the volume of traffic on our Expressways is insufficient. Thus, the revenue that the government receives from them is less.

Only about 20% of the country’s population – those who own a car/vehicle reap the benefit of the Expressways. A few luxury buses (who charge a higher fare) are allowed to carry passengers on Expressways; meaning the poor who does intercity travel on ordinary buses (InterCity buses) are excluded from using the Expressways.

Motorcycles (including scooters), three wheelers and InterCity Buses comprise more than 65% of Sri Lanka’s registered motorised vehicles.  These three categories are excluded from the Expressways.

The fact that Sri Lanka’s Expressways are confined only to high income earners is discriminatory.  All people, even the poorest, are paying off the massive foreign debts borrowed to build the Expressways.

In the night, the Expressways are like ghost towns, they are totally empty. This is not so in developed countries. They are busy all the time.

On the other hand, the roads that feed the Expressways (ie, High Level Road, Galle Road, Kandy Road, Old (Avissawella) Road, Negambo Road, Athurugiriya/Kottawa roads) are  jam-packed with vehicles especially with three wheelers, motorbikes and InterCity buses (poor man’s vehicles).  They should be allowed to ply on the Expressways.

Expressways must be opened up for these vehicles (the 3 categories mentioned in the above paragraph).

This could be carefully done as a Pilot Project for 3 months. If successful, the arrangement should be made permanent.

Allowing three wheelers, motorbikes/scooters and InterCity buses to ply on the Expressways mean they will receive a major boost in vehicle volumes.

The system suggested herein is healthy for the government coffers, as due to it the Expressways will start receiving massive new revenue. Most importantly, this will be a major solution to the country’s nightmarish traffic problem. The traffic on the main arterial roads will be significantly reduced. This will have an effect on all the roads.

True some of the poor man’s vehicles may not be able to travel at the current maximum speed of 100 km per hour, but do we really need to maintain such a high-speed limit? The most important issues are the cutting down of vehicular traffic on main roads and utilising Expressways to their maximum potential. 

In Sri Lanka, we are a small nation. It is possible to reach any destination by road within a relatively short period (say 5 -7 hours). Like other countries we do not travel thousands of kms in one trip.

Rather than the speed, Expressways maintaining a smooth, non-stop traffic flow is the most important factor.

Because there are no traffic lights on Expressways, all the vehicles would travel smoothly on them – not at the current high speed though, but at a moderate speed.

Huge container lorries are currently allowed on our Expressways. They do not run at the maximum speed of 100 km per hour.

Say, a maximum speed limit of  50 km per hour is set for three wheelers and scooters and 80 km per hour for all other vehicles; we would be able to create a Win/Win situation.

After this change, instead of Expressways, let us call them ‘Highways’.

During very busy periods (April New Year, Christmas holidays) the three wheelers and motorbikes could largely be confined to the left lane only or their access to the Expressways could be  totally curtailed.

In Sri Lanka, the Expressways were created to cater to (corrupt) politicians to drive at break neck speed from the deep south to Colombo and back, in their ultra-luxury vehicles. Such  vehicles comprise less than 3% of the country’s vehicle population.

This discrimination must come to an end.

Some may laugh at this proposition – that to allow motorcycles, 3 wheelers and InterCity buses to ply on Expressways; only a bald, brave, visionary leader would embark on such a move. Lee Kwan Yu was not scared to ban chewing gum in Singapore (to maintain clean streets and public transport).

Of course car owners (especially the rich) will strongly oppose this suggestion – as they would not be able to ‘fly’ on Expressways, and that they will have to share the Expressways with the poor man’s vehicles.

Due to bumper to bumper traffic in all other roads, everyone suffers significantly currently. So, in the long run all will benefit.

A good leader will take decisions considering the best interests of the country.

In regards to Australia and New Zealand, InterCity buses, motorcycles and even push cyclists are allowed to run on their Expressways. They do not have three wheelers. Those governments want all citizens to benefit from the available public facilities.

These two countries have only banned certain land vehicles (like tractors) and pedestrians from entering the Expressways. Their Expressways are always busy (24/7) and earn terrific incomes for the governments.  The situation in most western countries is similar. They build their Expressways for all people, not just to a privileged few. Unlike ours, their Expressways are well lit in the night.

බස්නාහිර නව ආණ්ඩුකාරයා පසුගිය කාලයේ ඩොලර් බිලියන 56ක් නීති විරෝධී ලෙස රටින් පිටට ගෙන ගොස් ඇති බව පුබුදු ජයගොඩ හෙළිකරයි… ගුවන් තොටුපොළ හා ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමටත් පොලු තියලලු

October 4th, 2024

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

පසුගිය කාලේ ජනතාවගේ විරෝධයට ලක්වෙලා හිටපු නිලධාරීන් සහ ව්‍යාපාරික පැළැන්තිය නැවත වේගයෙන් බලය තහවුරු කරගනිමින් යනවා. පසුගිය කාලේ දූෂිත චෝදනා ලබපු සමහර අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම්වරු ඒ විදිහටම තියාගෙන යන්න දැන් ආණ්ඩුව කටයුතු කරමින් ඉන්න එක මේ තත්ත්වයට උදහරණයක්.” යැයි පෙරටුගාමී සමාජවාදී පක්ෂයේ අධ්‍යාපන ලේකම් පුබුදු ජයගොඩ මහතා පවසයි. 

ඔහු මේ බව ප්‍රකාශ කළේ ජන අරගල සන්ධානය නුගේගොඩදී සංවිධානය කර තිබූ මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදීය.

ඒ අනුව ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍යාංශයේ සහ පරිසර අමාත්‍යාංශයේ ලේකම්වරුන්ගේ පත්වීම සමාජයේ දැඩි අප්‍රසාදයට පත්ව ඇති බවද හෙතෙම කිවේය.

දැන් බස්නාහිර පළාත් ආණ්ඩුකාර විදිහට පත්කරල තියනවා අනීෆ් යූසූෆ්. මොහු තමයි එක්ස් ෆෝ ලංකා ආයතනයේ ප්‍රධාන විධායක නිලධාරියා විදිහට හිටියේ. පහුගිය කාලේ සාවද්‍ය ඉන්වොයිසකරණය හරහා ඩොලර් බිලියන 56ක පමණ ප්‍රමාණයක් නීති විරෝධී විදිහට පිටරටවලට ගෙනිහින් තියනවා. ඒ ක්‍රියාවලියේ ප්‍රධාන භූමිකාවක් ඉටු කළේ මේ එක්ස් ෆෝ ලංකා සමාගම. 2018 – 19 මූල්‍ය වර්ශයේ මේ සමාගමේ ශුද්ධ ලාභය තිබුණෙ රුපියල් මිලියන 1909ක් විදිහට. හැබැයි 2021 – 22 මූල්‍ය වර්ෂය වෙද්දි මේ මුදල රුපියල් මිලියන 72792ක් දක්වා වේගයෙන් ඉහළ ගිහිල්ලා. එතකොට මේක 36% ගුණයක ලාභය ඉහළ යාමක්. පහුගිය කොවිඩ් අර්බුදය කාලේ මේ සමාගම කොහොමද මෙච්චර තමන්ගේ ලාභ රේට්ටුව වැඩි කරගත්තෙ? එතකොට ඒ සමාගමේ විධායක ප්‍රධානියා එකතු කරගෙන මේ ආණ්ඩුව යන්න සූදානම් වෙන ගමන මොකක් ද? එතකොට මේ සමාගම් මෙච්චර ලාභයක් හෙව්වෙ කොහොමද කියන කාරනය ගැන විමර්ශනයක් වෙලා තියනවද?”

මේ අතර, බස්නාහිර පළාත් ආණ්ඩුකාරවරයා ලෙස පත්කර ඇති අනීෆ් යූසූෆ්.  ගුවන් තොටුපොළ හා ගුවන් සේවා සමාගමට මිලියන ගණනක් ගෙවීමට ඇති බවද නිල නොවන ආරංචි මාර්ග සඳහන් කරයි.

එමෙන්ම ඔහු විසින් FitsAir නමින් ගුවන් සමාගමක් ද නඩත්තු කරන බවත්, ශ්‍රී ලන්කන් ගුවන් සේවා සමාගම භූමියේ දී ගුවන් ගමන්වලට සපයන සේවා මෙම සමාගම විසින් අත්පත් කරගෙන ඇති බවත්, ඒ අනුව රජයට අයවිය යුතු විශාල මුදලක් අනියම් ආකාරයෙන් ඔවුන් විසින් ලබාගෙන ඇති බවත් පැවසේ. 

Are rice consumers and farmers victims of current practices?

October 4th, 2024

by Neville Ladduwahetty Courtesy The Island

One of the subjects President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is responsible for is agriculture. On the other hand, subjects such as food security and health that are related and dependent on agriculture come under the purview of Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya. Consequently, the production and distribution of agricultural products have a bearing on access to food at affordable prices to ensure not only food security but also on poverty and malnutrition. Thus, responsibility for the welfare and wellbeing of the majority of Sri Lankans depend on the joint efforts of the President and the Prime Minister.

An area that will have a significant bearing on the above is the production and distribution of rice. This topic is addressed in a well-researched article titled RICE MONOPOLY Continues to Put Farmers and Consumers in Peril” by Prageeth Sampath Karunathilaka (Daily Mirror, Sept 25. 2024). This article confirms that consumers and farmers are victimised not only due to shortages in production but also by the current practices that are permitted to operate with regard to the production and distribution of rice.

RICE PRODUCTION

The aforesaid article says the per capita rice consumption is approximately 125 kg per year. Furthermore, it states that during a conversation the author had with a former Director of Agriculture, K.B. Gunaratne, he had commented that despite the fact that there were variations during COVID, Sri Lanka must produce an additional 2.4 million metric tons annually”.

The argument that Sri Lanka is self-sufficient in rice does not hold water. Therefore, since the current shortfalls have a bearing on market prices which in turn have a bearing on health, poverty and malnutrition, price variations should be avoided. It is therefore imperative that rice production be increased and stocks monitored regularly to ensure that sufficient stocks are available at any time because shortfalls are often the cause to justify increasing market prices.

Increasing paddy production could be achieved either by advanced technologies or by bringing more land under cultivation. Since the latter approach would involve an increase in infrastructure and maintenance costs, it would be more prudent to resort to advanced technologies because human capital and related infrastructure are already available. Furthermore, the former approach is likely to bear not only faster results but also more income to the farmer through increased yields.

CURRENT PRACTICES

The article cited above states: In the past large-scale paddy mill owners sold rice at Rs. 220 per kilogram, based on the government’s guaranteed price. Meanwhile, smaller mill owners sold the same rice for Rs. 160-175 per kilogram. This allowed large scale mill owners to make a profit of Rs. 60-75 per kilogram of rice. They earned significant profits from paddy purchased at low prices. Although the government set a guaranteed price of Rs. 100 per kilogram of paddy, some large-scale mill owners bought it for as low as Rs. 70-80. It is no secret that purchasing hundreds of thousands of kilos of paddy at low prices and storing it led to massive profits ….

According to the National Institute of Post-Harvest Management, a large-scale mill owner earns at least 4 million in profit per day, which amounts to Rs. 120 million per month … To produce one kilogram of Nadu rice, about 1.5 kilograms of paddy are required”. This is so with other varieties as well. Thus, on average, nearly 2/3 of rice is produced from 1 kilogram of paddy.

The cost of producing one kilogram of rice, including expenses such as machinery, electricity, labour and distribution is approximately 25 rupees. Given the government’s guaranteed price of 100 rupees per kilogram of paddy, rice can be sold to consumers at 160-175 rupees per kilogram. However, in the current market, a kilogram of rice is sold at 220 rupees”.

With due respect, there appears to be an inaccuracy in the conclusion that rice can be sold to consumers at 160-175 rupees per kilo”. If as stated in the article cited above, 1.5 kilos of paddy are required to produce 1 kilo of rice and the guaranteed price is Rs. 100 for a kilo of paddy, it means a farmer would need Rs. 150 to produce 1 kilo of rice. To this, if Rs. 25 is added as the cost of production as stated in the article, the bare cost without profit would be Rs. 175. Therefore, the comment that rice can be sold to the consumer at 160-175 rupees per kilogram” needs to be revisited.

STRATEGY for the IMMEDIATE

What is evident from the foregoing is that the higher the guaranteed price for paddy, the greater is the benefit to the farmer because of increased income. On the other hand, high guaranteed prices for paddy results in high prices for the consumer. What is demonstrated above is that with a guaranteed price of Rs. 100 for paddy, the price to the consumer has to be close to Rs. 200 and above. Another fact demonstrated is that a high guaranteed price to the Farmer and an affordable price to the consumer is an incompatible proposition. Consequently, the challenge is how the farmer could earn a worthwhile income while ensuring that the consumer has access to rice at an affordable price.

A fact that influences this challenge is the availability of paddy surpluses soon after each harvest. The large-scale millers have financial capacities and infrastructural resources to buy large stocks following each harvest at low prices and store the paddy. Consequently, farmers are at their mercy. Such advantages are not available to small and medium scale Mill owners. However, the Agriculture Department reports that it is set to provide a maximum loan amount of Rs. 50 million rupees for small and medium scale rice mill owners and maximum loan amount of Rs. 25 million rupees for paddy storers and collectors through state and private banks…” (Dept. of Agriculture Report).

An alternative proposed by All Ceylon Farmers’ Federation (ACFF) Convener Namal Karunaratne speaking to The Sunday Morning (June 25, 2023) is that prices could be reduced if production cost was reduced… For instance, to reduce production costs, farmers’ equipment and gear need to be freed from taxes. Fertiliser prices need to be reduced. If production costs are reduced to about Rs. 60 a kilo of paddy can be sold for Rs. 80-90. The responsibility for this is in the hands of the government.”

Similar concepts have been in operation since 2000 by The Farm Storage Facility Loan Program (FSFL) of the US Department of Agriculture. FSFL provides low-interest financing so producers can build or upgrade permanent and portable storage facilities and equipment. Eligible commodities include grains, oilseeds, peanuts, pulse crops, hay, hemp, honey, renewable biomass commodities, fruits and vegetables, floriculture, hops, maple sap, maple syrup, milk, cheese, yogurt, butter, eggs, meat/poultry (unprocessed), rye and aquaculture. Eligible facility types include grain bins, hay barns, bulk tanks, and facilities for cold storage.

Drying and handling and storage equipment is also eligible, including storage and handling trucks. Eligible facilities and equipment may be new or used, permanently affixed or portable. Since its inception in May 2000, more than 33,000 loans have been issued for on-farm storage, increasing storage capacity by 900 million bushels.

FSFL is an excellent financing programme for on-farm storage and handling for small and mid-sized farms, and for new farmers. Loan terms vary from 3 to 12 years. The maximum loan amount for storage facilities is $500,000. The maximum loan amount for storage and handling trucks is $100,000. In 2016 FSA introduced a new loan category, the microloan, for loans with an aggregate balance up to $50,000. Microloans offer a 5 percent down-payment requirement, compared to a 15 percent down-payment for a regular FSFL, and waive the regular three-year production history requirement.

CONCLUSION

The clear objective of any government has been to ensure a healthy income to the paddy farmer and rice at an affordable price to the Consumer. Achieving such an objective means improving the welfare and wellbeing of nearly a third of the population who are engaged in production and improving the health of the whole nation with an impact on poverty.

A variety of opinions and proposals have been expressed and explored over the years to realize the objective stated above. Most of them involve the intervention of the Government in one way or another. For instance, one way is for the Government to control 10% of paddy production to stabilize production and to provide financial benefits in one form or another to reduce costs.

One form of financial assistance considered has been to provide loans to establish small and medium scale Mills and storage facilities throughout the country; a strategy adopted by the US Department of Agriculture. Another form has been to subsidize fertilizer and other inputs required in the production of paddy. Yet another is to establish guaranteed prices for paddy; a strategy that favours the Farmer but not the Consumer, as stated above.

None of these options have proved satisfactory, as far as achieving the desired objectives are concerned. The reason perhaps is because strategies proposed are from the perspectives of the Farmer or the Consumer and not from a holistic perspective of both. Therefore, the strong recommendation is that a Forensic Audit is conducted to ascertain the most effective strategy or strategies to meet the interests of both Farmer and Consumer.

However, what is needed in the immediate term is for the Government to engage with the large-scale mill owners and the representatives of the All Ceylon Farmers’ Federation to establish a sustainable compromise arrangement that serves the interests of both the Farmer and Consumer because at the end of the day, their interests affect the wellbeing, health and food security of the whole nation, the responsibility for which rests jointly with the President and the Prime Minister.

Sri Lanka: Technical Assistance Report-Central Bank Risk Management

October 4th, 2024

IMF bailout package

Summary

Since 2015, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) has enhanced its risk management through a comprehensive framework and is aiming for an Enterprise Risk Management system. Initiatives like the establishment of the Banking Risk Oversight Committee (BROC) and the Non-Financial Risk Management Committee (NFRMC) have been key in fostering higher-level risk discussions. To further integrate risk management into its culture and operations, the CBSL is focusing on strengthening leadership’s engagement in risk management, adopting a risk appetite statement, ensuring targeted training, empowering the risk management function, implementing the 3 Lines Model for clear role delineation, and defining risk tolerance levels with Key Risk Indicators (KRIs). The high-level objectives of the IMF’s engagement with the CBSL include embedding robust risk management practices deeply within the organization, aligning the CBSL’s strategic goals with its risk management efforts, and enhancing decision-making processes to improve efficiency and effectiveness, all in line with the CBSL’s legal mandate.

https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/technical-assistance-reports/Issues/2024/10/04/Sri-Lanka-Technical-Assistance-Report-Central-Bank-Risk-Management-555725

Won’t allow our territory to be used against India: Lankan President to Jaishnakar

October 4th, 2024

Written by Shubhajit Roy Courtesy Indian Express

MEA Jaishankar’s conversation with the leadership also covered facilitating Indian investments and job creation in Sri Lanka, as well as expanding the flow of Indian tourists.

Jaishankar Sri Lanka visit, MEA S Jaishnakar, Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, MEA in Colombo, China’s presence in Lanka, NPP government, Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, Indian express newsExternal Affairs Minister S Jaishankar with Sri Lankan Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya in Colombo on Friday. (PTI Photo)

Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake Friday told External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar in Colombo that Sri Lankan territory would never (be) allowed to be used in a manner inimical to India’s security interests”, an oblique reference to China’s presence in the island nation.

Jaishankar, the first foreign minister to visit Sri Lanka since the NPP government led by Dissanayake came to power on September 23, arrived in Colombo Friday and called on the newly-elected President Dissanayake, met Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya and held discussions with Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath. He also met former President Ranil Wickremesinghe and Leader of SJB Sajith Premadasa.

Regarding security and defence, the MEA statement said, the meetings brought out that the interests of India and Sri Lanka were closely intertwined. Their collaboration was in mutual interest and contributed to the stability and security of the region. The importance of a continuous dialogue that would promote trust, transparency and mutual sensitivity was recognized. The President reiterated that Sri Lankan territory would never (be) allowed to be used in a manner inimical to India’s security interests.”

Jaishankar assured that India’s ongoing development assistance to Sri Lanka through projects of Sri Lankan priority will be continued, the statement said. He emphasised that India has offered to modernise the Kankesanthurai port through a grant to the tune of USD 61.5 million. He also conveyed that payments for 7 completed Line of Credit projects to the tune of USD 20 million could be converted into grant. India has also decided to gift 22 diesel locomotives to the Sri Lankan Railways,” it said.

During his meeting with the President, Jaishankar spoke about ongoing initiatives in the field of energy production and transmission, fuel and LNG supply, solar electrification of religious places, connectivity, digital public infrastructure, health and dairy development, it said. He highlighted that they would contribute to economic sustainability and provide new streams of revenue.

Dissanayake said that India’s economic support is critical to realise his vision of a prosperous Sri Lanka and meeting the aspirations of the people, it said. He referred to the potential of export of renewable energy to India which could help reduce production costs in Sri Lanka and create additional resources. He also noted the contribution of Indian tourists and recognised this has the potential to grow further.

Jaishankar’s conversation with the leadership also covered facilitating Indian investments and job creation in Sri Lanka, as well as expanding the flow of Indian tourists. In his meeting with Prime Minister Amarasuriya, he underlined that the Government of India was prepared to respond to the training and capacity building requirements of Sri Lanka.

On Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring efforts, the MEA said Jaishankar recalled that India had been supportive of Sri Lanka’s economic stability and recovery from the very start. It was the first country to give financing assurances which enabled the IMF to finalise the Extended Fund Facility. He confirmed India’s support in the Official Creditors’ Committee in respect of Sri Lanka’s agreement with International Sovereign Bond holders. India is also willing to expedite the conclusion of its bilateral MoU with Sri Lanka. The President conveyed his appreciation in that regard,” it said, referring to the USD 4 billion financial and humanitarian support from India.

With regard to the ethnic issue and the reconciliation process, the statement said that Jaishankar reiterated India’s support for the aspirations of all communities, including Tamils, for equality, justice, dignity, peace while maintaining the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka. The full and effective implementation of the 13th Amendment of its Constitution and the early holding of Provincial Council elections will facilitate these objectives,” it said.

Dissanayake has not supported the implementation of the 13th Amendment, which gives powers to Tamil minorities, a long-standing demand of the Indian government. He has also opposed any investigation into the alleged war crimes during the civil war between LTTE and Sri Lankan forces.

In his discussions with Foreign Minister Herath, according to the MEA, Jaishankar conveyed India’s strong commitment to advance bilateral cooperation based on its ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy and SAGAR outlook”.

For Dissanayake, the major challenge would be economic recovery.

The MEA said that Jaishankar also raised concerns pertaining to Indian fishermen who are detained in Sri Lanka and pressed for their early release, as well as of their boats, and reconsideration of the heavy fines imposed on them.

Defence Ministry orders to surrender all firearms issued to civilians

October 4th, 2024

Courtesy Adaderana

The Ministry of Defence has announced that all firearms and ammunition provided to civilians for self-defence will be acquired by the government and that they must be handed over to the relevant authorities before 07 November. 

Furthermore, the Defence Ministry stated that they will be returned pending a review and consideration of the need to possess such firearms.

A decision has been taken to take over all firearms issued for personal protection to civilians by the Ministry of Defence.  

This decision was in accordance to the powers vested to the Defence Secretary under Sections 6(1) and 6(2) of the Firearms Ordinance Act No. 33 of 1916, to take over firearms on temporary basis to the government. 

Further, this decision is taken subjected to reissue them after a review process, the ministry said in a statement. 

Accordingly, all licensees are informed to hand over their firearms and ammunition issued, to the Commercial Explosive Firearms and Ammunition Procurement Unit (CEFAP) at Sri Lanka Navy camp in Welisara before November 07, 2024. 

A copy of the acceptance receipt issued by the CEFAP should be handed over to the Civil Security and Development Division office established at the main entrance of the Ministry of Defence.

The Ministry of Defence said it will initiate legal action against those who fail to return their firearms and ammunition before the given date in accordance with the Firearm Ordinance Act No. 33 of 1916.

It is further informed that this does not apply to firearms issued by the Ministry of Defence for the protection of property / crop and sports activities.

IMF encouraged by new SL govt’s commitment to continue reform efforts

October 4th, 2024

Courtesy Adaderana

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) team visiting the island says it will continue its close engagement with Sri Lanka’s economic team to set a date for the third review of the IMF-supported program. 

We are encouraged by the authorities’ commitment to continue the reform efforts,” the global lender’s Director for the Asia Pacific Department, said in a statement at the end of the visit to Sri Lanka.

He further stated that the IMF remains a steadfast partner in supporting Sri Lanka and its people and stands ready to assist the country achieve its economic reform goals.

An International Monetary Fund (IMF) team led by Mr. Krishna Srinivasan, Director for the Asia Pacific Department, visited Colombo October 2-4, 2024. 

During the visit, Mr. Srinivasan met with President Dissanayake, Prime Minister Amarasuriya, Minister Herath, Governor Weerasinghe, Secretary to the Treasury Siriwardena, and other stakeholders.

He stated that they agreed on the importance of continuing to safeguard and build on the hard-won gains that have helped put Sri Lanka on a path to economic recovery since entering one of its worst economic crises in 2022.

At the end of the visit Mr. Srinivasan issued the following statement:

We held productive discussions with President Dissanayake and Sri Lanka’s economic team on the economic and financial challenges facing the Sri Lankan economy. We agreed on the importance of continuing to safeguard and build on the hard-won gains that have helped put Sri Lanka on a path to economic recovery since entering one of its worst economic crises in 2022.

We are encouraged by the authorities’ commitment to continue the reform efforts. The IMF remains a steadfast partner in supporting Sri Lanka and its people and stands ready to assist the country achieve its economic reform goals. The IMF team will continue its close engagement with Sri Lanka’s economic team to set a date for the third review of the IMF-supported program.”

Dates for third review under EFF to be announced in due course: IMF

October 4th, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, October 04 (Daily Mirror)- The International Monetary Fund (IMF) said that the dates for the third review under the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) will be announced in due course.

Addressing the IMF media briefing, Director of the IMF Communications Department Julie Kozack said a high-level team led by IMF Director of the Asia Pacific Department, Krishna Srinivasan, is currently visiting Colombo to meet with President Dissanayake and his new economic team and that the delegation is discussing with the authorities the latest economic developments and their economic reform objective.

“Dates for the Third Review under the EFF will be announced in due course and this delegation will communicate when their visit concludes,” she said.

Ms. Kozack said that the programme performance is strong, and reform efforts are bearing fruit in terms of reviving economic growth, lowering inflation, boosting reserves and improving revenue mobilization. 

“The IMF Executive Board completed the 2024 Article IV Consultation, and the Second Review under the EFF programme with Sri Lanka, providing the country with immediate access to about USD 336 million to support its economic policies and reforms. Programme performance is strong, and reform efforts are bearing fruit in terms of reviving economic growth, lowering inflation, boosting reserves and improving revenue mobilisation.  However, as we have said before, important vulnerabilities and uncertainties do remain, and this means that sustaining reform momentum is critical,” she added.

Commenting on the bondholders, she said Sri Lanka and the international bondholder representatives reached an agreement in principle subject to confirmation of comparability of treatment by Sri Lanka’s Official Creditor Committee on September 18, and this does represent some significant progress in Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring process.

අනුරට වැරදුනාවත් ද?

October 4th, 2024

SL Deshaya

ඇඟ හිරිවට්ටන පත්වීම්…!

October 4th, 2024

SL Deshaya

Why Foreign Media Dub Sri Lanka’s New President As a “Marxist”?

October 3rd, 2024

By Sena Thoradeniya

This is the first article we are contributing to LankaWeb after the recently concluded Presidential Election. Instead of writing a requiem as we thought of before the election, things are in abundance needing analysis in a different perspective. We begin with a quick glance at a few captions selected from some foreign news agencies to show how those news agencies painted Anura Kumara Dissanayake as a Marxist”. Some may think that this is a very trivial matter that does not need any attention, simply ignored. But we should not forget that the local correspondents of these news agencies are Sri Lankans who know very well the reality behind these absurd assertions.And for this writer it is a new window to continue what he had begun!     

Marxist politician leads Sri Lanka’s presidential vote”.

Marxist lawmaker has won Sri Lanka’s presidential election”.

Sri Lanka elect Marxist-leaning Dissanayake as President to fix economy”.

Marxist Anura Kumara Dissanayake sworn in as Sri Lanka’s President”.

A Marxist party in the President’s House”

Sri Lanka’s Marxist President-elect Anura Kumara Dissanayake”.

Self-avowed Marxist Anura Kumara Dissanayake”.

From bullets to ballots: Sri Lanka’s comrade president-elect”

The body of some of these news items contradicts what is inferred by the captions. We select one: In 1971 the JVP launched its first insurrection against the socialist government of Sirima Bandaranaike, the world’s first woman Prime Minister” (our emphasis). Why a Marxist”political party launch an insurrection against a socialist government”? To turn it more Revolutionary”?  Eh!

In our previous articles we have clearly and theoretically expounded that neither the JVP nor the NPP is a Marxist/Socialist entity, digging into its historical roots and its metamorphosis. In our two-part article titled Summarising the Janus-Faced JVP and the Myth of Malimawa” published on 7 September and 14 September 2024 in LankaWeb respectively, we discussed again in greater detail why and how JVP/NPP is not a Marxist party, under the sub-headings JVP/NPP is not a Marxist/ Socialist party” and What ideology Anura Kumara represents?”   It is a pity that our explanations went unheeded.

Hanging portraits of Marx, Engels, Lenin (and of Castro) in Dissanayake’s office and flying a red hammer and sickle flag outside the office as foreign media reported do not make a person Marxist.

What is Marxism and who is a Marxist? To answer this simple question, it is not necessary to immerse oneself in a library comprising works of Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, Vladimir Lenin, J. V. Stalin and Mao Zedong. A cursory glance at the Manifesto of the Communist Party” by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels published in 1848 is enough.

(1)The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles” (2) there are oppressors and oppressed in the class society (3) manufacturer exploits the labourer (4) lower strata of the middle class sinking gradually into the proletariat (5) organization of the proletarians into a  class, and consequently into a political party (6) equal inevitability of the fall of the bourgeoisie and the victory of the proletariat (7) the Communists are practically the most advanced and resolute section of the working class parties, the immediate aim of the Communists is the formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the  bourgeoisie supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat, abolition of bourgeois private property,  conversion of capital into common property (8) the Communists disdain to conceal their views  and aim, their aims can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions”, are the most rudimentary things explained in the Manifesto of the Communist Party” .

Are Anura Kumara and his bandwagon NPP advocates of these fundamentals to qualify to become Marxists?  As Stalin put forward in his The Foundations of Leninism” (in Problems of Leninism”) the dictatorship of the proletariat is the instrument of the proletarian revolution. 

If Anura Kumara is a Marxist” in this sense it will send warning singles and shock waves not only to all media men who dub Anura Kumara as a Marxist, columnists, pseudo theorists and journalists who hail Anura Kumara as Comrade Prez”, but also to the NPP bandwagon and Anura Kumara’s newfound friends in the corporate sector.

Anura Kumara and none in his NPP bandwagon, to qualify as Marxists” have never interpreted what they understand by philosophical materialism, dialectics, the materialistic conception of history, Marx’s economic doctrine or socialism.

Lenin said in 1913 that (T)he main thing in the doctrine of Marx is that it brings out the historic role of the proletariat as the builder of a socialist society” (Collected Works 28). Do Anura Kumara and his NPP bandwagon striving to build a socialist society in Sri Lanka? It’s absolute madness even to imagine it!

Wijeweera was the founding father of JVP. His father was a sympathizer of the Ceylon Communist Party who campaigned for Premalal Kumarasiri, the then Hakmana MP, before the split. Wijeweera’s father was brutally assaulted by the UNP goons and incapacitated. In appreciation of his sacrifices to the party, the Ceylon Communist Party sent his teenage son Don Nandasiri Wijeweera to Moscow to study medicine. When he came to Ceylon for a short holiday the Ceylon Communist Party bigwigs prevented him reentry to the USSR. He joined the Youth wing of the Ceylon Communist Party (Peking Wing) and soon expelled from the party for conspiratorial anti-party activities. These observations are not based on hearsay or any other published document; these are this writer’s reminiscences as a party activist.

From its inception in 1965 the JVP was not a Marxist party. It was a party of petti-bourgeoisie consisting of high school and university students, unemployed youth and disgruntled rural plebeians. It was not a party of Bolshevik type, upholding Bolshevik ideology, its organization style and discipline, led by working class, which forged a worker-peasant alliance with the peasantry as its strongest ally, and formed a United Front with all oppressed classes and strata of the society including progressive/ revolutionary intellectuals. Prior to 1971 insurrection the 5 lessons given by the JVP to its raw recruits did not contain even fundamentals of Marxism-Leninism. Those who followed the 5 lessons were sent to special camps for military training. The methods it adopted to capture power, in 1971 were purely based on adventurism, Left” deviationist, ultra” revolutionist tendencies; and in 1988/1989 it turned into pure” militarism, putschist, roving rebel” type and brutal assassinations. JVP condemned and dismissed the notion of protracted struggle – peoples’ war- the tested and victorious strategy more suitable to Asian countries and two – stages of the revolution, New Democratic and Socialist respectively. All its activities were conducted secretly to the masses. The Communists reject to conceal their views and aims to the masses.

We have discussed on many occasions that the NPP is a hotchpotch of bourgeois and petty-bourgeois elements, neo-liberals, anarchists, duplicates of old Russian Narodniks and lately a receptacle of ex- servicemen and ex-policemen. We have categorically stated that the NPP is not a segment of a United Front under the aegis of the JVP. It is the Janus -face of the JVP and how the JVP has rebranded and repositioned it as any other business conglomerate.

The writer does not think that Anura Kumara has read any book on Marxism-Leninism; in his interviews given although he cites some titles of Sinhala novels of some mediocre writers (this writer has broken those novels into pieces in his literary criticisms written in Sinhala), he has not mentioned that he has read even a Sinhala translation describing  Marxist Fundamentals (there are many, including the Sinhala translation of Russian Concise Political Dictionary”, published in 1980).

Anura Kumara has shown his capacity as a parliamentarian and a platform orator, not as a Marxist theoretician or a revolutionary. We are unaware that he has quoted from any Marxist theoretician, that he works according to such a theory or emulates any country. In his orations he has never dwelled on to explain Marxist political economy or used Marxist principles to solve country’s problems.

 If Anura Kumara was a Marxist, he would never become a part of the UNP-TNA led alliance that supported the ex-Army Commander Sarath Fonseka at the 2010 presidential contest and Sirisena in 2015 against the war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa respectively. In both occasions the US had a hidden hand to destabilise the country. Anura Kumara formed the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) for the 2010 elections and accommodated Sarath Fonseka, Tiran Alles and Arjuna Ranatunga in it (later Alles and Ranatunga became two main targets of NPP); he propped-up Ranil Wickremasinghe’s UNP Yahapalana government in 2018.

Since Anura Kumara has not written and published even a pamphlet we are unaware of his theoretical background or if he was a Marxist” how he has interpreted Marxism-Leninism to suit the concrete conditions of Sri Lanka. A Marxist of any country must have the knack for this. Because of this we are unaware whether he has tried to revise Marxism-Leninism as the Revisionists did from the time of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao.

Lenin wrote in 1908, that the Marxian doctrine which directly serves to enlighten and organize the advanced class in modern society , indicates the tasks of this class and proves the inevitable replacement of the present system by a new order-no wonder that this doctrine had to fight at every step in its course”. Later Marxism began with a struggle of a trend hostile to Marxism within Marxism”, with the reactionaries who wormed their way into the Party who made amendments to Marx and the revision of Marx (Revisionism). Lenin’s volume, Against Revisionism”, traces Lenin’s consistent and irreconcilable struggle against revisionism, opportunism and dogmatism in the international and Russian labour movement. Leninism originated and developed in irreconcilable struggle against these three trends, against all deviations from revolutionary Marxism in theory and practice.

Mao in his 1957 treatise, On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People” expounded the contradictions that emerge even in the socialist society. This shows the arduous ideological struggle that must be waged even in a socialist society. So Anura Kumara should understand that gaining power, with apologies to Mao is not (attending) a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery, so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous.            

What Anura Kumara has written in his election manifesto? What type of a state, a government he was aiming at? It was a Pohosath Ratak”, euphemisticallya Capitalist Country!  Has he uttered anything about Marxism/Socialism in his public meetings, TV talk shows or press briefings? Never.

Who were the top bosses of corporates who attended Anura Kumara’s swearing-in-ceremony held at the Presidential Secretariat? Many of these are business captains who have dealings with USAID aided projects.

Some of this Marxist” Anura Kumara’s appointments raised eyebrows, appointing people having conflicts of interest, such as Tilak Siyambalapitiya as the Chairman of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB), evidently Anura Kumara has become a prisoner of the neo-liberal wing of his own NPP. As quoted by ee Con Con in its latest issue that Siyambalapitiya is also the Managing Director of RMA Energy. His wife Nimalie Siyambalapitiya has been a Director to Development Finance Institutions (ADB, WB, IFC etc.) on the power sector. A sizeable revenue of the company is accrued by providing services related to power sector in Sri Lanka. RMA Energytypically earns US $ 100,000s from these projects annually and likely RMA Energy have running engagements with DFIs even now related to Sri Lanka power sector.  Ee Con Con source queried, did the government negotiate a contract that precludes him/his company from working on projects related to Sri Lanka power sector/CEB for an agreed number of years.

If Anura Kumara is a Marxist, he would never appoint Hanif Yusuf a top businessman as Governor of the Western Province, the key province of Sri Lanka.  Yusuf is the co-founder of multinational logistics giant ExpolankaHoldings, expanded into leisure, IT, fresh and processed produce with businesses in over 39 countries. This shows NPP’s nexus with the business community and corporates, its main funding source. Some of these businesses are linked with the only bank in Sri Lanka which conducts its operations under the principles of Islamic banking”.

It is laughable appointing Chairman of the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce as a Senior Economic Advisor.  This same person was appointed as an Advisor on tax matters by Ranil Wickremasinghe when he was the President. In the photograph portraying this person receiving the letter of appointment from Anura Kumara, the corporate heads who were with him when he got the letter of appointment from RW can be seen for the second time except Sagala Ratnayake, RW’s so-called national security advisor”! But many of those business captains have hung their coats in their board rooms this time!

As the Chairman of the Litro Gas Ltd, a former CEO/Director of another multinational Aitken Spence Group Garments Ltd, Country Manager for British global accounting giant Ernst and Young in the Maldives was appointed by this Marxist” President!

As the Chairman of the Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB), a person who held this position four times from the days of Srimani Athulathmudali (of UNDF or Rajaliya Party) when she was the Transport Minister under CBK, one-time Rajapaksa loyalist, now an NPP electoral organizer was appointed, another example for clientelism or client politics, which NPP vowed to eradicate. 

We will be able to see more drama in the runup for the general elections. These appointments reveal the poverty and paucity of the NPP which boasted of having a resource base of professionals.

In his inaugural address as the President of Sri Lanka, and in his televised address to the nation (on 25/9) Anura Kumara neither mentioned about the old JVP, its history nor the sacrifices it made in 1971 and 1988/1989 respectively. We honour and remember the courageous men and women of previous generations who made sacrifices, some with their lives for this victory. I see this victory and the prosperous nation we aim to build as a tribute to their legacy”. This is a very vague statement, oft-repeated by many politicians in the past belonging to diverse groups. It can be the sacrifices made by our people fighting against foreign powers. There is no mention about the sacrifices of JVP combatants in either 1971 or 1988/1989 respectively, or its leader Wijeweera and the person who built the party after its total annihilation, Somavansa Amerasinghe. If Anura Kumara can erase the history of the JVP with one stroke of the pen(as he read a prepared text) what can you expect from this Marxist” dressed by the foreign media?    

So why the foreign media labelling the new President as a Marxist?

To instill fear? To laugh at NPP? To discredit Marxism globally? To attribute Anura Kumara’s all failures and shortcomings to Marxism? To push him more and more to the US orbit for his survival? To teach a lesson especially to Latin American countries, not to elect Marxist-leaning rulers?

To end this note we quote from Julie Chung’s ‘X’ message posted after her meeting with Anura Kumara on 1 October 2024: As Sri Lanka embarks on a new chapter, the United States remains your stronger partner in supporting unity, good governance, prosperity and human rights”.

Julie Chung was not afraid of meeting a Marxist” President. She says that the United States remains” this Marxist” President’s stronger partner”. Anura Kumara should understand the hidden meaning of this message; US is the stronger partner” than any other power!

Following day Julie Chung met with Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath and Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya respectively. On both occasions Julie Chung had emphasized on working together on shared priorities like security”.

Indian External Affairs Minister Jaishankar is scheduled to visit Sri Lanka on October 4, to call on Anura Kumara, first visit by any Foreign Minister, just two weeks after the election. Indian correspondents have stated that India made a mistake by not meeting Maldivian President-elect Muizzu immediately (it took almost 6 months for the first high level bi-lateral visit) and India and Bangladesh have still not had any bi-lateral visit following the ouster of Sheik Hasina in August. 

A Marxist” cannot be an accomplice of American imperialism and Indian hegemonism.  In our previous articles we have exposed how Anura Kumara has collaborated with American imperialism and Indian hegemonism. This marriage began with appointing Harini Amarasuriya, who represents comprador-bourgeoisie consisting of colonial plantation interests, bankers and multi-national business conglomerates, trained in India and Europe, Yahapalana constitution maker, spokesperson of LGBTIQ community as the National List MP of NPP in 2020. We have stated earlier that there was a possibility of installing Harini Amarasuriya as the President if things went wrong for the NPP at the Presidential election. Appointing Julie Chung’s choice as the Prime Minister over Vijitha Herath who counts over 20 years of experience as a parliamentarian is the culmination of Julie Chung’s strategic plan.

Julie Chung presided over two important episodes in modern Sri Lankan politics, ousting of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and installing Harini Amarasuriya within a space of two years. She can relinquish her duties as the US Ambassador to Sri Lanka as the happiest woman in the world!      

Talks with the IMF.

October 3rd, 2024

Sugath Kulatunga

The Government is due to have discussions with the IMF team which is now in the Island and later with the IMF management in Washington. This note is to emphasise that Sri Lanka is bound only by the Letter of Intent signed by the President and the Governor of the Central Bank. It sums up all that the GOSL has agreed with the IMF. There is no doubt it was impelled by the IMF Staff. Following are the relevant articles in the Letter of Intent where GOSL has agreed with the IMF but where the last regime has gone beyond the Agreement.

6. To achieve the needed fiscal consolidation and to realize a primary fiscal surplus of 0.8 percent of GDP by 2024, we will revamp the VAT system.

In particular, we will abolish the vast majority of exemptions. In parallel, we will take measures to

significantly speed up valid VAT refunds and abolish the Simplified VAT (SVAT) system.

(iv) raised the standard VAT rate from 12 to 15 percent, removed a selected list of VAT

exemptions, and lowered the VAT registration threshold to Rs 80 million.

( Remark- VAT rate was raised to 18 percent from 1 January 2024)

13. Structural reforms are needed to strengthen the governance of SOEs and make them financially viable. To strengthen the governance of SOEs and enhance their financial transparency, we will:

  • clarify the mandates of key SOEs through Statements of Corporate Intent and hold their management accountable for delivering satisfactory results informed by key performance indicators;
  • (ii) review the framework for selecting SOE board members to ensure that they are qualified and independent; and (iii) ensure that all 52 major SOEs publish their audited financial statements, which could be accessed on a dedicated website. For 2021, 33 SOEs have so far published audited financial statements for 2021. We will ensure that the remaining 19 major SOEs will also publish audited financial statements for 2021 and that audited financial statements for 2022 will be published by end-June 2023.”
  • ( Remark : There was no agreement with the IMF to privatise SOEs)

21. We will phase out the administrative measures imposed to support the balance of

payments, including those introduced on an emergency basis, once conditions allow. These

measures include import restrictions, exchange restrictions, multiple currency practices (MCPs), and

capital flow management (CFM) measures.

(Remarks: Reference foot note 36 of the main CFM measures introduced or tightened in 2020-2022 and currently in force include: (i) a repatriation requirement for exports of goods and services; (ii) a surrender requirement for exporters on proceeds from exports of goods; (iii) a surrender requirement for banks on purchases of export proceeds; (iv) a surrender requirement for banks on purchases of inward worker remittances; (v) suspension of outward remittances on capital transactions; (vi) restrictions on purchases of Sri Lankan ISBs by local banks”.

It is incomprehensible why the IMF forced these conditions on the Sri Lanka Government and why the government agreed to them. One cannot understand the rationale behind the acceptance of these iniquitous and pro racketeer conditions and the reluctance to reveal them.

Foreign Exchange is a national asset and does not belong as a matter of right to exporters. The textiles and garments export in 2021, which earned an export revenue of USD 5.435 billion, consumed roughly USD 3 billion worth on import of raw material. If one adds the consumption by the sector of the value of investment goods to this figure the total consumption of foreign exchange by the Textile and Garments sector would be around 4 billion USD which is 74 % of its export value. The major component of the balance is the contribution by the local workers.

This scam was the focus of the debate in Parliament on 23.8.23 where Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe repeated that according to a Global Integrity Report during the last 22 years export proceeds that should have been repatriated back to the country but not sent back was USD 53.5 billion.

A think tank of the Peradeniya University estimated the country was deprived of a staggering USD 6.8 billion in 2022 alone.)

26.  We are fully committed to trade liberalization, which is critical for attracting investment and

boosting productivity growth. In this regard, we will revisit the 5-year plan for rationalizing

remaining para-tariffs developed under the 2016-20 EFF arrangement, aimed at removing an

important impediment for foreign investment.

( Remarks: the Term Trade liberalization is a euphemism for import liberalization which is a primary objective of the IMF which has to be resisted.)

Urgent Treatment First Health & Security

October 3rd, 2024

Prof. Hudson McLean

Urgent Treatment First Health & Security

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake of Sri Lanka May Take Health & Safety First and the Rest in a receding order.

Finland Has one of the Best Healthcare Specialists in the World on Cardiac Surgery.

One of the Safest Countries with Security, Honesty & Credibility.

As a Leader of a Sovereign State Sri Lanka, May I Suggest that  President Anura Kumara Dissanayake of Sri Lanka takes One Week to Visit Helsinki Medical Facility!

We Hope to see you long!!

Express Your Opinion – Read What Others Say!
The Independent Interactive Voice of Sri Lanka on the Internet.

Please visit -: http://www.lankaweb.com/

Bangladesh DA calls on Defence Secretary

October 3rd, 2024

Ministry of Defence  – Media Centre

Defence Advisor (DA) of the Bangladesh High Commission in Colombo, Commodore M Moniruzzaman paid a courtesy call on Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha (Retd) at the Defence Headquarters Complex in Sri Jayewardenepura, Kotte today (Oct 03).

Following a warm reception, the Defence Secretary had a cordial discussion with Cmde. Moniruzzaman. While extending his compliments, Defence Secretary also mentioned his intentions to continue working closely with Bangladesh to enhance bilateral relations and defence cooperation.

Momentos were also exchanged to mark the occasion.

Pathfinder Foundations launches Sinhala Translation of ‘The India Way: Strategies for an Uncertain World”

October 3rd, 2024

Pathfinder Foundation

The Sinhala translation of  ‘The India Way: Strategies for an Uncertain World’  by Dr. S. Jaishankar, Minister of External Affairs of the Government of India, will be launched in Colombo today.(04 Oct)

The decade from the 2008 Global Financial Crisis to the 2020 Coronavirus pandemic has significantly transformed the world order. In The India Way’, Dr. S. Jaishankar analyses these challenges and proposes possible policy responses. He places this thinking in the context of history and tradition, appropriate for a civilizational power that seeks to reclaim its place on the world stage.

The Sinhala translation of the book ‘The India Way’ is a publication by the Pathfinder Foundation translated by Ajith Perakum Jayasinghe. The original publication was undertaken by Delhi-based Harper Collins Publishers India Private Limited, from whom Pathfinder Foundation obtained the license to translate the work into  Sinhalese language and print for distribution free of charge. The book is available free of charge for public libraries and libraries of all universities on the island by contacting pm@Pathfinderfoundation.org or 011 425 9952-3.

“Israel took up the sword, now it’ll perish by the sword” US Marine Scott Ritter | Redacted News

October 3rd, 2024

Israel on Verge of ALL-OUT REGIONAL WAR: Will America be Sucked In? W/AMB Chas Freeman

October 3rd, 2024

Daniel Davis / Deep Dive

RW denies seeking Presidential immunity in bond scam case – Spokesman

October 3rd, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, October 03 –  A spokesman for former President Ranil Wickremesinghe today refuted claims made by Cabinet Spokesman Vijitha Herath, stating that Wickremesinghe never sought Presidential immunity in connection with the controversial bond scam legal proceedings.

Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe had no reason to seek immunity and, in fact, has never made such a request,” former Presidential Media Director Dhanushka Ramanayake said in a statement. He also said that former President Wickremesinghe is not even a witness in this case.

While claiming that legal proceedings have begun on the Central Bank Treasury Bond Scam, Cabinet Spokesperson Minister Herath earlier said that the legal proceedings had previously been stalled due to former President Wickremesinghe’s immunity.

However, Mr. Ramanayake denied the claims and said that the statement is deliberately or unintentionally misleading the entire public, including the media.

He also said that the Presidential Commission, which was appointed to look into the allegation, later released Mr. Wickremesinghe.

In this context, as a responsible minister and cabinet spokesman, I would like to kindly inform you that it is inappropriate to make false statements, whether knowingly or unknowingly,” Mr. Ramanayake added.

Election Commission responds to provision of fertilizer subsidy

October 3rd, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, October 03 (Daily Mirror) – Amid confusion surrounding the government’s decision to provide a fertiliser subsidy of Rs. 25,000 to paddy farmers, the Election Commission (EC) stated it has no objections to the move.

Speaking to the Daily Mirror, Commissioner of General Elections Saman Sri Ratnayake said, “This decision was initially made by the previous government, which the EC withdrew as it was seen as a move to promote a candidate.”

“However, the latest move to grant the fertiliser subsidy by the new government is the execution of the earlier decision,” he pointed out.

Meanwhile, Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture M.P.N.M. Wickramasinghe today announced the provision of an allowance of Rs. 25,000 per hectare to paddy farmers.

මහජන ආරක්ෂක ලේකම් පොලිස් මූලස්ථානයේ.. පරණ ෆයිල් උඩට ගනී..

October 3rd, 2024

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

ශ්‍රි ලංකාව තුල ආන්දෝලනයට තුඩුදුන් ජාතික තලයේ අපරාධ, වංචාවන් සහ වෙනත් විශේෂ අපරාධ සම්බන්ධයෙන් ශ්‍රි ලංකා පොලිසිය මගින් පවත්වනු ලබන විවිධ විමර්ශනවල ප්‍රගතිය සොයා බැලීමක් මහජන ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම් රවි සෙනෙවිරත්න මහතාගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් 2024.10.03 දින පොලිස් මූලස්ථානයේදී පවත්වන ලදී.

මෙහිදී දැනට සිදු කරගෙන යන විර්මශන මොනවාද, තාවකාලිකව නවත්වා තිබෙන විමර්ශන වේ නම් ඒවා මොනවාද, එසේ නැවතීමට දේශපාලණික හේතු බලපා තිබෙනවාද, තවද අනවශ්‍ය ලෙස ප්‍රමාද වී තිබෙන විර්මශන, අළුතෙන් ආරම්භ කළ යුතු විර්මශන තිබේ නම් ඒවා මොනවාද යන්න පිළිබඳවද විශේෂ අවධානය යොමු කර සාකච්ඡාවට භාජනය කරන ලදී.

යම් යම් විමර්ශන සඳහා බලපෑම් සිදුවී තිබේද, එසේ නොමැතිනම් ප්‍රමාදවීමට හේතු මොනවාද යන්න පිළිබඳවද මෙහිදී අවධානය යොමු කර ඇත.

මෙම අවස්ථාව සඳහා වැඩබලන පොලිස්පති ප්‍රියන්ත වීරසූරිය මහතා, අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්‌තමේන්තුවේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ නිලධාරීන් ඇතුළු තවත් ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ නිලධාරීන් කිහිප දෙනෙකුද සහභාගි විය.

අදාල කරුණු පිළිබඳව වාතාවක් සකස් කර ඉදිරි විර්මශන සිදු කෙරෙන අතර, මෙහිදී වැදගත් වූ විර්මශන රාශියක් පිළිබඳව අවධානය යොමු කර තිබිණි.

– Media unit

ඇමති විජිත පලමු කැබිනට් මාධ්‍ය හමුවේදීම කට වරද්දාගෙන.. විශේෂ නිවේදනයක්..

October 3rd, 2024

ධනුෂ්ක රාමනායක හිටපු ජනාධිපති මාධ්‍ය අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල්

නව රජයේ කැබිනට් ප්‍රකාශක අමාත්‍ය විජිත හේරත් මහතා පළමු කැබිනට් මාධ්‍ය හමුවේදී සිදුකළ ප්‍රකාශයක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් හිටපු ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ මාධ්‍ය අධ්‍යක්ෂ ලෙස ජනරාල් ලෙස කටයුතු කළ ධනුෂ්ක රාමනායක මහතා ප්‍රතිචාර දක්වයි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුවේ බැඳුම්කර වංචාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් විජිත හේරත් මහතා එම මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ සිදු කළ ප්‍රකාශයකට අදාළව ඔහු විසින් නිකුත් කර ඇති නිවේදනය මෙසේය.

***

අටවන විධායක ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ගේ ධුර කාලය තුළ ජනාධිපති මුක්තිය හේතුවෙන් ප්‍රශ්නගත බැඳුම්කර ගනුදෙනුව පිළිබඳ නෛතික කටයුතු ඉදිරියට ගෙන නොගිය බවට නව ආණ්ඩුවේ කැබිනට් ප්‍රකාශක අමාත්‍ය විජිත හේරත් අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩල තීරණ දැනුම්දීම වෙනුවෙන් පසුගිය ඔක්තෝම්බර් 01 වෙනිදා පැවැත්වු සිය පළමු මාධ්‍ය හමුවේදී සිදුකළ ප්‍රකාශය සාවද්‍ය ය.

දැන හෝ නොදැන සිදුකළ එකී ප්‍රකාශය මත මාධ්‍ය ආයතන ඇතුළු සමස්ථ ජනතාව නොමග යවන සුළු බැවින් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් කරුණු පැහැදිලි කිරීමක් සිදුකළ යුතුව ඇත.

එවකට අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා විසින් බැඳුම්කර ගනුදෙනුව විභාග කිරිමට පොදු ව්‍යාපාර පිළිබඳ පාර්ලිමේන්තු කාරක සභාවක් පත් කල අතර එය විසින්, ඉන් අනතුරුව 2015 පෙබරවාරි 27 වන දින සිදු කළ බැඳුම්කර නිකුත් කිරීම පිළිබඳව විමර්ශනය කරන ලදී. ඉන් අනතුරුව එවකට විනිසුරුවරුන් ලෙස කටයුතු කළ වත්මන් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ විනිසුරුවරුන් දෙදෙනෙකු සහ විශ්‍රාමික නියෝජ්‍ය විගණකාධිපතිවරයෙකුගෙන් සමන්විත ජනාධිපති පරීක්ෂණ කොමිෂන් සභාව විසින් පරීක්ෂණයක් සිදු කළ අතර, එහිදී එවකට අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ගරු රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ඇතුළු විශාල පිරිසක් සාක්ෂි ලබා දුන්හ.

මෙහිදී අවධාරණය කළ යුතු වැදගත් කරුණක් වනුයේ ද්විතීයික වෙළෙඳපොළ ගනුදෙනු සම්බන්ධයෙන් යම් පරීක්‍ෂණ පැවැතිය ද, මහ බැංකුව විසින් එම සමාගමේ රුපියල් බිලියන 12ක මුදලක් රඳවාගෙන ඇති බවයි. එබැවින් ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජයට කිසිදු මූල්‍යමය අලාභයක් සිදුවී නොමැති බව තහවුරු විය. එම කොමිෂන් සභාව විසින්ම හිටපු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා මේ සඳහා කිසිදු සම්බන්ධයක් නොමැති බව තහවුරු කරමින් නිදහස් කලේය.

කෙසේ වුවත් මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් ගරු නීතිපතිවරයා පුද්ගලයන් 10 දෙනෙකුට එරෙහිව අධි චෝදනා ගොනු කළ අතර මෙම නඩුව ගරු චමත් මොරායස් (සභාපති), ගරු දමිත් තොටවත්ත සහ ගරු එච්. නාමල් බණ්ඩාර බැල්ලලේ යන විනිසුරුවරුන්ගෙන් සමන්විත ස්ථිර ත්‍රිපුද්ගල මහාධිකරණයේදී විභාගයට ගැනිණ. එහි දී ත්‍රිපුද්ගල විනිසුරු මඩුල්ල විසින් සියලුම විත්තිකරුවන් නිදොස් කොට නිදහස් කරන ලදී.

නීතිපතිවරයා විසින් මෙම නියෝගයට එරෙහිව අභියාචනාධිකරණය වෙත අභියාචනා ඉදිරිපත් කළ අතර මේ පිළිබඳ ගරු අධිකරණයේදී කරුණු සලකා බැලීමෙන් අනතුරුව එම අභියාචනය ද ප්‍රතික්ෂේප විය.

අනතුරුව මෙම නියෝගයට එරෙහිව නීතිපතිවරයා විසින් ගරු ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය වෙත අභියාචනයක් ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබේ. ඒ අනුව මෙම අභියාචනය ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය හමුවේ පවතින අතර 2025 ජනවාරි මාසයේදී විභාගයට ගැනීමට නියමිතය.

ගරු නීතිපතිවරයා විසින් ගොනු කරන ලද මුල් අධිචෝදනා පත්‍රයේ සඳහන් විත්තිකරුවන්ට එරෙහිව සාක්ෂි දීමට සාක්ෂිකරුවන් 59 දෙනෙකු ලැයිස්තුගත කර ඇත.

එසේම අවධාරණය කළ යුතු තවත් කරුණක් වනුයේ හිටපු ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා මෙම නඩුවේ සාක්ෂිකරුවෙකු හෝ නොවන බවය.

එබැවින් ගරු විජිත හේරත් මහතා චෝදනා කරන පරිදි හිටපු ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාට යම් මුක්තියක් ඉල්ලා සිටීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවයක් නොතිබූ අතර ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයා කිසිම අවස්ථාවක එවැනි මුක්තියක් ඉල්ලා නොමැත.

එසේම හිටපු ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ,ඉතිහාසයේ මෙරට මුහුණදුන් දරුණුම ආර්ථික අර්බුදය වසර දෙකක් තුළ සමනය කර දුන්නා පමණක් නොව, දිග්ගැස්සෙන අරාජිකත්වයක් වෙත ඇදීගිය රටක් නිදහස් හා සාමකාමී තත්ත්වයකට පත්කළ බවද මෙහිදී සිහිපත් කළ යුතුව ඇත. එබැවින් අධිකරණයේ ස්වාධීනත්වය ද මේ වන විට හොඳින්ම තහවුරු කර තිබෙන බැවින් ඕනෑම සිදුවීමකට අදාළව යුක්තිය පසිඳලීමට බාධාවක් නොමැත.

එවැනි පසුබිමක වගකිවයුතු අමාත්‍යවරයකු සහ කැබිනට් ප්‍රකාශක ලෙස දැන හෝ නොදැන සාවද්‍ය ප්‍රකාශ සිදුකිරීම නොසුදුසු බව කාරුණිකව දැනුම් දෙමි.

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උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

මෙරටට පැමිණ සිටින ජාත්‍යන්තර මුල්ලේ අරමුදලේ නියෝජිතයන් හා ජනාධිපති අනුර දිසානායක මහතා අතර විශේෂ හමුවක් අද ජනාධිපති ලේකම් කාර්යාලයේදී සිදුව තිබේ

ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලේ ආසියා පැසිෆික් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ අධ්‍යක්ෂ ක්‍රිෂ්ණ ශ්‍රීනිවාසන් (Krishna Srinivasan),ජ්‍යේෂ්ඨ දූත මණ්ඩල ප්‍රධානී ආචාර්ය පීටර් බෲවර් (Dr. Peter Breuer) යන මහත්වරු ඇතුළු ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලේ ජ්‍යේෂ්ඨ නියෝජිත පිරිසක් මෙලෙස ජනාධිපතිවරයා සමග සාකච්ඡා සිදුකර තිබේ.

මහ බැංකු අධිපති ආචාර්ය නන්දලාල් වීරසිංහ, මහා භාණ්ඩාගාර ලේකම් මහින්ද සිරිවර්ධන, ආචාර්ය හර්ෂණ සූරියප්පෙරුම සහ ජනාධිපති ජ්‍යේෂ්ඨ උපදේශකවරුන් වන මහාචාර්ය අනිල් ජයන්ත හා දුමින්ද හුලංගමුව යන මහත්වරුන් ඇතුළු නිලධාරීන් පිරිසක්ද ඊට එක්විය.

එහිදී ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අතර මේ වනවිට ක්‍රියාත්මක වැඩසටහනේ ප්‍රගතිය පිළිබඳව සමාලෝචනයට ලක්කර තිබේ.

ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල සමග වන වැඩසටහනේ අරමුණු සමග ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය වශයෙන් රජයේ පුළුල් එකඟතාව යළි මෙහිදී තහවුරු කළ ජනාධිපතිවරයා ජනතාව මත පැටවෙන පීඩනය ඉවත් කෙරෙන විකල්ප මාර්ගයන් ඔස්සේ එම අරමුණු වෙත ළගාවීමේ වැදගත්කම ද අවධාරණය කර ඇත.

ඉහළ වැට් බද්ද සහ ආදායම් බදු හේතුවෙන් පීඩාවට පත් ජනතාවට සහන සැලසීමට රජය සැලසුම් කර ඇති බවද ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා මෙහිදී පෙන්වා දුන්නේය.

ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල සමග වන වැඩසටහනේ ඉලක්ක සපුරා ගැනීම වෙනුවෙන් වූ වත්මන් ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ කැපවීම මෙහිදී අගය කළ IMF නියෝජිතයන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා රජය විසින් යෝජනා කරන ලද විකල්ප ප්‍රවේශයන් පිළිබඳව සාකච්ඡා කිරීමට ද එකඟතාව පළ කර තිබේ.

එසේම ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අතර වැඩසටහනේ තුන්වන සමාලෝචනය ආරම්භ කිරීම පිළිබඳව ද මෙහිදී දෙපාර්ශ්වයේම අවධානය යොමු කෙරුණු අතර ඉදිරි මහ මැතිවරණය හේතුවෙන් යම් ප්‍රමාදයන් ඇති විය හැකි නමුත්, බාධාවකින් තොරව එම කටයුතු අඛණ්ඩව ඉදිරියට ගෙන යාමට කටයුතු කරන බව ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා මෙහිදී ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල වෙත සහතික වී ඇත.

High-level IMF delegation meets President Dissanayake

October 3rd, 2024

Courtesy Adaderana

The high-level delegation from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) visiting Sri Lanka met with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake at the Presidential Secretariat in Colombo today, the President’s Media Division (PMD) said.

President Dissanayake reaffirmed commitment to IMF objectives and advocated for alternative solutions to ease the burden on people today, the President’s Media Division said.

While reaffirming the government’s broad agreement in principle with the objectives of the IMF programme, he emphasized the importance of achieving these objectives through alternative means that relieves the burden off the people, it said.

The President stated that the government plans to expand social spending and offer relief to those burdened by high Value Added Tax (VAT) and income taxes.

The IMF team led by its Director of the Asia Pacific Department, Krishna Srinivasan, is on a visit Colombo from October 02 to 04.

The delegation had also engaged in a cordial discussions with the economic team of the new government at the Presidential Secretariat, yesterday (2). 

The IMF team also included Dr. Peter Breuer, Senior Mission Chief; Dr. Sarwat Jahan, Resident Representative and Ms. Manavee Abeyawickrama, Economist.

Representing Sri Lanka were key members of the Economic Policy Council, including Dr. Harshana Suriyapperuma, Prof. Anil Jayantha Fernando, Chair of the Economic Policy Council & Senior Advisor to the President on Economic Affairs & Finance, Mr. Sunil Handunnetti, Prof. Seetha Bandara Ranathunga, Mr. Sunil Gamage, Senior Advisor to the President Mr. Duminda Hulangamuwa, Dr. Nandasiri Kihimbiyahetti, Prof. O. G. Dayaratne Banda and Mr. Amarasena Athukorala. 

The primary objective of the visit was to initiate discussions on the progress of the IMF program and necessary steps towards the release of the fourth tranche of the $ 2.9 billion Extended Fund Facility (EFF), the President’s Office said.

Sri Lankan Education & The Proof of the Pudding!

October 2nd, 2024

Prof. Hudson McLean

The Proof of the Pudding is in the Eating!

Over the past two years since 2022  several thousand Sri Lankans arrived in Finland.  

Some married and came with their families.

Many had professional qualifications, such as Diploma in Nursing. 

Some had University Degrees.

The Bottom Line is that, their Education or the Pudding was not geared to Finland Tastes & Demands!  

Many of the Sri Lankans are out or work and may be deported during  the next three to four months.

The luckier ones are working as Office & House Cleaners, receiving the lowest marginal meagre salaries to sustain their livelihood!

Here is the reason as explained by the Finland Minister of Education & Culture.

A large proportion of students with an immigrant background in Finland have weak skills – Minister: “Worrying”

The Ministry of Education and Culture announced the PISA 2022 study.

https://www.iltalehti.fi/politiikka/a/5e1f5542-3c2a-4a8d-8f49-53cc7755ba91

A Degree in Physics like the Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has got,  is of No Use, if that Education cannot lead the graduate to a job, Successfully.

Physics created Dr. Michael Faraday who invented the Light Bulb and The Faraday’s Cage has turned the Night into Daty!

I Created and Patented “On How to Breach the Faraday’s Cage” – to go further in Telematics Track & Trace of Military Assets Logistics being transported in container ships, hidden between 20,000 TEUs and or Below Deck!  

But I Do Not Have a Degree in Physics.

And I followed Albert Einstein!

I followed Albert Einstein, who said “Knowledge is Important but Imagination Reaches Globally with No Limits”

Today the Israeli have shown that Innovation – Imagination – Intelligence reaches targets with No Limits!

Global Power Game

Unfotunately Sri Lanka has almost lost Her Importance in the Strategic Location at the Crossroads between East & the West through the Suez Canal.

The Middle East War has put an end to it.

Also with Dire Economic Straits which Sri Lanka is in now, caused by Incompetent Politicians who Buttered their Bread on Both Sides, whilst the poor struggled to get a plate of rice, has made Sri Lanka into a Beggar Status.

Furthermore, the Powers in the East, India & China do not offer what Sri Lanka needs, In fact just the opposite, India & China with other Asian countries Bangladesh, Thailand, Taiwan, and others do offer much better higher competition to Sri Lankan industries.

Furthermore Sri Lanka Has No Competent Salesmen

Sri Lanka needs the Western markets, Overall Access to Employment and the Financial Resources of the European Union, USA, Canada & the old Colonial Master, UK.

Dhammika P Perera – DPEducation

At the end of the Tunnel, there is a Ray of Hope created by the Philanthropist Dhammika Perera!

DF Education has created what the Sri Lankan Governments under  UNP & SLFP did not envisaage for 80 years since the Independence.

Will DPEducation move two steps forward to offer other Important Steps including Skills, in Etiquette & General Manners in a Western Society?

Was it their Lack of Imagination or Pure Greed to create billions of illegal dollars  for themselves, whilst the Poor became Poorer?

It is too late to Cry over Spilt Milk!

Today Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake  with his new Government has a possibility of Driving Mother Lanka Train on a faster track.

The speed depends on the citizens and how the citizens are motivated to Create Wealth for the Country before You!

President John F. Kennedy Inaugural Address “Ask Not What Your Country Can Do For You, But What You Can Do for the Country First!”

——ENDS—–

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Richard Wolff on How Russia Destroyed NATO’s Economic War, U.S. Dollar COLLAPSES as BRICS Surges

October 2nd, 2024

Danny Haiphong

Economist Richard Wolff joined the show to discuss how Russia has obliterated NATO’s sanctions and teamed up with China and BRICS to to place the U.S. dollar’s dominant status in the world economy in grave danger. This video breaks it all down. Support independent media by making a paid contribution to keep the work alive on Patreon:


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