KAMALIKA PIERIS

Shankari Chandran’s first novel Song of the Sun God” (2017) is about a Ceylon Tamil family, caught in the Tamil Separatist Movement in Sri Lanka. Shankari feels strongly about what happened to the Tamils in Sri Lanka. For me, ‘Song of the Sun God’, more than any other novel I have written since, is a novel that really interrogates the injustices faced by the Tamil people, she said in an interview. [1]

So much of the Tamil story has been silenced – our people have been marginalized and silenced in their own country: their narrative has been manipulated, controlled and, in many places, hidden, continued Shankari. When you speak to people from Sri Lanka, there is a fear of telling the Tamil story and experience, and exploring justice for Tamil people. And when you speak to people outside the boundaries of Sri Lanka, so much information and disinformation exists.

I feel as a lawyer and a storyteller, and most importantly a Tamil person, it is part of my responsibility and duty to explore this – whilst bearing in mind the ethical framework around it. This is ultimately other people’s stories, that they have wanted me and other storytellers to write, said Shankari.

The history of Sri Lanka was appropriated by the Sinhalese people and the Sri Lankan government to create an identity of what it meant to be Sri Lankan that excluded the Tamil people. I researched the hell out of things, because I’m a lawyer, and I don’t want anyone to ever doubt the veracity of what I have said about the inhumanities that were affected against the Tamil people. If you can challenge the veracity of one part, people would want to dispute what happened to the Tamil people, and then try to challenge the rest of it, said Shankari in the course of the interview.

What was the initial seed of thought or emotion which triggered the writing process for ‘Song of the Sun God’, asked an interviewer. Shankari replied, I was very close to my grandparents. My grandmother recently passed away and my grandfather passed away a decade ago. The story seed was this couple based on my grandparents from their youth. As part of a diaspora (in particular, a diaspora that was unable to return to Sri Lanka for thirty years), so much of our understanding of Sri Lanka, Tamil history, politics and culture is through the memories and storytelling of our older generations. If you’re willing to listen, there’s such richness in those moments – and I have been listening my entire life.

When I finished my degree, I went travelling around the world. My mother gave me a list of every family member and told me to call them and they would feed me. I did call them, visit them and they fed me – but they would also tell me stories, and I would journal them in the evenings without realizing it. And then in London, I became very close to my extended family who would also tell me my own family history which I also wrote down. Years later, I found those papers and I realized I had unconsciously brought all of that into ‘Song of the Sun God.’

Shankari Chandran was born in London and grew up in Australia, but Sri Lanka was always a presence in our lives, she said. Her parents had a strong connection with north and east of Sri Lanka. We were constantly aware of what was happening with the war, she said. My family, particularly my father and his brothers really felt so much grief, anger, and guilt about having left and having survived and having gone on to create good lives for themselves.  And so there was always this pull, and though we weren’t coming back to Sri Lanka, it was still a daily part of our lives.[2] For us it is received memories of the older generation. But I do feel a very strong connection with Sri Lanka, she said. [3]

Song of the Sun God” (2017 is about Rajan and Nala,  their children, grand children and some relatives. Nala was a Vellala from the  land owning caste. They   hailed  from Allevaddy and Tellipali, two villages in Jaffna. In Jaffna the village was not just where you lived . It was about you,  your family, what they were. It told others your character, not just ancestral location. Your village matters,  enthused the novel. Yes, it  mattered. It indicated the caste a person belonged to. Caste was very important in Tamil society. The novel does not  discuss caste.

After marriage Rajan and Nala lived in Colombo, at  Cinnamon Gardens, a pleasant,  fictional neighborhood of diplomats and doctors.  The fictional hero, Rajan was the best general surgeon in Colombo. He was the youngest doctor to be promoted to chief consultant at the  General Hospital, Colombo and the first Tamil.  He was the doctor to  four  Prime Ministers including JR Jayewardene. They had many Sinhala friends and were happy in Colombo. But  after the  anti Tamil riots of  July 1983, they left for Sydney, Australia .

As a story, Song of the Sun God” lacks interest. There is no character development,  or significant events, but there is melodrama. Two daughters, in two succeeding generations , are  given away to their aunts, to be brought up. The aunts pretend to be their  mothers, resulting in  trauma later on.  One daughter found Now her brother is her second cousin and her grandmother was her great aunt,”  but even this melodrama falls flat. It is repetitive. There is also a Great Dane as the family dog ,but that does not help either.

The  novel is full of references to ice cream, both  vanilla and strawberry. Dhara  was licking ice cream off her wrist on one occasion. The focus is on enjoyment, but there is also a glimpse of the  financial austerity  Tamils are known for. Rajan suggested to the surprise of his family that they eat ice cream at  Galle Face. Its tenth of the price if you buy it by the pound or in bulk, or on sale,  But I thought you might like a treat, he said. While eating this ice cream, Nala recalled that when they were young, once a year their grandfather in Jaffna would buy them an ice cream for a treat from the restaurant next to the Dutch Fort in Jaffna town.

The main story is an excuse for the Tamil Separatist sub  story. The Tamil Separatist   sub story is placed inside the main story but not woven into it. It is  given in installments as reportage. The Tamil Separatist  story  is  tucked into a fictional story, because in fiction, readers are expected to  believe everything  they read and  even remember some of it afterwards.

The book has succeeded in influencing  two writers who were assigned to review the book. Song of the Sun God is a perfect rendition of the chaos in Sri Lanka that played with the lives of its residents, said one reviewer. If the Tamils didn’t learn Sinhalese, they would never be able to live as equals in Ceylon. And the rift between the two communities deepens as the years pass by. This divide is beautifully portrayed throughout the book and made me well up, the reviewer concluded. [4]

Alice Violett, reviewing the book said,  I didn’t even know there was a civil war in Sri Lanka before I read this book, let alone that it went on for 26 years and ended as recently as 2009. It was interesting to learn about both the country and the conflict, with many of the war scenes being  breath-takingly shocking.[5]

The novel gives information on  the many nasty things that were done to the innocent  Tamils of Sri Lanka . It  described the  first  Tamil Sinhala riot in the island, the Gal Oya riots of 1958. At Gal Oya, the government was  bringing in Sinhalese and giving them the best land,  said the novel. There were huge numbers of deaths at Gal Oya. Some had been burned to death.  Nala’s only brother , Mohan dies in the riots at Gal Oya[6]and this has a permanent impact on her. She is still thinking of Mohan twenty years later. His child Dhara was given to Nala to look after.

There is mention of Sinhala Only. Sinhala Only would change everything for the Tamils, said the novel. Children no longer studied in English, they were segregated and taught in  swabhasha. Sinhalese was now the language  of the civil service, the courts and the country. Tamils no longer had a language with which to communicate with the state .

The novel  records that the Jaffna Public Library was burned down on 2nd June 1981. The burning of the Jaffna Public library changed everything, it showed us our place, noted the characters in the  novel.

The Jaffna Public Library is described in glowing terms. It had one of the Asia’s greatest collections of Tamil literature. There were almost  hundred thousand books by Tamils about Tamils, said the novel.

 The  Jaffna community loved the library, said the novel. As children,  Rajan and Nala were taken to the Jaffna public library where they would read for hours. Nala recalled as a child she had poured through books about the Chola kings  who conquered India. They  rode  victoriously south to create new kingdoms and built temples all over south East Asia. She revelled in manuscripts and maps about a Tamil empire where her culture was celebrated. 

The library  was a useful source for those interested in  the Tamil culture that had come from south India and taken on a shape of its own  in Sri Lanka  . The library contained original documents which record the history of the Tamil people in Ceylon, said the novel.The collection represented how far they had come and  how far they could go. Much of this is nonsense, but  the aspirations of the Ceylon Tamils and their plans for domination in Sri Lanka is  significant.

The  July  1983  anti Tamil riots are recorded in the novel. Houses in Wellawatte were  burned down, people killed. A grandmother was  burned alive. Greatly to its credit, this novel records that when the anti Tamil riots of July 1983 took place in Colombo, Rajan and Nala’s  Sinhala friends  helped them.  The novel repeats  this  later on. Sinhala  neighbors helped protect Tamils in Colombo in 1983, the novel said. (p 89,344).  

Then the novel moves to the Eelam war, regarding which the author has no firsthand knowledge. The novel presents the war as a senseless, aggressive  military attack  by the Sri Lanka army on an  innocent Tamil population. LTTE is hardly mentioned. Eelam occasionally. I believe in Tamil Tigers and I believe in Eelam, said one character.

The government sent the army to the homeland of the Tamil people in Jaffna province, said the novel. Army was bombing those sheltering in churches,  such as St Peters at Navali. Almost a hundred Tamils died there, seeking refuge, the novel continued . In  the final stages of the war people died in hospital and school where they had taken refuge. LTTE who surrendered with white flags were killed.

In the book, there is considerable emphasis on the No Fire Zone . There were over 150,000 refugees in the No fire zone, said the novel .  Where did they go asked the novel. The more pertinent question is,  why they were there at all. They were  there because they were obeying LTTE orders. LTTE was engaged in high treason.

According to the novel, the state army was shooting into the No Fire Zone recklessly. The novel does not say the LTTE was firing from  the No Fire Zone. Army  said it had not used  heavy weapons,  and had not targeted civilians, UN satellite imagery showed that they  did. Army had set up mortar batteries that were  calibrated and re calibrated for the No fire Zones it had shepherded the civilians into, continued the novel.

Thousands died in the No Fire Zone  said the novel. Government  refused to allow medical supplies  in and the injured out of the No Fire Zone. Government also  refused to allow Red Cross into the No Fire Zone, to provide food and medication. The Army bombed  a  hospital  in  the No Fire Zone, though the location  has been given by the Red Cross to the army, said the novel.

The entire population depended on UN for food to eat. That was enough for two days, rest of the time they starved, said the novel. The novel is silent about the fact that throughout the Eelam war, food was sent  to the north by the government of Sri Lanka .The healthy appearance of the hostages as they arrived on the government side, after the hostage rescue, showed that they had not lacked food.

 In the novel there is much emphasis on mothers and children  .In the No Fire Zone children knew when and how to jump into  bunkers when the shelling started the  burst of sound that deafened for the moment, the beautiful silent moment followed by screaming, said the novel, poetically .

The novel continued, at Mullavaikkal  mothers on the beach  were digging bunkers in the sand. Mothers hiding their children using the own bodies as shells rained down. Mothers clung to their wasted children and placed their wasted bodies over them.  Later they lined the dead children in  lifeless rows, covered with flies. Mothers sat and wailed by them, said the novel.  However, the mothers and children rushing to the  government side, at the end of the war, shown on television, looked fit and healthy, they did not look wasted at all.

The novel records  the end of the Eelam war. They are our people and they were slaughtered on the beach like animals, declared  the novel. The army killed the hostages and stepped over a morass of bodies without a second thought.  One  hundred thousand  dead at  Mullavaikkal, mourned the novel.

Those sent to refugee camps,  never returned from them, said the novel. Soldiers had set up a section for themselves in the refugee camp and for the female refugees of their choice. The state army is shown in a very negative light. Dhara ,a character in the novel, who was working for the LTTE  was assaulted,  tortured and repeatedly raped by the army, on  a bed,  or tied down on a  table.    Her reactions  are described at length. There are more than one instance of rape by army, said the novel.[7]

After the war ended, people had returned to claim their lands, presenting faded deeds, continued the novel. But new Sinhala communities were constructed on top of old Tamils ones. New Sinhala districts were created  in old Tamil ones  making  Tamils a minority in their own homelands. Army appropriated land and businesses. Tamil  families were either in camps or living by the way side of their former homes, said the novel.

The novel   contains many contemptuous references to  the Sinhalese, Buddhism and  Mahavamsa. These carry a whiff of  the Tamil superiority shown by elite Tamils in the 1950s. The novel recalled that G.G. Ponnambalam had  said that most of the Sinhala kings are actually Tamil.

This island has never been a nation it was just three separate tribal kingdoms. Ceylon was forced together as one colony ,not a nation.  A zone really for administration convenience, run by one of the finest civil services of the world, said the novel. [8]

If the Buddhist monks and politicians want to use the Mahavamsa to take sole ownership of this country then we have a right to challenge the chronicle and them. We should talk about our ancient Tamil kingdom and the richness of Hinduism. We  should put forward our side of the history,  continued the  novel .[9]

The main target it in the novel, however, is  the Maha Sangha. Bhikkhus excelled at stirring trouble, said the novel.[10]  Monks are telling  people about the  greatness of Buddhism . Telling Sinhala-Buddhist who  ten years ago  barely cared about their own religion. [11] The Buddhist say the Mahavamsa gives them a historical claim to the country. It is their history of the Sinhala kings of Ceylon. [12] Sinhala only, the monks said was not just about language , it was  about Buddhism’s return to greatness. It was about racial superiority, hidden in the rhetoric of religion, said the novel.[13]  ( Continued)

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[1] https://www.tamilguardian.com/content/song-sun-god-novel-interrogates-injustices-faced-tamil-people-interview-shankari-chandran

[2] https://www.ft.lk/FT-Lite/An-afternoon-with-Shankari-Chandran/6-648177

[3] https://www.ft.lk/FT-Lite/An-afternoon-with-Shankari-Chandran/6-648177

[4] https://www.thebooksatchel.com/song-sun-god-shankari-chandran/

[5] https://www.draliceviolett.com/blog-tour-song-of-the-sun-god

[6] Shankari Chandran Song of the sun god p60

[7] Shankari Chandran Song of the sun god p 145

[8] Shankari Chandran Song of the sun god p 41

[9] Shankari Chandran Song of the sun god p 21

[10] Shankari Chandran Song of the sun god p 42

[11] Shankari Chandran Song of the sun god p 22

[12] Shankari Chandran Song of the sun god p 21

[13] Shankari Chandran Song of the sun god p 85

Priyantha Pradeep Ranasinghe

The experimental book තිස්පන් ලක්ෂයක රැකියා සුරැකි, ත්‍රෛපාර්ශ්වික එකඟතාවය” (The Tripartite Agreement that secured the employment of 3.5 million persons) which is published by ‘Desarasa’, and written on the historical process that secured all the jobs through a tripartite agreement among the trade unions, employers and the Ministry of Labour when 3.5 million employees of the private sector faced the risk of losing their jobs during the Corona epidemic in Sri Lanka, was presented to Deputy Speaker Ajith Rajapaksa by senior journalist Priyantha Pradeep Ranasinghe on 04.09.2024 at the Office of the Deputy Speaker of the Parliament. The first copy of this book was presented to Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, who provided leadership to this agreement and was the Minister of Labour during the Corona pandemic.

ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ

පොදුජන එක්සත් නිදහස් පෙරමුණ, මෙරට බිහිවූ අලුත් ම දේශපාලන පෙරමුණයි. කුසලානය සිය ලකුණ කරගත් එම පෙරමුණේ සභාපතිත්වය සහ නායකත්වය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධනටද, ලේකම් ධුරය වෛද්‍ය රමේෂ් පතිරණටද හිමිවී තිබේ. දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන යනු මෙරට වර්තමාන අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයායි. ඔහු මහජන එක්සත් පෙරමුණේ නායකයාද වේ. පොහොට්ටුව හෙවත් ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ, මෙවර ජනාධිපතිවරණයට වෙනම අපේක්ෂකයෙකු ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට තීරණය කිරීමත් සමග ඊට එකඟ නොවූ, රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ජනාධිපතිවරයා සමග ආණ්ඩුව ගෙනගිය, පොහොට්ටුවේ මන්ත්‍රීවරු බහුතරය, ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී ස්වාධීනව ඉදිරිපත්ව සිටින රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහට සහය දීමට තීරණය කළහ. එතෙක් පොහොට්ටුව සමග සිටි දිනේෂ් ප්‍රමුඛ ම.එ.පෙ.ද එම තීරණයේ සිටි අතර එහි ප්‍රතිඵලයක් ලෙස ‘කුසලානය’ නැතහොත් පොදුජන එක්සත් නිදහස් පෙරමුණ බිහි වී තිබේ.

මෙහි වැදගත් සිදුවීම් කිහිපයක් හඳුනාගත හැකිය. කුසලානය හෙවත් පොදුජන එක්සත් නිදහස් පෙරමුණ ඊළඟට එන ඇල්පිටිය ප්‍රාදේශීය සභාවට සිය ලකුණින් තරග වදින බව, එහි ලේකම් අමාත්‍ය රමේෂ් පතිරණ, පෙරමුණ බිහිවූ 2024.09.05 දින සිය කතාවේදී අනාවරණ කළේය. ඉන් අදහස් වන්නේ ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් පසු එන සියලු මැතිවරණ සඳහා කුසලානය වෙනම තරග වදින බවයි. ඒවගේම පොහොට්ටුව නියෝජනය කළ කිසිවෙකුත් අතරමං වීමට ඉඩ නොතබන බව නව පෙරමුණේ නායක දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන එහිදී අවධාරණය කළේය. අනෙක් පැත්තෙන් වැදගත් කාරණය වන්නේ,1983 අතුරු මැතිවරණයෙන් මහරගම ආසනය දිනා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පැමිණි දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධනට කුසලානයේ නායකත්වය සහ සභාපතිත්වය හිමිවන විට එම අතුරු මැතිවරණයෙන් ම අක්මීමන ආසනය දිනා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පැමිණි රිචඩ් පතිරණගේ පුතා එහි ලේකම්වීමය.

අන්ත දක්ෂිණාංශික හෝ අන්ත වාමාංශික හෝ නොවී, ජාතිකවාදය ඔස්සේ සමාජ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදිව, නොබැඳි විදෙස් ප්‍රතිපත්තිය ඔස්සේ මැද මාවතේ ගමන් කිරීම ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය බිහිවී 1956 මහජන එක්සත් පෙරමුණේ ආණ්ඩුවේ සිට වාමවාදී පෙරමුණේ ආණ්ඩුවල ලක්ෂණය විය. එදා එස්. ඩබ්ලිව්. ආර්. ඩී. බණ්ඩාරනායක, පිලිප් ගුණවර්ධන ඇතුළු එකතුවත්, එවැන්නක් විය. සිරිමාවෝ බණ්ඩාරනායක ප්‍රමුඛ සභාග ආණ්ඩුවලද වමේ සහ ජාතිකවාදී පක්ෂ කටයුතු කළේ එවැනි පෙරමුණු ගොඩනගා ගෙනය. දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධනද අඛණ්ඩව සහය දුන්නේ ශ්‍රීලනිපය ප්‍රමුඛ එම පෙරමුණටය. මෙරට පළමු ජනාධිපතිවරණයට 1982 දී තරග කිරීමට ශ්‍රීලනිපයට ‘අත’ ලකුණ අහිමි වූ අවස්ථාවේ සිය පක්ෂය වූ ම.එ.පෙ. ලකුණ වන ‘රෝදය’ මැතිනිය වෙත පරිත්‍යාග කිරීමට දිනේෂ් ඉදිරිපත් විය. එමෙන්ම ඉතිහාසයේ පුළුල්තම ප්‍රගතිශීලි වාමාංශික දේශපාලන සන්ධානය වන 2004 දී ගොඩනැගුනු එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානය බිහි කිරීමට විශාල කැපකිරීමක් කර එහි ප්‍රථම උප සභාපතිවරයා වුයේද දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධනයි. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ පරාජය වූ 2015දී ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ නායකයා ලෙස දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන විශාල කාර්යභාරයක් ඉටු කළ අතර, මහින්ද වෙනුවෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කතා කිරීමට සිටි එකම මන්ත්‍රීවරයාද විය. ලංකා දේශපාලනය උඩුයටිකුරු කළ 2015.02.15 නුගේගොඩ පැවැත්වූ ඓතිහාසික මහා ජන රැළියටද නායකත්වය දුන් දිනේෂ්, විසිරුණු කඳවුරු යළි එක්සේසත් කළේය. අනෙක් පැත්තෙන් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ හා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපති ධුරයෙන් හා අගමැති ධුරයෙන් ඉල්ලා අස්වී රට අස්ථාවර වූ අවස්ථාවේ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ සමග පොහොට්ටුවේ ආණ්ඩුව ඉදිරියට ගෙනගියේ දිනේෂ්‍ ය. කිසිදු බරපතළ ගැටුමකට යා නොදී ඒ නොපෑහෙනවා යැයි කී ආණ්ඩුව ඔස්සේ රට ආර්ථික ස්ථාවරත්වයක් කරා ගෙනයාමට රනිල්ට, දිනේෂ් ප්‍රමුඛ පාර්ලිමේන්තු කණ්ඩායම කොන්දේසි විරහිත සහයෝගයක් ලබා දුන්නේය.

කෙටියෙන් වුවද මෙවැනි කරුණු සලකා බලන කල, නව පෙරමුණ වන, කුසලානය ලකුණේ පොදුජන එක්සත් නිදහස් පෙරමුණ සිය නායකයා ලෙස දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා තෝරාගැනීම කලොචිත ම තීරණය ලෙස සැලකිය හැකිය. දේශීය වශයෙන් පමණක් නොව ජාත්‍යන්තර වශයෙන්ද කෘතහස්ත දේශපාලනඥයෙකු වන දිනේෂ්ට ඇත්තේ ඉහළ පිළිගැනීමකි. පාර්ලිමේන්තු ක්‍රමය පිළිබඳ ඔහුගේ පළපුරුද්ද සහ දැනුම සම කළ හැකි අයෙකු වර්තමාන පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ නැතැයි කිවහොත් එහි වරදක් නැත. ඒ වගේම පාර්ලිමේන්තු ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය පිළිබඳ ඔහුගේ ඇති විශ්වාසය අතිශය වැදගත්ය.

තවත් පැත්තකින් බලන කල, ශ්‍රීලනිප සහ පසු කලෙක පොහොට්ටුව සමග සිටි වාමාංශික සහ ජාතිකවාදී බලවේග සඳහාද දිනේෂ්ගේ පෙරමුණ, දේශපාලනය කිරීම සහ රට ගොඩනැගීම වෙනුවෙන් හොඳ තෝතැන්නකි. මෙවර 39 දෙනෙකු ඉදිරිපත් වුවත් ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් දිනන්නේ එක අයෙකි. ඉන්පසු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට, පළාත් සභාවට, පළාත් පාලන ආයතන සඳහා තේරීපත් වීමට වමේ, ජාතිකවාදී කඳවුරට පොදු වේදිකාවක් අහිමි වී තිබිණි. දිනේෂ්ගේ පෙරමුණ ඒ වේදිකාව යළි ඉදිකර දී තිබේ.

-ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ

Manusha Media

විදේශ රැකියා සදහා ශ්‍රමිකයින් පිටත් කර යැවීම සදහා මුදල් ලබාගත් බවට අසත්‍ය සහ පදනම් විරහිත ප්‍රකාශ නිකුත් කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණු හිටපු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී වසන්ත සමරසිංහ මහතාට එරෙහිව, කම්කරු හා විදේශ රැකියා හිටපු අමාත්‍ය මනුෂ නානායක්කාර මහතා විසින් නීතිමය පියවර ගෙන තිබේ.

ඊශ්‍රායල් සහ කොරියානු රැකියා ලබාදීම සදහා අත්සන් යෙදීම සදහා මුදල් ලබාගන්නා බවට වසන්ත සමරසිංහ කර තිබෙන ප්‍රකාශ සම්පූර්ණ අසත්‍ය ප්‍රකාශ බවද එන්තරවාසියේ සදහන් වේ.

මනුෂ නානායක්කාර මහතා කම්කරු හා විදේශ රැකියා අමාත්‍යවරයා ලෙස අමාත්‍යාංශය භාරව කටයුතු කළ කාලයේදී විශාල පිරිසක් විදේශ රැකියා සදහා පිටත් කර යවා තිබෙන බවද, එසේ විශාල පිරිසක් විදේශ රැකියා සදහා යොමු කිරීම හේතුවෙන් ඔවුන්ගේ පවුල්වල සාමාජිකයින් අතර වෛරය ඇති කිරීම සදහා මෙම ප්‍රකාශය නිකුත් කර තිබෙන බවද එන්තරවාසියේ දැක්වේ.

අසත්‍ය ප්‍රකාශ කරමින් අපකීර්තියට ලක් කිරීම සමබන්ධයෙන් රුපියල් මිලියන 500ක වන්දි මුදලක් ඉල්ලා ඇති අතර එම වන්දි මුදල දින 14ක් ඇතුළත ලබාදීමට කටයුතු නොකරන්නේ නම් අධිකරණය හමුවේ නඩු පවරා වන්දි මුදල සහ නඩු ගාස්තු අය කරගැනීමට කටයතු කරන බවද වසන්ත සමරසිංහ වෙත යොමු කළ එන්තරවාසියේ දැක්වේ.

කම්කරු සහ විදේශ රැකියා අමාත්‍යවරයා ලෙස මනුෂ නානායක්කාර මහතා කටයුතු කළ අවස්ථාවේදී විදේශ රැකියා ජාවාරම් වැලැක්වීම සදහා දැඩිව කටයුතු කළ අයෙක් වන අතර එවැනි ජාවාරම්කරුවන්ට එරෙහිව දැඩි නීතිමය පියවර ගැනීම සදහාද අවශ්‍ය දායකත්වය ලබාදුන්නේය.

Courtesy https://finance.yahoo.com/

COLOMBO, Sri Lanka (AP) — Sri Lanka will hold its presidential election on Sept. 21 in a crucial vote that will decide the future of the South Asian nation still struggling to recover from its economic collapse in 2022, which provoked mass protests and forced the former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to flee the country and later resign.

The election is seen as a referendum on President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s two-year-long rule that has overseen a fragile recovery of the country’s economy.

He faces a tough challenge from the leader of the opposition in parliament, as well as from a left-leaning politician with a powerful alliance, who is gaining popularity among young voters.

Almost 17 million of Sri Lanka’s 22 million people are eligible to vote, and 38 candidates are running for office.

Who are the main candidates?

Wickremesinghe, whose United National Party has been weakened by a split, is running as an independent candidate. Even though Wickremesinghe remains unpopular for carrying out austerity measures — including sharp tax hikes — in exchange for an International Monetary Fund bailout, he is hoping to gain votes from his success in largely abating the shortage of essentials such as fuel, cooking gas, medicines and food.

But Wickremesinghe — a six-time prime minister — is at a disadvantage because he belongs to the old guard, whom Sri Lankans blame for the economic collapse.

Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the leader of a Marxist-led coalition named National People’s Power, is fast emerging as a key challenger to Wickremesinghe due to his popularity among the young people fed up with corruption that they believe caused the economic crisis. He is also drawing support from some voters who participated in the 2022 protests demanding the resignation of the then-President Rajapaksa.

Although he has been a leftist in the past, Dissanayake now professes economic freedom and promises welfare measures to help the working class. Political analysts say he is a strong contender because, unlike his rivals, he is not linked with the business and political elites who ran the country in the past.

Wickremesinghe’s other challenger is Sajith Premadasa, the incumbent president’s former deputy and leader of his breakaway party, United People’s Power. Premadasa promises to continue with the IMF program but with changes to lessen the burden on poor people.

He has also promised a degree of power devolution to the minority Tamil community, who make up about 11% of the country’s population. In return, Premadasa has secured the support of a strong Tamil political bloc.

What about the Rajapaksa family?

Namal Rajapaksa, the heir apparent to the once-powerful Rajapaksa clan, is also contesting. Namal’s candidacy will test whether his powerful clan — which has produced two presidents — can retain its hold on the country after many of its members were pushed into the political wilderness. His father, Mahinda Rajapaksa, is credited with crushing the Tamil armed separatist movement in 2009.

Namal is promising to ease the tax burden on Sri Lankans and build a strong economy, saying its meltdown in 2022 was largely due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

How does the election work?

Votes will be cast throughout the day on Sept. 21, with results expected to be out by evening the following day.

Voters can select three candidates from the ballot paper in the order of their preference. The first preferences will be counted first and the candidate who secures more than 50% of the valid votes will be declared winner.

If there is no clear winner, the first two candidates will be retained in the race and ballot papers that chose other candidates for No. 1 will be checked to see if either of the top two contenders are their second or third preference. Those votes will be added to the tally of the remaining two candidates. The candidate who gets the highest number will be declared the winner.

Sri Lanka has a powerful executive presidential system with the President being the head of state, government, cabinet and the armed forces. The prime minister has some powers like recommending Cabinet ministers.

There are no reliable opinion polls to suggest which candidate is in the lead, but many observers say Dissanayake has been gaining popularity.

Veeragathy Thanabalasingham, a senior journalist and political observer, said while it appeared to be a two-horse race” between Premadasa and Dissanayake in early September, campaigning in the final weeks could place all three candidates on equal ground.

What are the big issues?

Sri Lanka’s economy is the key issue in the election.

Under Wickremesinghe, important economic figures have improved: Inflation dropped below 5% from 70% in 2022, interest rates were lowered, and foreign reserves grew. A 2% growth is predicted for 2024, the highest since the economic collapse, but financial benefits have not reached the common people, many of whom are affected by high living costs. Businesses and professionals are complaining of high taxes.

While Wickremesinghe says that the IMF agreement can’t be significantly changed, his rivals say they will try to renegotiate it to ease the burden on the public.

A large section of the population is also unhappy because it believes Wickremesinghe’s administration protected the Rajapaksa family, which has been accused of economic mismanagement and corruption. Many feel the family should be held accountable.

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතාගේ ඉංග්‍රීසි දැනුම සම්බන්ධයෙන් තමන් කිසිදු වාදයක් නොකරන බව ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා සඳහන් කරයි.

විලියම් විලියම් ෂේක්ස්පියර් විනිසිය වෙළෙන්දා කෘතිය ලිවීමට පෙර සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතාගේ ටියුෂන් පන්තිවලට පැමිණි බවට කතාවක් ඇති බවද ඔහු පැවසුවේය.

ජනාධිපතිවරයා මේ බව කියා සිටියේ ජනාධිපතිවරණ ජන රැලියක් අමතමිනි.

සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහත්තයට හොදට ඉංග්‍රිසි කතාකරන්න පුළුවන් කියලා එයාලගේ අය කියනවා. මම ඒගැන වාද විවාද කරන්න යන්නේ නැහැ. මොකද එතුමගේ ටියුෂන් පංතිවලට විලියම් ෂේක්ස්පියර් කියන කවියා ආවා කියලා දන්නවද. වැනිසියේ වෙළෙන්දා ලියන්න කලින් එතුමා ඒ පංතියට ආවේ. අපි ඒගැන වාද කරන්න යන්නේ නැහැ.

ඒනිසා මම ටීම් එකක් ගැන කියන්නේ නැහැ. මාව හොදනම් අරගන්න එච්චරයි කියන්නේ. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට තේරීලා එන අයගෙන් තමයි ටීම් එක තෝරගන්න වෙන්නේ. ඒක මට අවශ්‍ය විදිහට කරන්න බැහැ. ඒ නිසා මොන පක්ෂයේ උනත් හොද මිනිස්සු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට දාන්න.

මේ සැරේ මම ජනාධිපතිවුණාම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ හිටපු ටීම් එක මම ගත්තා. මම තෝරන්න ගියේ නැහැ. ඔනෙම ටීම් එකක් දෙන්න මම වැඩකරලා පෙන්නන්නම්. නායකයා කියන්නේ එහෙම කෙනෙක්.”

Asoka Weerasinghe Kings Grove Crescent . Gloucester . Ontario ., K1J 6G1

5 September 2024

SENT BY SURFACE MAIL

Mayor Patrick Brown’
Mayor of the City of Brampton
Ontario,

cc Harkirat Singh, Deputy Mayor, City of Brampton, Ontario.

Dear Mayor Patrick Brown:

What’s all this Brampton Mayor, asking us during the Brampton Tamil ‘Genocide’ Memorial Monument Foundation stone laying ceremony, if there were anyone who does not believe in Tamil Genocide” during the Tamil Eelam ethnic war should go back home.’

Now…now..Patrick stop acting like Lord Hanuman for Brampton-Tamils, renowned for his power, even when the UN says that there was No ‘genocide’ in that Eelam war and Canada’s Federal Court rejected Tamil genocide after reviewing Prime Minister Justine Trudeau’s statement of Tamil Genocide you change gears to the power-play Bully Mode” to keep hanging on to the Tamil Tiger tails.  But I need that You show proof of Tamil Genocide” as did the Canadian Residential Schools genocide” acts showing proof that it did happen. You, Mayor Brown, will be suspected as a Hoaxer until you show proof.  It is that simple.   Show me the proof!

 Your narrative of Tamil Genocide” is one BIG HIMALAYAN TECTONIC HOAX.. Like the  Tamil Convention Refugees returning  home every October, November and December, which they shouldn’t, having run away from Sri Lanka due to alleged discrimination and persecution, having obtained  emergency travel documents from the Sri Lankan High Commission in Ottawa on compassionate grounds, to be with their dying parents.  COME HOME IMMEDIATELY, FATHER  DYING OF CANCER or MOTHER HAS ONE WEEK TO LIVE DYING OF CANCER, RETURN HOME IMMEDIATELY says the telegrams presented to the  Sri Lanka High Commission in Ottawa to get their travel documents to be with their dying parents.

But here is what is strange, Mayor Patrick Brown about this very innovative  Tamilian Hoax is that the Cancer pandemic is cyclical and affects only the Tamil parents every holiday months of October, November and December every year. 

And the parents of Sinhalese, Muslim and Burgher sons and daughters living in Canada, remain healthy and are not afflicted by this strange three-month Tamil-Cancer sickness.

How do I know, you may wonder!  I dealt with these hoaxer humanitarian cases when I was a senior staff officer at the Sri Lanka High Commission in Ottawa from June 1989 to June 1994.

Pssst…Mayor Patrick Brown here are some Consular numbers of the Refugee Tamils that came to the High Commission applying for emergency travel documents to travel home to Sri Lanka.  But don’t share them with any of your Tamil Genocide”: Memorial Monument activity friends, in case they have a hearty laugh at You saying to their Tamil buddies...”Hey! Thumby, got another Canadian in our Foolish Canadian Politician Sucker Net.”

Here are the numbers  in 1992 (8624 Tamils applied for emergency travel documents;. 1993 (5865 Tamil refugee applicants), and  in January, February and March 1994 (1133 Tamil applicants).    Mayor Brown, did I hear you say Good God, Holy, Moses is this true!”

That is easy  Mayor Brown, if you have qualitative proof of ‘Tamil Genocide’, for Pete-sake lay it on for us.   If you don’t, then for good-measure,  velcro your lips on this subject for good without dragging out this debate picking up strings of

Tamil votes for you to get another term in the Brampton Mayor’s Office with a handsome monthly pay cheque that will provide you the luxury of sirloin steaks for dinner than of a McDonald hamburger, or a plate of three thosai with sambar supplied as a favour by your Tamil constituents.

As  for your silly-arrogant God’s-speak asking me to go home because I will not believe that Tamil Genocide happened until you show me proof of that it did happen.  I tried it once wanting to go back to where I came from, London, 

England, in March 1971, but I was discouraged to do so..  I didn’t come to Canada in search of roads paved in gold, nor used a Haro hara mantra to get on a plane with a legitimate passport and use the Tamil Haro hara mantra to have it disappear when I got off the plane at the Old Ottawa airport and sing the melodramatic Karnatic song and verse saying that I am running away from persecution and discrimination who, once-upon-a-time enjoyed being a member of the privileged 10% minority Tamils for 131 British colonial years, compared to the 75% wronged Sinhalese majority,.

Here’s my story,  Mayor Patrick Brown,  how I landed in Canada.  I don’t take Canadian politician’s poppycock, the way you are laying it on me about Tamil Genocide in Sri Lanka.”

In June 1970, the Canadian National Museums Corporation in Ottawa was head-hunting for a Liberal research scientist to join the newly formed Design and Display Division Team to create 15 brand new exhibition Halls at the Victoria Memorial Museum at Argyll and Metcalfe Streets, a stone’s throw from Ottawa’s Parliament Buildings.  No doubt  you know the Victoria Memorial Museum.

The Job Description for the Head of Thematic Research Section of the Design and Display Division specified that they wanted a Liberal Research Scientist with an academic degree and experience in creative arts and design.

 Recommended by Professor Ward Neale, the Head of the Geology Department at Memorial University in Newfoundland, they found me, as a Research Scientist in Geology and Palaeontology, an award winning published poet (English) in England, , an award winning Sculptor and Artist in England, a music composer on the piano and an award winning competition Ballroom dancer in England. Luck was on my side as the Canadian National Museums Corporation invited me to get over to Ottawa and join the Exhibition Design team which included a Chief of the Division (Tom Wood, War Artist), Jacques Saint-Cyr the creator of the 11-point maple leaf of the Canadian Flag as the Head of Design, and a Retired Major in the Army, Charlie Jessop as the Head of Administration.

After clearing Immigration I started my job on 1 November 1970..  The Office was on 39 McArthur Road in Vanier,  On the third week in March 1971, all four of us received letters of confirmation from the Public Service Commission, requesting us to get over to sign the permanency papers.

Monday morning of the fourth week of March 1971, I got a call from the PSC

telling me, Mr. Weerasinghe, please ignore the letter you received  about the Permanency, as it was sent by error.”

What? Was there a problem?

Yes, Mr. Weerasinghe. We have decided to open the competition for your job across Canada.”   Oops, Canada you are not going to do this to me!

Let’s cut out this crap. (I was frothing by then)  You couldn’t find anyone in Canada competent enough to do the job,  You found me in London, England, and  invited me to get over.  I gave up a well paying job as a Geologist and  here I am four Months into designing the Dinosaur Hall (Life Through the Ages) with Alan Todd (later Chief Designer of the National Gallery); Canada Before Cartier (Archaeology Hall) with designer Robin Bush.”

Are the other three white” staff members coming to sign the papers?”

Yes, Mr. Weerasinghe”.
So what you are telling me is that there is an apartheid policy in hiring  Middle-Manager staff,”

If you’re white, you’re alright,

If you are black, stay back,

‘And if you are brown, stick around”    Right!.

I am aztec- brown and I will not stick around.,   You tell me by noon

Wednesday whether you want my services or not.”

If not, I will be on the first plane out of your Canada, to where I came from, London, England.   I am sorry  that I stepped on to your Canadian soil.”

Mayor Patrick Brown, ‘shxt’ hit the fan,  All the higher ups, the Directors of the Museum of Natural Sciences (Dr. Lemieux), Dr. William Taylor Jr. (Director of the Museum of Man), my Chief of Division (Tom Wood) and a few others were visibly

 upset.   They knew that I will not accept such undignified crap from you white” anyone.

Tuesday morning the Deputy Minister McKenzie came to my office. He apologized for the turn of events, and told me that the issue has been settled.

That they want my expertise, and someone from the PSC will call me sometime today to get my signature on the form,  Please don’t go” he said

That day I went to the PSC office and the staffer told me, Mr. Weerasinghe, I am Sorry about the confusion!”

What… there was no confusion.  You guys had difficulty seeing a newcomer to Canada with an Aztec brown face sitting at the Middle-Manager’s  desk. Don’t, I will not accept such atrocious BS.”  So I signed the permanent papers, and I became a permanent employee of Canada’s public service.

Just that you know, Mayor Patrick Brown

I am no simple Simon

Who met Brampton’s Mayor

Going to his Tamil Genocide Fair…

We exchanged some words

On honesty, truth and professional care. 

It mattered nought to me 

That he was holding onto a Tamil Tiger’s tail,

But when dealing with me don’t mock

 Let’s cut out the Canadian-poppycock

‘As I expect him to be fair”

Mayor Patrick Brown I will address you now in Poetic rhymes

and syllabics, as I think I can explain incidents in my life in Canada

 better as they are therapeutic.

SINHA (lion).  My name is WEERA-SINHA, which mean a

‘brave-lion’)

If I have taken the passion of a lion

Into my heart by pithy anger,

It is because your grenade

                   clutching fingers

Are entangled in my beard hurting me

With the poison darts of

                      half-truths and lies

Published in foreign newspapers.

And when the ketchup blood gushes out,

from the thumb-print on her forehead,

Severing a life for exposing the debt

of joy being a tenth generation native,’

this is when the lion-anger roars

                         a jungle war cry

propping a lifeless torso strung

            onto a Jaffna lamppost.

(from Tears for my Roots, Asoka Weerasinghe. p.29)

(in North Sri Lanka, the separatist Tamil Eelam terrorists came

looking for her brother.  Since he was away, his 24-year

old sister was  dragged out of the house, tied to a lamppost

 and shot through her ear.)

Here’s an atrocious act by your Tamil Tiger terrorists that you

fail to admit.

Dunugalpitiya Fisherfolk

 (19 September 1990)

Seeing the fisherfolk all Sinhalese

chopped to death by Northern separatists,

the seaspray heaved up to me

pungent with a taste of blood

like a blood coated night song

sung into the pale grey sobs of daylight.

Listening to the widowed

chest-thumping lamentations,

my anger becomes visceral

and is siphoned through the nostrils

like a puffing fire belching dragon.

Before I bury the assimilated

puzzle of hearts and limbs

and fingers and toes,

I want to make a fire wreath

with phoenician songs

to resurrect their snuffed spirits

to be echoed across the jungles of Jaffna,

as I want to win this war one day,

I want to win this Eelam war.

( from Tears for my Roots, Asoka Weerasinghe, p.21)

Mayor Patrick Brown, you were 5-years old, just out of your Huggies

escorted to your Kindergarten, when on August 4th, 1983, I, accompanied

by a young gutsy, bright, with a spine of steel, a well articulating  smart Sinhalese-Canadian, Asoka Yapa, were picking up our bloodied Mother Lanka from the ground, who had been dropped to the ground, slapped, kicked, bludgeoned and spat at, for seven long days by the ugly,  marauding Canadian Tamil-Eelam separatists through every media outlet in Ottawa, Montreal and Toronto, for the want of their mono-ethnic, racist, separate State-Eelam carved out of the North-eastern rich Real estate in that beautiful island Sri Lanka.  The island had given every Tamil Separatist who”kicked her, a free education, and let the colonial British make them a 10% privileged minority for 131-years, compared to the wronged-majority of 75% of the  Sinhalease population.

‘You know what Mayor Patrick, that was the day when I vowed that no one

is going to hurt my Mother Lanka, who gave me a free education and nurtured

me for the first 19 years of my life.,   No one, I said,  Not even a single politician- Liberal, Conservative or a NDPier, with his or her unfair damn lies for the want of a Tamil vote.  That is not kosher…that is not cricket.     And that included young Patrick Brown who would become the Mayor of Brampton, 41 years later, a hypocrite of the first order.  The Tamils have heard my voice like the Kavadi 

dancing tom-toms, loud and clear and so would their Parliamentarians, like their curry-in-a-hurry buddy MPs, like the Church Bells of the Notre Dame Basilica in Ottawa.

Mayor Patrick Brown, let’s get this right, and let me be blunt with my observations. With your erecting a Tamil Genocide Memorial” in Brampton;”, about a war that happened  between 1973 and 2009,  13,720 km away is perpetuating  Canadian shameful hypocritical history not wanting to recognize for many, many moons our Native Indian Residential schools Genocidal deaths of 

our Native kids, as a violation of the United Nations Genocide Convention, in particular of Article 21e.  

Listen,  Mayor Brown, you are white” enough, and stop wanting to be more lily-white” by pointing your accusatory finger at Sri Lanka Saying We are Holier than Thou.”   That is a load of Canadian thuggish codswallop.  Cut it, Mayor… just cut it.

My anger is visceral shooting cartwheels of dragon breath at you, when you

had been disrespectful to our Indigenous children who were submitted to Genocidal Deaths in Kamloops, B.C.  just 3,984 km away from your City of Brampton, buried on the site of the Kamloops Indian Residential School on the Tk’emlups te Secawepen site, and you as the Mayor of Brampton not laying even a local Ivory Mix Travertine rock, as a Memorial for them in your City of Brampton, rubbishing the existence of of our Native Indian kids. And  yet,  gushing with your love-ins with the Tamils who arrived after May 2009’s, the Eelam separatist war, and not for the innocent Sinhlese who were chopped with machetes and shot with Kalashnikovs and claymore mined by the separatist Tamil Tigers.   And worst, plucking little infants who were sucking on young Sinhalese mothers’ breasts, and bashing their little skulls on charnockite granite rocks, and watching in glee the streaming ketchup blood rivulets.

That’s downright Canadian hypocrisy recognizing genocide around the world, except its own against indigenous people,  Patrick Brown you are a classic textbook example of this misdemeanour. What’s wrong with you Mayor Patrick Brown….answer me!  I want to know!

It was natural for me to respect and love our Native First Nation peoples from the time I began to research and write for the Native Indian (Iroquois, Plains Indians and West Coast cultures) and Inuit Exhibition Halls at the Victoria Memorial Museum in Ottawa, in the early 1970s

And my poetry became therapeutic wanting to share their pain when people like

Mayor Patrick Brown of Brampton ignored the Wendat (Huron), Haudenosaunee  people and the Anishinaabe.  I will not forgive this whiteman’s”  lofty arrogance.

Not even a  Local bed-rock placed as a memorial.   Shish,,,that’s brutal, Patrick. That’s shameful.

Let me share my pain with my therapeutic poetry. You will understand my disappointment in you, Mayor Patrick Brown.

                       Lolotea

                    I am Lolotea

                a blessing from God

                  and I am divine.

             I am green and tender

            like a young ear of corn

        and too young to be a mother.

                Yet, I will grow up

                  like my mother

           to be the mother of corn

              to feed your hunger,              

               and learn to dance

       stamping my moccasined feet

           on the yellow-red earth,

      and dress with turquoise beads

           and eagle tail-feathers

               that will speak to me

               every fresh morning

                 of my ancestors,

           and bless you to ward off

               famine and disaster.

                 (this is another verse

                  from Tewa selected poems,

                   Asoka Weerasinghe, p.74)

              Benjamin Chee Chee

               (an Ojibway artist who died

                    by suicide in an Ottawa Jail

                          in 1977 at age 32)

             Now I know how they failed.

          If there had been equipment

            with life-saving oxygen sent

                 to Ottawa’s City Jail

          that night you were put inside

           a racoon cage by policemen

         on the fourth floor’s Cell No.10

              I would have witnessed

           more of your Canada geese’

                   flying in formation

       with forward stretched arrow necks

             along my studio wall. I think

                 they are a reflection

            of your uncomplicated soul

                    drawn on paper

               with pen and black ink.

                        (verse 2 and 3)

           May be the warm weather’

        would have dissuaded you a lot

          to wear long sleeve shirts

       in case you wished to tie a knot

      with the sleeves to hang yourself.

            Maybe I would have seen

     Pacific salmon swimming up my wall

          in stylized one line renderings,

                 May be, just, may be!

                 (from Tewa Selected Poems

                         Asoka Weerasinghe p.42)

                   Shanawdithit: Nancy April

                         On 6th June 1829

                         You didn’t feel fine

                         and white as death

                          spitting blood onto

                     a white man’s bed sheet,

                  Doodebewshet, Mary Decker

                          your  mother gone,

                  your sister Easter Eve gone

                     and you are about to die

                  in St. John’s, Newfoundland,’               

                   the last of the Beothucks

                      of the red ochre people

                          their Red-Indians

                    from your harsh far away

                        snow-packed land,

                your home in Notre Dame Bay

                  coughing Beothuk syllables

                    I try to make you understand

                   I am part of you and affable

                      wanting to be understood

                              and be alive

                        as I am Shanawdithit.

                         (followed by verses 2 to 18)

                             Under this mound of earth

                       lie Shanawdithit the last

                     of the Red-Indian Beothuks

                 who coughed Beothuck syllables

                    wanting to to be understood

                         and affable to be alive,

                          who had a friend in              

                        William Epp Cormack,

                           a Newfoundlander

                                 who cried

                             when she died,

                     and left St. John’s in 1829

                   with a strong feeling in main

                     not wanting to return again.

                                 (Asoka Weerasinghe

                                     from CANADIAN STORIES,

                                       Volume 23,No.131  2020)

Well…well…well. I have presented my case as one

who fell in love with the First Nation peoples and

respected them with a wholesome heart.. 

Now, a John Q Public  Judge and Jurist, that you Patrick Brown,

the Conservative Lord Mayor of the City of Brampton, of

Ontario, I found you guilty of a nonsensical fraudulent exercise wanting to buy

Tamil votes by erecting a Tamil ‘Genocide’ Memorial monument for those Tamils who died during the ethnic war with the Sri Lankan Government Military- Forces 13,720 km away, for the want of their mono-ethnic, racist Tamil State, Eelam.

You Lord Mayor Patrick Brown, while ignoring the Indigenous First Nation  children who died in acts of Genocide at Residential schools, with no memorial for them sponsored by Brampton’s Mayor; while insulting the non-Tamil, Sri Lankan-Canadian population of Brampton with your senseless-act of erecting that Tamil ‘Genocide’ Memorial, equivalent to a Brampton’s Tamil-Blarney Gong Show, you owe an apology and a Peace-Offering to the Incumbent Sri Lankan Buddhist monks of the Brampton Buddhist  Mission temple, whose brother novice monks, 33 of them, were slaughtered inside a bus on the morning of 2 June, 1987, by the Tamil Tiger Terrorists on their way on a pilgrimage. They were brutally mutilated on a rampage, attacking the novice Buddhist monks with guns and swords and shooting them with machine guns,at Aranthalawa.   Did you hear me Mayor Patrick Brown of Brampton…let me repeat, 33-young novice monks in saffron Buddha robes were brutally mutilated by the Tamil Tiger terrorists with guns and swords and shooting them with machine guns, on the morning of 2 June, 1987.   And you have the gall and temerity wanting to erect a Tamil ‘Genocide’ Memorial Monument in your Brampton’s Native Indian’s sacred land. 

I propose that the Council of the City of Brampton pay a Peace-offering  by inviting the Chief monk of the  Brampton’s Buddhist Mission Temple requesting them to install a Replica of the diorama of the bus with the young monks having been mutilated’ on a City approved site.  

Let this Monument of Aranthalawa be the gathering place every 2nd of June  for Buddhist devotees to perform their Pattanumodana Pooja’ to transfer merits to the 33 Novice monks who were killed and mutilated by the Tamil Tiger terrorists of Sri Lanka.

The original ‘Monument of Aranthalawa’  is situated in the village of Aranthalawa in the Ampara District in Sri Lanka.

Mayor Patrick Brown, the final decision is entirely yours.  Either to act as

a responsible, intelligent politician, admitting that your decision had failed to create a wholesome, harmonious multi-cultural community in Brampton, having opened a can of Vaddukodai worms by wanting to erect a Tamil Genocide” Memorial Monument in the City, and erase from the City Planning Drawings, the existence of such a  Memorial Monument.  This thus erases my proposal of the installation of the Monument of Aranthalawa in the City of Brampton.

MayorPatrick Bown,  ff your final decision is to go ahead with erecting the Tamil ‘Genocide’ Memorial Monument, at least be honest to the world with the invitation to your City with a big welcoming  board at the Highway entering the City of Brampton which says

                                                                  WELCOME 

                                   TO OUR FAIR CITY OF BRAMP of a TON of lies.

Be Well, Happy, Wise and Peaceful

Asoka Weerasinghe(Mr.)

Ottawa

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

 දිවයින පුවත්පතේ මාධ්‍යවේදී එරික් ගාමිණී ජිනප්‍රිය මහතා විසින් රචනා කළ එන්පීපී කතාව සහ ජේවීපී ක්‍රියාව නම් කෘතිය ජනගත කිරීමට යොදා ගෙන තිබුණේ සැප්තැම්බර් මස 04 බුද දිනයේ දීය.සාහිත්‍ය මාසය ඇරඹීමත් වර්තමාන ‌ෙද්ශපාලන තුළ සාකච්ඡා කල යුතු වැදගත් මාතෘකාවක් වීමත් නිසා ජනතාව අතර යම් සංවාදයක් ඇති කිරීම මෙම ජනගත කිරීමේ අරමුණ විය.නමුත් එම දිනයේ අචාර්ය එන්. එම්. පෙරේරා මධ්‍යස්ථානයට කඩා වැදුණු පොලිසිය මෙම උත්සවය පැවැත්වීම නතර කිරීමට උපෙදෙස් ලබා දී ඇත.මැතිවරණ සමය බැවින් මෙය වෙනදාට ක්‍රියාත්මක පොලිසිය නොව මැතිවරණ කොමිසමේ  පොලීසිය වී යැයි දැන ගන්නට ඇත.

         2023 අවුරුද්දේ අංක 03 දරණ මැතිවරණ වියදම් නියාමන පනත පාර්ලමේන්තුවේ දී සම්මත විය.ඊට අමතරව මැතිවරණ ප්‍රචාරක කටයුතු පාලනය කිරීම සඳහා වනවැදගත් නීතියක් මාධ්‍ය උපමාන නමින් ගැසට් කරන්නට යෙදී ඇත.අප දන්නා පරිදි මනාප චන්ද ක්‍රමය ප්‍රචලිත වීමත් සමගම මැතිවරණ අපේක්ෂකයන් විසින් වියදම් කරන මුදල කෝටි ගණනින් වැඩි විය.එම මුදල් හා පක්ෂ වල වත්කම් පිළිබඳ කිසිම තොරතුරක් ද සමාජ ගත නොවීය. එ නිසා මැතිවරණය සමය යනු එක්තරා ආකාරයකට කළු සල්ලි සුදු කරන සමයක් බවට පත් විය.මැතිවරණ නියාමන පනතක අවශ්‍යතාවය පැණ නැගී තිබුණේ මේ පසුබිම මතයි. මැතිවරණ කාල පරිඡේදය තුළ මැතිවරණ පනත අනුවත් මැතිවරණ නියාමන පනත අනුවත් ස්වාධින මැතිවරණ කොමිසමට කටයුතු කිරීමට බලය ලැබී ඇත. එම ක්‍රියාවන් දේශපාලන බලය යොදා නැවැත්වීමට නොහැකිය.මෙය හොඳ තත්වයති ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය තහවුරු කරලීම පිණිස ගන්නා ලද යහපත් තීරණ අතරට වැටෙයි.

         මෙවර පැවැත්වෙනුයේ ජනපතිවරණයකි. රටේ විධායක ජනපතිවරයෙකු සිටින කාලවකවානුවක ඔහුද අපේකෂකයෙකු වූ විට නිතැතින්ම යටකී මැතිවරණ නියාමන පාලන නීතියට ඔහුද යටත් වෙයි. ජනපතිවරයා රටේ සේනාධිනායකයා වන බැවින්  ජාතික ආරක්ෂාව ඉටු කරලීමේ ව්‍යවස්ථාමය   වගකීම ඔහු සතු බැවින්  යම් යම් ක්‍රියා මාර්ග ගැනීමට ඔහුට කටයුතු කළ හැකි විය යුතුය. එයට බාධා කිරීමට මැතිවරණ කොමිසමට නොහැකිය. නමුත් ඔහුගේ අපේක්ෂකත්වය තුළ ජනපතිවරයාගේ භූමිකාවතමන්ට වාසිදායක ලෙසට ඉස්මතුවන්‌ෙන් නම් මැතිවරණ නියාමන නීතියට පටහැනිය.පසුගියාදා ජනපතිවරයාගේ මූලිකත්වයෙන් පැවති රැස්වීම් වලදී නියමිතව තිබූ භෝජන  සංග්‍රහයන් නැවැත්වීමට මැතිවරණ කොමිසම ක්‍රියාකර තිබේ.එහෙත් තැපැල් චන්දය අභිමුව තිබිය දී රාජ්‍ය සේවක වැටුප් වැඩි කිරීමට කරන යෝජනා එළි දැක්වීමට කටයුතු කිරීම පිළිබඳව මැතිවරණ කොමිසමේ අවධානය යොමු වූයේ නැත. දෙසැම්බර් මාසය වන විට සකස් කළ යුතු අයවැය යොජනා මේ අවස්ථාවේ ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමට යෝජනා කිරීමම ජනපතිවරයාගේ බලය මත කරන චන්ද දූෂණයකි.එසේම ත්‍රීවීල් රියදුරන් ජනපති ලේකම් කාර්යාලය අසලට ගෙන්වා   අතට සන්තෝෂම් දී රථ වල ස්ටිකර් ඇලවීමට ක්‍රියාකිරීමද ජනපති තනතුර අවභාවිතා කිරීමකි. එයට වඩා බරපතල ප්‍රශ්ණයක් වූයේ ජනපතිවරණ සමයේ රටට පැමිණි ඉන්දීය විදේශ අමාත්‍ය අජිත් දෙවොල් සමග ගිවිසුම් අත්සන් කිරීමට ජනපතිවරයා  පෙළඹීමයි. මේ කාලය තුළ ඔහුද අපේක්ෂකයෙකු වන බැවින් ජාතික ආරක්ෂාව පිළිබඳ කටයුත්තේ දී හැර අනෙක් කටයුතු වලට රාජ්‍ය සම්පත් යොදා ගැනීම ඒවා අනිසි විදියකින් ප්‍රචාරය කිරීම නොකළ යුත්තකි.මෙවැනි තත්වයන් පාලනය කිරීමට මැතිවරණ කොමිසම අපොහොසත් වී ඇති බව කිව යුතුය.

      මැතිවරණ වියදම් පිළිබඳ සම්පූර්ණ ලේඛනයක් මැතිවරණය පවත්වා දින විසි එකකින් කොමිසමට ඉදිරිපත් කළ යුතු බවට නීතියකි.අප දන්නා පරිදි මේ ජනපතිවරණයේ දී කෝටි ප්‍රකෝටි ගණනින් මුදල් වියදම් කිරීම දක්නට ලැබේ. එක් අපේක්ෂකයෙකු විසින් එක් චන්ද දායකයෙකු වෙනුවෙන් වියදම් කළ යුතු මුදල වන්නේ රැපියල් 109 කි. එක් චන්ද දායකයෙකුට රුපියලක් වියදම් කළද එක් කෝටි හැත්තෑ එක් ලක්ෂයක් වියදම් කිරීමට හැකිය. මෙවැනි මුදල් කන්දරාවක් පක්ෂයකට ලැබෙන්නේ කෙලෙසකදැයි ජනතාව දැන ගත යුතුය. දිවයිනේ තබන සෑම රැස්වීමකටම බස් යොදා සෙනග අදින බව කවුරුත් දන්නා රහසකි.පිටස්තර දිස්ත්‍රික්ක වලින් බස් යොදා සෙනග ඇදීම පාලනය කිරීමට කොමිසම උත්සුක වී නොමැත.එවැනි රැස්වීම් වලින් ප්‍රකට වන්නේ කෘතිම ජන මතයකි. රැළි වලින් නොමග යන ජනතාවට ප්‍රතිපත්ති ගරුක අපේක්ෂකයෙකු තෝරා පත් කර ගැනීමට අවස්ථාවක් උදා නොවේ. රැස්වීමකට කූඩාරම් ගැසීමට පවා කෝටියක් පමණ වියදම් කරන අපේක්ෂකයන් සිටිති. පෝස්ටර් මුද්‍රණය පෝස්ටර් ගැසීම කූඩාරම් ගැසීම වැනි මැතිවරණ ප්‍රචාරක ක්‍රියා භාර ගෙන තිබෙන ප්‍රචාරක ආයතන රැසකි. පාක්ෂිකයන් දායකත්වය  ගනු වෙනුවට මැතිවරණ සමය මෙම ව්‍යාපාරිකයන්ගේ  ලාභය උපරිම කර ගැනීමේ අවස්ථාවක් බවට පත් කරගෙන තිබේ  මේ වියදම් කරන මුදල ලැබෙන්නේ දේශීයවද ඒවායේ මූලාශ්‍ර කෙබඳුද විදේශ රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන වලින් ලැබෙන්නේ ද තානාපති අංශ වලින් වියදම් කරන්නේ ද යන්න දැන ගැනීමට ජනතාවට තිබෙන අයිතිය මේ මැතිවරණ පාලන නීතියෙන් සීමා කොට තිබේ. මන්ද මැතිවරණය අවසන් වී කරන ඉදිරිපත්   කිරිම් යොදා ගැනෙනුයේ නීති විරෝධී ප්‍රචාරක කටයුත්තක දී ලැබෙන දඬුවම් ගැන සළකා බැලීමට පමණක් වන නිසාය.අනෙක ඒ වන විට කොමිසමේ බලතල අවසන් වී ඇති බැවින් පත්ව සිටින ජනපතිවරයෙකුට විරුද්ධව කටයුතු කිරීමේ හැතියාක් නැතිබව ද දැක්විය යුතුය.

          මැතිවරණ වියදම් නියාමනය සහ මාධ්‍ය උපමාන සම්බන්ධව මෙවැනි අඩු ලුහුඬුකම් පවතින විට ඒවා පක්ෂ සමග සාකච්ඡා කොට යාවත්කාලීන කර ගැනීම මැතිවරණ කොමිසමේ වගකීමකි. එවැනි දෙයක් සිදු නොවන බව පෙනේ.පක්ෂයකින් ඉදිරිපත් වන අපේක්ෂකයෙකුට අනෙක් පක්ෂයක අපේක්ෂකයෙකුගේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති සහ හැසිරීම් විවේචනය කිරීමට ඉඩ තිබෙන්නේ වාචිකව පමණකි. ලිඛිතව ඉඩ නැති බව දැන ගන්නට ඇත. දිවයින මාධ්‍යවේදී එරික් ගාමිණී මහතා පක්ෂයකට ගැති පුද්ගලයෙකු නොවේ. ඔහු ස්වාධීන ජනමාධ්‍යවේදියෙකි. දේශපාල විචාරයකි. එවැනි පුද්ගලයෙකුට මැතිවරණ සමයේ වුවද සීමා මායිම් නැත.ගත් කතුවරයෙකුට සාහිත්‍ය මාසයේ දී ලැබෙන අවස්ථාව වෙනත් මාසවලදී ලැබෙන්නේ නැති බවද මතක් කළ යුතුය.

     සදය විවේචනයකට කවදත් පුවත්පත් වල  ඉඩකඩ විවර විය යුතුය. පෞද්ගලිකව මඩ ගසනවානම් පුවත්පත් කොමිසමට පැමිණිලි කිරීමට හැකියාව ඇත.එරික් ගාමිණී මහතාගේ දේශපාලන කෘතිය ජනගත කිරීම සහ සංවාදය නැවැත්වීමට විවේචනයට බඳුන් වූ පක්ෂය මුල් වූයේ ද එසේත් නැතිනම් ඒ පක්ෂයට සහාය දක්වන ඇමරිකානු තානාපතිනිය මුල් වූයේ ද යන්න අප නොදනිමු. පසුගිය කාලයේ දී තානාපතිනි ජූලි චන් තානාපතිවරුන්ගේ ආචාර ධර්මද නොසලකා හරිමින් මැතිවරණ කොමසාරිස් තුමා හමු වන්නට ගිය බව මාධ්‍ය වලින් දුටුවෙමි.මේ අතර හිරු මාධ්‍ය ජාලයේ විකාශනය වූ විමල් වීරවංහ මහාතා සාභාගි වූ සළකුණ වැඩසටහනද අතුරුදහන් කෙරී ඇත.ඒ සිද්දියෙන්ම අපට දැන ගත හැක්කේ කාටද රිදුණේ කවුරුද වාරණයට පෙළඹුණේ යන්න පමණි. අනාගතයේ දී මෙවැනි වාරණයන් තවදුරටත් බලාපොරොත්තු විය හැකිය.

ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ

පොදුජන එක්සත් නිදහස් පෙරමුණ, මෙරට බිහිවූ අලුත් ම දේශපාලන පෙරමුණයි. කුසලානය සිය ලකුණ කරගත් එම පෙරමුණේ සභාපතිත්වය සහ නායකත්වය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධනටද, ලේකම් ධුරය වෛද්‍ය රමේෂ් පතිරණටද හිමිවී තිබේ. දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන යනු මෙරට වර්තමාන අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයායි. ඔහු මහජන එක්සත් පෙරමුණේ නායකයාද වේ. පොහොට්ටුව හෙවත් ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ, මෙවර ජනාධිපතිවරණයට වෙනම අපේක්ෂකයෙකු ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට තීරණය කිරීමත් සමග ඊට එකඟ නොවූ, රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ජනාධිපතිවරයා සමග ආණ්ඩුව ගෙනගිය, පොහොට්ටුවේ මන්ත්‍රීවරු බහුතරය, ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී ස්වාධීනව ඉදිරිපත්ව සිටින රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහට සහය දීමට තීරණය කළහ. එතෙක් පොහොට්ටුව සමග සිටි දිනේෂ් ප්‍රමුඛ ම.එ.පෙ.ද එම තීරණයේ සිටි අතර එහි ප්‍රතිඵලයක් ලෙස ‘කුසලානය’ නැතහොත් පොදුජන එක්සත් නිදහස් පෙරමුණ බිහි වී තිබේ.

මෙහි වැදගත් සිදුවීම් කිහිපයක් හඳුනාගත හැකිය. කුසලානය හෙවත් පොදුජන එක්සත් නිදහස් පෙරමුණ ඊළඟට එන ඇල්පිටිය ප්‍රාදේශීය සභාවට සිය ලකුණින් තරග වදින බව, එහි ලේකම් අමාත්‍ය රමේෂ් පතිරණ, පෙරමුණ බිහිවූ 2024.09.05 දින සිය කතාවේදී අනාවරණ කළේය. ඉන් අදහස් වන්නේ ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් පසු එන සියලු මැතිවරණ සඳහා කුසලානය වෙනම තරග වදින බවයි. ඒවගේම පොහොට්ටුව නියෝජනය කළ කිසිවෙකුත් අතරමං වීමට ඉඩ නොතබන බව නව පෙරමුණේ නායක දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන එහිදී අවධාරණය කළේය. අනෙක් පැත්තෙන් වැදගත් කාරණය වන්නේ,1983 අතුරු මැතිවරණයෙන් මහරගම ආසනය දිනා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පැමිණි දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධනට කුසලානයේ නායකත්වය සහ සභාපතිත්වය හිමිවන විට එම අතුරු මැතිවරණයෙන් ම අක්මීමන ආසනය දිනා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පැමිණි රිචඩ් පතිරණගේ පුතා එහි ලේකම්වීමය.

අන්ත දක්ෂිණාංශික හෝ අන්ත වාමාංශික හෝ නොවී, ජාතිකවාදය ඔස්සේ සමාජ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදිව, නොබැඳි විදෙස් ප්‍රතිපත්තිය ඔස්සේ මැද මාවතේ ගමන් කිරීම ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය බිහිවී 1956 මහජන එක්සත් පෙරමුණේ ආණ්ඩුවේ සිට වාමවාදී පෙරමුණේ ආණ්ඩුවල ලක්ෂණය විය. එදා එස්. ඩබ්ලිව්. ආර්. ඩී. බණ්ඩාරනායක, පිලිප් ගුණවර්ධන ඇතුළු එකතුවත්, එවැන්නක් විය. සිරිමාවෝ බණ්ඩාරනායක ප්‍රමුඛ සභාග ආණ්ඩුවලද වමේ සහ ජාතිකවාදී පක්ෂ කටයුතු කළේ එවැනි පෙරමුණු ගොඩනගා ගෙනය. දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධනද අඛණ්ඩව සහය දුන්නේ ශ්‍රීලනිපය ප්‍රමුඛ එම පෙරමුණටය. මෙරට පළමු ජනාධිපතිවරණයට 1982 දී තරග කිරීමට ශ්‍රීලනිපයට ‘අත’ ලකුණ අහිමි වූ අවස්ථාවේ සිය පක්ෂය වූ ම.එ.පෙ. ලකුණ වන ‘රෝදය’ මැතිනිය වෙත පරිත්‍යාග කිරීමට දිනේෂ් ඉදිරිපත් විය. එමෙන්ම ඉතිහාසයේ පුළුල්තම ප්‍රගතිශීලි වාමාංශික දේශපාලන සන්ධානය වන 2004 දී ගොඩනැගුනු එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානය බිහි කිරීමට විශාල කැපකිරීමක් කර එහි ප්‍රථම උප සභාපතිවරයා වුයේද දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධනයි. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ පරාජය වූ 2015දී ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ නායකයා ලෙස දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන විශාල කාර්යභාරයක් ඉටු කළ අතර, මහින්ද වෙනුවෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කතා කිරීමට සිටි එකම මන්ත්‍රීවරයාද විය. ලංකා දේශපාලනය උඩුයටිකුරු කළ 2015.02.15 නුගේගොඩ පැවැත්වූ ඓතිහාසික මහා ජන රැළියටද නායකත්වය දුන් දිනේෂ්, විසිරුණු කඳවුරු යළි එක්සේසත් කළේය. අනෙක් පැත්තෙන් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ හා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපති ධුරයෙන් හා අගමැති ධුරයෙන් ඉල්ලා අස්වී රට අස්ථාවර වූ අවස්ථාවේ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ සමග පොහොට්ටුවේ ආණ්ඩුව ඉදිරියට ගෙනගියේ දිනේෂ්‍ ය. කිසිදු බරපතළ ගැටුමකට යා නොදී ඒ නොපෑහෙනවා යැයි කී ආණ්ඩුව ඔස්සේ රට ආර්ථික ස්ථාවරත්වයක් කරා ගෙනයාමට රනිල්ට, දිනේෂ් ප්‍රමුඛ පාර්ලිමේන්තු කණ්ඩායම කොන්දේසි විරහිත සහයෝගයක් ලබා දුන්නේය.

කෙටියෙන් වුවද මෙවැනි කරුණු සලකා බලන කල, නව පෙරමුණ වන, කුසලානය ලකුණේ පොදුජන එක්සත් නිදහස් පෙරමුණ සිය නායකයා ලෙස දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා තෝරාගැනීම කලොචිත ම තීරණය ලෙස සැලකිය හැකිය. දේශීය වශයෙන් පමණක් නොව ජාත්‍යන්තර වශයෙන්ද කෘතහස්ත දේශපාලනඥයෙකු වන දිනේෂ්ට ඇත්තේ ඉහළ පිළිගැනීමකි. පාර්ලිමේන්තු ක්‍රමය පිළිබඳ ඔහුගේ පළපුරුද්ද සහ දැනුම සම කළ හැකි අයෙකු වර්තමාන පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ නැතැයි කිවහොත් එහි වරදක් නැත. ඒ වගේම පාර්ලිමේන්තු ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය පිළිබඳ ඔහුගේ ඇති විශ්වාසය අතිශය වැදගත්ය.

තවත් පැත්තකින් බලන කල, ශ්‍රීලනිප සහ පසු කලෙක පොහොට්ටුව සමග සිටි වාමාංශික සහ ජාතිකවාදී බලවේග සඳහාද දිනේෂ්ගේ පෙරමුණ, දේශපාලනය කිරීම සහ රට ගොඩනැගීම වෙනුවෙන් හොඳ තෝතැන්නකි. මෙවර 39 දෙනෙකු ඉදිරිපත් වුවත් ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් දිනන්නේ එක අයෙකි. ඉන්පසු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට, පළාත් සභාවට, පළාත් පාලන ආයතන සඳහා තේරීපත් වීමට වමේ, ජාතිකවාදී කඳවුරට පොදු වේදිකාවක් අහිමි වී තිබිණි. දිනේෂ්ගේ පෙරමුණ ඒ වේදිකාව යළි ඉදිකර දී තිබේ.

-ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

‘ශ්‍රී සිද්ධාර්ථ ගෞතම’ චිත්‍රපටයේ සිද්ධාර්ථ කුමරුගේ චරිතයට පණ පොවමින් ඉන්දීය ජනාදරයට පත් සිනමා නළු ගගන් මලික් ඉන්දියාවේ මහාරාෂට්‍ර, මධ්‍ය ප්‍රදේශ් සහ තෙලිංගානා යන ප්‍රදේශවල බෞද්ධ වන්දනාකරුවන් 65 දෙනෙකු සමඟ 2024.09.04 දින කොළඹ අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේ දී අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා හමු විය.

ඉන්දීය බෞද්ධයන් සමඟ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ වන්දනා ගමනක් අතරතුර සිනමා නළු ගගන් මලික් අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා හමුවිය.  

බෞද්ධ වන්දනා නඩය පිළිගනිමින් අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා කියා සිටියේ මෑත කාලයේ දී ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පැමිණි විශාලතම බෞද්ධ වන්දනා කණ්ඩායම මෙය බැවින් ඔවුන් හමු වීමට තමන් තීරණය කළ බව යි. ඉන්දියාව සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අතර ශක්තිමත් ම බැඳීම බුදුදහම වන අතර බුදුන් වහන්සේගේ ඉගැන්වීමේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨතම දායාදය අපට ලබාදුන් ඉන්දීය අශෝක අධිරාජ්‍යයාට සහ ඔහුගේ පුත් මිහිඳු මහරහතන් වහන්සේට අපි සදාකාලික ව ම කෘතඥ වෙනවා,” යි අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා පැවසී ය.

රංගන ශිල්පී ගගන් මලික් පැවසුවේ බුදුදහම ප්‍රචාරය කිරීමටත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ඉන්දියාව සහ ලෝකය තුළ ප්‍රචලිත කිරීමටත් තමන් පූර්ණ කැපවීමෙන් කටයුතු කරන බව යි. තමන් මෙම විශාල වන්දනා නඩය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට කැඳවාගෙන පැමිණියේ ඒ නිසා බව ද ඔහු වැඩි දුරටත් පැවසී ය. ඉන්දියාවේ මිලියන ගණනක් බෞද්ධයන් සිටින බැවින් බෞද්ධ වන්දනා චාරිකා සඳහා විශාල විභවයක් පවතින බව ඔහු පෙන්වා දුන්නේය. 

මහාරාෂ්ට්‍ර ප්‍රාන්තයේ අනීතා ප්‍රමෝද් නම් වන්දනාකාරිය පැවසුවේ දළදා මාලිගාවේ බුදුන් ගේ පූජනීය ධාතූන් වහන්සේ වැඳපුදා ගැනීමේ තම ආශාව ඉටුකර ගැනීමට හැකි වීම ගැන තමා අතිශයින් සතුටට පත් වන බව යි. අපි සුන්දර කඳුකරයේ අගනුවර වන මහනුවර නගරයේ විහාරස්ථාන වලට ගිය අතර එය අමතක නොවන අත්දැකීමක්,” යි ඇය පැවසුවා ය. 

අනුරාධපුරයේ දී අපි විශාල චෛත්‍යයන් දැකගත් අතර පූජනීය ශ්‍රීමහාබෝධිය වන්දනා කළා” යැ යි මධ්‍ය ප්‍රදේශ්හි ඉන්ඩෝර්හි සිට පැමිණි ශෂිකාන්ත් වන්කාඩේ පැවසී ය. මෙම ස්ථාන නැරඹීමට පැමිණෙන ලෙස තම හිතවතුන්ගෙන් සහ ඥාතීන්ගෙන් ද ඉල්ලා සිටින බව ද ඔහු සඳහන් කළේ ය.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී යදාමිණි ගුණවර්ධන සහ ශ්‍රී සිද්ධාර්ථ ගෞතම චිත්‍රපටයේ නිෂ්පාදක නවීන් ගුණරත්න ද මෙම අවස්ථාවට එක් ව සිටිය හ.

Nava Thakuria

Geneva: Pakistan has slowly turned into a graveyard of working journalists as the south Asian nation loses another journalist, tenth victim this year till date, to assailants. Local media reports confirm that senior journalist Nisar Lehri was shot dead on 4 September 2024 in Mastung locality of Balochistan. Lehri (50), a member of Mastung  press club, was targeted by armed miscreants for reasons not officially disclosed.

Press Emblem Campaign (PEC), the global media safety and rights body, expresses serious concern over the continued killing of media persons in Pakistan even though it’s not witnessing any war at this moment.  PEC president Blaise Lempen demands a fair probe into the incident that led to Lehri’s untimely death. For any reason, the perpetrators should not enjoy immunity and they must be booked under the law of the land, asserted  Lempen.

PEC’s south Asia representative Nava Thakuria reveals that only a few days back, another Pak  journalist named Muhammad Bachal Ghunio was killed by unidentified gunmen. Hailing from Mirpur Mathelo locality under Sindh province, Ghunio was shot dead on 27 August. Prior to them, eight journalists namely Malik Hassan Zaib, Khalil Afridi Jibran, Nasrullah Gadani, Kamran Dawar,  Mehar Ashfaq Siyal, Maulana Mohammad Siddique Mengal, Jam Saghir Ahmad Lar and Tahira Nosheen Rana were killed since 1 January.

CHATURANGA PRADEEP SAMARAWICKRAMA  Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Septemeber 5 (Daily Mirror) – The National People’s Power (NPP), which was formerly the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), is playing politics by unnecessarily using issues of the people, Ven. Ulapane Sumangala Thero said.

Speaking to the media, he claimed that the NPP used to create issues in every part of the country to bring it to a collapse. 

“They forced the people onto the streets, causing them to suffer, and now they are asking for their votes. The problems of teachers and principals were with the Education Ministry, but the NPP made them protest at the Fort Railway Station, where they were attacked with water cannons and tear gas,” the Thera said.

He also said that, except for the JVP, every previous government had recognised the protection of Buddhism in the Constitution.

“Therefore, we have decided to gather 10,000 Buddhist monks to go to Colombo next Wednesday (11) to show to whom they support. This decision was made to protect Buddhism and other religions,” he added.

He concluded by saying that the NPP is not a new party. Former JVP members are now part of the NPP with a different look. He warned that bringing the NPP to power will be a threat. (Pic by Nimalsiri Edirisinghe)

By P.K.Balachandran/Daily Mirror Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, September 5: The minority Tamils of Sri Lanka have been promised devolution of power since the India-Sri Lanka Accord was signed in 1987. The J.R. Jayewardene government even got the 13 th. Amendment (13A) of the constitution passed by an overwhelming majority in parliament.

But till date, the 13A has not been implemented in full with devolution of the powers over the police and State land. As of now, what goes as devolution is only a shell comprising an elected Provincial Council and a Board of Ministers. Moreover, over the years, the Centre has seized powers that had been devolved using the Concurrent List in the 13A.

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But come national elections, whether Presidential or Parliamentary, political parties in the fray make promises to the Tamils about devolving power to the provinces either in the form of a fully implemented 13A or in the form of an entirely new constitution drafted as per a consensus evolved in parliament.

In the current election campaign, Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the National Peoples’ Power/Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (NPP/JVP) has said that he will bring about a new constitution based on the interim proposals made by the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly  after in-depth discussions held between 2015 and 2019 when the President was Maithripala Sirisena and the Prime Minister was Ranil Wickremesinghe.

Dissanayake promised to complete fresh discussions on the proposals quickly so that political and administrative powers could be shared with each local government institution at the district and provincial level under a system of participatory governance. Significantly, the NPP-JVP manifesto makes no reference to the 13A.

President Wickremesinghe, the independent candidate, has said that power will be devolved as per the 13A. And powers that the central government had taken away from the provinces will be given back to them. The responsibility for deciding on police powers for the provincial councils will be given to the new parliament, he added.

The Samagi Janatha Balawegaya (SJB) candidate Sajith Premadasa has said that his alliance is committed to fully implementing the 13A till the passage of a new constitution. He also reaffirmed his commitment not to take back powers granted to the provinces under 13A.

The Tamil parties have come up with their own varying demands on devolution. Some of them support Sajith Premadasa and some others President Wickremesinghe. Others have rallied behind a common Tamil candidate” Pakiyaselvam Ariyanenthiran. All Tamil parties want devolution, either in the form a fully implemented 13A or an improvement of it.  

But experience shows that while the Sinhalese parties (or national parties as the see themselves) say that they favour devolution under the 13A, they routinely renege on the promise.

2016-2018 Exercise

A serious attempt was made to draft a new constitution with devolution of powers to the provinces when Maithripala Sirisena was President and Ranil Wickremesingh was Prime Minister in 2015-2019 during what was called the Good Governance” regime.

Consensus had emerged on most issues and a constitution more or less satisfactory to the Tamils could have been finalized. But serious contradictions between President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe over issues unrelated to the constitution-making process, vitiated the proceedings.

But it is worth recalling the process undertaken at that time to understand the political limits of constitution-making efforts in Sri Lanka.

The process of making a new constitution began in 2016. By a resolution, parliament established a Constitutional Assembly (CA), sitting simultaneously with the elected parliament. The CA was to be led by a Steering Committee (SC) chaired by the Prime Minister and comprising leaders of all parties represented in parliament plus some senior MPs.

A Panel of Experts comprising academics and lawyers nominated by the parliamentary parties was to assist the SC. The CA formed subcommittees on different subjects.

The Interim Report (IR) of the SC was published in late 2017. However, due to the deteriorating relations President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe (on matters other than the constitution) the Interim Report was incoherent on key matters.

The SC then asked the Panel of Experts to formulate a Discussion Paper (DP) based on the IR and the Subcommittee Reports, with the aim of finding a consensus. The DP was to be tabled in the CA in 2018, but the politico-constitutional crisis involving Sirisena and Wickremesinghe prevented that.

However, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe tabled the DP along with certain other documents in the CA on January 11, 2019. It was de facto the first draft of a new constitution.  

Sri Lanka was described as an ‘Aekiya Rajyaya’ in Sinhala which means ‘Unitary State’. It was called ‘Orumiththa Nadu’ or ‘United Country’ in Tamil. The reference to the country being undivided and indivisible in Clause 1 was reinforced by a prohibition of secession in Clause 4.

But Dr. Asanga Welikala of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) argued in his paper of the DP, that a ‘Unitary State’ is distinct from a ‘United Country’. The Tamils pointed this out and expressed their disappointment with the use of the two terms.

Dr.Welikala said that the CA could have gone by the examples of multilevel territorial systems created without using the terms Unitary or Federal” or created new concepts.

As expected, devolution of power was a very contentious issue in the deliberations in the CA. Therefore, the DP adopted a cautious and incremental” approach to devolution. It accepted the 13A as the basis, but the plan was to either remove or clarify the Provincial Governor’s powers, thereby consolidating the autonomy of the provincial Board of Ministers and the Provincial Council.

Considerable attention was paid to the controversial issues of devolution of powers in regard to the police and State land. To allay fears of secession among the majority Sinhalese, the DP outlined frameworks for cooperation between the Centre and the Provinces on State land and police. But the DP did not indicate the distribution of competences between the Centre and the Provinces.

Dr.Welikala speculates that this could be due to political sensitivities. While the majority community desired the retention of Concurrent powers, the minority Tamils wanted its abolition as it was being cynically used to water down devolution.

However, Dr.Welikala submits that a genuine framework of concurrency is not only workable and appropriate, but also consistent with the design of multilevel systems in comparable countries, which eschew the older method of trying to define exclusive spheres in the context of the realities of modern governance and the needs of a developing society.”    

The DP introduced the concept of non-derogable rights” and gave an extravagant list of such rights. But Dr.Welikala wonders how such an extravagant wish-list of claims on the State and its resources could be enforced.

The DP had Directive Principles of State Policy and Citizens’ Duties. There were also references to a unitary ‘composite culture’. But objecting to this, Dr.Welikala said: Ïn a deeply pluralistic society, heavily ideological statements about the nature of collective identity in a society where ethnicity is widely resonant, raise more questions than answers about this model of constitutional identity.”

Second Chamber

The most noteworthy innovation in the DP was the provision for a Second Chamber in parliament consisting of 55 members. Each of the nine Provincial Councils would elect a Provincial Delegation of five to the Second Chamber, which might include the Chief Minister (but not other provincial ministers).

The provincial delegation could collectively but not individually be recalled by a Provincial Council. The other ten members of the Second Chamber were to be elected by Parliament. These must be persons of eminence and integrity who have distinguished themselves in public or professional life, and were not Members of Parliament or of Provincial Councils.

Thus, the proposed Second Chamber is a house both of provincial representation in the central legislative process, as well as, to a lesser extent, a forum of independent expertise. Both are important rationales in the Sri Lankan context, Dr.Welikla noted.

But he added that the powers of the Second Chamber were only very sparsely mentioned.

Parliament will ‘refer’ Bills to the Second Chamber which has one month to ‘consider’ them. When the Second Chamber returns Bills to Parliament, it may specify ‘areas’ which require ‘reconsideration’ and Parliament shall give ‘due consideration’ to the views of the Second Chamber. No more is said of the relationship between the two chambers than this, and this is clearly an area that requires much greater elaboration.”

Stumbling Blocks

Would anyone elected as President now be able to or be willing to deliver on devolution or 13A?

Historically, no government has been able to deliver on promises on devolution made to the Tamils. This has been due an innate fear of Tamil secession. There is a contemporary aspect also. It is that the entire attention of the people of Sri Lanka (except perhaps the Tamils of the North and East) is now on the dire economic situation marked by high prices and stagnant incomes especially in the urban organized sector. It is doubtful if voters in the majority community   would ponder over the pros and cons of devolution to a minority community.   

Courtesy Adaderana

President Ranil Wickremesinghe officially opened The Mall,” a newly constructed duty-free shopping complex in the Colombo Port City area on Thursday (September 5).

This marks the debut of the first urban duty-free shopping mall in the region, featuring a range of stores, restaurants, and various retail outlets, the PMD said. 

Notable international duty-free retailers, including One World, China Duty Free Group (CDFG), and Flemingo will be operating within the mall, positioning the Colombo Port City as a premier shopping destination.

Following the unveiling of a commemorative plaque and the official opening, the President embarked on an observation tour of the new complex.

In his address at the occasion, President Ranil Wickremesinghe reflected on the rapid development of the port city, noting that two years ago, such progress seemed unlikely. He attributed this turnaround to his government’s efforts in establishing economic stability, supported by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which has enabled the Port City’s financial sector to advance.

The President also highlighted that approximately 100 companies are now interested in the Port City, with 74 expected to commence investment activities by the end of the year. He expressed optimism about the future growth and potential of the area.

In October 2023, the Sri Lankan government gazetted the requirements that need to be met in order to conduct duty-free retail business operations or duty-free shopping mall operations at the Colombo Port City.

According to the relevant gazette, published by President Ranil Wickremesinghe in his capacity as the Minister of Investment Promotion, an investor is required to devote a minimum of USD 5 million to run a duty-free retail business and have international-level experience in duty-free trade operations, while an investor needs to devote at least USD 7 million to run a duty-free shopping mall business.

In May 2023, Singapore-owned One World Duty Free and the Colombo Port City signed two agreements to operate Sri Lanka’s first downtown Duty-Free store.

Courtesy Hiru News

Independent presidential candidate President Ranil Wickremesinghe has warned that the economy will collapse again if taxes are reduced according to the economic policies proposed by opposition political parties. He made these remarks while addressing a public rally in Yapahu, as part of his “Puluwan Sri Lanka” series, where he is campaigning as an independent candidate in the upcoming presidential election.

During his speech, Wickremesinghe also mentioned Anura Kumara, recalling the time when Kumara served as the Minister of Agriculture under Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government. Wickremesinghe humorously questioned the assembly, asking, “Agriculture developed well at that time, didn’t it?” The crowd responded with laughter, to which Wickremesinghe remarked, “What are you laughing at,” before leaving the stage.

Courtesy Hiru News

National People’s Power presidential candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake stated that the country currently has a distorted parliament. He made these remarks during a public rally held yesterday in the Divulapitiya area, emphasizing the need for significant political change.

By Garvin Karunaratne

It may be a good idea for all contenders to become our President to understand that Sri Lanka is today a highly indebted country. When President Gotabhaya ceded the reigns of administration our foreign debt was at $ 56 billion.  Now in 2024 it is almost double. The Sunday Times of 9/6/24 tells us that  ‘ Sri Lanka’s debt pile surpasses US $ 100 billion, unpaid principal and interest exceed $ 6.4 billion. ‘

I enclose a copy of my earlier writings that indicate how Sri Lanka built up this debt. 

Savants like Professor Charitha Herath have repeatedly pointed out that our foreign debt had passed $ 90 billion in March 2024,  but our rulers have continued to live on loans and today our debt is well over a 100 billion dollars.

We have to bear that in mind. 

I can recall the past when we were not in debt. We did manage ourselves. That was in the Sixties.  I can recall serving as the Additional Government Agent at Kegalla in 1968.  The Government Agent was Mr Maralanda and  a task thrust on me was to be with the Hon Prime Minister Mr Dudley Senanayake every Saturday and Sunday and be with him attending meetings in the Dedigama electorate from morning till dusk sets in.  I was at the Warakapola Rest House by nine in the morning every Saturday and Sunday to greet him and accompany him.  I was seated beside him in his Humber Hawk and often seeing a villager on the small byroad he would ask the driver to stop. The Prime Minister then would speak to the villager, inquire about his well being and I must say that we never met an unemployed person for those week end visits.  

On the other days in the week I did visit other areas and that included Yatiyantota the electorate of Dr NM Perera  and I never met an unemployed person. Everyone had something to do according to their qualifications. 

In Matara as the Government Agent in 1971 to 1973  we did development work, setting up industries etc. Under my direction we even set up a Crayon Factory and  Sumanapala Dahanayake   in his capacity as the President of Morawaka Coop Union, developed it to have islandwide sales. Minister Illangaratne even banned the import of crayons.  If we can make crayons there is nothing we cannot make. 

That was the Sri Lanka that we have lost.

Then we had two budgets- a Rupee budget and a Dollar budget. All work within the country   building roads, massive tanks  like Maha Kanadarawa,  etc. was done with printed money and we were extremely careful to the cent. The dollars we earned from exports was carefully spent for necessities to be imported. And when we had an excess a car importer like Car Mart would be given a limited amount to import a few cars. In 1958 I had to wait  two months to get a new Peugeot 203.  No dollars were allowed for foreign studies or foreign travel.  We could not afford to do that. 

Our country was made indebted by the IMF that imposed the Structural Adjustment Programme on us in 1977 when President Jayawardena and my friend Ronne de Mel were fooled to accept it. 

My paper tells the sad story of how a country that was breathing fine and not a dollar in debt was made to become indebted.

Today we  are told by some to follow the IMF and we will definitely become further indebted.

My idea is that whoever wins must open up Development Programmes that will train our unemployed people to make things we need. This is nothing new. We did have great programmes like the Rural Development, Small Industries and the Divisional Development Councils Programme which enab

led us to  create employment for our people and for us to make what we need.      We have to pull up our socks and live within our earnings.  We have to argue with the IMF, make the IMF change and help us to get on our feet. What the IMF did to us they have done it to many other Third World countries. 

What the IMF did to Sri Lanka is well documented in my four books:

Microenterprise Development: A Strategy for Poverty Alleviation and Employment Creation in the Third World: The Way Out of the World Bank and IMF Stranglehold, Sarasavi, 1997

How the IMF Ruined Sri Lanka  and Alternative Programmes of Success, Godages, 2006

How the IMF Sabotaged Third World Development, Godages, /Kindle, 2017

How the IMF’s Structural Adjustment  Destroyed Sri Lanka, Godages, 2021

How the IMF took our leaders for a ride: What can be done today.

Posted on July 1st, 2023 in Lanka Web

By Garvin Karunaratne.

When Prime Minister Sirimavo lost the General Election in Sri Lanka in mid 1977, Sri Lanka did not have a foreign debt. During the time of Sirimavo and earlier, Sri Lanka got foreign loans on projects, where once the development project was completed the production brought about due to the completion of the project enabled the payment of the loan. They were all project loans. In 1975, Sri Lanka/s foreign debt was negligible. Then, the foreign debt, only $ 743 million, $ 75 million at the end of 1976 and at $ 750 million in 1977 were all incurred on projects and never on consumption. Thus we have to differentiate between foreign loans taken for projects, i.e.for development and foreign loans taken for consumption.

When President Jayawardena won the elections in mid 1977 instead of continuing the economy as Sirimavo had done , turned to the IMF for assistance. The IMF readily agreed to grant loans provided the Government relaxes rules re the use of foreign loans, allow anyone to use foreign exchange, relax all import controls, in short use the funds of these loans for consumption- to allow the rich to live in luxury. This was a major deviation from the manner we ran the economy since we achieved independence, when we somehow restricted imports and managed without falling into debt. Even in the 1950-1954 period when we implemented the major Gal Oya Development Programme retaining a US firm to build the tank, paid by us in dollars, we had restrictions in place for all imports. The essence was to manage all foreign expenses with the dollars we had. The rest- all development work running all Ministries etc.was done with printed Rupees.

The Minister of Finance Mr Ronnie de Mel in his Budget Speech of 1978 was over the moon regarding changing the modus operandi in running the economy. :

We cannot go round the World begging for Aid like international beggars for ever. We must get out of this vicious circle of no growth, stagnation and mounting internal and external debt.”

An year later,President Jayawardena was highly taken up and thought of it as a wonderful achievement,. In his words:

We adopted a package of new economic policies which envisaged a sweeping departure from a highly controlled, inward looking welfare oriented economic strategy to a more liberalized, outward looking and growth oriented one. Fundamental to the new economic policy was the adoption of realistic rate for the Sri Lankan Rupee with a view to reducing the price distortions arising from the previous attempts to maintain an over valued currency by means of stringent trade and payments control. The then prevailing multiple exchange system was unified and the Rupee was allowed to float. The resulting trade liberalization was expected to revive domestic industry by freer flows of raw material, spares and machinery by higher capacity utilization and by greater competition which at the same time was expected to provide better export incentives by inducing the import substituting industries to expand outward to export markets.” ( Address to the Federation of Economic Organizations of Japan, 12/09/1979, from Peace Unity and Coexistence by JR Jayawardena,Govt Press, 12,9,1985.)

Creating any production of any sort was totally not possible because, the bulwark of production oriented development tasks by various Government Departments was either totally abolished or sidelined, as dictated by the StructuralAdjustment Poliicy which the IMF forced us to follow-the Department for Development of Agricultural Marketing which purchased vegetables and fruits and ran a successful cannery was totally abolished. Other Departments like Small Industries and many development activities of other Departments were totally curtailed on the grounds that the Private Sector was to be the engine of growth and the officialdom that had attended to development tasks were confined to the barracks- finding some work to attend to.

This process forced on Sri Lanka inevitably caused total disaster as stated by the The World Bank in 1990:

In 1986, the deterioration of the economy had become evident. The growth rate of the GDP slowed to under 4%. Unemployment rose to around 17% and gross official reserves to less than two months’ imports.”(Trends in Developing Econmies:1990.

It is important to note that this utter deterioration had happened within eight years of following the Structural Adjustment provisions!

The foreign debt balooned to $ 1845 million by 1980, to $ 4063 million by 1986, to as much as $ 6723 million by 1993, to $ 9407 million by 1995 and $ 9191 million by 1996.

When Chandrika took over in November 1994, the foreign debt was at $ 9.7 billion and there was no turning back. The Development Infrastructure that been developed from 1948 to 1977 and which had achieved the country becoming self sufficient in paddy, the staple crop and all other development programmes had been either abolished or sidelined and there was no turning back.

Once in around the late Eighties on my trip to Kataragama, at Ambalantota I turned towards my office in 1958 and then my office covering the Southern Province for paddy purchases and rice milling was a part of an integrated complex including a large Lewis Grant Rice Mill, the summun bonum of the day that milled a thousand bushels a day. Over a hundred lorries of paddy were accepted a day. When the Mill was switched on, every Monday morning it will work nonstop till Saturday evening when it was switched off for cleaning and resurfacing the rollers on Sunday. If it stopped otherwise I had to interfere and get it working and I was held personally responsible. The Mill had been abandoned and was in pieces. The land some five acres was apportioned to various departments that had fenced them in and total neglect was the order of the day. The machinery which we doted on and cared for with our lives was in pieces, strewn everywhere. It was a scene that I could never have believed. That was what did happen to all over the island under President Jayawardena’s move to follow the IMF. The development infrastructure was in tatters and there was never a turning back.

The annual foreign exchange deficit is also an important indicator of development. In my words, Sri lanka was a country that could boast of the fact that it held a credit of $ 170 million in its foreign exchange budget of 1977. In less than five years of liberalization the foreign exchange deficit was as much as $ 892 . In 1995 this figure was at $ 997million.”

This increase in foreign exchange deficit happened due to the major changes that were made in the economy from the end of 1977. In 1980 the Minister of Finance boasted

We liberalized the economy and did so effectively and thoroughly.’(Budget Speech:1980)

Both President Jayawardena and Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel were taken for a ride. As the erudite South Asian Commission on Poverty Alleviation commented in 1992:

The Industrial Countries are for the first time since World War II are in need of markets for their produce. So they have put into effect the Structural Adjustment programme… the industrialized countries are pressurizing the reciepients of Structural Adjustment loans to open their economies to goods from them:(From; Meeting the Challenge:1992)

In this process of importing what we could have made the loans we took ended up in the donor countries in some form or other- for holiday travel, for financing their universities etc, while leaving the loans as a debt on Sri Lanka. It was a grand manipulation to make us fall into debt.

Sri Lanka’s foreign debt balooned to $ 11.3 bn by 2005 and the IMF backed out of giving loans. Then we sought finance somehow and even raised funds through issuing International Sovereign Bonds(ISB) at very high interest rates. At the end of 2014 our foreign debt was 42.9 billion and during the Yahapalana 2014 to 2019, as much as $ 12.5 billion of ISBs were taken. Yet none of these funds were utilized to create any production. Instead, they were used for extravagant living. In 2022 the debt had reached $56 billion and today in June the Government talks of foreign debt below $ 50 billion, which is very doubtful. 

To be realistic what we can do and have the immediate ability to do is to find an agloritham of action to get into producing what we import. This too has to be on Government sector programmes because the private sector investors have fairly given up enterprise development due to high interest rates, and are satisfied with parking their capital in banks and enjoying high interest rates.

Thus the only option is to concentrate on import substitution type of programmes, making what the consumer needs. .This will reduce imports and help the country to save foreign exchange.

In the living memory of some of us we can recall the Divisional Development Councils Programme of the days of Prime Minister Sirimavo. It was directed by Professor Haalso deS Gunasekara, the eminent Professor of Economics of the University of Peradeniya and it was successful in training thousands of youths to become scientific farmers and handle livestock. It created employment for 33,300 youths and many new industries like making paper at Kotmale and building motor fishing boats and Crayons at Matara were very successful.

May our leaders consider such an employment cum poverty alleviation programme urgently,

Garvin Karunaratne

former GA Matara.

1 st July 2023

By Nirmala Jayasundara

When Lakshmi, a fictional character representing the many women in Sri Lanka, began selling vegetables from her home garden at the local market, she didn’t just supplement her family’s income, she sparked a transformation. This illustrative example reflects the broader trend of how women across Sri Lanka are taking charge of their livelihoods and reshaping their futures and those of their communities.

In Sri Lanka, women have traditionally been seen as the backbone of the family, managing household duties while raising children. This role is deeply respected, yet it has also confined many women to the domestic sphere, limiting their opportunities to contribute more broadly to the economy. However, now the situation is changing. Today, women are increasingly stepping beyond these traditional roles, managing both home and work with remarkable skill.

According to the World Bank, Sri Lanka has achieved near gender parity in education, with female literacy rates at 92%, closely mirroring that of men. Despite this, women’s participation in the labor force remains significantly lower, hovering around 35% compared to nearly 75% for men. This gap represents a vast, untapped potential that, if unlocked, could drive significant economic growth.

Women possess innate abilities that can significantly contribute to the country’s development. Their natural strengths such as multitasking, endurance, and the capacity to manage multiple responsibilities are invaluable assets. Studies have shown that women are more likely to reinvest their earnings into their families and communities, amplifying the impact of their economic contributions. By creating more opportunities for women to join the active labor force and by providing access to education and vocational training, we can unlock this potential, driving not just individual empowerment but national progress.

In rural areas, women play a significant role in agricultural activities, often working alongside their husbands or managing small home gardens. However, their contributions are frequently underappreciated and limited to supportive roles. Yet, these women possess a wealth of knowledge and skills that can greatly enhance agricultural productivity and sustainability. For example, a study by the International Labour Organization (ILO) found that if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20-30%, potentially reducing the number of hungry people in the world by 12-17%.

Livelihood programs have played a pivotal role in empowering women in Sri Lanka, particularly in rural areas. Initiatives like the Samurdhi Development Program and the Women’s Bureau of Sri Lanka have provided women with the tools and resources they need to start small businesses, gain financial independence, and improve their quality of life. The success of these programs is evident in the stories of women who have used their newfound skills to build better futures for themselves and their families.

However, there is still much work to be done. While these programs have made significant strides, they must continue to evolve to meet the changing needs of women in Sri Lanka. This means focusing on long-term sustainability, providing ongoing support, and ensuring that women have access to the resources they need to succeed. It also means advocating for policies that promote gender equality in the workplace, protect women’s rights, and ensure that women can participate fully in the economy.

As we look to the future, the question remains: how can we create a society where every woman has the opportunity to reach her full potential? The answer lies in continuing to support and empower women through education, training, and access to resources. By doing so, we not only improve the lives of women but also strengthen the fabric of our society, creating a more prosperous and equitable future for all.

This perspective is crucial because it highlights the untapped potential of half our population. Imagine the impact if every woman in Sri Lanka were empowered to contribute fully to the economy. It’s not just about equity, it’s about harnessing the full potential of our nation to build a stronger, more resilient future. So what role will you play in this transformation?

Manusha Media

විදේශ රැකියා ක්ෂේත්‍රය සම්බන්ධයෙන් අසත්‍ය ප්‍රකාශ නිකුත් කරමින් අපහාසාත්මක ප්‍රකාශ නිකුත් කිරීමට එරෙහිව පූජ්‍ය පාහියන්ගල ආනන්ද සාගර හිමියන්ට එරෙහිව හිටපු කම්කරු හා විදේශ රැකියා අමාත්‍ය මනුෂ නානායක්කාර මහතා නීතිමය පියවර ගෙන තිබේ.

ඒ අනුව පළමු පියවර ලෙස අසත්‍ය, පදනම් විරහිත ප්‍රකාශ නිකුත් කළ ආනන්ද සාගර හිමියන්ට එරෙහිව රුපියල් මිලියන 500ක වන්දියක් ඉල්ලා මනුෂ නානායක්කාර මහතා සිය නීතීඥයින් මගින් ආනන්ද සාගර හිමියන් වෙත එන්තරවාසියක් යොමු කර ඇත.

අද (04) උදෑසන මනුෂ නානායක්කාර මහතා සිය නීතීඥයින් මගින් මෙම එන්තරවාසිය යවා ඇත.

හිටපු අමාත්‍යවරයාගේ ඥාතියෙකුට අයත් විදේශ රැකියා ඒජන්සියකින් විදේශ රැකියා සදහා පුද්ගලයින් යොමු කර ඇති බවටත්, ඒ මගින් කෝටි ගණනින් මුදල් උපයා ඇති බවට ආනන්දසාගර හිමියන් කර ඇති ප්‍රකාශවල කිසිදු පදනමක් නොමැති බවද මනුෂ නානායක්කාර මහතා සිය නීතිඥයින් මගින් යොමු කරන ලද එන්නතරවාසියේ දැක්වේ. මනුෂ නානායක්කාර මහතාගේ නම අවස්ථා කිහිපයකදීම සදහන් කරමින් චේතනාන්විතව අපහාස කිරීමේ අරමුණින් ආනන්ද සාගර හිමියන් විසින් ප්‍රකාශ නිකුත් කර ති්බන බවද එන්තරවාසියේ සදහන් වේ.

මෙසේ අසත්‍ය ප්‍රකාශ නිකුත් කරමින් අපහාස කිරීමට කටයුතු කිරීමට එරෙහිව රුපියල් මිලියන පන්සියකක වන්දිය දින 14ක් ඇතුළත ගෙවා අවසන් කරන ලෙසත්, එසේ නොවන්නේ නම් අධිකරණයේ නඩු පවරා වන්දි මුදල, ඊට අදාල ආලාභ සහ නඩු ගාස්තු අය කරගැනීමට කටයතු කරන බවද මනුෂ නානායක්කාර මහතා සිය නීතීඥයින් මගින් යොමු කළ එන්තරවාසියේ වැඩිදුරටත් සදහන් වේ.

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Ceylon Diary – SBPC Official Channel

පාදඩ උගතුන් : වැඩිමනක් ජාති ද්‍රෝහී , දේශ ද්‍රෝහී , ආගම් ද්‍රෝහී පිරිස බිහිවී තිබෙන්නේ කර්නල් හෙන්රි ඕල්කට් තුමා බිහිකළ පාසල් තුල හැදෙන වැඩෙන දරුවන් වීම ජාතියට ගැහු හෙනගෙඩියකි. මොවුන්ව මෙසේ දක්වන්නේ කුමක් අරබයාද, කව්රු විසින්ද, ඒ මොවුන්ගේ ගුරුවරු නොවේද ? මෙම සාකච්චාව වයසට ගිය වැඩිහිටි කුඩා දරුවන් සඳහා නොවේ. යුධ ස්වෙච්චා හමුදාවේ හිටපු ලුතිනන් කර්නල් විජේසුන්දර මුදලිගේ අශෝක මහතා සමග සාකච්චාව මෙහයවිම දෙශාභිමානී සුර්ය වංශ රත්න විභූෂණ පාලිත ආරියරත්න විසින්. නිවැරදි දේ අගය කරන්නත් වැරදි දේ හෙළිදරවු කර නිර්භයව එයට පහර දෙන්නත් හෘදය සා‍ක්ෂියක් මාධ්‍යවේදියෙකුට තියෙන්න ඕනෑ බව සිංහලේ දිනපොත විශ්වාසයයි !
පර්යේෂණාත්මක පුවත් පත් කලාව ! මෙහයවීම දේශාභිමානී සුර්ය වංශ රත්න විභූෂණ පාලිත ආරියරත්න විසින්…

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

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The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna/National People’s Power candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake rides high on opinion polls, social media posts, Twitter and Facebook likes and the crowd size.

While none of them offers a credible measure of popular support, some local pundits take pride in parroting them, which are then regurgitated by foreign media and embassy cables. Funny enough, the election analysis in this country has become yet another echo chamber of a small incestual circle of participants and data. (That’s how NGO activism in this country happened in the past). 

Anura Kumara Dissanayake

For starters, those opinion polls smack of manipulation, either deliberately or due to prohibitively small and corrupted sample sizes. That gives the impression they are part of a greater scheme of things. As far as the social media hype is concerned, the JVP has a dedicated cadre base to undertake the laborious work,  even though similar services and more could be purchased for a modest sum in countless Telegram groups.  

Realistic number 

A more realistic number for Dissanayake would be around 20 per cent of the popular vote under the most optimistic scenario, which is way short of the presidency, though a great leap forward from less than Five per cent the JVP polled in the past. 

However, given the real or feigned popular enthusiasm for a JVP presidency and a JVP government, let’s consider a hypothetical situation where the JVP is in the driving seat of the presidency and the government. 

 Given that there is no historical precedent of a JVP-controlled government, analysing its future conduct would be a tall order. Interestingly, that lack of exposure to the art of governance, other than the short stint of Co-habitation with the Chandrika Kumaratunga administration in early 2000, has become the raison d’etre to vote for the JVP. 
In the absence of a comparable local precedent, one way to predict the behaviour of a JVP government would be to analyse how similarly ideologically inclined parties who also share a similar lived experience (i.e. a militant past) conducted themselves when in power.

 
Placing JVP’s left  in the international Left

Political Left spans a wide spectrum as wide-ranging as Scandinavian social democrats in one extreme to French and British left and similarly positioned selected Latin American left parties, such as in Lula de Silva’s Workers Party in Brazil to one party states in China, Cuba, Vietnam and North Korea in the other extreme.   

They are vastly different. The Scandinavian Left is deeply rooted in the free- market capitalist system and electoral democracy. They emphasise redistribution of social justice and wealth, which they can afford, given the surplus wealth generated over time and high-income tax collection. Whereas the JVP, which claims to represent the poor, opposes the even modest income tax threshold that affects only the country’s upper 20-30 per cent income brackets.  

Listening to the social welfare policies of the JVP, one might ponder whether it is a sister party of the Swedish Social Democrats. However, the stubborn reality is that such an extensive array of welfarism is not feasible within the means of Sri Lanka, which had a meagre 9.8 per cent of tax revenue to GDP in 2023. At the same time, Sri Lanka is still a more expansive welfare state than any of the Communist one-party states,  from Cuba to China. 
 Similarly, the most successful party states, Vietnam and China, are more capitalist and mercantilist than the majority of capitalist European states. The difference in the one-party state is their near absolute monopoly in political power, which leaves no room for dissent.

Thankfully, the JVP cannot replicate that amount of absolute control without remaking the constitution in Sri Lanka.  

So, where does JVP fit in? In between the above two extremes, there is another identical set of parties: the chaotic, militant Left that is still dominant in Latin America, in countries such as Nicaragua, Venezuela, Bolivia, etc. Those parties are not necessarily card-carrying electoral democrats, but they have come to power through elections. They do not offer viable economic policies, though they have done well during commodity booms in dolling out the state’s riches and cultivating large patronage networks.

Welfarism

 That is the kind of welfarism one should expect from the JVP, a ruinous and perilous economic exercise that comes at the expense of the nation’s future.

There is another similarity between these parties and the JVP, differentiating them from the traditional European or South Asian Left.

The traditional Left considers elections the only legitimate source of power. In contrast, these groups, given their militant past and ideological orientation, believe in hybrid sources of power, including the use of force- the barrel of the gun- and populist legitimacy alike. 

When their populist legitimacy wanes due to their miserable economic handling, they resort to force. That may explain why ruling parties in these countries have refused to give up power after losing multiple elections. It is not an exaggeration that the JVP shares all their traits. 

 If you want to look for where a future JVP government would fit, don’t look for Sweden; look for Nicaragua. 

First two years of JVP govt.

AKD presidency would naturally be followed by  a VP government, and initially, there would be an all-encompassing positive vibe. A comparative local analogy would be Chandrika Kumaratunga’s presidency, ending the 17 years of UNP rule. We all know how it turned out at the end. Like Chandrika, the JVP would be a prisoner of its stakeholders and its own ideology. Economic rot will set sooner than the ink dries up in appointment letters to the JVP ministers. Thanks to Ranil Wickremesinghe and the Central Bank Governor, the JVP has US$ 5.6 billion to splash over its promised freebies and salary hikes. But these monies will run out soon, and with the rupee on a free fall, Sri Lanka will enter Gotabaya Part 2 in no less than two years. But, don’t expect the JVP to give up power willingly because the JVP, like any revolutionary party with a militant past, believes in hybrid sources of power. It may fail in a complete state capture in two years so that it could send a compliant military to crack down on the protest. But that need not to be. The hordes of party cadres would do the job. One reason why Bangladeshi protests became exceedingly violent was due to the militant student union of the ruling Awami League taking on protesters. 

Never ends

If the JVP manages to avoid the immediate economic collapse,  it would have three more years. During that period, hard-line Marxists would take control from gullible professionals and social liberals who had joined ranks under the National People’s Power.

The JVP’s economic policies have been tried before. The left-leaning Sirimavo Bandaranaike government in 1970-77 was the most infamous and ruinous. The JVP’s five years in power would be as bad as that or worse. Sri Lanka would add another five years of lost growth.

 However, the international experience across much of Latin America tells that the militant Left does not leave power when they lose elections. When that happens, Sri Lankans would remember Gotabaya Rajapaksa as a convent nun, compared to the horror they would encounter. Avoid that eventuality before it becomes real.

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

මෙරට විවිධ ප්‍රදේශවල සිටින මහා පරිමාණ ගල්කොරි ව්‍යාපාරිකයන් පිරිසක් එකතු වී මහනුවර තරු හෝටලයක ජාතික ජන බලවේගයේ විධායක සභික කේ.ඩී. ලාල්කාන්ත මහතා ඇතුළු නායකයන් කිහිප දෙනෙකු හමුවී සාකච්ඡාවක් පවත්වන අතරතුර ඔවුන්ට දිවා ආහාරය ලබාදීමට සැලසුම් කොට තිබියදී එය වැළැක්වීමට මහනුවර මැතිවරණ කාර්යාලයේ නිරීක්ෂණ නිලධාරීන් පිරිසක් කටයුතු කොට තිබේ.

මැතිවරණ නිරීක්ෂණ නිලධාරීන් එම ස්ථානයට කඩා පනින අවස්ථා වේදී මෙරට මහා පරිමාණ ගල්කොරි ව්‍යාපාරිකයන් 25 දෙනෙකු පමණ වීම ස්ථානයේ සිට ඇති අතර, මැතිවරණයක් ප්‍රකාශයට පත්කර තිබියදී මේ ආකාරයෙන් සංග්‍රහ පැවැත්වීම වරදක් බව ජාතික ජාතික ජන බලවේගයේ නියෝජිතයන්ට සහ හෝටල් කළමනාකාර්ශ්වයට දැනුම් දීමට මැතිවරණ නිරීක්ෂණ නිලධාරීන් පියවර ගෙන තිබේ.

පැමිණි පිරිසට දිවා ආහාරය බුෆේ ක්‍රමයට සූදානම් කොට තිබී ඇති අතර, හෝටලයේ නවාතැන් ගෙන සිටි පිරිස් සහ විදේශිකයන්ද විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් ආහාර ලබා ගැනීමට සිටි බැවින් ආහාර වලට සිල් තැබීමට මැතිවරණ නිරීක්ෂණ නිලධාරීන් පියවර ගෙන නොතිබුණි.

– ෂේන් සෙනෙවිරත්න

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

13 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන බව අනුර දිසානායක මහතා උතුරේදී මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ පැවසූ බව දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානයේ යාපනය දිස්ත්‍රික් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී එම්.ඒ. සුමන්තිරන් මහතා සඳහන් කරයි.

නමුත් ඔහු දකුනේදී එසේ නොකරන බව මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ සඳහන් කරන බවත් ඒ අනුව තම පක්ෂය ඉදිරි ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී අනුර දිසානායක මහතාට සහාය නොදෙන්නට තීරණය කල බවත් ඔහු පැවසීය.

13 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්ශෝධනය ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ස්ථිර පිළිතුරක් දීමට ඔහුට නොහැකි ඇති බවද මන්ත්‍රීවරයා පෙන්වා දෙයි.

ඒ හේතුවෙන් තම පක්ෂය විපක්ෂ නායක සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතාට සහාය ලබාදීමට තීරණය කරන ලද බවත් ඔහු එම සංශෝධනය ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට එකඟ වී ඇති බවත් ඔහු තවදුරටත්  කියා  සිටියේය.

සිරස නාලිකාවේ පැවති වැඩසටහනකදී ඔහු මෙම අදහස් පල කරන ලදී.

From Chinese Embassy in Sri Lanka

On August 26, the Type 071 integrated landing ships Wuzhishan and Qilianshan, the Type 052D guided-missile destroyer He Fei of the 987 Fleet of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy arrived at the Colombo Port in Sri Lanka. Ambassador H.E. Qi Zhenhong and Spouse, the Defense Attaché Senior Colonel Zhou Bo went to the port to greet the fleet. More than 100 people, including staff of Chinese Embassy in Sri Lanka, representatives of overseas Chinese, officers and soldiers of the Sri Lankan Navy lined up to welcome them.

From late July to mid-August, the fleet participated in the “Peace Unity-2024” joint exercise. After completing the mission, it made a technical stop in Sri Lanka on the way back to China. The fleet set off back on August 29. During the stay in Sri Lanka, the officers and soldiers of the fleetcarried out professional exchanges, joint exercises and training, cultural and sports exchanges and other activities with counterparts of Sri Lankan Navy.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

චීනය විසින් ‘බෙල්ට් ඇනඩ් රෝඩ්’ ව්‍යාපෘතියෙන් ආයෝජනය කළ රටවල් සෑම එකකම පාහේ රෙජිම් චේන්ජ් ව්‍යාපෘතිය ඉතා බලසම්පන්න ලෙස සිදුවෙමින් ඇති බවත්, ශ්‍රී ලංකාව මෙන්ම බංග්ලාදේශය, මියන්මාරය, පාකිස්ථානය ඇතුළ රටවල මෑතකාලීනව සිදුවූ සිදුවීම් ඒ සඳහා උදාහරණ සපයන බවත් ජානිපෙ නායක පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා පවසයි.

හිරු ‘සලකුණ’ වැඩසටහනට එක් වෙමින් ඒ මහතා පවසන්නේ  මෙම ක්‍රියාදාමය පිටුපස අමෙරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදය  සිටින බවයි.

මෙරට අමෙරිකානු තානාපතිනි ජූලි චන්ග් මහත්මියට අමෙරිකාව විසින් පැවරූ තවමත් අවසන් කිරීමට නොහැකි වූ කාර්යක් පවතින බවද, එනිසා ධුරයෙන් ඉවත්වුනද තවදුරටත් ඇය මෙරට රැඳී සිටින බවද ඒ මහතා මෙහිදී හෙළිකර සිටියේය.

ලංකාවේ ජුලි 9 දා සිදුවූයේ ප්ලෑන් A එක නොව ප්ලෑන් B එක බවත්, ප්ලෑන් A එක බංග්ලාදේශයේ සිදුවෙමින් පවතින බවත් ජුලියා චන්ග් මැතිණියට මෙරටින් යාමට කළින් ප්ලෑන් A එක මෙරට තුළ සිදුකිරීමට අවශ්‍යතාවය වී ඇති බවත් පවසන විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා, මෙවර ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් පසු බංග්ලාදේශයේ ඇතිවූ වතාවරණය හා සමාන විනාශකාරී වාතාවරණයක් මෙරට තුළ නිර්මාණය වීමේ වැඩි ඉඩක් පවතින බවත් පෙන්වා දෙන ලදී.

ජනාධිපතිවරණයේ දී ජයගන්නා පුද්ගලයා තෝරාගැනීමට දෙවැනි මනාපය ගණන්කරන කාල සීමාවේදී රට ගිනි තැබීම සඳහා තෝරාගත හැකි බවද විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා මෙහිදී කරුණු අනාවරණය කළේය.

වත්මන් ජනාධිපතිවරයා, විරුද්ධ පක්ෂ නායකයා හෝ අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක යන කවරෙකු ජනාධිපතිවරණයේ ඡන්ද අතර පෙරමුණට පැමිණියත් රටේ ඉරණම තීරණය කරනු ලබනු ඇත්තේ දැනටමත් ඔවුන්ව මෙහෙයවන මේ ප්‍රතිගාමී බලවේගයන් විසින් බව විමල් වීරවංශ මෙහිදී අනාවරණය කළේය.

සවිස්තරාත්මක වීඩියෝව නරඹන්න… 

https://lankaleader.com/

Courtesy Adaderana

Independent presidential candidate and incumbent President Ranil Wickremesinghe says that it is not possible to build the country’s economy without a formal plan.

He states that through the strengthening of the rupee by taking tough decisions, they have temporarily addressed the economic crisis.

Speaking at a rally in Eheliyagoda, President Ranil emphasized that they took over the governance of the country with a fearless commitment.

That day, this group came with me to accept responsibility without fear. We united from various parties. We took over the government and first, we stabilized the rupee. We had to make tough decisions,” said the President.

He stated that although the cost of living in 2023 was high, they had no other option but to act. If we hadn’t taken these measures, we wouldn’t be in this situation but would have been in a situation similar to that of Greece. From then on, we managed to strengthen the rupee and the economy. In 2023, we were able to provide the ‘Aswesuma’ program which is three times as ‘Samurdhi’.”

In 2024, the government has introduced new subsidies, he said. It doesn’t end here. There is more work to be done. We will continue to strengthen the economy and increase the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), which will further strengthen the rupee.”

The President stated that he is committed to building on the progress the government has achieved and that it is important to note that results cannot be achieved in just a year or two— and that there are no assurances that the country would not collapse once again. So, we can move forward only if there is a proper plan,” said Wickremesinghe.

Courtesy Adaderana

Samagi Jana Balawegaya’s (SJB) Presidential Candidate and Leader of the Opposition, Sajith Premadasa says that steps will be taken to turn both deep sea and freshwater fishing industries into a ‘smart industry’ under his government.

During a rally held in Puttalam, he highlighted his vision to initiate a public-private joint venture in the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), on the country’s sea border.

He further added, We are working to improve this fishing industry by making both marine and freshwater fishing industry into a smart industry, using new methods along with new technology.” 

Premadasa emphasized that Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), extending 200 nautical miles from the coast, was secured in the 1980s.

We intend to direct this Exclusive Economic Zone towards sustainable development through collaborative public-private projects around the country and to bring in required resources and foreign investments into the country,” said Premadasa.

Additionally, Premadasa stated that he plans to enhance agriculture in the area not only by improving paddy cultivation but also improving crop production. He also expressed his goal to foster the development of ‘smart farmers’ and ‘smart fishermen’.

Courtesy Adaderana

The National People’s Power presidential candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake reiterated that the conditions of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) are not unfavourable to the country.

Joining a business community conference held in Colombo, Dissanayake reassured that an NPP government will uphold the current agreement with the IMF.

Now all the international relations of the country including the bilateral and multi-lateral agreements have been placed inside the IMF basket. It means that the entire future program of the country is tied together with the International Monetary Fund”, he said.

Furthermore, Dissanayake said that at this time, if anyone is thinking of unilaterally withdrawing from the IMF program, it is an abdication of accountability to the citizen or to the country.

Commenting further regarding the matter, the NPP’s presidential candidate added: Therefore, we guarantee you that we have no hope of unilaterally withdrawing from the International Monetary Fund.”

But we have a number of parameters set by the International Monetary Fund that we have to fulfill. We should maintain primary account balance of 2.3 next year. By 2032, our debt ratio should be maintained at 98%. We are given a number of parameters. They are not harmful to a country. Achieving them is not a bad thing. It’s not a bad economic goal, no matter who gives it”, he signed off. 

Last week, speaking to the Associated Press, Dissanayake had expressed that he plans to uphold the agreement with the IMF while his administration negotiates changes to ease the burden on the public.

We can’t come out from the existing IMF program because we entered into the IMF program only after the country was financially collapsed. We believe there could have been another alternative. But now all the bilateral and multi-lateral agreements have been placed inside the IMF basket,” Dissanayake said.

More attention should be paid to the hardships faced by the people when moving forward with the IMF program,” he had said.

Sugath Kulatunga

Debt on ISBs continues to be the bugbear in the economy. It is on record that the Yahapalanaya regime borrowed on ISBs 12.4 billion US dollars at high rates of interest. The financial wizards of yahapalnaya claims that these high cost funds were used to settle loans taken by the Manida government. Accoding to Central Bank statistics total Foreign Debt at the end of 2015 was Rs 3,544,031 million out of which Project loans were Rs 2,180,388.

https://www.cbsl.gov.lk/sites/default/files/cbslweb_documents/publications/otherpub/public_debt_management_in_sri_lanka_2017.pdf

It is unlikely that high cost ISB funds would have been used to settle low-cost long-term project loans.

According to the Central Bank report on PUBLIC DEBT MANAGEMENT IN SRI LANKA – 2017 at para 2.5.8. on the Usage of Foreign Debt it is noted that

the debt raised through external sources in 2017 was mainly used for the purposes of development of economic, social and administrative services in the country. Substantial investment in the form of enhancing the capacity and productivity of the economy also aimed from foreign financing during the year. Out of the total outstanding external debt at end 2017, 51.58 per cent was utilized for the development of economic services. Meanwhile, 8.91 per cent and 1.33 per cent of total external debt had been utilized for the development of social services and import of commodities, respectively, during 2017. Further, a share of 22.07 per cent of total external debt at end 2017 was used for the development of transportation system of the country including roads and bridges (15.47 percent) and ground transport (6.60 per cent)”.

The same report of 2019 at para 2.5.8 states that the debt raised through external sources was mainly used for the development of economic services which accounted for 45.93 per cent of outstanding external debt at end 2019. Two main sectors that were beneficial through such developments were industrial and construction sector (28.72 per cent) and service sector (11.17 per cent).

External debt was also deployed to improve social services and in importing commodities and food, that accounted for 7.74 per cent and 0.82 per cent of the total external debt during the year respectively. Further, a substantial share

of foreign debt (16.07 per cent) was utilized for the development of transportation systems including roads and bridges while development in ground transportation accounted for 5.52 percent of the total external debt.”

It is not clear whether development of economic services” was in the way of projects. But the fact is that external debt was also deployed to improve social services and in importing commodities and food.

Towards the end of the Yahapalana government there was a flurry of ISB borrowing. In 2019 GOSL tapped the international capital market with the issuance of new International Sovereign Bonds (ISBs) worth US dollar 4,400 million during 2019 in March and June. The Government issued its 13th ISB in March 2019 and raised US dollars 2.4 billion which was of two tenures (i) US dollars 1.0 billion with a 5-year maturity at a yield of 6.85 per cent and (ii) US dollars 1.4 billion with a 10-year maturity at a yield of 7.85 per cent. In June 2019, US dollars 2.0 billion in total was raised by issuing US dollars 500 million with a 5-year maturity at a yield of 6.35 per cent and US dollars 1.5 billion with a long 10-year maturity at a yield of 7.55 per cent per annum.(PUBLIC DEBT MANAGEMENT IN SRI LANKA – 20195)

it is clear that the immediate cause for Sri Lanka’s bankruptcy is the exposure to international sovereign bonds (ISBs) issued at high interest rates. It is reported that in 2021, ISBs accounted for 70 percent of the government’s annual interest payments. It is the settlement of the 500 million US$ ISB in January 2022 which triggered the bankcruptcy of the country by 12 April with the temporary suspension of repayment of all external debt.

Ministry of Defence  – Media Centre

Post – event Press Release

The Red Sea is a crucial Indian Ocean entrance that is largely anchored by the Suez Canal, in terms of strategic significance between Europe, Asia and Africa, which entered the hot zone of geopolitics. Compared to other nations not as dependent on international trade, as a small open economy, Sri Lanka is exposed to the risk of Red Sea conflict disruptions. In light of this, the Institute of National Security Studies (INSS) of Sri Lanka, the premier think tank on national security established and functioning under the Ministry of Defence organised a roundtable on September 02, 2024 entitled, Widening Red Sea Conflict: Implications for the Global Economy and Sri Lanka”. The discussion, held at the Ministry of Defence, explored how increased maritime risks, potential diversions in trade routes and economic instabilities can affect Sri Lanka as an island nation.

This discussion on the timely topic was conducted under the guidance and direction of Defence Secretary General Kamal Gunaratne. Chief of National Intelligence (CNI) Maj. Gen. Ruwan Kulathunga (Retd) graced the event as the Chief Guest.

Overlooking Director General and Acting Director (Research) of the INSS, Colonel Nalin Herath warmly received the Chief Guest and the distinguished panelists to the forum. While making the introductory remarks, he also introduced the distinguished moderator and other speakers to the audience.

The central themes of the discussion included an overview of the evolving geopolitical landscape of the Red Sea, the implications of the conflict on the global economy, impacts on Sri Lankan economy and strategies to strengthen economic resilience whilst exploiting the opportunities as a key maritime hub in the Indian Ocean.

The moderator of the event was Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja, the Professorial fellow in Economics and Trade at Gateway House in Mumbai and Visiting Senior Fellow at ODI in London. Dr. (Mrs.) Sujeetha Jegajeevan, Director of the Economic Research Department at the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, Mr Bingumal Thewarathanthri, the Chief Executive Officer at Standard Chartered Bank in Sri Lanka and Professor Rohan Samarajiva, founding Chair of LIRNE Asia (Learning Initiatives on Reforms for Network Economies Asia), acted as key speakers of the event.

Dr. Jegajeevan highlighted that maintaining prudent macroeconomic policies was important to tackle the economic fallout on Sri Lanka from a possible widening of the Red Sea conflict. Mr. Thewarathanthri indicated the significance of consistent economic policies to support business and signing trade deals with Sri Lanka’s major trading partners. Professor Samarajiva suggested that Sri Lanka’s comparative advantage lies in services (such as ICT services) and that investing in innovation and cyber security were essential. Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja summerized the main points expressed by the speakers and suggested that government needs to maintain a razar sharp focus on ensuring economic security for the country to  move from debt default status to economic prosperity.

The audience consisted of Defence Ministry officials, academics, researchers, scholars, policymakers, representatives from the Sri Lanka Armed Forces, Sri Lanka Police and other international subject experts.