China pledges full support for Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring and economic stability

October 2nd, 2024

Courtesy Adaderana

The Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to Sri Lanka, Qi Zhenhong met with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake today (02) at the Presidential Secretariat in Colombo.

The Ambassador extended his heartfelt congratulations to the President on his recent election victory and expressed China’s continued commitment to supporting Sri Lanka in its future endeavours, the President’s Media Division (PMD) said.

Ambassador Qi reaffirmed the Chinese government’s continued commitment to enhancing bilateral relations with Sri Lanka, emphasizing the significance of on-going collaborative projects. 

He highlighted the active engagement of the China Development Bank (CDB) and EXIM Bank in supporting Sri Lanka’s development initiatives, the statement said. 

Moreover, Ambassador Qi had assured that both institutions, as key commercial and bilateral creditors, will provide comprehensive assistance in the debt restructuring process, underscoring China’s dedication to supporting Sri Lanka’s economic stability and growth.

–PMD

Parties that backed Ranil to contest general election under ‘Gas Cylinder’ symbol

October 2nd, 2024

Courtesy Adaderana

ll political parties that supported former President Ranil Wickremesinghe at the recent Presidential Election are to contest the upcoming General Election under the New Democratic Front (NDF), with the ‘Gas Cylinder’ as their symbol.

Former President Wickremesinghe had also contested the recent presidential election under the symbol of the ‘Gas Cylinder’, albeit as an independent candidate. 

Political sources told Ada Derana, earlier today, that former MPs who supported Wickremesinghe are preparing to contest the upcoming General Election under either the ‘elephant’ symbol or another common symbol.

It was reported that the opinion of the Election Commission had been sought to obtain the ‘Gas Cylinder’ symbol and that a final decision was to be taken after the commission’s decision is conveyed. 

The group of former MPs had gathered at the Election Operations office of the former president at Flower Road in Colombo today (02), in order to reach the final decision regarding the symbol and the alliance they will contest under in the upcoming election.

It was further reported that if the former MPs were unable to obtain the ‘Gas Cylinder’ symbol, they would most likely contest under the symbol of the ‘Elephant’ or another common symbol.

High-level IMF delegation meets new govt’s economic team, discuss reforms

October 2nd, 2024

Courtesy Adaderana

A high-level delegation from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) arrived in Sri Lanka today (2) to engage with the newly formed government led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake. 

The primary objective of the visit was to initiate discussions on the progress of the IMF program and necessary steps towards the release of the fourth tranche of the $ 2.9 billion Extended Fund Facility (EFF), the President’s Office said.

The meeting, held at the Presidential Secretariat, featured cordial discussions between the IMF delegation and the economic team of the new government. Both parties reviewed the IMF programme thus far and outlined the way forward for future collaboration, the statement said.

The IMF delegation expressed appreciation for the significant changes taking place in Sri Lanka, boosting the positive outlook on Sri Lanka under the present government,” it said. 

The IMF team included Dr. Peter Breuer, Senior Mission Chief; Dr. Sarwat Jahan, Resident Representative and Ms. Manavee Abeyawickrama, Economist.

Representing Sri Lanka were key members of the Economic Policy Council, including Dr. Harshana Suriyapperuma, Prof. Anil Jayantha Fernando, Chair of the Economic Policy Council & Senior Advisor to the President on Economic Affairs & Finance, Mr. Sunil Handunnetti, Prof. Seetha Bandara Ranathunga, Mr. Sunil Gamage, Senior Advisor to the President Mr. Duminda Hulangamuwa, Dr. Nandasiri Kihimbiyahetti, Prof. O. G. Dayaratne Banda and Mr. Amarasena Athukorala. 

This meeting marks a crucial step in reinforcing Sri Lanka’s commitment to economic stability and securing continued support from the IMF, according to the President’s Media Division (PMD).

–PMD

අළු

October 1st, 2024

චන්ද්‍රසේන පණ්ඩිතගේ 

කළු හා සුදු ප්‍රතිපත්තිධාරි කණ්ඩායම් දෙකක් එකතුව රාජ්‍ය බලය ලබාගැනීමේ පළමු පියවර ජයගෙන ඇත. ඒ අනුව රාජ්‍යයේ එක කණුවක් වන “විධායකය” නම්වූ කුලුන එම කණ්ඩායම ජයගෙන ඇත.ඒ මත නැගී ඒ කණ්ඩායම තමන්ට රාජ්‍ය බලය ලබුනායයි යන සිතුවිල්ල මත එල්බ ගෙන උද්දාමයට පත්ව, කටයුතු සිදුකරගෙන යන ආකාරය අපි දකිමින් එහි පල අත්විදිමින් සිටින්නෙමු.

කළු, කළු ගේ මතවාදයන්ද, සුදු සුදුගේ මතවාදයන්ද බලගැන්වීම අරඹා තිබුණද, දැන් ඔවුන් සතුව ඇත්තේ විධායකය පමණක් බැවින්, ඊළඟ කුළුණ වූ ව්‍යාවස්ථාදායකය ජය ගැනීමේ තරඟයට අවතීර්ණව ඒ මාර්ගය විවර කරගෙන ඇත.

මහා මැතිවරණය නොවැම්බර් මස 14 වෙනිදා පැවැත්වීමට නියමිතය. රාජ්‍ය බංකොලොත්යයි ප්‍රකාශිතය.
දේශපාලකයෝ කුමක් සිදුකලද, මහජනතාව දේශපාලන කොලොප්පන් නොකර මේ විධායකය ප්‍රමුඛ කණ්ඩායමට ව්‍යාවස්ථාදායකයද පවරාදී රට පාලනය කරගෙන යාමේ වරම්දී, ඔවුන් ජනතාවට ලබාදෙනවායයි දුන් පොරොන්දු ඉටුකිරීමට අවස්තාව ලබාදිය යුතුය.

නමුත්, ඉතිහාසය පාඩම් කන්දරාවක් උගන්වා ඇති පසුබිමක, ඔවුන් පොරොන්දුවූ ආකාරයට ජනතා හිතවාදී පාලනයක් මේ භුමිය තුල ස්ථාපිත කිරීමට ඔවුන්ටද වරම් උරුම වන්නේ නැත. ඒ ඔවුන් තුලද කළු විසින් සිය ආධිපත්‍ය බලවත්ව පිහිටුවා ගෙන ඇති බැවිණි.කළු මේ විධායකය තුල බලවත් වුවද, කළුගේ බලය ජාත්‍යන්තරව අර්බුද ගණනාවකට මැදිව පිරිහී ඇත.අද  පීඩනයකට පාත්‍රව සිටියද, ඔවුන් වසර 76ක් පුරා මේ රටට සිදුකල විනාශය ඒ ආකාරයටම සිදුකිරීමට හැකිද, නොහැකිද යන්න තීරණය වන්නේ මෙරට ජනතාවගේ බුද්ධි මට්ටමට අනුවය. ජනතාව බුද්ධිමත් නොවුනහොත්, අගමැති ඩී.එස්. අගමැති, බණ්ඩාරනායක හා ජනාධිපති ප්‍රේමදාසට උරුම කල ඉරණම කළු ජාත්‍යන්තරය විසින් වත්මන් ජනාධිපතිවරයාටද උරුම කරනු ඇත. එසේ නැත්නම්, ඔවුන් විසින්, 1953දී, ඩඩ්ලි සේනානායකට, 1962,, 1964, 1971 හා 1977 පසුව සිරිමා බණ්ඩාරනායකට, සිදුකල කාර්ය හා ගෝඨාභයට 2022දී සිදුකල කාර්ය මේ ජනාධිපතිවරයාටද සිදුකරනු ඇත.ඒ කළු ගේ ස්වභාවයයි..

මේ තත්වයන් තේරුම් නොගෙන යන ගමනේ අවදානම ඉතිහාසය සනිටුහන් කර ඇති පසුබිමක අපි මේ විධායකයෙන් අපේක්ෂා කරන්නේ, ඔවුන් දුන් පොරොන්දු ඉටුකිරීමක් නම් නොවේ. පළමුව කළු ගෙන් මිදී සුදුව රාජ්‍ය බලය ලබාගන්නා ලෙසය. එසේ නොකොළහොත්, මේ විධායකයද මෙහි සනිටුහන් කර ඇති පෙර පාලකයින් සේම අළු වී යනු ඇත.

“Do the right thing at this particular moment”-Govt’s tax reforms will spur growth and development – Prof Anil Jayantha

October 1st, 2024

By Uditha Kumarasinghe Courtesy The Sunday Observer

Prof. Anil Jayantha

  • We want the people to be a very active and vibrant part of economic activities
  • Interest rates need to be gradually brought down scientifically based on fundamentals

Senior Advisor to the President on Economic Affairs and Finance, Prof. Anil Jayantha said the Government has proposed certain tax reforms and its tax policy is based on the basic principle of fairness, simplicity and convenience while promoting economic growth and development.

In an interview with the Sunday Observer, Prof. Jayantha said, We earnestly request the public not to panic. Your duty is to do something to stabilise the economy rather than being part and parcel of this chaotic situation. We call upon the people to do the right thing at this particular moment.”

Q: The country is emerging from its worst economic crisis. What would be the key priorities of the Government to rebuild the economy?

A: The number one priority is the country’s macroeconomic stabilisation. This paves the way for our Government to bring more investments and convert savings into investments. Our main focus is to enhance the production economy by facilitating investors to invest in many areas without any fear of losing their money. At present investors are reluctant to invest in Sri Lanka as they are highly uncertain about the future. Even if they earn profits from the business, they never know what kind of taxation would be imposed and whether the exchange rates would fluctuate.

Volatility is high and business dynamics is also highly uncertain. Our first priority is to have macroeconomic stability and financial stabilisation and then we would come to foreign exchange stabilisation. The people must be able to reliably forecast what the exchange rate would be in the future so that they can easily plan their activities. Otherwise, things would be driven by rumours and may be insider dealings would lead to a chaotic situation.

The other area is external sector stabilisation. That would help us to have a better deal with the external creditors and have more amicable discussions to progress with the IMF as well. This would help us to build adequate reserves and we have a plan for that. No matter what we do in the fiscal sector, monetary, external and social sectors, what about the people?

At present the majority of Sri Lankans are deprived of basic needs. That is why more than half of the population is in a dependent mentality and they need money. It doesn’t mean that our Government will give subsidies all the time by keeping them out of the economic engagement. We want them to be a very active and vibrant part and parcel of economic activities. Before doing that, we need to give a cash injection to them. Through social security programs, we have offered certain concessions and subsidies to make them not really stable but have a breathing space to be ready to engage in economic activities. That is our number one priority.

Q: What action can be taken to rebuild investor confidence? What is the message to investors?

A: There are many things that we can do. First, we have to eliminate myths and lies that the Opposition has created in society about us. They have created a bad image about us. They said if we come to power, we will do bad things such as confiscate things and acquire people’s property. Some people were really scared of keeping money in their bank accounts as well. We have been able to eliminate that fear. Had there been a bank run, the situation would have been terrible and that part has been overcome.

This confidence is gradually being built. You can see how this confidence is reflected in the Stock Market during the past couple of days. We will create a conducive environment for investors to bring their investments into productive channels. For example, if somebody has money and wants to invest in Sri Lanka, he expects a return on his investment.

He also looks at the risks and the facilities available. Therefore, facilitation is very important. If an investor comes to launch an innovative business but if the environment doesn’t help him to get the things cleared within a short period, he may go somewhere else. We have offered to set up a separate arm with state-of-the-art technology to get the clearances, licences and approvals and even land under a single window. Since the General Election is due to be held soon, it will take some time but some of the signs can be seen.

We have proposed certain tax reforms. Our tax policy is based on the basic principle of fairness, simplicity and convenience while promoting economic growth and development. We are ready to give some subsidies and tax relief for certain industries. We would give tax benefits and concessions to industries rather than to individuals.

The other area is when you do businesses you may come with your own equity and borrowing is needed. But if you borrow at a very high cost, you can’t run a business. Therefore, interest rates need to be gradually brought down scientifically, based on fundamentals. At present that is not happening and that is relatively very high and the people cannot afford it. Investors, mainly entrepreneurs especially in the areas of micro, small and medium sectors, were doing businesses with difficulty. They have borrowed money from banks by keeping their properties as collateral.

When something goes wrong, they don’t have any revenue to repay the bank loans and the bankers also don’t have any option. Because the country operates in an isolated manner the bankers don’t have any sympathy for businesses. Therefore, they take their properties through litigation and that is bad for the country. As a temporary measure, we would give a kind of concession or relief for investors while protecting banks as well by creating a special relief bank.

This would enable investors to revive their businesses. We have proposed a new development bank within the state banking system creating more opportunities for them to borrow at concessionary rates. Even private sector banks could follow the same thing.

The other area is the cost of production. The argument is the cost of production is very high mainly due to high salaries is not true. If you go to buy your basic food stuff, you are a little sceptical and check the prices first because you do not having an adequate income. How can we address this? This is one of the challenges. In today’s context, the cost of production is not due to high salaries but mainly due to the cost of raw materials and cost of other facilities such as electricity.

We have a plan to bring down the electricity cost not simply by giving subsidies but in substance by bringing the cost of production down with an appropriate mixture of energy sources. We are open to all the energy sources such as solar, wind power, hydro and even nuclear, and a vast array of the resources are available. With that stability, we believe the investors would see low volatility and risk and more potential opportunities. As of now, we have not explored the market. The main investors cater for the local market.

If we really want the economy to flourish and bring more profits and revenue and increase growth, it is not sufficient to cater to the local market. We need to go to the foreign markets. Individual investors will not be able to do this alone. The Government must support them by finding new news markets, collecting information about new products, new ways of entering into the global supply chain and global value chain. This is our approach.

With government funding, we would facilitate investors and manufactures to enter foreign markets and find foreign customers. These are the major things in our plan.

Q: Is there any possibility of providing immediate relief measures to the people who face hardships due to the unprecedented economic crisis?

A: Of course. We must be able to do that. That is why we have included this in our manifesto. We have identified several categories. At present, a large section of the people are really deprived due to poverty. We would give them a minimum of Rs. 10,000 direct cash benefit and we would develop that mechanism. The other area is elderly people and those who have some kind of chronic diseases such as kidney patients and differently-abled people.

They are really neglected in society. How can we bring them back into society and the production process? They also have some abilities. Even differently-abled people, don’t like to get subsidies and have a minimal life. They are ready to make their contribution according to their ability. If we create opportunities, they will also work. Initially, we would give some concessions or subsidies until we set up a program where they can engage in real economic activity. These subsidies are temporary measures to address the current critical issue. Gradually, they would be in real economic engagement.

Q: Has any decision been taken to exempt VAT from essential food commodities?

A: Yes, of course. VAT has been exempted on essential food stuff, drugs, medical services, educational equipment, books, equipment used by differently-abled people and equipment used in agriculture and the IT sectors. Our objective is to give relief to the public and also give some kind of stimulus to production.

Therefore, those VAT rates would be brought down to zero. Other sectors, we will have multiple VAT rates after discussing with the Inland Revenue Department (IRD). However, this has to be approved by Parliament. Until the next Parliament is reconvened, we cannot implement these decisions.

Through a special gazette notification, we can deal with the Special Commodity Tax. We will see whether there are any possibilities of doing that. Even if we change the Special Commodity taxes, it will not be much relief for the people but there are possibilities for the industries.

Q: Will it have any adverse effect on the economy when the VAT is exempted from some essential food commodities and equipment?

A: No. If you look at the present status quo and the economy, if the taxes are reduced with that mentality of course, Government revenue will go down. However, there are so many leakages here. There are areas which should be taxed and not taxed even in foreign transactions. We have outlined this in our manifesto. If we implement this automatic exchange of information through our IRD system for international transactions, we can collect over Rs. 125 billion per year. We are ready to do that. Governments didn’t do this in the past was because they were part and parcel of that corrupt regime or due to any other reasons. There are lots of revenue measures to get adequate amounts to cover the losses.

We also expect to improve the economy. When the economy improves by 10 percent of the GDP and if we develop the economy even by six percent, an additional Rs. 300 billion can be earned. If we have the political will and the capacity to do these things, we believe we can collect an adequate amount of tax revenue within a short period to run the Government.

Q: As reported by the media, there is an upward trend in the dollar. How would this affect the economy?

A: This upward trend will badly affect the economy but we need to arrest this issue. Why is it going to have an upward trend? That is mainly due to rumours created and the other thing is the local interest rates yield has gone up to 14 percent whereas the interest on the dollar has come down. The gap between the dollar and the Sri Lankan rupee interest is huge. It creates unnecessary pressure on foreign exchange dealers. They know if the current interest rate is very high, it is more likely the exchange rate will also go up in the future so that it is better to buy now. That speculation comes in.

On the other hand, as far as importers are concerned, they may also think why we should import more now at low rates as the rates will go up in the future. Exporters would also delay bringing in their foreign exchange for a couple of weeks hoping to get a better deal. These mentalities might create unnecessary pressure. But we urge the public not to be pressurised. We have ways and means of arresting these things by injecting more money into the economy in terms of foreign exchange and whereby the exchange rate would be managed with low volatility.

Everything happens based on the people’s actions or perception. Therefore, we earnestly request the public not to panic. Your duty is also to do something to stabilise the economy rather than being part and parcel of this chaotic situation. We call upon the people to do the right thing at this particular moment.

I take this opportunity to ask Sri Lankan expatriates to increase their remittances. With that huge amount of foreign remittances, the pressure will automatically drop and the exchange rates can be tackled. Gradually, the interest rates will go down. At present, inflation is around one percent and the yield is almost 14 percent. That means the real interest rate is 13 percent. The real interest rate of 13 percent can be a reality when the economy is growing at 13 percent but the economy is growing at two percent. What is the justification for you to have a real interest rate of 13 percent? This is real manipulation in financial terms. Financial institutions are really making money out of this troubled situation and this is one of their strategies. We need to gradually and smoothly iron out all these differences. Nothing will happen overnight. If we work on a strategy and a comprehensive plan, things can be arrested, one by one and things would be fixed.

Q: In the immediate aftermath of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s victory, the Stock Market reported an increase in activity. Do you see this as a positive sign?

A: In a way, not hundred percent. Of course, the investors’ confidence in the Government is there. But we can’t take the full credit that the Stock Market improved because of the action of the Government. What happens in the Stock Market is trading. There is another opportunity that investors can bring their money into companies through Initial Public Offerings (IPOs) where the public money can be pooled into investments and that is the best thing. Stock Market trading is a trading activity. Trading reflects what is happening in companies.

If companies are growing and have reported good profits, we call them fundamentally sound companies. If they have performed well and earned profits, of course the share prices should go up. So many companies are struggling and only a very few have reported profits. Anyway, the market went really down in the past couple of months. As a result of these new signs, there is a possibility that there is more demand for shares in the market.

As a result, prices can go up more than what they should have been under normal circumstances. Therefore, this increase in the past couple of days may come down within the next couple of days. It doesn’t mean it has come down that is because of the NPP Government. We have to understand this market dynamism. To some extent, we can get that particular credit. That credit is none other than the gradual confidence that is being built in investors.

Q: What are the plans to increase the Government’s short-term tax revenue?

A: The final plan on short-term tax revenue has to be approved by Parliament. Until the election is held, we will be discussing and some rough ideas are there. We have paid attention to check leakages. Even some VAT collected is not remitted. With regard to short-term tax collection on Customs duties, there are manipulations. Even though the VAT rates are reduced those who are liable for the VAT registration can be expanded. Tax arrears can be collected. As of December 31, 2023, tax defaults amounted to Rs.1,127 billion and that is more than 30 percent of the anticipated Government revenue of which the tax revenue amounting to Rs.169 billion had to be settled by the taxpayers but the Government has not collected that due to some other reasons. We can collect that amount. We can collect excise duties and more VAT and the stoppage of other leakages and gradually bring in the tax net in a fair manner.

Pakistan High Commissioner calls on the Defence Secretary

October 1st, 2024

Ministry of Defence  – Media Centre

The High Commissioner of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan to Sri Lanka H.E. Major General Faheem-Ul-Aziz (Retd), paid a courtesy call on Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha (Retd) at the Defence Headquarters Complex in Sri Jayewardenepura, Kotte today (Oct 01).

Following a warm reception, AVM Thuyacontha had a cordial discussion with the Pakistani envoy this afternoon. While extending his compliments, Defence Secretary also said that he intends to continue working closely with Pakistan to enhance bilateral relations and defence cooperation.

Military Liaison Officer of the Ministry of Defence Maj. Gen. Dhammika Welagedara and Defence Attaché of the Pakistan High Commission Colonel Muhammad Farooq were also present at the occasion.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍යතුමියගේ 2024 ලෝක ළමා දින සුභාශිංශන පණිවිඩය

October 1st, 2024

ආචාර්ය හරිනි අමරසූරිය අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ශ්‍රී ලංකා ප්‍රජාතාන්ත්‍රික සමාජවාදී ජනරජය

සුභාශිංශන

අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරිය සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කාන්තා, ළමා හා යෞවන කටයුතු සහ ක්‍රීඩා අමාත්‍යවරිය ලෙස මගේ පළමු පණිවිඩය ලෝක ළමා දිනය සහ වැඩිහිටි දිනය වෙනුවෙන් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට ලැබීම මා හට සුවිශේෂී අවස්ථාවකි. අපේ අනාගතය සහ උරුමය සැලකීමේදී ළමයින් සහ වැඩිහිටියන් විශේෂ භූමිකාවන් සිදු කරන බව අපට  සිහිපත් කරවයි.

”‍අපේ අනාගතය සඳහා කරන ආයෝජනයන් යනු අපේ දරුවන් වෙනුවෙන් ආයෝජනය කිරීමයි”‍ යන මෙවර ජාත්‍යන්තර ළමා දින තේමාව, පාඨයකට සීමා නොකර යථාර්තයක් කිරීම අප රජයේ අරමුණයි. රටේ සෑම දරුවකුට ම උසස් තත්ත්වයෙන් යුතු නිදහස් අධ්‍යාපනයක් ලබා දීමට අපි කැප වී සිටිමු. ආර්ථික වශයෙන් ශක්තිමත් දේශයක දරුවන් දැනුමෙන් සන්නද්ධ කිරීම අපගේ දැක්මයි.

එමෙන්ම, අධ්‍යාපන ආයතන ද ඇතුළුව සියලු‍ ස්ථානවල ළමයින්ට මුහුණ දීමට සිදු වන කායික හා මානසික හිංසනයන්ට රජයක් ලෙස අපි තරයේ විරුද්ධ වෙමු. ආදරය, කරුණාව, රැකවරණය සහ සතුට පිරුණු පරිසරයක හැදී වැඩෙන දරුවන් දයානුකම්පාව, අවබෝධය සහ අන්‍යෝන්‍ය ගෞරවය සහිත පරම්පරාවක් නිර්මාණය කරයි. සෑමවිටම දරුවන්ගේ උපරිම යහපත වෙනුවෙන් අපගේ ප්‍රමුඛතාවය ලබා දෙන්නෙමු.

අපි වැඩිහිටි දිනය සමරන මොහොතේ, අපේ රටේ ප්‍රගතියට මෙතරම් දායක වූ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ පුරවැසියන් අපි ගෞරවයෙන් සිහිපත් කරන්නෙමු. 2024 ලෝක වැඩිහිටි දින තේමාව වන ගෞරවාන්විතව වයස්ගත වීම: ලොව පුරා වැඩිහිටි පුද්ගලයින් සඳහා සත්කාර සහ ආධාරක පද්ධති ශක්තිමත් කිරීමේ වැදගත්කම”, ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ පුරවැසියන් සඳහා සමාජ ආරක්ෂණය වැඩි දියුණු කිරීම සඳහා වන අප රජයේ ඇති කැපවීම සමඟ සමපාත වෙයි. වැඩිහිටියන් සඳහා, විශේෂයෙන් ශ්‍රම බලකායට දායක වෙමින් තම ජීවිත ගත කළ අය වෙනුවෙන් විශ්‍රාම ප්‍රතිලාභ වැඩිදියුණු කිරීමටත් සෞඛ්‍ය සේවා සඳහා නොමිලේ සහ සමාන ප්‍රවේශයක් සහතික කිරීමටත් අපගේ රජය කැපවී සිටියි. මේ වන විට නිවෙස් තුළ වැටුප් නොලබන සුරැකුම් කටයුතු සඳහා ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ පුරවැසියන්ට ද වැඩි වැඩියෙන් දායක වීමට සිදු වී ඇතැයි යන කරුණ පිළිබඳව අපි ඉමහත් ලෙස සංවේදී වෙමු. සුරැකුම් කටයුතුවල වගකීම සාධාරණ ලෙස බෙදා ගැනීම සඳහා පවුල්වලට ප්‍රමාණවත් සහයෝගයක් ලැබෙන බවට සහතික කිරීම අප රජයේ වගකීමයි.

අපගේ දරුවන්ගේ සහ වැඩිහිටියන්ගේ යහපැවැත්ම සඳහා වැඩ කිරීමට අපි අත්වැල් බැඳ ගනිමු. සියලු‍ ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන් සඳහා පොහොසත් රටක් සහ ලස්සන ජීවිතයක් ගොඩනැගීමට අපි දිවිහිමියෙන් කැප වී සිටිමු.     

ආචාර්ය හරිනි අමරසූරිය

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය

ශ්‍රී ලංකා ප්‍රජාතාන්ත්‍රික සමාජවාදී ජනරජය 

2024 ඔක්තෝබර් 01

Hezbollah leader Nasrallah defeated ISIS, protected Lebanon’s Christians, fought Israeli colonialism

October 1st, 2024

Presidential Marxism: AKD And The Sri Lankan Elections

October 1st, 2024

Opinion: Binoy Kampmark Courtesy Scoop

Anura Kumara Dissanayake, known with convenient laziness as AKD, became Sri Lanka’s latest president after a runoff count focusing on preferential votes. The very fact that it went to a second count with a voter turnout of 77% after a failure of any candidate to secure a majority was itself historic, the first since Sri Lankan independence in 1948.

AKD’s presidential victory tickles and excites the election watchers for various reasons. He does not hail from any of the dynastic families that have treated rule and the presidential office as electoral real estate and aristocratic privilege. The fall of the Rajapaksa family, propelled by mass protests against President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s misrule in 2022, showed that the public had, at least for the time, tired of that tradition.

Not only is the new president outside the traditional orbit of rule and favour; he heads a political grouping known as the National People’s Power (NPP), a colourfully motley combination of trade unions, civil society members, women’s groups and students. But the throbbing core of the group is the Janatha Vimukhti Peramuna (JVP), which boasts a mere three members in the 225-member parliament.

The resume of the JVP is colourfully cluttered and, in keeping with Sri Lankan political history, spattered with its fair share of blood. It was founded in 1965 in the mould of a Marxist-Leninist party and led by Rohana Wijeweera. It mounted, without success, two insurrections – in 1971 and between 1987 and 1989. On both occasions, thousands died in the violence that followed, including Wijeweera and many party leaders, adding to the enormous toll that would follow in the civil war between the Sinhalese majority and the secessionist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.

It is also worth noting that the seduction of Marxism, just to add a level of complexity to matters, was not confined to the JVP. The Tamil resistance had itself found it appealing. A assessment from the Central Intelligence Agency from March 1986 offers the casual remark that all major insurgent organizations claim allegiance to Marxism” with the qualification that most active groups are motivated principally by ethnic rivalry with the majority Sinhalese.” None had a clear political program other than gaining Columbo’s recognition for a traditional homeland and a Tamil right to self-determination.”

By the time Dissanayake was cutting his teeth in local politics, the JVP was another beast, having been reconstituted by Somawansa Amarasinghe as an organisation keen to move into the arena of ballots rather than the field of armed struggle. Dissanayake is very much a product of that change. We need to establish a new clean political culture … We will do the utmost to win back the people’s respect and trust in the political system.”

In a statement, Dissanayake was a picture of modest, if necessary, acknowledgment. He praised the collective effort behind his victory, one being a consequence of the multitude. This achievement is not the result of any single person’s work, but the collective effort of hundreds of thousands of you. Your commitment has brought us this far, and for that, I am deeply grateful. This victory belongs to all of us.”

The unavoidable issue of racial fractiousness in the country is also mentioned. The unity of Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and all Sri Lankans is the bedrock of this new beginning.” How the new administration navigates such traditionally poisoned waters will be a matter of interest and challenge, not least given the Sinhala nationalist rhetoric embraced by the JVP, notably towards the Tamil Tigers.

Pundits are also wondering where the new leader might position himself on foreign relations. There is the matter of India’s unavoidably dominant role, a point that riles Dassanayake. His preference, and a point he has repeatedly made, is self-sufficiency and economic sovereignty. But India has a market worth US$6.7 billion whereas China, a more favoured country by the new president, comes in at US$2 billion.

On economics, a traditional, if modest program of nationalisation is being put forth by the JVP within the NPP, notably on such areas as utilities. A wealth redistribution policy is on the table, including progressive, efficient taxation while a production model to encourage self-sufficiency, notably on important food products, is envisaged. Greater spending is proposed in education and health care.

The issue of dealing with international lenders is particularly pressing, notably in dealing with the International Monetary Fund, which approved a US$2.9 billion bailout to the previous government on extracting the standard promises of austerity. We expect to discuss debt restructuring with the relevant parties and complete the process quickly and obtain the funds,” promises Dissanayake. That said, the governor of the Central Bank and the secretary to the ministry of finance, both important figures in implementing the austerity measures, have remained.

In coming to power, AKD has eschewed demagogic self-confidence. I have said before that I am not a magician – I am an ordinary citizen. There are things I know and don’t know. My aim is to gather those with the knowledge and skills to help lift this country.” In the febrile atmosphere that is Sri Lankan politics, that admission is a humble, if realistic one.

Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He currently lectures at RMIT University. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com

Sri Lanka’s New President Faces Daunting Challenges and High Hopes

October 1st, 2024

By: Tamanna Salikuddin;  Nilanthi Samaranayake Courtesy United States Institute of Peace

KEY TAKEAWAYS

  • Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s election is the culmination of Sri Lanka’s 2022 protests against the status quo.
  • Addressing Sri Lanka’s economic and financial challenges will be Dissanayake’s most difficult task.
  • He will have to carefully balance relations with India and China.

Two years after a seismic political and economic crisis rocked Sri Lanka and brought citizens to the streets in mass protests movements that ousted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Sri Lanka’s citizens went to the polls to cast their votes for a new president. On September 21, Sri Lankans elected the left-leaning Anura Kumara Dissanayake over established politicians including incumbent President Ranil Wickremesinghe and opposition leader Sajith Premadasa. Dissanayake’s election represents a clear break from Sri Lanka’s old guard political parties, but he will face similar challenges of navigating economic strain and a shifting geopolitical environment while working to deliver on election promises.

USIP’s Tamanna Salikuddin and Nilanthi Samaranayake examine the meaning of Sri Lanka’s election results, the challenges Dissanayake may face in the coming months and what the election could mean for Sri Lanka’s relations with India and China.

Why did Sri Lankans elect Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who beat out candidates from parties that had ruled since independence?

Salikuddin: The election of change candidate” Anura Kumara Dissanayake, popularly known as AKD,” was for many the culmination of the 2022 Aragalya (or people’s struggle”) against Sri Lanka’s status quo politicians, who symbolized corruption, economic mismanagement and lack of governance delivery. Reflecting the anti-incumbency and anti-status quo mood of the country, Dissanayake beat stalwarts of the political scene, including opposition leader Sajith Premadasa and incumbent President Ranil Wickremesinghe.

While facing its worst economic crisis in 2022 since independence, a multi-month street protest movement brought together a wide array of society and ousted then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. However, even after the spectacular political movement ousted the president, the parliament (which was dominated by Rajapaksa loyalists and had been elected in 2020) remained in power and chose Ranil Wickremesinghe as the new president.

Wickremesinghe, a long-time politician and political insider, was seen in some ways as an interim leader who was still beholden to an old guard parliament. While he was able to secure a $3 billion IMF program for Sri Lanka, stabilize its economy and repair relations with many foreign donor nations, his tenure was marked by severe austerity under the IMF program and the continued use of the state’s police powers to stifle dissent and protest. The 2024 vote was the first presidential election since the economic crisis, providing Sri Lankans the chance to express their political and economic dissatisfaction at the ballot box.

The results were a clear shift from Sri Lanka’s political past. Dissanayake’s leftist Janatha Vimukkthi Peremuna (JVP) party has never held power and Dissanayake himself only received three percent of the vote in Sri Lanka’s 2019 presidential elections. Meanwhile, the two right-of-center parties that have largely dominated Sri Lanka’s politics since its independence — the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (later with many leaving for the Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) and the United National Party — both performed poorly.

Hailing from a rural Sinhalese family that was far from the elite Colombo political class, Dissanayake’s formative years were marked by experiences of state-led violence, pushing him toward the anti-state JVP. The JVP is widely known for its two violent revolts against Colombo in the 1970s and 1980s. However, Dissanayake has also been a leading force in mainstreaming the party and forming the National People’s Party (NPP), an overarching alliance with a left-of-center tilt that appeals to labor unions and many of the 2022 protesters.

Notably, Dissanayake did not win an outright majority of the vote, and for the first time in Sri Lanka’s history the president was decided by considering the second-choice votes in the rank order voting system. Overall, he garnered about 42% of the vote in the first round, doing less well in the North and East where minority voters have less exposure to Dissanayake and disapprove of his party’s previously ethno-nationalist stances. After being sworn in, Dissanayake dismissed parliament and called for snap general elections on November 14. Those elections will allow a new parliament to take office; one that Dissanayake hopes will yield him substantial parliamentary support allowing his government to fulfill his promised reform agenda.

How does Dissanayake plan to tackle the country’s economic and financial challenges?

Salikuddin: The enduring economic and financial challenges that Sri Lanka faces are the very reason that many citizens voted for Dissanayake, and yet solving those problems will be his most daunting task. While the press has called him a Marxist” given the JVP’s origins, the new president has prioritized the economy and outreach to assure the worried domestic business community and international financial lenders. Dissanayake’s campaign was focused on the need to address corruption, austerity and trade. He has come into power with some level of humility as to what he can fix, but also with a pragmatic message citing the need for unity and sustainable economic growth to raise the standard of living for all Sri Lankans.

His election platform detailed plans to ease the tax burden on the most vulnerable Sri Lankans, cut government corruption and increase transparency, and renegotiate the current $3 billion IMF program. His supporters do expect him to try to ease the austerity measures under the IMF program, but since being elected he has promised to continue the deal. Dissanayake has plans to immediately meet with the IMF for talks and proceed with negotiations to restructure external debt.

While Dissanayake has promised tax cuts and relief for the hardest hit, he is also focused on the need for increasing trade and investment. His platform calls for support to domestic businesses and creating more efficient means for foreign direct investment. His biggest challenges will be dealing with the increased value added tax, market pricing of energy, and the cut in certain wages that have hit working classes much harder than the elite. Additionally, as both external and domestic debt restructuring is being considered, Dissanayake will try to limit the impact on the pensions of workers, including those in the garment industry and tea pickers.

What other challenges does Dissanayake face?

Salikuddin: Despite not winning a majority of the vote, AKD faces high expectations as he has promised to clean up the old politics that got his country into a political and economic mess. In his inaugural address he called for unity among the various ethnic and religious groups in Sri Lanka and has promised to work for the collective benefit of the nation. However, overcoming the entrenched political interests and long-time political culture of corruption will be a monumental task. Additionally, questions of reforming the country’s powerful executive presidency and limiting abuses of broad policing powers will loom over his presidency.

Dissanayake faces high expectations as he has promised to clean up the old politics that got his country into a political and economic mess.

The first step of trying to enact reform will be winning parliamentary support in the general elections in November. JVP held only three seats in the previous parliament and upcoming elections will be a test of AKD’s broader support base and whether it can translate into a parliamentary majority. More than likely, Dissanayake’s party will have to form a coalition government after the November elections, making reforms more challenging.

The JVP and Dissanayake’s government will have to win over Tamils and Muslims in the North and East who largely did not support him. The JVP is still remembered as a Sinhalese nationalist party that supported the government in the long ethnic civil war, and one that opposed devolution or federalism for the country’s Tamils. Dissanayake will have to work hard to gain the acceptance of the minority communities at a time when they feel increasingly fractured and unrepresented in Sri Lankan politics.

How might Dissanayake’s election impact relations with India and China?

Samaranayake: Dissanayake’s victory is historic not only for Sri Lanka’s domestic politics but also for its international relations. The JVP has historically been perceived as anti-India, raising questions about how the NPP coalition leadership will manage relations with Sri Lanka’s largest neighbor. Yet, New Delhi saw the electoral winds shifting early and was proactive in its outreach, especially when considering the disruptions to its Neighborhood First” policy following leadership changes in Maldives, Nepal and Bangladesh. Dissanayake was invited to visit India in February, sending a message at the time about the prospect of an NPP victory in the fall.

Much goodwill has already been exchanged between senior Sri Lankan and Indian officials. Prime Minister Narendra Modi sent congratulations to Dissanayake and expressed his desire to advance bilateral cooperation. India’s external affairs minister, S. Jaishankar, highlighted the depth of the two countries’ civilizational ties,” and India’s high commissioner to Sri Lanka, Santosh Jha, termed India as Sri Lanka’s civilizational twin.” Dissanayake has responded favorably to overtures from Indian officials. Sri Lanka and India will need to work together on a range of issues, from trade and connectivity to the representation of the Tamil communities in Sri Lanka (an issue of deep interest for New Delhi).

Yet, Dissanayake may need to make choices that could upset India, including over China. Not much is known about how the NPP administration will approach its foreign policy toward China, despite historical linkages in leftist ideology. Broadly, Dissanayake has stated his aversion to Sri Lanka being caught up in geopolitical rivalry and sandwiched” between China and India. Specifically, his administration may oppose a wind power project by the Indian Adani Group and could advance discussions toward a free trade agreement with China. The new government will also need to make a decision about whether to permit visits by Chinese research ships, which had been halted under a moratorium that is expected to expire in January. The moratorium was announced as a temporary measure to defuse criticism from India and the U.S.

As was the case during Maldives’ controversial leadership transition, the result of Sri Lanka’s parliamentary elections in November will be an important factor in New Delhi’s determination of its level of support for Dissanayake’s leadership and willingness to work together especially over difficult issues. Yet, Dissanayake’s primary international challenges transcend an India-China framing. More immediately, he will need to work with the IMF and other partners to continue the process of stabilizing Sri Lanka’s economy while making austerity policies more tolerable for citizens, reducing corruption and reforming the government.

දෙසැම්බර් වෙනකොට අපේ ණය කෝටි 33ක්.. අපිව ගොඩගන්න එක දෙයියෙක් ලක්ෂයක් ගේන්න ඕනේ

October 1st, 2024

AKD’s protest vote and Sajith Premadasa’s own goal

October 1st, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The presidential election’s outcome has been described in flowery language: A vote for system change, the rejection of the old regime, a clarion call against corruption and cronyism, a vote against the sale of national assets, and so on. 

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake

All that is true to a certain degree, but they still miss the wood for the trees. The risk of these feel-good assessments is that they could also delude the election winner. To explore the danger of misreading an election mandate, look no further than the Yahapalanaya’s and Maithripala Sirisena’s victory over the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime. Sirisena won the election, thanks to sound electoral arithmetic, riding on the overwhelming minority vote, even though he lost the South by half a million votes. However, his backers misread the election results as a vote against Rajapaksa’s infrastructure development projects and suspended almost all major loan-funded projects to appear to be delivering on their mandate. That was the beginning of the end for the Yahapalanaya and also the end of a decade of sustained economic growth. 


The commentators call it a vote for change or a system change. Every time voters change a government, they surely vote for a change. When the Sri Lankans elected Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2005, they voted for a change (from Chandrika Kumaratunga’s more elitist rule); when they voted for Sirisena, they voted for a change. When they voted for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, they voted for a change. So is now when they have voted for the presidency of Anura Kumara Dissanayake. 


But that does not tell the whole story. There are a few reasons as to why.


First, the distribution of votes across the three main candidates would reveal the perceived change has been endorsed by only 43% of the Sri Lankan voters, whereas 57% voted for the other candidates, including an overwhelming over 50% to the UNP and SJB candidates.


Protest vote


Second, leave aside the majority who did not vote for the AKD’s presidency, but what is the primary driver that guided the voter who voted for him?


 A cursory glance at the 2019 presidential election would tell what guided the vote for Gotabaya Rajapaksa: Islamobohia,  Sinhala Buddhist supremacy in its heightened paranoia, dynastic allure and conspiracy theories that exploited the worst of humankind. 


A similar look at this election would reveal what guided the vote:  anger and despair. The vote for Anura Kumara Dissanayake, more than anything else, was a protest vote. People aired their anger through their vote to the AKD. All other much-hyped electoral promises, though influential in glueing some of these voters, were not the primary catalyst, which, I repeat, is the anger. 


To know the intent of the protest vote, one should look into who exactly these voters were overwhelmingly. By and large, they are rural and urban Sinhalese poor and lower middle class-  the same demography that elected Gotabaya Rajapaksa in the previous election. They then took the brunt of the economic crisis. They were angry at their predicament and those responsible for it. Their anger is the catalyst of the vote and AKD’s election victory. More than any other party, the JVP and NPP exploited and capitalised on the popular public anger at the economic crisis, just like Gotabaya Rajapaksa did with the public anger and anxiety over the Easter Sunday attacks.  
Anura Kumara Dissanayake managed to obtain approximately 4.5 million of previous Gotabaya Rajapaksa voters. It does not look like their vote was guided by a dawn of moral conviction, effecting an overnight shift from dynastism to good governance. Rather, AKD gave them an avenue to vent their anger by voting for the NPP. 
The NPP and JVP should now be very cautious that the Rajapaksas’ with a fresh round of racist conspiracy theories, could win back this electorate at the opportune time. 


Rejection of the old guard?


Some have conveniently described the election outcome as a rejection of the traditional establishment or the old guard. But there is a hitch. The traditional establishment – UNP’s Ranil Wickremesinghe and SJB’s Sajith Premadasa combined, polled 1 million more votes than Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Collectively, they obtained just 300,000 votes short of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s mammoth electoral tally in 2019.


I would love to see the rejection of the old guard in their rent-seeking ugliness. But the numbers disprove that eventuality- though it is fair to say a sizeable swath of the voters, though not the majority, had rejected the traditional status quo of politics for the first time. 


Similarly, it is inspiring to say that the voters cast their vote against corruption, cronyism, and the sale of state assets. 


But, an overwhelming 57 per cent of voters did not buy in that line of election promises. That may explain their different priorities and assessments, though the vast majority, including those who didn’t vote, would support a campaign against corruption. 


The government could have one obvious advantage by coming to terms with the nature of its mandate. That would give it a greater leeway in governing the country and preclude it from some of the most abhorrent forms of economic populism, including some mentioned in its election manifesto. Gotabaya Rajapaksa succumbed to that temptation. He justified his tax reliefs on his campaign promises and set off the country’s economic free fall. 


Premadasa’s own goal


Third, the protest vote itself did not make Anura Kumara Dissanayake the winner. Sajith Premadasa did. In his hurry to become President, he undercut not only Ranil Wickremesinghe but also a total of 6.6 million voters who voted for him and Ranil Wickremesinghe. That is 1 million more votes than the tally of Anura Kumara Dissanayake.
Anura Kumara Dissanayake didn’t win.  Sajith Premadasa handed over the election to him that a united UNP-SJB candidate could have won on a platter.


Why find fault with Premadasa? Why not Wickremesinghe? Because after stabilising the economy that was in free fall, Ranil Wickremesinghe has a greater and justifiable claim to be the candidate for the presidency than Sajith Premasada.  


A little gratitude and commonsense could have averted the mutually assured destruction of Premasada and Wickremesinghe and could also have made  Premadasa the prime minister. But he put his oversised ego before the country. 


 The rest of the party leaders of the SJB were not oblivious to what was in the making, but they could not inject a degree of common sense into their leadership. That might explain a far deeper and far darker rot in the party than one meets the eye.   Personal vindictiveness and petty score setting are currently obstructing talks for a common opposition alliance – Premadasa’s acolytes want Wickremesinghe to give up the leadership of the UNP as a precondition. That again reveals a party and its leadership devoid of reality. That should also make voters, including most of us, who hold strong reservations about the NPP, wonder about the worthiness of the SJB under its current form as an alternative to the NPP juggernaut at the general election.  


A common sense approach would be to build an alliance, defend the majority vote polled in the presidential election, and potentially form a government. But again, Premadasa has put his ego before the party and, perhaps, the country.


The SJB and the UNP lost momentum when they lost the presidential election, which generally set the trajectory of the outcome of the general election. But, there is much that can still be salvaged. But, it is becoming increasingly likely that the same blunders will be repeated, and it would, yet again, decide the general election against the SJB.

Growth in Sri Lanka vs. Governmental Expenditure

September 30th, 2024

by Prof Sunil J. Wimalawansa

Considering what has happened over the past few decades, it is no surprise that people do not want to see disruptive politicians who once governed the country returning to power. This sentiment is reflected in the over 4.7 million voters (out of 6.9 million) who previously voted for the former President but have now supported the current President, Anura Kumara. This is a clear objection and a mandate to keep them out and initiate a complete system change. Additionally, those who voted for the current President on September 21st, along with a growing number of others, are advocating for legislation that would permanently disqualify corrupt politicians from holding any elected or appointed positions in the future.

Changing Voters Behaviour and Necessary Changes

Most voters expect the new government to introduce enforceable legal restrictions to prevent the nomination of individuals who have harmed the country and its people. While opinions may vary, the basic qualifications voters hope for include disqualification for those involved in financial scandals, misappropriation of public funds, violence, criminal records, or indictment for unethical business practices. People with ties to the country’s bankruptcy deemed untrustworthy and should also be ineligible for nominations or any appointment.

There are other criteria that may be controversial but should be debated and evaluated for the betterment of the nation in the longer term. For example, an age range (e.g., 35 to 75 years at the time of nomination) and a requirement for a university degree, and elimination of those with criminal complaints or convictions. These may be unpalatable for some, and others consider it discriminatory, but one should consider what is best for the country.

To prevent politicians from becoming entrenched and ineffective, a term limit on any elected political position should be introduced. If such policies are adopted, more than half of the current parliamentarians would be disqualified from holding or submitting nominations for government positions—an efficient way to remove them. Most voters hope this will become a reality.

The focus on sustainable growth

The new government should publish immediate, medium-, and long-term economic policies with clear plans detailing how it intends to generate the foreign exchange needed to repay loans, run the country without accruing additional debt, and import essential goods not produced domestically. With the right strategies and a potential restructuring of the IMF loan, perhaps transferring it to a friendly, sympathetic country like Japan, this can be achieved without raising taxes and further burdening the population.

Besides, the government must facilitate and incentivize the growth of value-added exports like graphene oxide and enriched minerals, while implementing sustainable financial and developmental practices. This should include systematically expanding tourism (including ethical medical tourism) and renewable energy sources to reduce dependence on imported fuel and strive for self-sufficiency in energy, essential food, and medicine.

To illustrate its ability to control the situation, the government must also develop a concrete plan to support the growth of small and medium-sized businesses, encourage exports, simplify regulations, and consider tax cuts. While tourism should be developed, it must be done systematically—not haphazardly, as was the case with previous governments. Additionally, the government should avoid relying solely on tourism for economic stability, as it is vulnerable to uncertainties stemming from the rapidly changing world order, travel restrictions, and external economic shocks.

Reduction of government size and expenses

Import restrictions are crucial for reducing the budget deficit and should prioritize promoting fuel-efficient vehicles. In addition, the large contingent of seized high-engine capacity (e.g., V8 engines) government vehicles should be auctioned for export purposes to generate foreign currency. It is essential to ensure that no further import-related commissions or major financial scandals occur. Appointing a committee of genuine experts with a clear timeframe to identify the root causes of financial failures across various sectors—economic, social, and embezzled public funds should go in parallel.

Appointing such commission/committees with retired subject matter expert executives with no conflicts of interest should be empowered to develop a plan for holding responsible individuals accountable and recovering siphoned assets and funds is vital. This commission should work with established international authorities to return those assets to the treasury.

Reduction of ministers and parliamentary seats via the new constitution

It is estimated that reducing the number of ministers and ministries to 20 by amalgamating similar functions without appointing deputy- or state ministers, would eliminate unnecessary expenditures. With the abolition of redundant (and duplicate) provincial councils could each save over a trillion rupees in the next four years. These savings alone would be sufficient to pay off the government’s internal Rupee debt.

Additionally, each ministry should be provided with a modest budget without the option of receiving additional rescue funds. Ministries must adhere to the discipline of living within their allotted annual budget. The failure to do so must lead to losing his position. With re-districting (through the new Constitution) and by reducing the number of members to less than 100, parliament can be run more efficiently with half the current cost. 

Curbing Wasteful Foreign Travel:

Most foreign travel by politicians and administrators does not bring significant value to the country. Therefore, such travel must be minimized and funded strictly through each ministry’s budget, not by foreign embassies, as was previously done, where taxpayers covered expenses. Haveing an independent committee with executive power to approve or deny,” all foreign travel of Government Servants is an effective way of minimizing this wastage.

For a bankrupt country, there is no need for ceremonial openings and lavish events to be conducted at taxpayer expense—they are highly inappropriate. Besides, it is irrational to invite politicians for such constructions, that were funded by taxpayers. Savings from these reductions can be redirected to critical areas like modernizing agriculture, education, research and development, and improving indispensable infrastructure, which are essential drivers of the country’s economy.

Accountability and Enforcement of Laws:

It is the fiscal responsibility of the new government to enforce personal answerability of all ministries, government departments, and state own enterprises and hold them legally and financially accountable. It must be mandated that all state-owned enterprises operate without incurring losses, failing which senior administrators must be terminated at the end of the year. Achieving this requires learning from rapidly developing emerging economies and implementing proper oversight, including mandatory annual audits and robust reporting mechanisms, and enforcing laws.

Cutting Down Government Expenses:

Despite pressure from the public, unions, and NGOs, government expenditure must be reduced. The current government is highly inefficient despite operating at approximately 50% overcapacity. Government departments are both top-heavy and bottom-heavy, with the middle management—the segment that contributes the most to any department’s functioning—shrinking relatively. This has led to rampant inefficiency. Thus, it is not surprising its ineffectiveness, which also allows opportunities for bribery.

Therefore, a program should be implemented to gradually reduce the size of the government , including the over-blown military by eliminating 40% of non-productive positions. Such would make operations more cost-effective and accountable. There is absolutely no justification for expanding the government; instead, public sector jobs must be restricted, and the private sector should be encouraged to expand to foster job creation across the country.

The new government must uphold its election promises without exceptions by focusing on eliminating corruption at every level.  This includes re-establishing independent committees and commissions with legal powers to prosecute, establishing sustainable economic policies and practices, limiting the number of ministers and ministries, reducing perks that ordinary citizens do not enjoy, and ensuring that ministers and government administrators are held accountable. This will become easier if NPP gains the majority in the next parliament.

Should Sri Lanka Join BRICS -vs- Dollar-Euro-UK Sterling?

September 30th, 2024

Prof. Hudson McLean

Read the Facts & Figures.

The Bottom Line is-: 

How will BRICS Membership Benefit Sri Lanka Economy in the Short-Term to Climb Out of the Hangmans Noose?

How Would a New BRICS Currency Affect the US Dollar? (Updated 2024)

https://www.nasdaq.com/articles/how-would-new-brics-currency-affect-us-dollar-updated-2024

On 1 January 2024, BRICS – the intergovernmental organisation comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa – admitted four new members: Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates.

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document/EPRS_BRI(2024)760368

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බදු ආදායම තවත් 4%කින් වැඩි කරන්නැයි IMF දන්වයි…

September 30th, 2024

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

රටේ දළ දේශීය නිෂ්පාදිතයෙන් 11% ක මට්ටමේ පවත්නා රාජ්‍ය බදු ආදායම 15% ක් දක්වා තවත් 4% කින් වැඩි කරන ලෙස ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආණ්ඩුවට ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල මෙයට පෙර කර තිබූ නිර්දේශය ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේ වගකීම වත්මන් රජයට පැවරී ඇතැයි බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය ගුවන්විදුලිය (BBC) විශේෂ වාර්තාවක් පළ කරමින් පෙන්වා දී තිබේ.

පසුගිය වසරේ පැවති ආණ්ඩුව විසින් බදු අනුපාත ඉහළ දැමීමෙන් පසුව උපයන විට ගෙවීමේ බද්දෙන් ලද ආදායම (2023 දී) රුපියල් බිලියන 144 කි.

එහෙත් රජය එම බද්දෙන් ලබා ගැනීමට අපේක්ෂා කළේ රුපියල් බිලියන 100 ක ආදායමකි.

රුපියල් බිලියන 44 ක් වැඩිපුර එම බද්ද මගින් 2023 දී රජය උපයා තිබුණු බවද එම වාර්තාව කියයි.

ජනාධිපතිගේ සෑම පත්කිරීමකම අවුලක්.. සමහරුන්ට නඩු.. සමහරු අධිකරණවලින් දඬුවම් ලබලා..

September 30th, 2024

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

අනුර දිසානායක මහතා ජනාධිපතිවරයා ලෙස පත්වීමෙන් පසු කරන කරන සියලුම පත්වීම් වල යම් ප්‍රශ්නයක් තිබෙන බව හිටපු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී අජිත් පෙරේරා මහතා සඳහන් කරයි.

ඒ ඇතැමුන්ගේ චරිතය සම්බන්ධ ප්‍රශ්න ඇති බවත්, ඇතැමුන් අධිකරණ හරහා දඬුවම් ලබන පුද්ගලයන් බවත්, සමහර පුද්ගලයන් අධිකරණවල නඩු පවතින පුද්ගලයන් බවද හෙතෙම පෙන්වා දෙයි.

ඒ අනුව ඉදිරි පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණය වන විට ඔවුනට දැනට ඇති සියයට හතළිස් දෙකේ ඡන්ද ප්‍රමාණය ද නැති වනු ඇති බව තමන් විශ්වාස කරන බවත් ඔහු පැවසුවේය.

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ වැඩපිළිවෙල අකුරක්වත් නෑර ඉදිරියට ගෙන යන කණ්ඩායම සිටින්නේත් අනුර දිසානායක මහතා සමගත පැවසූ ඔහු ‘රනිල් කියන්නෙත් අනුර.. අනුර කියන්නේ රනිල්’ යයිද කියා සිටියේය.

පානදුර ප්‍රදේශයේදී මාධ්‍ය අමතමින් හෙතෙම මෙම අදහස් පළ කරන ලදි.

ජනපති අනුර තනතුරු දෙන්නේ හිතවතුන්ටද..

September 30th, 2024

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

ඇතැමෙකු චෝදනා කරන්නේ, නව ජනාධිපතිවරයා ඔහුගේ හිතවතුන් රජයේ තනතුරුවලට පත් කරන බව ය.

මීට පෙර සිටි පාලකයින්ගේ පත් කිරීම් විවේචනයට ලක් කරමින් බලයට පැමිණි ජනාධිපතිවරයෙකුගෙන් එවැන්නක් අපේක්ෂා කළ නොහැකි බව ඔවුන්ගේ අදහස යි.

ජනතාව නව ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායකට ඡන්දය දුන්නේ පැවති දේශපාලන සංස්කෘතිය වෙනස් කිරීමට,” බව අමාත්‍ය විජිත හේරත් පවසයි.

ඔහු ඒ බව ප්‍රකාශ කළේ, පසුගිය දා ශ්‍රී ලංකා වරාය අධිකාරියට ගොස් නිලධාරීන් හමු වූ අවස්ථාවේදී ය.

රටේ ජනතාව නව ජනාධිපතිවරයාට ඡන්දය දුන්නේ, මේ රටේ මෙතෙක් පැවතිච්ච දේශපාලන සංස්කෘතිය වෙනස් කරන්න. දේශපාලන සංස්කෘතිය වෙනස් කරනවා කියන්නේ, දේශපාලනඥයින්ගේ විතරක් නෙවෙයි. නිලධාරීන්ගේ පැත්තෙනුත්, රටේ ආයතනවලත් ඒක වෙනස් විය යුතු යි.”

අමාත්‍ය විජිත හේරත් එසේ පැවසුව ද, වත්මන් ජනපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක බලයට පත්වීමෙන් පසු කරන ලද පත් කිරීම් විමසා බැලීමේදී ඔහු විශ්වාසවන්තභාවය පදනම් කරගෙන මිතුරන්ට තනතුරු දී ඇති බවක් නිරීක්ෂණය වන බව ශ්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ දේශපාලන විද්‍යා මහාචාර්ය විශාඛා සූරියබණ්ඩාර පවසයි.

ඇය පෙන්වා දුන්නේ, ජනාධිපති ලේකම්වරයා පත්කිරීම පවා ප්‍රශ්නසහගත බව ය.

දැන් ජනාධිපති ලේකම් පත් කරපු එකෙත් අවුලක් තියෙනවා. කෙනෙක් තර්ක කරන්න පුළුවන් ඉස්සරත් ඔයිට වඩා වැරදි සිද්ධ වුණා කියලා. ඒත් කලින් හිටිය කට්ටිය කරපු වැරදි නොකරන්න නේ මේගොල්ලෝ ආවේ,” මහාචාර්ය විශාඛා සූරියබණ්ඩාර පැවසීය.

ඇය පෙන්වා දුන්නේ, විශ්වාසවන්ත බව කියමින් මිතුරන් තනතුරුවලට පත්කිරීමෙන් කාර්ය ශූර රාජ්‍ය සේවයක් පවත්වාගෙන යා නොහැකි,” බව ය.

විශ්වාසවන්ත අය දානවා කියල කියනවා. විශ්වාසවන්ත අය කියන්නේ මිත්‍ර සංග්‍රහ, ඥාති සංග්‍රහ නම් එතකොට රාජ්‍ය සේවයක් මොකට ද? රාජ්‍ය සේවයේ ඉතා ම කෘතහස්ත මිනිස්සු ඉන්නවා නේ. සමහර අය දේශපාලන පළිගැනීම්වලට ලක් වෙලා තමන්ගේ හැකියාවන් පෙන්නගන්න බැරුව ඉන්නවා. ඒ වගේ අයව අරගන්නෙ නැතුව, ඒගොල්ලන්ට යම්කිසි අවස්ථාවක් දෙන්නෙ නැතුව කාර්යශූර රාජ්‍ය සේවයක් කොහොම ද පත්වාගෙන යන්නේ?”

මේ පත් කරපු සමහර අය ශ්‍රේණි අනුව පහළ මට්ටම්වල ඉන්න අය. ඒක සාර්ථක වෙයි ද?” මහාචාර්යවරිය ප්‍රශ්න කරයි.

ජනාධිපති ලේකම් ධූරයට පත් කෙරුණු ආචාර්ය නන්දික සනත් කුමානායක ශ්‍රේණි මට්ටමින් පහළ අයෙකු බවත්, ඔහුට වඩා ජ්‍යේෂ්ඨ නිලධාරීන් සිටියදී එම පත්කිරීම සාධාරණ නොවන බවත් මහාචාර්ය විශාඛා සූරියබණ්ඩාර පවසයි.

මේ අතර, ඔහු කැලණිය විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ අධ්‍යාපනය ලබද්දී අනුර කුමාර දිසානායකගේ මිත්‍රයෙකු බවට ද ඇතැම් මත පළවී තිබේ.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, එහි සත්‍යාසත්‍යතාව තහවුරු කර ගැනීමට හැකි වූයේ නැත.

මේ අතර, ජනාධිපති මාධ්‍ය අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් ධූරයට වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු පත් කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ද විවිධ අදහස් පළවෙමින් තිබේ.

එම ධූරයට පත් කරන ලද නජිත් ඉන්දික වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු බවත්, මාධ්‍ය ක්ෂේත්‍රය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඔහුට අත්දැකීමක් නොමැති බවත් ඇතැමෙකුගේ අදහස යි.

රජයේ රෝහල් කිහිපයක වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු සහ ආයතන භාර වෛද්‍ය නිලධාරියෙකු ලෙස ඔහු සේවය කර තිබේ.

රජයේ ප්‍රවෘත්ති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව පවසන්නේ, වෛද්‍ය නජිත් ඉන්දික ශිෂ්‍ය ක්‍රියාකාරිකයෙකු සහ දේශපාලන ක්‍රියාකාරියෙකු ද වූ බව ය.

මහාචාර්ය විශාඛා සූරියබණ්ඩාර නගන චෝදනා සම්බන්ධයෙන් බීබීසී සිංහල සේවය ජනාධිපති මාධ්‍ය අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් වෛද්‍ය නජිත් ඉන්දිකගෙන් විමසීමක් කළේ ය.

ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේ, ඕනෑ ම ආණ්ඩුවක් තනතුරු සඳහා පත්කිරීමේදී තමන්ට විශ්වාසවන්ත සුදුසුකම් සහිත පුද්ගලයින් තෝරා ගන්නා බව ය.

කිසි ම කෙනෙක් ජනාධිපති ලේකම් විදිහට පූල් එකේ ඉන්න ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ ම කෙනා දැම්මෙ නෑනෙ. ජනාධිපති ලේකම් හරි, අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ලේකම් හරි, අමාත්‍යංශ ලේකම්වරු හරි ගත්තොත් ජනාධිපතිවරයාට අලුතින් පත්වුණා ම තමන්ගේ කාර්ය භාරය වඩාත් ම හොඳට කර ගන්න පුළුවන් කෙනාට, සුදුසුකම් තියෙන දේශපාලකයින්ට විශ්වාස කෙනෙක් තමයි, හැම දා ම ජනාධිපති ලේකම් බවට පත් වෙන්නේ. සුදුසුකම් නැත්නම් ප්‍රශ්නයක්. මොක ද අපි දන්නෙ නැති කෙනෙක් දාගෙන වැඩ කරන්න බැහැ නේ,” ජනාධිපති මාධ්‍ය අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල්වරයා සඳහන් කළේ ය.

ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේ, සුදුසුකම් සහිත පුද්ගලයින් තනතුරුවලට පත් කළ බව ය.

ජනාධිපති ලේකම් ගැන දේශපාලන විශ්වාසයක් තියෙන්න ඕනෙ, කරන වැඩේ කරන්න පුළුවන් කියලා. ඉතින්, සුදුසුකම් සපුරපු අයගෙන් ඒ පදනම මත තමයි මේ පාරත් පත් කරලා තියෙන්නේ. එහෙම පත් කළොත් විතරයි, වෙනසක් කරන්න පුළුවන්.”

තනතුරුවලට පත්කිරීමේදී කිසිදු නීති රාමුවක් උල්ලංඝණය කර නැතැයි ද වෛද්‍ය නජිත් ඉන්දික පැවසීය.

කිසි ම නීති රාමුවක් උල්ලංඝණය කරල නෑ. කිසි ම ක්‍රියාපටිපාටියක්, කිසි ම ධූරාවලියක් උල්ලංඝණය කරල නෑ. මුළුමනින් ම ක්‍රමවේදයට අනුකූලව පත් කිරීම් කරල තියෙන්නේ. ලේකම්වරු පත් කර ගන්නකොට හැම ආණ්ඩුවක් ම කළා වගේ ම සුදුසුකම් තියෙන අයගෙන් තමන්ට විශ්වාසවන්ත අයට ප්‍රමුඛත්වයක් දීලා තියෙනවා.”

රජයේ අලුත් පත්වීම් ලබා දීමේදී හිතවතුන්ට ප්‍රමුඛත්වය දීම නතර කරන බව කී වත්මන් රජය ඊට ප්‍රතිවිරුද්ධ ලෙස ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙමින් පවතින” බව හිටපු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී නීතිඥ අජිත් පී. පෙරේරා පවසයි.

ඔහු පෙන්වා දුන්නේ, නව පත්කිරීම් රැසක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් ගැටලු පවතින” බව ය.

පත්කිරීම් ගොඩක් හිතවතුන්ට දීලා තියෙන බවක් පේනවා. ඊට අමතරව අමාත්‍යංශ ලේකම්වරුන් පත් කිරීමේදී ළබැඳියාවන් අතර ගැටුමක් දක්නට ලැබෙනවා. ඊට අමතරව, විවිධ චෝදනා එල්ල වූවන් තනතුරුවලට පත් කරලා තියෙනවා. ජනතාව ඡන්දය දුන්නේ, කලින් හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරු කරපු වැරදි කරන්න නෙවෙයි. කුසලතා මත පදනම්ව තනතුරු පිරිනැමීමට නව නායකයා කටයුතු කළ යුතු යි.”

මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් විකල්ප ප්‍රතිපත්ති කේන්ද්‍රයේ විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ ආචාර්ය පාක්‍යසෝති සරවනමුත්තු අදහස් දක්වමින් ප්‍රකාශ කළේ, නව පත්වීම් ලබා දීමට පෙර මීට වඩා සැලකිලිමත් විය යුතු බව ය.

දෙතුන් දෙනෙකුට චෝදනා තියෙනවා. නමුත්, ගොඩක් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ කරන්න යන අලුත් ආණ්ඩුවකට වැඩ කරන්න වෙන්නේ ඒගොල්ලන්ට විශ්වාස කරන්න පුළුවන් අයත් එක්ක. හැබැයි පත් කරන්න ඉස්සෙල්ලා හරියට විභාග කරල බලන්න ඕනේ, ළබැඳියාවන් අතර ගැටුමක් තියෙනවා ද? වගේ කරුණු ගැන. ඒවා හොයලා බලලා තමයි පත් කිරීම් කරන්න ඕනේ.”

කෙසේ වෙතත්, මේ වන විට එල්ල වන චෝදනා සැලකිල්ලට ගනිමින් ඉදිරියේදී නිවැරදිව කටයුතු කරනු ඇතැයි තමන් විශ්වාස කරන බව ද ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේ ය.

මං හිතන්නේ ආණ්ඩුව දැන් මේ විවේචන දැකලා ඉදිරියට යනකොට පරිස්සම් වේවි.”

මේ වන විට ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක විසින් නව පත්කිරීම් රැසක් සිදු කර තිබේ.

ජනාධිපති ලේකම්, අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ලේකම්, අමාත්‍යංශ රැසක ලේකම්වරුන්, පළාත් ආණ්ඩුකාරවරුන්, වැඩබලන පොලිස්පති, රජයට අයත් මාධ්‍ය ආයතනවල සභාපතිවරුන් ඒ අතර වෙති.

– BBC

මෙරට බැංකු පද්ධතිය කඩා වැටීමෙ අවදානමක්.. ආර්ථිකය අනතුරක.. අධිකරණයට වාර්තාවක්..

September 30th, 2024

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

යුක්ක්‍රේන, ඉන්දීය සහ බල්ගේරියන් සයිබර් අපරාධකරුවන් රටට ඇතුළු වී කරන මුදල් වංචා හේතුවෙන් මෙරට බැංකු පද්ධතිය කඩා වැටී ජාතික ආර්ථිකයට විශාල බලපෑමක් එල්ල විය හැකි බව රහස් පොලිසිය කොළඹ ප්‍රධාන මහේස්ත්‍රාත් තිළිණ ගමගේ මහතාට (30) දැනුම් දුන්නේය.

අන්තර්ජාලය හරහා සිදුවන වංචා හේතුවෙන් මෙරට බැංකු පද්ධතිය කෙරෙහි ජනතා විශ්වාසය බිඳ වැටීමට හැකියාව ඇති හෙයින් එම සයිබර් අපරාධකරුවන්ගේ ජාලය පිළිබඳව විශේෂ විමර්ශනයක් කරන බව දැනුම් දුන් රහස් පොලිසියේ අන්තර්ජාල ආවේක්ෂණ විශේෂ බුද්ධි ඒකකයේ නිලධාරීන් මෙම අපරාධයට සම්බන්ධ සයිබර් අපරාධකරුවන් බව කියමින් අධිකරණයට ඉදිරිපත් කළ යුක්‍රේන ජාතික තරුණයින් දෙදෙනෙකු රිමාන්ඩ් බාරයේ රඳවා තැබීමට මහෙස්ත්‍රාත්වරයා නියම කළේය.

මෙලෙස රිමාන්ඩ් බාරයට පත් කරන ලද්දේ ප්‍රධාන පෙළේ පෞද්ගලික බැංකුවක සංවත්සරය වෙනුවෙන් ත්‍යාග ලබාදෙන බවට සහ ඔන්ලයින් ආදායම් මාර්ග හඳුන්වා දෙන බවට ‘ෆෙස්බුක්’ සහ ‘ටෙලිග්‍රැම්’ ඔස්සේ දැන්වීම් ප්‍රචාරය කර රුපියල් ලක්‍ෂ 36කට අධික මුදලක් වංචා කළැයි කියන හරුනොව් නිකිතා සහ සෙවෙට්ස් ලිබොමීර් නැමැති යුක්‍රේන ජාතික තරුණයින් දෙදෙනෙකි.

බුද්ධිමාල් රුබේරු
ADA

Political Maturity? Ranil’s Honourable Exit and NPP’s Reciprocal Approach

September 30th, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

I hope you will carry this child even more safely than I did,” Ranil said, expressing hope that the new president would resolve the country’s remaining challengesThe then NPP leader, now the President, appealed to the North/East electorate to join forces with voters in the south to push for systemic changeWith a focus on collective problem-solving, Sri Lanka could build a stronger economy, improve its social services, and address longstanding issues 

Chathuranga Abeysinghe, Executive Committee member of the National People’s Power, appeared on a TV talk show last Tuesday, where he expressed appreciation for former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s efforts in leaving the Treasury in a stable financial condition. Abeysinghe noted that Wickremesinghe’s prudent fiscal management ensured that the incoming administration, led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, would have adequate financial resources to maintain government operations without facing immediate economic difficulties. He emphasised that such a gesture demonstrated Wickremesinghe’s sense of responsibility toward the country’s well-being, regardless of his political standing.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake
Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe 

In addition to the stable state of the Treasury, officials from the Ministry of Power and Energy also informed President Dissanayake that Sri Lanka currently has sufficient fuel reserves to meet the nation’s consumption needs. This assurance further highlighted the careful planning during Wickremesinghe’s administration, which left the incoming government with a manageable energy situation, a critical factor considering the ongoing global fuel crises. These developments provided the new administration with a stronger platform to build on as they work towards addressing the remaining challenges facing the country.

Another critical issue is the recovery of assets allegedly stolen by the Rajapaksas. According to the same NPP spokesman, the files in their possession indicate that these assets are valued at $10 billion—(three times the amount of the IMF loan the country is currently struggling to secure). As promised, addressing this matter should be a top priority for the new administration.

Ranil Wickremesinghe, who lost the presidential election, delivered an emotional farewell after serving 26 months as Sri Lanka’s president. 

Grusha, Michael and Rope Bridge

Wickremesinghe often referenced Bertolt Brecht’s The Caucasian Chalk Circle’s  servant-girl Grusha’s role during his presidency, using the metaphor of somebody else’s child” to describe the difficult task of leading Sri Lanka. Just as in Brecht’s play, where a child is entrusted to the one most capable of caring for it, Wickremesinghe saw himself as a caretaker during a critical period, even though the country was NOT HIS BABY” politically. This allegory highlighted the selfless duty he felt in navigating the nation through its economic crisis, even as he prepared to hand over leadership. Azdak, with profound wisdom, declared Grusha to be Michael’s true mother—not through blood, but through love and sacrifice. He understood that it was devotion, not biology, that qualified her to raise the child, and he gently urged her to take him into her care.

Yet, our own Azdaks” seem to have different intentions. They seek validation elsewhere, prioritising power over compassion. Our modern Azdaks appear more focused on the change” they anticipated, that is vital for a brighter future.

I hope you will carry this child even more safely than I did,” Ranil said, expressing hope that the new president would resolve the country’s remaining challenges. Despite finishing third in the election with only 17% of the vote, Wickremesinghe promised his continued service to Sri Lanka, whether in power or not.

He acknowledged that the IMF-backed austerity measures, though unpopular, were necessary to stabilise the economy. He pointed to the rise in Sri Lanka’s foreign reserves from USD 20 million to USD 5.7 billion as one of his administration’s key accomplishments.


The election results suggest that minorities have limited confidence in the new president’s ability to address their concerns


SJB and Vote Counting Drama

The SJB’s missteps continued as two outsiders, who had only joined the alliance at the final moments, accompanied the party’s secretary in leading a delegation to the Election Commission on Sunday evening. This occurred just as the Commission had successfully concluded the vote-counting process and was preparing to announce the winner. The delegation complained that the counting process, particularly the tally of preference votes, was flawed and insisted that the results could not be accepted. In an attempt to stir public opinion, they also held a media conference to amplify their grievances, despite the commission’s completion of a transparent and orderly election process.

Such unnecessary acts will hamper emerging new political culture of collaboration and respect between opposing parties. For too long, the political landscape has been dominated by animosity and hostility between rival parties, hindering progress and creating divisions that stymied national growth. However, recent shifts in attitude—where parties are willing to focus more on constructive dialogue, policy-based debates, and mutual respect—signal a promising future for the country.

A shift away from the traditional adversarial politics and towards a more cooperative approach could pave the way for more stable governance, where ideas are exchanged for the betterment of the people rather than for party gains. When political parties prioritise national interest over personal or party agendas, the entire nation benefits. A government that welcomes input from Opposition parties is likely to be more balanced and inclusive, leading to policies that address a broader range of issues and represent a wider demographic. 

The then NPP leader, now the President, appealed to the North/East electorate to join forces with voters in the south to push for systemic change. However, they did not heed this call, as reflected clearly in their voting patterns. The election results suggest that minorities has limited confidence in the new president’s ability to address their concerns. Now, the president and his administration must face the tough realities ahead and demonstrate that socialism is viable in practice.

If Sri Lanka continues to foster this new political culture, where opposing parties collaborate to address the country’s most pressing challenges, the bright future that everyone envisages could soon become a reality. Such a transformation could bring about the stability, progress, and unity that have long eluded the nation, marking a turning point in Sri Lankan politics and ushering in an era of sustainable development, peace, and prosperity. 

Controversial High-profile Appointments

President has stirred a controversy with two appointments in his administration. The appointment of   President’s Secretary, has raised eyebrows due to the selection of a relatively junior figure within the administrative hierarchy, bypassing more experienced candidates. The second, even more contentious, is the appointment of a former police officer as Secretary to the Ministry of Law and Order. This individual still faces unresolved legal allegations casting a shadow over his suitability.  These decisions may lead the public to perceive these actions as unfavorable, echoing the practices of previous regimes, which were often criticised for prioritising loyalty or convenience over merit and integrity. This perception could undermine the president’s promise of change and reform.

With a focus on collective problem-solving, Sri Lanka could build a stronger economy, improve its social services, and address longstanding issues such as ethnic reconciliation, all within a framework of good governance. The key to this vision is the continuation of this new attitude—where political opponents are viewed as contributors to a shared national project, not as enemies to be defeated at all costs. If maintained, this attitude will allow the country to progress faster and more efficiently, achieving the change and future that so many have long desired.

kksperera1@gmail.com

Balancing Pragmatism and Ideology in India-Sri Lanka ties

September 30th, 2024

Authors : Harsh V. Pant | Aditya Gowdara Shivamurthy  Courtesy Observer Research Foundation 

Since Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) was elected as the ninth executive president of Sri Lanka, there is speculation about the new government’s foreign policy. Given the economic and geopolitical scenario, pragmatism is likely to take precedence — Sri Lanka will continue to balance between India and China. The new dispensation’s quest for good governance and reforms will also likely benefit India in the long run.

At its inception in the 1960s, the JVP was a staunchly anti-Indian organisation with its Marxist and Sinhala nationalist ideology. Fighting Indian expansionism” in South Asia was one of its core ideological themes. Its first insurrection against the Sri Lankan State in 1971 ended quickly, with India stepping in to secure the Colombo airport and conducting maritime patrols at the request of the Sri Lankan government. However, the second insurrection, between 1987-1990, became even more anti-Indian with the JVP criticising the Indo-Lanka accord that permitted the deployment of Indian Peace Keeping Forces (IPKF) in Sri Lanka.

Given the economic and geopolitical scenario, pragmatism is likely to take precedence — Sri Lanka will continue to balance between India and China.

While the JVP renounced its armed struggle and entered mainstream politics in 1994, it remained a non-traditional choice. It was during the economic crisis and the 2022 Aragalaya movement that Dissanayake emerged as a popular choice for a populace disenchanted with traditional elites. JVP’s rising popularity compelled India to enhance its engagements with the party. The unpredictability of the elections also meant that India maintained engagements with all the key contenders. Delhi invited Dissanayake on an official visit, even as external affairs minister S Jaishankar and national security advisor Ajit Doval met Sri Lankan leaders across party lines in the run-up to the elections (including the JVP).

India’s pragmatic engagement is part of its Neighbourhood First policy and Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) vision. As Sri Lanka’s geopolitical significance increases, India has pushed for connectivity to further its leverage. In fact, during the island-nation’s recent economic crisis, India stepped in to offer assistance of $4 billion. As a result, India will be managing and upgrading airports and maritime ports in Sri Lanka, developing the Trincomalee region, and investing in renewable energy projects, oil refineries, an energy grid, and a bi-directional petroleum pipeline. Multiple Indian firms have expressed interest in investing in Sri Lankan State-owned enterprises (SOEs), and India and Sri Lanka are also discussing a land bridge and the Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement (ETCA).

On their part – the JVP understands that Cold War-era alliances and affiliations make little sense in the contemporary world order. This realisation existed even before the elections and underpinned its outreach towards India. It recognises that India’s geopolitical clout and economic growth will help the country recover and strengthen its economy. Several promises in Dissanayake’s manifesto, such as developing Sri Lanka into a maritime hub, a port and trading hub, and a regional logistics management hub, will depend on the latter’s connectivity with India. Dissanayake wants to improve tourism and information technology revenues for which India will again prove to be an important country. It is this growing importance of connectivity and economic leverage that has prompted JVP to be sensitive to India’s concerns. Its manifesto specifies that the country’s land, sea, and air spaces will not be permitted to threaten or risk the national security of any country, particularly India.

Several promises in Dissanayake’s manifesto, such as developing Sri Lanka into a maritime hub, a port and trading hub, and a regional logistics management hub, will depend on the latter’s connectivity with India.

That said, the new government will balance relations with China, too. Beijing will even attempt to enhance its relationship, leveraging the new regime’s Communist leanings. Dissanayake had visited Beijing before he visited Delhi; several high-level Chinese delegates had also visited him before the elections. As the world’s second largest economy and one of the biggest lenders to Sri Lanka, Beijing will continue to engage with the government to further its interests in the Indian Ocean. This capacity to invest and assist will continue to woo an economically recovering Sri Lanka.

But having won the election with strong rhetoric on transparency and accountability, the government’s balancing will be subject to more pressure. Dissanayake aims to promote a rigorous and transparent tender process for all foreign investments, avoid privatisation of critical SOEs, conduct detailed debt audits on foreign loans, and enact legal action against those misusing these loans. On a short-term basis, this will be challenging current Indian and Chinese competition for a stake in crucial SOEs, and their investments . The call to suspend the Adani energy project is a case in point.

However, in the longer term, scrutinising loans and the new investment conditions (if implemented) are not likely to go down well with Beijing, which has exploited systemic loopholes, promoting corruption, and opaque loans. On the contrary, this could be more beneficial for India and its like-minded partners who are genuinely interested in strengthening institutions and promoting transparency and accountability in the country’s governance.


This commentary originally appeared in Hindustan Times.

From Protests to Power: Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s Journey as Sri Lanka’s First Leftist President

September 30th, 2024

Courtesy D.D.News India

It is more than two years since the Aragalaya Protests shook Sri Lanka to the core. Aragalaya means Struggle in the Sinhala language.

The imagery of people storming the Presidential Palace and hoisting the Sri Lankan national flag, amid slogans of ‘Gota Go Home’, is fresh in the minds of many, in this island nation of 23 million people. Gota is the nickname of the then President, Gotabaya Rajapaksa. He fled the country in the wake of the Aragalaya Protests, and, resigned afterwards.

Cut to 2024.

The Aragalaya sweeps a bearded, 55-year-old son of a labourer into power.

Anura Kumara Dissanayake, a self-avowed Marxist. The leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna or People’s Liberation Front and the Jathika Jana Balawegaya, an alliance of political parties and trade unions. Dissanayake was born on 24 November 1968. A.K.D., as he is popularly known, has humble origins. He went to a Government-funded school. Got a degree in physics. Worked as a tuition teacher. Sold toffee and cigarettes on trains. Became a student-leader. (He counts Che Guevara among his heroes.) Got elected to the J.V.P.’s central committee in 1997; became a lawmaker in 2000; and served as agriculture minister between 2004 and 2005 in a coalition government headed by President Chandrika Kumaratunga. Dissanayake became the leader of J.V.P. in 2014. He contested for President in 2019, when he finished third with only 3 per cent votes.

Dissanayaka’s party, the J.V.P., was formed in 1965. It led two rebellions, in 1971, and, 1987. In fact, he was a student-leader at the time of the second, armed, insurrection. This was around the time of the 1987 India – Sri Lanka Peace Accord. The two revolts left more than 80-thousand people dead. The J.V.P. has since claimed to have renounced violence. The party entered democratic politics in 1994. Dissanayake apologised for the violence unleashed by the party.

The J.V.P. was a peripheral player in Sri Lanka’s politics for the longest time. It won only four per cent of the votes in the 2020 parliamentary election. The party has only three lawmakers in the 2 hundred and 25-member legislature. But Dissanayake’s and the J.V.P.’s popularity soared in the wake of the Aragalaya Protests.

There are many firsts here. It was the first presidential election since the 2022 economic crisis. Dissanayake is Sri Lanka’s first Leftist President. Dissanayake is the first President to win the lowest number of votes. Just over 42 per cent. That led to the counting of people’s second preference votes. Consequently, it was the first time a second round of counting took place. Dissanayake is also the first political leader who does not belong to the political elite or a dynasty. Many see his win as a breath of fresh air in Sri Lankan politics. A fresh start. A new beginning. After years of political and economic tumult. Someone who can restore public faith in politics.

Dissanayake has sought to temper expectations from him though. He says he does not have a magic solution to problems. He says he is as common a citizen as any other Sri Lankan, with strengths and limitations. There are things he knows and things he doesn’t. And he says that his responsibility is to be part of a collective effort to end this crisis.

There is one dream our people see every new day the sun rises. That is ‘tomorrow will be better than today!’ However, you and I have both learned for many years that this is just a dream. Opportunism, the greed for power, and authoritarianism have hindered our country’s progress. But now we have our final opportunity which cannot be missed. Let us unite to create a thriving and beautiful country that embraces diversity,” he says.

Dissanayake retains the common touch. He has ordered the police to re-open two roads – the Sir Baron Jayathilake Mawatha and Janadhipathi Mawatha, near the President’s House, to the public. He has increased the fertiliser subsidy for paddy farmers from 50 dollars to 84 dollars with the effect from 1 October, for the September 2024 to March 2025 period. And he has promised to cut taxes, fight corruption and reduce the cost of living.

In a televised address on 25 September, Dissanayake spoke about his plans for resuming talks with the International Monetary Fund to advance Sri Lanka’s 2.9 billion-dollar bailout programme. Sri Lanka declared bankruptcy in 2022. It suspended repayments on 83 billion dollars in domestic and foreign loans. A severe shortfall of dollars spun the country’s economy into a deep financial crisis. The foreign-exchange crisis led to a shortage of essential commodities such as food, medicine, fuel and cooking gas. Inflation soared, to a high of 70 per cent in September 2022.

Bhavani Fonseka, a lawyer and human rights activist, says that the economic crisis and what led to the people’s movement are key indicators that people wanted a change. That message was very much articulated in 2022 in wanting to see a change in political culture, culture which kind of saw high corruption and nepotism. And that seems to have been captured in the messages and the manifestos of the N.P.P. (National People’s Power) and the Anura Kumara Disssanayake campaign slogans. So really, it’s kind of tapping into what people were feeling in 2022, and really capturing the people’s imagination that change is possible with this new formation that is the N.P.P.”

Dissanayake has softened some of his policies in the past few years. For instance, his N.P.P. alliance espouses a middle ground. He believes in an open economy, and, is not totally opposed to privatisation. He has vowed to press ahead with the I.M.F. rescue-package, but, modify its terms in order to deliver tax-cuts to his people.

Fonseka says, (The) international community is looking to this new president as to how he governs, what is his foreign policy. But considering the economic crisis, considering we are dependent on international assistance, I can’t see the N.P.P. and the president being able to take sides. So, he will be taking a very pragmatic approach, at least for the next couple of months. How things play out in 2025 and beyond is to be seen. But I think at the most immediate he is going to take a very practical approach.”

Dissanayake’s priorities are to renegotiate the bailout agreement with the I.M.F. and make austerity measures more bearable for the poor. He faces a number of key challenges, though. First and foremost, economy and growth. Dissanayake will have to ensure the economy returns to sustainable and inclusive growth. He will have to re-assure local and international markets. He has to attract investors. He also has to help a quarter of Sri Lanka’s 23 million population climb out of poverty. Then there are the issues of I.M.F. programme and taxation. Dissanayake has to hold discussions with the I.M.F to reduce taxes and free up public revenue for tax relief and investment.

But questions remain.

— Why is he tight-lipped about his stance on key issues concerning the ethnic Tamil population in the North and East?

— Does he support the implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution?

— The 13th Amendment flows from the India – Sri Lanka Peace Accord of 1987. Among other things, it calls for devolution of police and land powers to the Tamil minority.

— Or will he allow his predominantly Sinhala political base to get the better of him?

— What will be his Government’s foreign policy be towards India?

— And will he allow his ideological moorings to shore up ties with China?

India is Sri Lanka’s biggest neighbor. China is its largest bilateral creditor. Both India and China are competing for influence in Sri Lanka. India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi says he looks forward to working closely with Dissanayake. Dissanayake visited India in February and held talks with India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and National Security Adviser Ajit Doval. Dissanayake has sought to allay concerns about the J.V.P.’s historical anti-West and anti-India stance. He used his inauguration speech to reject power-divisions in the world, and, pledged to work with all other countries for the benefit of his own.

Our country needs international support. We expect that whatever the divisions in the international community to deal with countries, we get the best deal. We are not a state that needs to be isolated in the world. We are a nation that must go forward hand in hand with the international community. We will not hesitate to take decisions to achieve this,” says Dissanayake.

Analysts say that Sri Lanka and Dissanayake, can ignore India only at their own peril. The logic of interdependence will ensure that the ties do not go off-kilter. India was quick to bail Sri Lanka out with billions of dollars is assistance. New Delhi’s Neighbourhood First Policy has ensured that India is the first responder in times of crises. India says that it does not expect all its neighbours to necessarily adhere to what India considers as being better for them. In the real world, countries make their own choices, and, they find a way to adjust and work together.

Dissanayake has called a snap, parliamentary, election on 14 November. He hopes to ride the wave of approval, and, consolidate power in the Parliament. The lack of numbers in Parliament has meant that Dissanayake has not been able to name a proper Cabinet. He named Prof. Harini Amarasuriya as Prime Minister with five portfolios.

Vijitha Herath was given charge of six ministries, including foreign affairs. And Dissanayake kept key ministries, such as, finance, defence and energy for himself. Despite his executive powers as the President, fulfilling his pro-poor campaign promises of reducing taxes and freeing-up public revenue for tax-relief and investment will prove difficult without backing from Parliament.

That is not all. Passing a budget will be hard without support in Parliament. But, there’s a catch. If the snap election throws up a verdict similar to the presidential poll, then Sri Lanka will have a co-habitation government, with the President and Prime Minister from different parties. He needs a minimum of 113 seats to gain power in Parliament. For which he will have enlist the support of the minorities, including Tamils.

I’m cautiously optimistic that the president and those around him have heard the loud calls of the people. The call for a system change. Whether they are able to deliver considering the multiple challenges before them is the big question,” says Fonseka.

President Dissanayake has his task cut out for him. Can he deliver? Will he be able to balance ideological compulsions, domestic reforms, and, geopolitical pulls and pressures? We will know in the months ahead.

By: Ramesh Ramachandran (Senior Consulting Editor and presenter with D.D. India)

‘Cancelling Adani Project Not Good Sign’

September 30th, 2024

By ARCHANA MASIH Rediff News

‘If there is a push towards a Marxist oriented government it will be dangerous.’
‘We have seen this in Nepal and Myanmar and it will be a concern for India if it is surrounded by countries with such political dispensations.’

IMAGE: Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Photograph: Kind courtesy Anura Kumara Dissanayake/X

“There is concern about his political inexperience. Sri Lanka’s executive president has enormous political, security and criminal powers. Dissanayake’s comments on establishing independent institutions are a very good sign because so far, previous presidents failed to do that,” observes Asanga Abeyagoonasekera author of Teardrop Diplomacy, China’s Sri Lanka Foray, and three other books on Sri Lanka.

Abeyagoonasekera is a senior fellow and executive director of the South Asia Foresight Network at the Millennium Project in Washington DC, and a technical advisor to the International Monetary Fund where he contributed to Sri Lanka’s IMF Governance Diagnostic Report 2023.

In the concluding part of a telephone interview with Rediff.com‘s Archana Masih, Asanga Abeyagoonasekera discusses Sri Lanka’s new experiment with a Left-leaning president and some lessons from the past.

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Why have the voters of Sri Lanka voted for a Marxist political outlier as their president?

If you look at the voting pattern after the Easter Sunday terror attacks, people have voted for only one factor — security.

This time, the main theme was economic hardship. People are suffering because of inflation, high prices and taxes. Poverty is a serious issue which we highlighted in the SAFN report (extrenal link).

The JVP’s Marxist-Leninist ideology managed to capture the pressing economic issues at the grassroots.

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I agree with Dr Paikisothy Sarvanamuttu’s assessment that people were angry because of the high prices. The voter was emotionally driven and angry, and wanted to vote out of the establishment and try a new experiment.

The JVP has never been in power and has only three seats in the parliament — all this is a first in Sri Lankan history.

It will be interesting to see how Anura Kumara Dissanayake brings in the JVP’s reformist agenda in keeping with its Marxist background.

What is the most important takeaway of the result?

It is a volatile situation which will reflect on the parliament elections. I doubt they will be able to get a two-thirds majority like Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

Since the vote share of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s and Sajith Premadasa’s together is more than President Dissanayake’s, do you think he will have a tough time getting his candidates elected to parliament?

Yes, people have made an interesting comment on social media that you are not appointed on your [JVP] vote, but our vote. It is a cautionary note which suggests that the JVP has to navigate the reformist ideas.

The people who have voted for them understand the dangers, and hence are cautious.

We had projected three scenarios in the SAFN report:

  • The government would lose.
  • The people were angry against the establishment, and wanted a new one.
  • People wanted to sustain the liberal democratic, market oriented-model proposed by Sajith Premadasa.

The results show that the second scenario had greater appeal with the people.

IMAGE: Sri Lanka’s then president Ranil Wickremesinghe shows his ink-marked finger after casting his vote at a polling station in Colombo, September 21, 2024. Photograph: Dinuka Liyanawatte/Reuters

Have people have forgotten the horrors inflicted by the JVP, or are most Sri Lankans too young to remember all that violence?

I think most were born after the JVP insurrections and that’s why a large percentage of floating votes went to it. But I’m not sure whether people have forgotten.

Some researchers say that it’s in the past, but the foundational structures of such parties are built on those values.

So we have to watch and see how political parties interact with the polity as well as the people.

I don’t buy the argument that people have forgotten the 30 year civil war or the JVP insurrections, but they want to see a beginning.

Even when Maithripala Sirisena came to power, people voted for him because they thought it was new beginning and he was a very popular figure in the first few months.

Sri Lankans like new beginnings.

Can the Dissanyake government control inflation and continue the economic stability brought in by Wickeremsinghe is something we’d have to see when Dissanayake has a functioning government after the election.

What will happen if his candidates do not win a sizable number of seats in parliament?

A hung parliament will be a hurdle in implementing policies, passing bills and bringing major reforms.

The pattern in Sri Lanka is that whoever is the president, the people vote for that particular party. But this time the issue is that the Opposition has also got a significant number of votes.

IMAGE: Anura Kumara Dissanayake clicks a selfie with supporters. Photograph: Kind courtesy Anura Kumara Dissanayake/X

What of the entrenched players in Sri Lankan politics? Will Wickeremsinghe and the Rajapaksa brothers disappear into the sunset?

I’m not sure that they will disappear.

Namal Rajapaksa entered the presidential race though his political advisors would have indicated that he would not win because of the unpopularity of the Rajpaksas.

But do remember that Sri Lanka and South Asia have seen swings where unpopular leaders who made mistakes and blunders have become popular again.

So, Namal would want to be around, but Sajith Premadasa is far ahead in terms of political maturity. It depends on the political events that unfold.

It is quite difficult for the Rajapaksas because of people’s anger over corruption.

Anura Kumara Dissanayake has said he would expose the corruption and arrest them. He might want to take up some cases under the framework of the law and disburse them before the general election to show his capability.

There is also concern about his political inexperience. Sri Lanka’s executive president has enormous political, security and criminal powers. Dissanayake’s comments on establishing independent institutions are a very good sign because so far, previous presidents failed to do that.

There was a heavy politicisation of the bribery commission which we have highlighted in the governance diagnostic report. There’s a lot to be taken from that report and the Sri Lankan government has pledged to implement those recommendations.

Let us see.

IMAGE: Anura Kumara Dissanayake chairs a meeting with officials. Photograph: Kind courtesy Anura Kumara Dissanayake/X

Has the people’s movement that threw out the Rajpaksas dissipated or will we see more political players emerge from that movement in the future?

Anura Kumara Dissanayake managed to capture the leadership gap created by the movement. He is seen as one of the owners of that movement. He was welcomed at the protest site.

I don’t see any protest emerging again because people are more concerned about the economy.

Wickremesinghe also got a sizable number of people’s votes which shows there was a positivity towards the economic stability created by him.

Do you see Dissanayake governing in the manner of the leftists who have governed, say, Brazil or Bolivia?

The Marxist foundational factor does matter. The party does play a significant role. If there is a push towards a Marxist oriented government it will be dangerous.

We have seen this in Nepal and Myanmar and it will be a concern for India if it is surrounded by countries with such political dispensations.

If Dissanayake works on the Marxist agenda with inward economic policies, then the entire reformist agenda that they were preaching would have been for a political game.

We have seen such cases in other countries and are cautious of this experiment.

IMAGE: Supporters watch as Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of the National People’s Power alliance, speaks at an election campaign rally ahead of the presidential election in Colombo, September 18, 2024. Photograph: Dinuka Liyanawatte/Reuters

What chances do you give Dissanayake’s success as president?

He will be a successful president if he implements his reformist agenda and ideas.

Cancelling the Adani project or other major projects does not send a good sign.

The president has to have a more holistic picture.

Sri Lanka has gone through this in the past. Gotabaya Rajapaksa cancelled and banned chemical fertiliser and moved the country to organic only agriculture overnight. [The move in 2021 led to soaring prices and economic catastrophe in Sri Lanka.]

When I interviewed Gotabaya few months ago about this for my book, he blamed external factors and ill advice from advisors.

Dissanayake has to take careful decision taking the macro view otherwise he would have serious issues, just like Gotabaya.

Gotabaya’s presidency is also a lesson to many leaders in South Asia, not only in Sri Lanka. 6.9 million people voted for him, much more than Anura Kumara Dissanayake. He had a two thirds majority parliament, but was the shortest serving president.

Dissanayake’s reform agenda is promising, he has mentioned public private partnerships which is a good sign. We have to see if he will embrace liberal values and democratic norms that he has said he would.

Feature Presentation: Aslam Hunani/Rediff.com

Can Sri Lanka’s new leader Dissanayake reverse the country’s decline?

September 30th, 2024

Hamzah Rifaat Courtesy TRTWorld

The pro-Marxist official faces the daunting task of addressing a severe economic crisis while uniting a divided nation.

Sri Lanka's newly elected President Anura Kumara Dissanayake reads a document after being sworn in as president at the Presidential Secretariat, in Colombo, Sri Lanka, September 23, 2024. / Photo: Reuters
ReutersSri Lanka’s newly elected President Anura Kumara Dissanayake reads a document after being sworn in as president at the Presidential Secretariat, in Colombo, Sri Lanka, September 23, 2024. / Photo: Reuters

In a sharp rebuke to dynastic rule in Sri Lanka, voters recently elected Anura Kumara Dissanayake, a working class, neo-Marxist leader and head of the National People’s Power. His victory with 42 percent of the vote comes as the island nation struggles with significant economic and social turmoil.

This resulted in the ousting of the Rajapaksa rule which includes former President Gotabaya, his brother and Prime Minister, Mahinda and Finance Minister, Basil Rajapaksa in a 2022 uprising.

Two years on, Sri Lankans are hungry for change and have pinned their hopes on Dissanayake as a potential saviour. Yet, he remains an untested commodity in Sri Lankan politics, despite his leftist, anti-elitist and anti-corruption agenda.

The question is: can he steer Sri Lanka out of its current economic crisis and deliver for the people? The outlook is uncertain.

Decades of mismanagement

For Dissanayake, there is a steep slope ahead.

Adding to that is the existence of bloated, loss-making state-owned enterprises and the economic effects of the decades-long war between the Lanka Tamil Tiger Eelam militant group and the Sri Lankan government, which hampered foreign direct investment. Also, Sri Lanka’s liberalisation drive in 1977 failed to implement the necessary requirements for a market-oriented economy.

The Rajapaksa era however, made it worse.

As foreign debt soared in 2019, the Russia Ukraine conflict hiked prices of basic commodities and the COVID-19 pandemic contracted industries such as fishing and agriculture, the administration responded with several policy blunders.

This includes tax cuts affecting fiscal policy or governmental spending and taxation to influence the economy, and opposition to an International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) bailout plan to heal the economy. The result was soaring prices and fuel shortages which led to a nationwide movement against corruption, mismanagement and nepotism.

Dissanayake has pledged to reverse the mistakes made during Rajapaksa’s tenure.

IMF lifeline

There is a problem, however.

Sri Lanka’s economic future is dependent on the completion of an IMF program previously negotiated by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who served for two years following Rajapaksa’s ousting.

Under the program, Sri Lanka can only prevent a future default if it reduces public debt to nearly all of its GDP and ensures that a significant portion of government revenue is directed at debt servicing. In simple terms, this means that the government must use the revenue it generates to pay back its debt obligations rather than spend on public welfare.

This presents a challenge for Dissanayake who has promised to provide relief by widening welfare spending programs and slashing taxes.

As a result, Dissanayake opposes the IMF deal and claims that the fund only seeks to bail out corrupt regimes. He has vowed instead to renegotiate the program by making austerity measures more bearable for the poor.

This promise brings his egalitarian agenda in direct conflict with Sri Lanka’s IMF targets and the nation’s plan to get its finances back on track.

Take cases in other developing countries as an example. Satisfying IMF conditions entails implementing austerity measures with side effects such as higher inflation affecting the public. In Pakistan’s case, the country’s recently concluded IMF loan stipulates conditions such as preventing the government from subsidising the energy sector.

However, the measures Dissanayake seeks to implement come at a heavy cost. Spending on welfare programs negatively impacts budget deficits in the absence of market reform and prevents government revenue from being channelised towards debt servicing.

This heightens the risk of default which means that Sri Lankans would once again confront rising fuel prices, food shortages, a collapse of domestic industries and lower income levels.

Domestic political costs

The political costs of Dissanayake’s decisions will be high.

APPeople transport their vegetables purchased at a market place in an auto rickshaw in Colombo, Sri Lanka, Friday, June 10, 2022. The country is facing its worst economic crisis in recent memory (AP Photo/Eranga Jayawardena).

Essentially, Dissanayake must walk a tightrope and chose between either fulfilling the IMF’s conditions and alienating his supporter base on one hand, or living up to his pro-poor policies and alienating the IMF on the other. Neither choice is easy as in both cases the Sri Lankan public could suffer.

His “people-centric” approach must also be implemented in substance. While he campaigned on boosting Sri Lanka’s domestic industries, he has simultaneously sought energy cooperation with India (a key creditor to Sri Lanka during the 2022 economic crisis), to invest in infrastructure in the island.

For Sri Lankans hoping that his government generates domestic employment and promotes domestic industrial development for poverty alleviation, lack of prioritisation from Dissanayake is a potential cause for disillusionment.

Buddhist nationalism

Economic recovery in Sri Lanka also depends on social cohesion. For Dissanayake, the key challenge there is to address prevalent Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism, which has simmered during the Rajapaksa era.

The ideology considers the island’s Sinhalese Buddhist majority population as a dominant race at the expense of minorities such as Tamils, Muslims and Christians. It was weaponised by politicians such as Junius Jayewardene to target Tamils in the early 1980s and in 2018 by the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS), a Buddhist extremist organisation which used it to target Muslims during the 2018 riots.

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In short, Dissanayake must adopt pragmatism on economics in Sri Lanka and heal community misgivings through politics of accommodation.

While Dissanayake has called for unity among all religious and ethnic groups in Sri Lanka, his previous Janatha Vikumthi Peramuna (JVP) party which is now part of the NPP, campaigned on a Sinhalese nationalist platform and has a fractious relationship with Tamils.

Also, while campaigning in 2024, he rejected devolving centralised power to the north and east of the island, where the majority of Tamils live. On the question of Indian Tamils living in Sri Lanka, his JVP previously denounced them as a “fifth column” and an instrument of Indian expansionism.

For him to bury the hatchet, Dissanayake must do more to accommodate Tamil grievances, including spearheading investigations into human rights abuses committed against them by the Sri Lankan army during the war. Also, his approach towards the country’s Muslims, who have been targeted by far-right Buddhist extremists, must be different from Rajapaksa, with measures such as banning the BBS put in place.

In short, Dissanayake must adopt pragmatism on economics in Sri Lanka and heal community misgivings through politics of accommodation.

Only then can he reverse Sri Lanka’s decline.

President faces a problem common to many developing nations: Austerity imposed by the West

September 30th, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The International Monetary Fund delegation addressing the media in Colombo


Dissanayake is going to have to walk a tightrope. For a country and people that are going through the worst phase of dispossession since independence, international solidarity should mean providing space for rebuilding the country


Sri Lanka is at a historic juncture. Faced with its worst economic crisis since the Great Depression and having defaulted on its external debt for the first time, the country recently saw unprecedented protests demanding systemic change. The former president Gotabaya Rajapaksa was literally chased away in 2022, as protesters stormed his residence and swam in his pool. The political parties and their offshoots that have ruled the country since independence are unravelling. Take Anura Kumara Dissanayake. He polled just 3.8% of the vote during the previous presidential election in 2019. This week, he was sworn in as president.   

Two major insurrections 

The new president belongs to the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) party and leads the new centre-left National People’s Power (NPP) coalition. The JVP engaged in two major insurrections in the early 1970s and late 1980s, which resulted in the loss of tens of thousands of lives – mass violence was committed by both the JVP and the state. But the party has come a long way from its mix of revolutionary Marxist-Leninism and Sinhala ethno-nationalism, having moved into the centrist mainstream. From its roots in the rural south of the country, the party remoulded its base in the suburbs and small towns and even wooed the middle classes by taking up the issue of corruption. Its electoral capture of state power was contingent on the unprecedented economic crisis, as it waited patiently for the political winds to turn.   

Yet its victory comes during unenviable times, as the bankrupt country is subject to severe austerity measures in line with the conditions of an agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Washington-based financial institution that has long promoted social welfare cuts on developing countries in the name of the free market.  

The previous government did not even consider negotiating terms with the IMF. It was all too willing to grovel before the global powers and ran the economy adhering to the benchmarks and recommendations of western institutions. These economic policies benefited the elite in the country, while the burden from the rise in VAT, the market pricing of energy, the halving of real wages for many and the cost of living doubling have all hit working people. Domestic debt restructuring, pushed by the international bondholders – consisting of large hedge funds and other financiers – was also needed to satisfy the IMF’s debt sustainability analysis (DSA). This now means the retirement funds of working people, such as garment workers and tea pluckers, over the next 16 years are going to lose half their value. Meanwhile, wealthy investors in the financial sector have got away scot-free, with their investments untouched.  

The central challenge before Dissanayake is getting a better IMF agreement. And it is this tension between a new president who seeks social change and the old IMF, which remains committed to the interests of global finance and markets, that is likely to play out in the weeks and months ahead.   

Defaulting again

Sri Lanka is heading for parliamentary elections in seven weeks, and it is Dissanayake’s strength in parliament, and the national consensus he can forge, that will determine his bargaining power with the IMF and the extent to which he can keep the elite in the country at bay.  

At the heart of any renegotiation are the IMF’s targets. According to these, Sri Lanka must get its public debt down to 95% of GDP and must spend 4.5% of GDP annually in external debt servicing once the IMF programme is finished. This amounts to 30% of all government revenue going on servicing debt – a great scenario for Sri Lanka’s creditors, particularly international bondholders to whom $12.55bn is owed. But with little debt relief, the reality is that Sri Lanka could end up defaulting again.   

In this context, there is mounting pressure on Dissanayake to stay the course with the IMF. From the elite in the capital, Colombo, to the western media, there is much talk that a former Marxist cannot work with the IMF and manage the economy. This amounts to a kind of sabotage. It is important to point out here that while the so-called IMF bailout” amounts to just about $60m a month for the duration of the programme, Sri Lanka’s foreign earnings (exports, service earnings and worker remittances) every month now are about 30 times that amount, at $1,800m. In other words, the president will not be sticking to the IMF programme for its funds, but due to international political pressure and the fear of isolation.   

There are lessons to be learned from elsewhere here – notably Kenya. Its president, William Ruto, was elected in 2022, a year after an IMF agreement, and the red carpets were eventually rolled out for him in Washington for sticking to the neoliberal programme. Yet within two years, massive protests against austerity and state repression have marred the country. In Sri Lanka, as in about 70 developing countries around the world in debt distress, the same questions arise. Do they continue to mortgage their national policies to the bondholders and the IMF, or do they seek alternative avenues of development finance and negotiate their way out of the crippling IMF programmes?   

Dissanayake is going to have to walk a tightrope. For a country and people that are going through the worst phase of dispossession since independence, international solidarity should mean providing space for rebuilding the country. For if Dissanayake fails to carry the citizenry, the xenophobic and polarising forces that ravaged Sri Lanka for decades will be waiting in the wings.  

(The writer is a political economist and senior lecturer at the University of Jaffna, Sri Lanka)
Courtesy : The Guardian  

No change in decision not to re-conduct Grade Five scholarship examination

September 30th, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, September 30 (Daily Mirror) – There is no change in the decision not to re-conduct the Grade Five scholarship examination, Examination Commissioner General Amit Jayasundara said.

He made this comment while addressing the media at a media conference held this evening.

He also said that it was decided to give free marks to the three questions that had come out in such a way as to do justice to the children.

Meanwhile, the Commissioner General said the examination of the answer scripts of the suspended examination will begin very soon.

Accordingly, the results are expected to be released before the start of the new school term, he added.

Fuel prices slashed, no change in 95 Octane Petrol

September 30th, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) announced that it will reduce the prices of fuel from midnight today. 

Under the new pricing, Petrol Octane 92 will see a reduction of Rs. 21, bringing the price down to Rs. 311 per litre. 

Auto Diesel will also see a reduction of Rs. 24, making the new price Rs. 283 per litre while Super Diesel will be reduced by Rs. 33, bringing the price to Rs. 319 per litre.

A litre of Kerosene will be reduced by Rs.19 and the new price will be Rs. 95

However, there will be no price revision on Petrol Octane 95

Only one independent candidate declared expenses thus far, No major party stated yet: EC

September 30th, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, September 30 (Daily Mirror) – Only a single independent candidate of the Presidential Poll 2024 has declared his campaign finances, whereas no major party had stated their election expenses by the end of September, having nine of 21 days of the grace period to declare expenses had lapsed by yesterday, the Daily Mirror learns. 

Independent candidate M. Premasiri Manage, who contested under the symbol ‘Spectacles’ had declared his campaign finances to the Election Commission of Sri Lanka (ECSL) by September 30th, yet adhering to the newly passed law of Regulation of Election Expenditure Act No.3 of 2023.

A senior Election Commission official told the Daily Mirror today that no other candidate including any of the major political parties contested for the polls had declared their income or expenses during the election thus far. 

According to the Regulation of Election Expenditure law, which was passed in January 2023 and was tested for the first time during the 2024 Presidential Poll, a candidate or the party represented by him or her should declare their campaign finances within 21 days of the conclusion of the election to avoid legal action. 

Since September 21st the day of the Presidential Election, the ECSL announced that every candidate should declare their campaign finances by October 12 or that legal action would be sought through the police and the Attorney General. 

Under the provisions in the act, a party with its candidate should submit two separate expenditure lists, which are stated as 40% of campaign finances to be declared by the party and 60% of the expenses to be stated by the candidate itself. 

The official said that they have made several written reminders to all the independent candidates and the parties to declare their finances before the stipulated date of October 12th and had received a response from independent candidate Manage. 

Meanwhile, National People’s Power (NPP) Executive Council Member Bimal Rathnayake had inquired about the details of filing their expense declaration. 

The official said the candidates in their financial declaration report should state their election campaign income including donations and their expenses including publicity and propaganda supported by an affidavit. 

As per the spending limit set by the ECSL a candidate or party could spend only Rs.109 per each registered voter in the country and a total of Rs.1.8 billion.

NPP Govt. abandons plan to privatize SriLankan Airlines

September 30th, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

* Says it should remain with state for tourism promotion

* Plans for new management improvement

Colombo, September 30 (Daily Mirror) – The National People’s Power (NPP) government led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is to abandon initial plans by the previous rule to sell off or divest the cash-strapped SriLankan Airlines, an official said.

The previous government initially planned the sale process of the national carrier through the State-Owned Enterprises Restructuring Unit . After that the former Cabinet said it abandoned the sale process and decided to look at an alternate model to divest the airline.

However, the Chairman of the NPP Economic Council Prof. Anil Jayantha said the government believes that the national career should remain with the state given its significance for the development of tourism. He said the airline would not be sold off or divested as a result.

He said a new model for the improvement of its management would be considered instead.

The previous Cabinet agreed to take over debts of US $ 510 million debts of the national carrier in a move to attract a private investor. It originally decided to sell at least 51 per cent of the state-owned carrier.

High-level IMF team to visit Sri Lanka this week

September 30th, 2024

Courtesy Adaderana

A high-level team of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) led by its Director of the Asia Pacific Department, Krishna Srinivasan, is scheduled to visit Colombo from October 02 to 04 to meet with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Sri Lanka’s new economic team. 

The high-level delegation is visiting the island to discuss latest economic developments and economic reforms under Sri Lanka’s economic program supported by the IMF, according to a spokesperson for the global lender.  

A high-level IMF team led by Krishna Srinivasan, Director for the Asia Pacific Department, will be visiting Colombo October 2-4 to meet with President Dissanayake and the new economic team to discuss latest economic developments and economic reforms under Sri Lanka’s economic program supported by the IMF. The team will communicate at the end of the visit,” the spokesman said. 

ජගත් ජනපතිට දාපු සද්දය මෙන්න – ඇත්ත ජනාධිපති වෙන්නේ සජිත්ලු…

September 30th, 2024

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