ගෝඨාභයගේ “කුමන්ත්‍රණය” පොතෙන් හෙළි නොවුණු “නවය; සැඟවුණු කතාව” #WimalWeerawansa #supremelankacoalition

March 10th, 2024

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මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා අගමැති ධුරයෙන් ඉවත්වූ අවස්ථාවේ  අජිත් දෝවාල් සහ ලංකාවේ සිටි ‘රෝ’ ප්‍රධානියා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ වෙනුවට බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ පත්කරන්නැයි ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට තදබල පීඩනයක් එල්ල කළ බව ජානිපෙ නායක පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා පවසයි.

හිරු සලකුණ වැඩසටහනට එක්වෙමින් ඒ මහතා පවසන්නේ බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ මහතාව ඉන්දියාව විසින් අගමැති පුටුවට ගෙන ඒමට උත්සාහ දැරුවේ ඇයිදැයි තේරුම්ගත යුතු බවත් බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ මහතා රටේ අර්බුදය වර්ධනය වීමට ඉඩහැර බලාසිටියේ ද ඔහුගේ අරමුණ සඵලකර ගැනීමට බවත් ය.

වීඩියෝව නරඹන්න…

https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=919873166805067

ඇමරිකානු පුරවැසියකු ලංකාවේ අගමැති කිරීමේ ඉන්දීය උපාය ගැන විමල්ගෙන් හෙළිදරව්වක් (වීඩියෝ)

March 10th, 2024

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා අගමැති ධුරයෙන් ඉවත්වූ අවස්ථාවේ  අජිත් දෝවාල් සහ ලංකාවේ සිටි ‘රෝ’ ප්‍රධානියා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ වෙනුවට බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ පත්කරන්නැයි ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට තදබල පීඩනයක් එල්ල කළ බව ජානිපෙ නායක පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා පවසයි.

හිරු සලකුණ වැඩසටහනට එක්වෙමින් ඒ මහතා පවසන්නේ බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ මහතාව ඉන්දියාව විසින් අගමැති පුටුවට ගෙන ඒමට උත්සාහ දැරුවේ ඇයිදැයි තේරුම්ගත යුතු බවත් බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ මහතා රටේ අර්බුදය වර්ධනය වීමට ඉඩහැර බලාසිටියේ ද ඔහුගේ අරමුණ සඵලකර ගැනීමට බවත් ය.

වීඩියෝව නරඹන්න…

https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=1100453821172908

ගෝඨාගේ විලාපය කෘතිය අසම්පූර්ණයි…. රෝග නිධානය වහලා… යුද අපරාධ චෝදනා වලට ස්වභාවික යුක්තිය ඉටුකරගන්නා තුරු යුද අපරාධකරුවන් රාජ්‍ය සේවයෙන් ඉවත්කළ යුතුයි – ගෝලීය ශ්‍රී ලාංකික සංසදයේ විධායක කමිටු ලේකම් යසස් ධර්මදාස

March 10th, 2024

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

පලාගිය ජනාධිපති ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂයන්ගේ ‘ජනාධිපති ධූරයෙන් මා නෙරපීමේ කුමන්ත්‍රණය’ කෘතිය පිළිබඳව ප්‍රකාශයක් කරමින් ගෝලීය ශ්‍රී ලාංකික සංසදයේ විධායක කමිටු ලේකම් යසස් ධර්මදාස මගතා ලංකා ලීඩ් වෙබ් අඩවියට පවසා සිටියේ එම පොත අසම්පූර්ණ බවය. 

ඔහුගේ සම්පුර්ණ ප්‍රකාශය පහතින්,

“පලාගිය ජනාධිපතිතුමන් සඳහන්කර තියෙනව ශවේන්ද්‍ර සහ කමල් මානව හිමිකම් කඩකලා යන චෝදනාවට කොපමණ සංවේදීව හිටියද යන වග මෙහි සම්පූර්ණ වගකීම පලාගිය ජනාධිපතිතුමා දැරිය යුතුයි. එතුමාට හරිමග ගැනීමට නොහැකිවන ලෙස උපදෙස් දුන්න නීතිය පිළිබඳ මහාචාර්‍යවර කේවට්ටාචාරීතුමා එහි මූලික වගඋත්තරකරුවෙක්. එතුමා තමයි ගෝඨාභය මැතිතුමාට උපදෙස් දුන්නෙ කමල් ගුණරත්න, ශවේන්ද්‍ර සිල්ව, සරත් වීරසේකර ආදී 47 දෙනෙකුට එල්ලවී ඇති යුද අපරාධ චෝදනා එලෙසම පවතිද්දි ලබා දී ඇති ඳඬුවම් වලින් මුදවා ගැනීමට මධ්‍යස්ථ දෙමළ ඩයස්පෝරාව ‘එන්ගෙර්ජ් කරගත යුතුයි’ කියල. එබැවින් අප විසින් ගෝඨාභය ජනාධිපතිතුමා වෙත ‘අපේ යුද විරුවන් පලමුව යුද අපරාධ චෝදනා වලින් නිදහස් කරගත යුතුයි, ඒ සඳහා ස්වාභාවික යුක්‍තිය නියමය භාවිතා කල යුතුයි’ කියන යෝජනාව එතුමා එදා පිළිගත්තෙ නෑ. එදා ඒ කේවට්ටාචාරීතුමාගේ එන්ගේජ් තියරිය පිළිනොගෙන අප පෙන්වාදුන් පිළිවෙත අනුගමනය කරානම් ‘මානව හිමිකම් කඩනොකරනු’ යන කඹයෙන් අපේ හමුදාවේ සහ පොලීසියේ අත් ඇඹරීමට හැකියාවක් ලැබෙන්නෙ නෑ. ගෝඨාභය අප දුන්න උපදෙස පිළිබඳව කිසිදු සඳහනක් ඔහුගෙ කෘතියේ සඳහන් කර නැහැ. එබැවින් එම කෘතිය හුදු විලාපයක් පමණයි. යහපාලන රජය 2015 දී පිළිගත් අපේ යුද විරුවන් යුද අපරාධ කරුවන්ය යන පිළිගැනීම අදටත් වලංගුයි.

යුද අපරාධ චෝදනාලාභීන් රාජ්‍ය සේවයේ ඉහල තලවල සිටීම රටේ පැවැත්මට අහිතකර බවත්, ඔවුන්ව වහා එම තනතුරුවලින් නිදහස් කළ යුතු බවත් අප මීට පෙරත් පෙන්වා දුන්න. මෙය සත්‍යක් බව ගෝඨාභය මහතාගේ කෘතියෙන් ඔප්පුවී තියෙනව. තවදුරටත් රාජ්‍යයේ කටයුතු වලට බාහිර බලපෑම ඇතිවීම වැළක්වීම සඳහා ගෝඨාභය මහතා නිර්දේශ කර ඇති ක්‍රියා මාර්ග වලට අමතරව මේ යුද අපරාධ චෝදනා ඇති අය රාජ්‍ය සේවයෙන් නිදහස් කළ යුතුයි. නොඑසේනම් ඔවුන්ව හැසිරවීමේ හා එන්ගේජ් කරගැනීමේ හැකියාව පවතිනව. නැවතත් ඔවුන්ව ගෞරවාන්විතව රාජ්‍ය සේවයට ගත යුත්තේ ‘ස්වභාවික යුක්තිය නියමය’ පරිදි ඔවුන්ට ඇති සියළු යුද අපරාධ චෝදනා වලින් ඔවුන්ව නිදහස් කර ගත් පසුවයි. ඒ සඳහා මූලික වාර්තා ලෙස අජිත් නිවාඩ් කබ්‍රාල් මහතාගේ පෙරමුණ ගැනීමෙන් පත්කළ යුද විශේෂඥ වරුන්ගේ වාර්තා හත, අප විසින් 2017 දී ජිනීවාහි මානව හිමිකම් කොමිසමට බාරදෙන ලද විරුවන්ගේ විත්තිවාචකය සහ නෙස්බි සාමිවරයාගේ හෙළිදැක්වීම් භාවිතා කළ හැකියි. ඒ සඳහා අවස්ථාවක් ලබා ගැනීමට මේ දිනවල ජිනීවාහී පැවැත්වෙන මානව හිමිකම් සමුළුවට රජය විසින් යෝජනා කළ යුතුයි. ජිනීවා ගොස් මෙවර පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පත්ව ඇති මංත්‍රීවරුන් ඔවුන් සේවය කරන්නාවු පක්ෂය කුමක් වුවද මේ සඳහා විශේෂ උනන්දුවකින් එක පාර්ෂවයක් ගෙන කටයුතු කළ යුතුයි.”

Sajith listening to outsiders and ignoring SJB members: Ranil

March 10th, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Kuliyapitiya, March 10 (Daily Mirror) – Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa is ignoring members of his own party and is listening to outsiders. This is why he decided not to participate in the debt restructuring process, President Ranil Wickremesinghe said today.

President Wickremesinghe told a UNP rally in Kuliyapitiya that Sajith Premadasa had actually started ignoring and sidelining his own party members like Dr. Harsha de Silva.

Dr. De Silva requested me to involve the Opposition in the debt restructuring process. Accordingly, I invited the SJB to join us in meeting the IMF and the debtors. However, Premadasa informed me that his party is not willing to participate in those meetings. It was MP G.L. Peiris who has encouraged Premadasa to ignore my request. Premadasa has actually begun to ignore his own party members. The SJB is controlled by outsiders. Therefore, I invite those who opposed me in the past to join us,” the President said.

ජනපති ආ “සැබෑව” වේදිකාව මැද…හදිසියේම ප්‍රදර්ශනය කළ අනුරගේ රුව

March 10th, 2024

SLPP Leaders express concerns over supporting President Wickremesinghe in potential Presidential bid (Video)

March 10th, 2024

Courtesy Hiru News

In a recent development, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna leader and former president Mahinda Rajapaksa, along with national organizer Basil Rajapaksa, have raised significant reservations regarding their party’s potential support for current president Ranil Wickremesinghe should he choose to contest the upcoming presidential election.

These concerns were reportedly voiced during a discussion held with President Wickremesinghe on the night of the 7th March. The meeting also included Sagala Ratnayake, Senior Adviser to the President on National Security, representing the President.

The purpose of the discussion was to ascertain the stance of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna party in the event of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s candidacy in the presidential race.

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and former Minister Basil Rajapaksa highlighted discrepancies between the President’s positions and those of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, particularly regarding issues such as the privatization of national resources and the devolution of power. They expressed that such disparities posed challenges to extending support for the President.

Furthermore, they brought attention to a perceived lack of confidence among their party’s MPs regarding the fair allocation of ministerial positions following a potential victory. Despite their party’s representatives contributing to Ranil Wickremesinghe’s previous electoral success, doubts lingered among the MPs regarding equitable treatment.

The leaders of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna also referenced past instances of what they considered injustice towards their MPs during both the tenure of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the current administration. They pointed out that many district leaders within their party still lacked ministerial positions.

Former Minister Basil Rajapaksa emphasized the ineffectiveness of individual meetings between their MPs and Ranil Wickremesinghe as a method of expressing support. He dismissed the notion that MPs from the Samagi Jana Balavegaya party would join them.

In response, President Wickremesinghe assured that granting powers, aside from police powers, to provincial councils posed no issue. However, he maintained that the ongoing proceedings with the International Monetary Fund, limited the scope for altering the policy of privatizing public institutions.

Despite these reservations, former Minister Basil Rajapaksa conveyed that should the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna decide to support Ranil Wickremesinghe in the presidential election, he would commit to backing the effort, much like he did for the victories of Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

Following the IMF: Where has it taken us.

March 9th, 2024

By Garvin Karunaratne

The Mirror Business Page of 16/2/2024 tells it all:

  • Economic recovery gathers pace with progress on structural reforms

Asserts any disruption to the programme would create high economic costs, including growth setbacks, loss of confidence and prolonged negative investment sentiments.

(From Sri Lanka’s Economic revival hinges on IMF Deal”)

Our President himself tells us:.

We made an economic plan with the IMF. As a result of implementing this Planthe country returned to normalcy:(Adaderana:6/3/2024)

We commenced following the IMF advice in mid-1977. Where has following the IMF taken us? Our foreign debt has gradually increased to $ 9.7billion when Premier Chandrika took over in 1995, to $ 14.2 billion by 2009, to $ 34.8 billion by 2014, to $ 54.8 billion by 2019 and to $ 56 billion by July 2022 when President Gotabhaya handed over the Presidency to Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe. It is important to note that now the foreign debt has ballooned to a massive $ 91 billion as revealed by Professor Charitha Herath in the Lankadeepa of 9/2/24: Tatu Nodena Nayata Ka Satutuweema_ Living happily on loans, in ignorance.”

A massive increase of $ 35 billion within 21 months. An alarming increase and if we go on at this rate of importing everything and allowing the relaxed use of foreign exchange, the sky will be the limit. This is the advice of the IMF and increasing our foreign debt has to stop. How did we stop the petrol queues? We invited multinationals to come in and are we not in debt to them?

What has to be done is to follow the Divisional Secretary at Kotmale in 1970-1977. Charged with the task of making things we import and finding employment and alleviating the poverty of our people he started a project to collect all the waste paper from all government offices, rolled up his sleeves and with youth entrepreneurs, churned the waste paper and spread them out to dry. The youth entrepreneurs made cardboard and paper. This was a very successful industry that created foreign exchange, by effectively reducing imports. .

Since President Jayawardena closed the Kotmale Paper we yet do not have any projects to convert waste paper to paper. Instead of following the footsteps of the Div Sec at Kotmale we started collecting all the waste cardboard we could find and exporting them- 8000 tons per month to India and get paid a few cents and then we import the paper and cardboard that India makes out of it and pay them in fat dollars. Fine economic thinking- this ridiculous task is what we do even today. Wander around Colombo and you are certain to see a lorry being loaded off to India.!

This New Year came to me with New Year Blessings from the Prime Minister’s office with a Greeting Card and a Diary made out of Alimana by the Divisional Secretary at Patahewaheta. Thank You Excellency.

It is a simple process, The Way ahead is to get the PataHewaheta Div Sec and the Divisional Sec of Kotmale, if he is alive, to organize making paper out of alimana and waste paper.

If you want a foreign specialist phone the Prime Minister of Bangladesh and request her to send one of my youths who collect waste paper and cardboard and make a living out of it. A number of youths on the Youth Self Employment Programme that I designed and implemented in 1982 are specialists in papermaking art. Mind you that programme of self-employment creation has created youth entrepreneurs out of over three million youths. It is an ongoing programme, the largest programme of employment creation one can find.

Our President, our elected PrimeMinister and our Central Bank may also find out about the success of Coop Crayon at Morawaka.

That commenced when I persuaded my Planning Officer Vetus Fernando to find the art of making crayons. My Planning Officer was a grad in Chemistry and after a myriad of experiments done over three months closeted within the dingy walls of the science lab at Rahula College Matara he found the art of making crayons. We sat together and did experiments again and again till the quality was equal to Reeves, the best of the day.

Then I wanted it to be a Cooperative run by us. I summoned Sumanapala Dahanayake the Member of Parliament for Deniyaya who was also the President of the Morawaka Cooperative Union. The moment I authorized him to use cooperative funds to establish a crayon factory he rolled up his sleeves and within two days cleared two rooms in the Coop Union. Working with my Morawaka Divisional Secretary, they recruited twenty youths. Vetus and a few of us from Matara moved to Morawaka and we commenced training the youths It was a 24-hour non-stop task and we made crayons, fitted them into packets and filled two large rooms in two weeks. The Minister of Industries Mr Subasinghe opened sales and our youths were on the streets selling coop crayons.

It was the most successful industry and became the flagship industry of the DDCP.

President Jayawardena even wanted to discredit it and sent a team of investigators headed by NT Ariyaratne, Deputy Director of the Cooperative Department to check and find fault and send the Member of Parliament Sumanapala to the gallows. But the flying squad checked the books for four days and concluded that the coop crayon project was a grand success with all books in proper order.

May I stop writing about what we did for now. I can continue writing endlessly if called upon.

Sri Lanka’s economy is in the doldrums with a massive foreign debt of $ 91 billion. Tourism brings tourists but not the dollars, as we do not collect dollars from them as they enter Katunayake. Even Hotel Booking Companies ask the tourists to pay the hotels in Rupees unlike in other countries where all hotels collect only dollars. Further, the Booking Companies send an invoice to the hotelier to pay 15% of the collected rent and the hotelier takes the invoice to the banks where it gets paid from our dollar reserves. The expertise of our experts fails to grasp that our reserves go down for every tourist that comes in.

I gather now that our Garment industries are in trouble with around thirty per cent of factories closing down.

The only option we have is to make what we import today -in sort follow the footsteps of our Divisional Secretary at Kotmale. Our success will be a feather in the cap of the IMF because up to now not a single out of hundreds of countries under IMF guidance have been a success.

My humble message is to Take development- training and making things out of party politics, all parties have to do that task if we are to get out of the woods. Let us start today to make everything we import and get going.

Mind you this task of producing all we import is to be implemented with printed Rupees. No foreign exchange is needed, but when we produce what is imported we save foreign exchange- in other words, we do create dollars.

Over to our leaders. We did it once and can do it again.

Garvin Karunaratne

former GA Matara and

Commonwealth Fund Advisor to Bangladesh 1982-1983.

garvin_karunaratne @ hotmal.com

Women Day – Pioneering Women Business Leaders in Sri Lanka: Transforming Industries in Gems, Jewelry, and Hospitality

March 9th, 2024

By Palitha Ariyarathna

As we celebrate International Women’s Day, it’s essential to recognize the remarkable women who are transforming Sri Lanka’s business landscape. Among these trailblazers stands Mrs. Nilmini, ( Nilmini S. Liyana Arachchige FGA ) a visionary leader who has left an indelible mark in the world of gems and jewelry.

The Woman Behind the Legacy:

Mrs. Nilmini: A Trailblazer in Gems, Jewelry, and Hospitality

Gemology Expertise:
Mrs. Nilmini, a qualified gemologist (Gemmologist & Consultant) with a fellowship from the Gemologist Association of Great Britain, founded Nilmini Gems & Gem Laboratory Kandy (Pvt) Ltd. over a decade ago. Her journey began unexpectedly, fueled by a desire to work from home, especially after studying in England and gaining experience in several different customer service industries. While raising her children, she faced challenging days, unaware that her entrepreneurial spirit would lead to a thriving gem and jewelry business.
A Woman of Many Ventures:
Not content with just gems, Mrs. Nilmini expanded her horizons. She now owns her own hotel chain, aptly named Lion’s Girl Nature Bungalow.” Establishing such a business as a woman is an extraordinary achievement. Legacy and Inspiration:
Mrs. Nilmini’s journey exemplifies resilience, determination, and breaking barriers.

Her legacy inspires other women to fearlessly pursue their dreams.

Crafting Success,…

Nilmini Gems & Jewellers is not just a business—it’s a testament to Mrs. Nilmini’s commitment to quality, service, and ethical practices. Here’s how she has made her mark:

Empowering Women: Mrs. Nilmini’s leadership extends beyond business. Through Nilmini Gems & Jewellers, she empowers Sri Lankan women by providing employment opportunities. Her commitment to gender equality is evident in every facet of her business.

International Recognition: Nilmini Gems & Jewellers has gained international acclaim. Mrs. Nilmini’s dedication to craftsmanship and authenticity has positioned her brand as a trusted name in the gem industry. Mrs. Nilmini Liyana Archchige has been recognized in the Christie’s Prize by the Gemological Association of Great Britain, United Kingdom, for the best trade candidate year 2002.

Silent Witness:

Mrs. Nilmini stands as a silent witness to the changing tides of the gem industry. Her dedication to ethical practices and transparency sets an example for others to follow.

As we celebrate Mrs. Nilmini’s achievements, let us honor all women leaders who shape our world. Their resilience, vision, and unwavering commitment inspire generations to come. Mrs. Nilmini’s story reminds us that passion, perseverance, and vision can transform unexpected beginnings into extraordinary success.

These remarkable women are breaking barriers and shaping the future of business in Sri Lanka, leaving an indelible mark on their respective fields.

By Palitha Ariyarathna

Sri Lanka’s Approach to Addressing Internal Matters Amidst International Scrutiny

March 9th, 2024

By Sarath Wijesinghe President’s Counsel (LL.M (UCL London)), former Ambassador to UAE and Israel, former Chairman of the Consumer Affairs Authority, President of the Lanka Ambassador’s Forum – United Kingdom, Solicitor in England and Wales


The question of whether the United Nations can intervene in the internal affairs of sovereign states is a complex and contentious issue that has been debated extensively. On paper, sovereign states are considered to have exclusive authority over their internal affairs, and no other country, organization, or even the United Nations itself, should interfere. This principle of non-interference is enshrined in international law and is a fundamental aspect of state sovereignty.
However, in practice, the situation is more nuanced, and there are several factors that can influence the extent to which a state’s sovereignty is respected. One key factor is the strength of the state, both politically and economically. Stronger states are often able to assert their sovereignty more effectively and are less likely to face external interference in their internal affairs. For example, Sri Lanka, being a small island nation with limited economic resources, may find itself in a situation where its sovereignty is not fully respected. The Sri Lankan Accord, which was seen by some as an invasion of the country’s sovereignty, received little international intervention due to the perceived strength and power of India, which was a party to the accord.
Another factor that can influence the extent of a state’s sovereignty is the actions of other states, particularly powerful ones. Ambassadors from powerful countries, for example, may directly or indirectly intervene in the internal affairs of other states, violating the principle of non-interference. This kind of intervention can undermine the sovereignty of the affected state and can lead to tensions between countries.
Despite these challenges, it is important to note that the principle of non-interference remains a cornerstone of international relations. While there may be instances where intervention occurs, such as in cases of humanitarian crises or violations of international law, these interventions are typically justified on the grounds of protecting human rights or maintaining international peace and security.
The question of external intervention in the internal affairs of sovereign states, particularly in the context of human rights issues, is a highly complex and contentious issue that has garnered significant attention in recent times. Sri Lanka, a small island nation with a history of internal conflict, has found itself at the center of this debate, especially concerning the role of the United Nations and other international bodies in addressing alleged human rights violations within its borders. Ambassadors from influential countries, particularly those with strong human rights records, have been vocal in their criticism of Sri Lanka’s human rights practices. This has led to accusations of hypocrisy, as these countries themselves face scrutiny for their own human rights records. The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), in particular, has been a focal point for these discussions, with Sri Lanka often being the subject of resolutions and investigations regarding its human rights practices.
One of the key figures in this debate is Professor G.L. Pieris, a former professor and current opposition figure in Sri Lanka. Professor Pieris has written extensively on the issue of external intervention in Sri Lanka’s internal affairs, arguing that such intervention is detrimental to the country’s sovereignty. However, it is notable that Professor Pieris has himself sought assistance from the UNHRC, an organization that he has criticized for its perceived bias against Sri Lanka. This apparent contradiction has raised questions about the consistency of Professor Pieris’s stance on external intervention. In addition to Professor Pieris’s views, the role of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR) has also come under scrutiny. A report in “The Island” by Shaminda Ferdinando highlights concerns about the potential impact of laws such as the Online Safety Bill and others on human rights in Sri Lanka. Fernando suggests that the introduction of such laws could provide foreign bodies with ammunition to criticize Sri Lanka’s human rights record, further complicating the issue of external intervention.
The appointment of the Inspector General of Police (IGP) in Sri Lanka has become a contentious issue, drawing scrutiny from UN officials and international bodies. This external questioning of an internal matter adds to a growing list of concerns that are being raised about Sri Lanka’s governance and human rights record. While it is natural for international bodies to take an interest in such matters, it is crucial for Sri Lanka to address these concerns internally, without allowing them to escalate into larger disputes.
Internal matters, such as the appointment of the IGP, should ideally be resolved within the framework of Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional mechanisms. This approach not only upholds the principles of sovereignty and self-determination but also allows for a more nuanced and context-specific resolution of the issue. By addressing these concerns internally, Sri Lanka can demonstrate its commitment to good governance and the rule of law, which are essential for maintaining its credibility and reputation on the international stage. Moreover, airing internal disputes in public can be detrimental to Sri Lanka’s interests, as it can be exploited by external actors for their own purposes. It is therefore imperative for Sri Lanka to handle these matters discreetly and professionally, ensuring that they are resolved in a manner that is fair, transparent, and in accordance with international standards.
While it is important for Sri Lanka to address concerns raised by international bodies, it is equally important for these matters to be resolved internally, in a manner that upholds the country’s
sovereignty and dignity. By doing so, Sri Lanka can demonstrate its maturity and commitment to good governance, which are essential for maintaining its standing in the international community.

Serving ‘Manioc’ as the only option for Vegetarians diminished the ‘Diversity’ image of the Royal – Thomian encounter

March 9th, 2024

Senaka Weeraratna

People attend the Royal–Thomian match to see the cricket and enjoy the attendant fun. Not necessarily toeat food. But eating becomes necessary when spending a day there. This is when the trouble starts.

At this year’s Royal–Thomian match meat eaters were well catered with slaughter products ranging from Beef to Pork, and Chicken, Mutton, Fish, and Egg, thrown in. In the process of catering to flesh food consumers, the caterers seemed to have ignored the requirements of another significant group – the Vegetarians and Vegans.

A plea for Vegetarian food to alleviate hunger pangs was met with a ‘tough luck’ response from the staff behind the counter.  ‘Eat Manioc’ this is all we have was their response. Even the plate of ‘Kadala’ (usually a Vegetarian option) was mixed with egg and served, thereby denying that plant-based option for the strict vegetarian. 

This policy of avoiding catering to vegetarians properly raises several questions. Why this blatant discrimination?

Do you know who should be held responsible for this lapse? The Caterers, the Organizing Committee, or both?

The damage unfortunately has been done. Can it be avoided in the future?

A related question is, why has South Indian food especially the short eats been continuously left out of the Menu?

Ulundu Vadai and Masala Vadai are favorites among the locals. They must not be considered ‘infra dig or beneath one’s dignity to consume. Remember – the colonial era is long gone.

Mindless decision-making on the part of the Organizers produced a state of affairs that was prejudicial against non–meat eaters. Two leading supermarkets in Sri Lanka are also the leading registered abattoirs in the country.  They have a vested interest in the meat industry and its expansion and in force-feeding vegetarians with meat. Despite the world increasingly becoming consumers of plant-based food and subscribing to ethical living in peace and harmony with other living beings, the caterers with a pure profit-making aim have gone ahead regardless of the harm caused to vegetarians who found themselves virtually starving on the first two days of the match. They are unkind to both animals and humans who show kindness to animals. 

Vegetarian food items are slowly disappearing from the Menu cards in restaurants in Sri Lanka.  In the New Colombo Port City Restaurants there is hardly anything food-wise available for a Vegetarian or Vegan. The meat industry is becoming a law unto itself in the country. The Animal Welfare Bill is getting delayed unnecessarily because of the unreasonable demands of the meat industry.  This Bill is no longer pro – Animal unlike the Law Commission version of the Animal Welfare Bill (2006). 

With respect to the Royal-Thomian encounter,  allowing the meat industry to choose what should be included in the menu card for visitors to the Royal-Thomian cricket match is preposterous. 

Contrary to reason. It is like allowing Judges to run Jailhouses or prisons. The scene that emerges from the huge imbalance in the Menu Card ( Only Manioc for Vegetarians resulting in starvation for a good part of the time) is that the Organizing Committee has failed, and with intent or unwittingly surrendered to the Meat  Industry giving them a free hand to pick what is best for the Vegan and Vegetarian. This is an unacceptable practice. The Principal of  Royal College and the Warden of St. Thomas College must step in without delay and collectively regulate this aspect of food catering.

There is however a silver lining in the dark clouds mentioned above. I was privileged and happy to meet an old boy who had been a National Table Tennis Champion and Captain of the Royal College Table Tennis team in the  1970s. Our meeting occurred after the first day’s play ended in the SSC dining room. It was quite accidental.  Being of Islamic faith he astounded me with his declaration of being a Vegan. He being a man of compassion for all living beings, made a profound statement: 

I do not believe in killing animals for food when there is enough plant-based food available for human consumption”.

The Royal Thomian Organising Committee should have heard this statement before handing over the responsibility for  catering to meat vendors and registered abattoirs who have in their perverse wisdom left out the needs of Vegetarians from the Menu Card. 

Senaka Weeraratna

Income Tax Dept : Notice for all overseas Sri Lankans

March 9th, 2024

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Income Tax Dept : Notice for all overseas Sri Lankans

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Sri Lanka’s Inland Revenue Department (IRD) has issued a notice outlining the requirements for Sri Lankan non-residents concerning the Tax Identification Number (TIN). 

According to the IRD, Sri Lankan residents above 18 years of age are chargeable with income tax and are required to obtain registration with the Commissioner General of the IRD.

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However, Sri Lankan non-residents are not required to obtain the said registration with the Commissioner General of the IRD.

Instead, Sri Lankan non-residents will be required to obtain the Tax Identification Number (TIN) for four key activities as proposed in the Budget 2024.

The four key activities are as follows;

  • Opening a current account
  • Obtain approval for a building plan
  • Registering a motor vehicle, renewing the revenue licence
  • Registering title deeds on lands

The IRD notice the registration requirements for Sri Lankans and non-residents is as follows;

Tags: Sri Lanka

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa Impromptu Resignation:

March 8th, 2024

By Sena Thoradeniya

Ex-President Gotabaya Rajapaksa (GR) has written a book, The Conspiracy to Oust Me from the Presidency”. We have not read it yet. Our critique of the book can wait. In this essay we thought of bringing into the notice of GR and his ghost writer about a publication titled, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa Impromptu Resignation: who becomes Sri Lanka’s next president, things you should know  (a pic of the cover inserted) published on 14 July 2022, just one day or 24 hours after the resignation of GR on 13 July 2022. This book written by one Billie Wallace was published the very next day GR had resigned. How can this happen unless it had been written for some time- as a part of the grand conspiracy? Did the international conspirators aware that GR was going to resign? Was he pressurized to resign by Nuland – Chung gang or face severe consequences? Was he reminded of the fate of Aristide and Moise of Haiti and were generous” to give him a peaceful exit? Has GR answered these questions in his book? Still we do not know.   

Book overview (of Billie Wallace’s) says: It is no news of the incessant crisis in Sri Lanka with president Gotabaya Rajapaksa fleeing the country and more recently his resignation that has brought out big questions such as: + Who becomes Sri Lanka’s next president? + What next for Sri Lanka? + What happens to Gotabaya Rajapaksa?”

The blurb contains some silly grammatical errors: Billie has carefully analyse (sic) the situation and crisis going on in Sri Lanka and has given a detailed information and recent development (sic) in Sri Lanka”. Author is written as Autor.

For this publication neither customer reviews nor sample to read are available. Author is unknown, except a Google entry of a British socialite who had an intimate relationship with Princess Margaret and another, a New Zealand rugby player. 

An eminent political analyst thinks that sudden appearance of this book can be an attempt to preempt GR’s book.

GR’s media release issued on the eve of the publication of his book contains a serious factual error. It says: Today foreign intervention and the manipulation of international politics has become a fact of life in Sri Lanka in a manner never experimented in the first sixty years of independence of this country.” If it is true the foreign intervention and the manipulation of international politics” in Sri Lanka has a very short history beginning from 2008, which is totally incorrect!

A partial independence was granted” to Ceylon, tying the country politically, economically, militarily and in judicial matters. After the first parliamentary elections the formation of a Left dominated government was thwarted at the famous Yamuna conference by imperialist agents.        

Implications of India – Sri Lanka connectivity

March 8th, 2024

By Neville Ladduwahetty Courtesy The Island

During President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s India visit in July 2023, five Memorandums of Understanding (MOU) were signed by India and Sri Lanka to establish physical connections between the two countries. This was followed more recently by the launch of the Unified Payments Interface (UPI) – a mechanism that claims to reduce the cost of financial transactions between the two countries. It is now reported that India is exploring the possibility of Indian Rupee investments in Sri Lanka (Ceylon Today, February 28, 2024).

IMPACT of UNIFIED PAYMENT INITIATIVE (UPI)

It is reported that during the course of an interview with WION’s diplomatic correspondent, a State Minister is reported to have stated: The UPI is beneficial to both countries. If you look at the events in Sri Lanka and what took place one and a half years ago, it mainly started out as a foreign exchange crisis, mainly a lack of dollars. So, we have to ensure that our dollar dependency is reduced. Now for example, our biggest tourist market is India and if we can collect the tourist remittances from India and we import about $ 5.5 billion worth of goods from India and we use those … pay in Indian rupees for the Indian imports, then we will reduce our dollar dependence. And it also becomes very flexible and very easy for the Indians to travel to Sri Lanka and then they pay in Indian rupees”. (Sunday Island, February 25, 2024).

COMMENT

Out of a total of 1.48 million tourists who arrived in 2023, the number from Indian tourists amounted to only 302844. This represents 20 % of the total. The revenue from tourism for the year 2023 was USD 2.1 billion. Therefore, on an average, earnings from Indian tourists would be 20% of USD 2.1 billion. This amounts to USD 420000. This represents only 7.6 % of the USD 5.5 billion needed for imports from India, meaning that Sri Lanka would need to acquire an additional Indian rupee equivalent of USD 5.08 billion to meet the cost of imports (ECONOMYNEXT, January 1, 2024 & January 5, 2024).

The net effect of this is that Indian rupees earned from Indian tourists would not be able to even make a dent to pay for imports even though tourist arrivals in 2023 were double the number in 2022. Under the circumstances, even if the number of Indian tourists were to significantly increase further, the benefits to India under UPI would far outweigh benefits to Sri Lanka because Sri Lanka would still have to find nearly 92% of the USD 5.5 billion needed for imports from India.

IMPACT of INDIAN RUPEE INVESTMENTS

It is reported that the Indian government is actively exploring the possibility of facilitating Indian Rupee investments for Indian Companies in Sri Lanka. The report states:

In the fiscal year 2023, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI)granted permission for international trade for invoicing and payments to be conducted in Indian Rupees. This move allowed for exports and imports to be denominated and invoiced in Rupees, with trade transactions settled in the currency. The RBI’s decision aims to stimulate global trade growth, particularly Indian exports, while also working towards the internationalization of the Indian Rupee” (Ceylon Today, February 28, 2024).

Last year, Sri Lanka officially recognized the Indian Rupee as a designated currency, ending trade settlements between the two countries to be conducted in Rupees” (Ibid).

Currently, Indian Investors typically engage in investments in Sri Lanka using international currencies like the US Dollar, which involves additional complexities and conversion costs. The transition to Rupee investments is expected to streamline market entry for Indian companies, with the Ministry of External Affairs reportedly advocating for this transition” (Ibid).

The report finally states: The push for Rupee investments aligns with India’s broader vision to elevate its currency to the status of hard currency in the future, potentially leading to inclusion in the IMF’s SDR basket and bolstering its foreign exchange reserves. This move is anticipated to benefit Indian firms with significant investments in Sri Lanka, such as the Adani Group’s development projects in the country’s port and power sector” (Ibid).

COMMENT

When Sri Lanka calls for competitive bids for Projects it is understood that bids would be based on international currencies so that all bids are evaluated on a level playing field. If Indian investors such as Adani or any other, are given a special privilege and permitted to submit proposals based on Indian Rupees which is still not recognised as an internationally recognised currency, it would amount to an act of discrimination. Furthermore, it would amount to an unsolicited offer that puts other bidders at a disadvantage.

In addition, any Dollar inflows into Sri Lanka would add to the reserves of Sri Lanka and could be used for debt payments. On the other hand, any Indian Rupee inflows, even if considered to be part of Sri Lanka’s reserves, would serve little or no purpose for international transactions.

Therefore, if Sri Lanka fails to recognize these implications and caves under Indian pressure to recognise Indian Rupees for investments in Sri Lanka for the sake of connectivity, it would be a grave injustice to the sovereign rights and independence of the People of Sri Lanka with consequences not only to Sri Lanka’s relations with other countries, but also the start of an ever widening process for India to financially colonise Sri Lanka.

PHYSICAL CONNECTIVITY

Of the five MOUs signed in July 2023 between the President of Sri Lanka and Prime Minister of India, those relating to establishing physical connectivity are:

(1) Establishing a multi-product pipeline; (2) Establishing a high capacity power grid (3); Establishing a road connection between the two countries to develop access to ports of Trincomalee and Colombo. While connectivity in respect of energy has benefits during times of relative peace, there is no denying that it exposes Sri Lanka and its People to vulnerabilities at times of geopolitical tensions.

Establishing physical connections in respect of a pipeline for petroleum products and a power grid between India and Sri Lanka could be disrupted at any time as experienced by Europe. For instance, the pipelines that had delivered natural gas and petroleum products from Russia were sabotaged through a series of clandestine bombings that resulted in subsequent underwater gas leaks on the Nord Stream 1 and Nord Stream 2. Following the sabotage, the European Commission has unveiled an ambitious and far-reaching plan, aptly coined REPower EU”, to achieve full energy independence from Russia by 2027″ (euronews). Earlier, the pipeline had delivered 45% of natural gas from Russia to Europe; a dependence that the US had perceived as being hostage to Russia”.

Having learnt the cost of dependence for its energy needs, Europe is now scrambling to become independent. Sri Lanka on the other hand, is opting for the opposite for its energy needs because an underwater multi-product pipeline and a power grid connection from India to Sri Lanka would amount not only to dependence but also to vulnerabilities similar to what Europe experienced. Furthermore, it would give India opportunities to exercise control over Sri Lankan strategic interests and internal affairs in respect to India’s geostrategic interests.

Although access to ports of Trincomalee and Colombo through a land bridge connecting India and Sri Lanka is reported to have been initiated by Sri Lanka, it is pertinent to revisit its practicality in the light of India’s future development plans. Currently, the majority of exports from the West Coast of India are containerised and have ready access to Colombo by sea. In contrast, containerized exports from the East Coast are limited mainly to Chennai in the East Coast. The rest is mainly bulk cargo. Therefore, the need for access to Colombo and Trincomalee must be considered from the context presented in the ADB Report cited below.

According to an ADB South Asia Working Paper, India is seriously considering the Development of its East Coast Economic Corridor (ECEC) and Vizag – Chennai Industrial Corridor (VCIC): Critical Issues of Connectivity and Logistics” (2017).

Its Introduction states: ECEC is an example of an integrated economic development initiative. The key idea behind the corridor is port-based industrial development along the eastern coastal belt of India, in alignment with the goals of the Sagarmala initiative and integration of India’s industrial clusters with value chains extending to Southeast Asia and East Asia”

Paragraph 27 states: While textiles and automobiles and automotive part require containerized solutions, these industries are clustered around Chennai, which is the only port in ECEC that handles a significant number of containers. The logical outcome of such an industrial orientation is that, with the exception of Chennai and Kattupali, the main focus of ECEC ports is break-bulk and raw materials such as petroleum, oil and lubricant, coal, iron ore, fertiliser and agricultural raw materials”.

Paragraph 29 states: The VCIC final report predicts an expansion in industrial output of approximately 3.to 7.5times over the next 25 years under different scenarios. Such expansion will create significant additional demand for containerized cargo solutions in the corridor’s ports …” (ibid).

COMMENT

Even with projected expansion of containerised cargo from the VCIC in the East Coast of India, since sea transport by feeder ships is cheaper than road transport, the tendency would to be seek access to Hambantota as at present and to Trincomalee in the future, thus making a bridge across the Palk Strait a ridiculous symbol of connectivity other than for human traffic with all its attendant threats arising from drug trafficking and other hazards associated with human activity.

CONCLUSION

The President of Sri Lanka, political leaders and now the leaders of the JVP/NPP have, whenever the opportunity presented itself, consistently assured India that Sri Lanka would not undertake any measures that would threaten India’s security. On the other hand, the clear evidence is that Sri Lanka is prepared to go to any extent, even at the cost to its own interests, its independence and its universal right of self-determination, to fulfil this assurance. Furthermore, are the expressions of appreciation for the financial aid granted to Sri Lanka, not realising that at the end of the day, foreign relations are most often influenced by self-interest and not by sentiment.

For instance, starting with the 13th Amendment, that continues to be, a dead weight to Sri Lanka’s development and now to Financial and Physical Connectivity which are expressions of how far Sri Lanka is prepared to commit to becoming a part of India’s economically expanding bandwagon with no regard or concern for the dignity and independence of the People of Sri Lanka. The latest is the attempt by India’s Ministry of Mines to strengthen India’s critical minerals supply chain through the acquisition of mineral assets in Sri Lanka.

A report by The Indian Express cited by The Island states: India’s interest in Sri Lanka’s graphite coincides with the Sri Lankan Government’s active pursuit of Indian companies for graphite mining in the country”. Quoting a Member of the Sri Lankan Government, the report states: We have the best graphite in the world. Now Indian companies will be manufacturing electric vehicles. One of the large components for electric batteries is graphite. We used to have about 30,000 graphite mines. So, there are a lot of opportunities with the expertise and technology these Indian Companies have, I think they should seriously look at Sri Lanka” (March 5, 2024).

In view of the enthusiasm expressed by India to acquire mineral rights to mine graphite in Sri Lanka, it would be prudent for the Member of Parliament who is supportive of the prospect to be aware of the Supreme Court Judgment on the Eppawala Phosphate Extraction Case.

There is no denying that the warm cultural connectivity that Sri Lanka shares with India is buried in the mists of time. Although there have been threats to Sri Lanka’s interests, its independence and territorial integrity throughout its history, the cultural connectivity has persisted undisturbed. Despite this, the ongoing attempts at connectivity has to be viewed in the same vein as past threats which were to contain and colonise Sri Lanka. However, unlike in the past, today’s attempts to control and colonise Sri Lanka are based on modern techniques of Financial Control and Physical Connectivity that decidedly are to India’s advantage. It is therefore imperative that Governments of Sri Lanka exercise extreme caution in its Financial and Economic relations with India if it holds in trust the best interests of its People.

The Speaker of the Parliament of Sri Lanka

March 8th, 2024

By Sarath Wijesinghe President’s Counsel (LL.M (UCL London)), former Ambassador to UAE and Israel, former Chairman of the Consumer Affairs Authority, President of the Lanka Ambassador’s Forum – United Kingdom, Solicitor in England and Wales

The Speaker of the Parliament of Sri Lanka occupies a vital position within the country’s legislative framework, serving as the presiding officer of the Parliament. This role is multi-dimensional, encompassing the moderation of debates, management of parliamentary proceedings, and the maintenance of order and decorum within the House.

The origins of the Speaker’s role in Sri Lanka can be traced back to the colonial period when the country was under British rule. The introduction of the Donoughmore Constitution in 1931 marked the beginning of representative government in Sri Lanka (then Ceylon), and with it, the establishment of the position of the Speaker. The role was further solidified with the creation of the independent Ceylonese Parliament in 1947, following the country’s independence. The traditions and practices of the British parliamentary system, including the role of the Speaker, were adopted and adapted to suit the needs and context of the newly independent nation.

The primary duty of the Speaker is to ensure that parliamentary proceedings are conducted in an orderly and efficient manner. This includes moderating debates, deciding on points of order, and ensuring that all members of Parliament have an opportunity to contribute to discussions. The Speaker is also responsible for maintaining discipline within the House, including the power to suspend members for unruly behavior.
In addition to these procedural responsibilities, the Speaker represents the Parliament in its relations with the executive branch of government and with other national and international bodies. The Speaker is also tasked with ensuring that the rights and privileges of members of Parliament are protected and upheld.
The role of the Speaker in the Sri Lankan Parliament is modeled after the Speaker of the House of Commons in the United Kingdom, which is currently held by Sir Lindsay Hoyle. Both positions share similar responsibilities in moderating debates, maintaining order, and representing their respective legislative bodies. However, there are differences in the selection process and the political neutrality of the role. In the UK, the Speaker is elected by members of the House of Commons and is expected to resign from their political party to maintain impartiality.
The current Speaker of the Sri Lankan Parliament is Hon. Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena. The current Speaker, like his predecessors, plays a crucial role in facilitating the legislative process and ensuring that the Parliament functions smoothly.
In addition to the procedural duties mentioned earlier, the Speaker of the Parliament of Sri Lanka plays a crucial role in representing the Parliament in its interactions with the executive branch of the government and other external entities. This responsibility involves serving as a liaison between the Parliament and the President, Cabinet, and other governmental bodies. The Speaker also represents the Parliament in its interactions with foreign dignitaries, international organizations, and other countries’ legislative bodies. This role requires the Speaker to uphold the dignity and integrity of the Parliament in all diplomatic engagements. Furthermore, the Speaker is responsible for the administration of the Parliament, overseeing its staff and operations. This includes managing the Parliament’s budget, facilities, and administrative functions. The Speaker works closely with the Secretary-General of Parliament and other administrative officials to ensure the smooth running of parliamentary activities. Additionally, the Speaker is responsible for ensuring that parliamentary procedures are followed and that the rights and privileges of members are protected.
One of the most critical aspects of the Speaker’s role is to remain impartial, particularly during debates and voting. The Speaker is expected to detach themselves from any political affiliations and make decisions based solely on the rules and traditions of the Parliament. This impartiality is crucial for maintaining the trust and respect of all members of Parliament, regardless of their political positions. By upholding impartiality, the Speaker can ensure that parliamentary proceedings are conducted fairly and transparently, strengthening the democratic process in Sri Lanka.
The current Speaker, Hon. Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, assumed office in August 2020. His tenure has been marked by a commitment to upholding the traditions of the role and ensuring the smooth functioning of parliamentary proceedings. Hon. Abeywardena’s approachability and efforts to maintain a positive relationship with the public have been notable aspects of his incumbency. His ability to navigate the complexities of parliamentary debates and disputes while maintaining impartiality has earned him respect from members of all political parties.
In addition to his parliamentary duties, the Speaker of the Parliament of Sri Lanka, Hon. Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, is entrusted with a range of administrative functions critical to the efficient functioning of the legislative body. Among these responsibilities, overseeing the Parliament’s budget stands out as a fundamental task. The budget allocation for the Parliament is essential for the functioning of its various committees, staff salaries, maintenance of infrastructure, and other operational expenses. The Speaker’s role in managing this budget ensures that the Parliament can effectively carry out its legislative and oversight functions.
Additionally, the Speaker undertakes to establish a positive work environment that upholds the values of transparency, accountability, and professionalism. Ensuring the smooth operation of the parliamentary complex is another vital administrative function of the Speaker. The parliamentary complex serves as the hub for legislative activities, housing the chambers, committee rooms, offices, and other facilities essential for parliamentary functioning. The Speaker oversees the maintenance of these facilities, ensuring that they are conducive to productive parliamentary activities. This includes ensuring the availability of necessary resources, such as technology and infrastructure, to support the work of parliamentarians and staff.
Recently, the Speaker has been faced with a challenging situation, as 44 Members of Parliament have signed a no-confidence motion against him. This motion has been brought forth on the grounds of the appointment of the Inspector General of Police (IGP) and concerns regarding the Online Safety Bill. The situation has led to a division within the Parliament, with two distinct sides emerging. In such a contentious atmosphere, the role of the Speaker becomes even more critical, as he is expected to navigate these disputes with fairness and impartiality.
There is a general consensus that Hon. Abeywardena will take the necessary steps to remain impartial and handle the situation with the utmost integrity. His past conduct and commitment to fairness have instilled confidence among various stakeholders that he will manage this challenge effectively. As the custodian of parliamentary procedures and traditions, the Speaker’s role in resolving disputes and maintaining order within the Parliament is paramount to upholding the democratic principles on which the Sri Lankan Parliament is founded.
Incidentally, the Speaker has been proactive in maintaining positive relations with the Lanka Ambassadors’ Forum – United Kingdom. His diplomatic skills and ability to engage in constructive dialogue have been well-received, enhancing the image of the Parliament both domestically and internationally. By nurturing these relationships, the Speaker has contributed to a better understanding of Sri Lanka’s parliamentary processes and priorities among the international community.
As the Speaker continues to perform his duties with dedication, there is a hopeful sentiment that he will successfully navigate the current challenges and continue in his role until the end of his term. His leadership is seen as vital for upholding the democratic values and traditions of the Sri Lankan Parliament, ensuring that it remains a respected and effective institution. The Speaker’s commitment to fairness and impartiality, combined with his diplomatic skills and administrative acumen, positions him as a key figure in strengthening the Parliament’s role in the governance of Sri Lanka.

A century of faith and progress in Ghana:

March 8th, 2024

by A. Abdul Aziz

Ghana, is a country in West Africa. It abuts the Gulf of Guinea and the Atlantic Ocean to the south, sharing borders with Ivory Coast in the west, Burkina Faso, and Togo in the north, Ghana covers an area of 239,567 km2 (92,497 sq mi), spanning diverse biomes that range from coastal savannas to tropical rainforests. With over 32 million inhabitants, Ghana is the second most popular country in West Africa. The capital and largest city is Accra.

Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, (peace be on him), stated that he is the same Messiah and Mahdi that Allah the Almighty and the Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) had promised would come in the Latter Days, and thereby laid the foundation of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in 1889. He did this in Qadian, a small town in India, where few people were acquainted with him.

He also made a magnificent prophecy that his message would spread all over the world, and people from all walks of life would accept him, and more than that, they would do anything for him.

Fast forward 135 years, and now tens of thousands of people in Ghana, a country on the coast of West Africa, are commemorating a century of Ahmadiyyat in Ghana in the form of an annual convention (Jalsa Salana), the 91st convention of its kind in Ghana, where over 40,000 people were gathered to congregate only because it was the desire of their founder, Promised Messiah, peace be on him, that they do so for their spiritual and moral upliftment. How did that happen?

How Ahmadiyyat came to Ghana

A trained and devoted Christian clergyman, Benjamin Sam, converted to Islam in 1885. Using his influence, he converted most of his Methodist followers to Islam. In 1917, after his passing, he was succeeded by one of his faithful converts – Opanyin Adoagyir Appah, who later became known as Chief Mahdi Appah when he became an Ahmadi Muslim.

In 1920, Yusuf Nyarko Sahib, a Fanti Muslim, dreamt that white” men were leading his community of Muslims in prayer”. This dream was mostly dismissed because, at that time, Fanti Muslims believed that every ‘Whiteman’ was a Christian.

It was indeed divine intervention that a Nigerian Muslim, Abdur Rahman Pedro from Saltpond, confirmed the existence of a Qadian-based white” Muslim sect with a branch office in London. It was then resolved to apply for an Ahmadi missionary from Qadian, India. (Khilafat Centenary Jubilee Souvenir Ghana 2008, pp. 27)

The Ghanaian Muslims, at the behest of Chief Mahdi Appah Sahib, therefore took the unique initiative to contact the second Khalifa of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community Hazrat Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmood Ahmad in Qadian who sent Abdur Rahim Nayyar to Ghana, thereby sowing the seed of Ahmadiyyat for the first time in the country.

When Maulvi Hakeem succeeded Maulana Nayyar he soon realised that the rapid expansion of the Movement depended not only on preaching but also on the production of a cadre of an educated class.

To this end, Maulvi Hakeem opened secular schools at Ekrawfo, Saltpond and Assin Kwaminatta and urged Ahmadi Muslim parents to send their children to these schools. Maulvi Hakeem also arranged further education at Achimota College in Accra for some talented Ahmadi young elementary school leavers to train as teachers.

Islamic education continued to expand and in 1950, the first Ahmadiyya Secondary School was opened and the real revolution in Islamic education occurred in Ghana. Many more primary and secondary schools were opened to cater not only to Muslim children but also to other children, irrespective of their religion.

The Nusrat Jehan Leap Forward Scheme was initiated by Third Khalifa  of Ahmadiyya Community Hazrat Mirza Nasir Ahmad (may Allah have Mercy on him), in 1970. The scheme saw the opening of six secondary schools, funded and managed by Ahmadiyya Community throughout Ghana, until the government took over control in the 1980s.

One such School was turned into a Teacher Training College, the first ever and only Muslim Teacher Training College in Ghana. These schools have produced many important personalities holding important positions in Ghana.

Again, under the Nusrat Jehan Scheme of 1970, the Ahmadiyya Muslim Mission established hospitals, mostly in rural areas, to cater for the health needs of the rural people.

The first three-day Ahmadiyya Convention held in Ghana on 2-4 August 1923 and these conventions continued to be held every year.

A plot of land was purchased in Essiam in the name of the Ahmadiyya Community on October 4, 1923, for a mission house and an Ahmadiyya school. (Al Fazl Qadian, 20 November 1923)

Hearken the voice of the heavens! The Messiah has come! The Messiah has come!” was translated into the local language and had the wider publicity.

In April 1970, Ghana was blessed with the first visit of a Khalifa when Hazrat Mirza Nasir Ahmad, third Khalifa of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community visited Ghana, on a one-week tour. He travelled to different parts of the country and spoke to thousands of Ahmadis and non-Ahmadis.

The 60th Annual Convention (Jalsa Salana) Ghana took place from 8-10 January 1987. Fourth Khalifa of Ahmadiyya Community Hazrat Mirza Tahir Ahmad sent a special message for the occasion.

When the 61st Ahmadiyya Convention Ghana held on 11 February 1988 he personally attended.

For the 63rd Ahmadiyya Convention Ghana In 1990, the Head of State, Jerry John Rawlings, visited the Convention, stated:

Ladies and gentlemen, it is gratifying to note that since the first Ahmadi Muslim Missionary set foot on our soil on 1 March, 1921 the Mission has made tremendous progress. It has by word and deed made a significant impact on the people of this country”.

By its progressive and dynamic policies, the Mission has made an appreciable contribution to our national development in education, health and agriculture”.

It is very sad to sometimes hear some Muslims grumble that Ahmadis are given too much preference when it comes to jobs and positions. The answer is very simple, and has nothing to do with any religious preferences. It is a matter of qualification and experience, nothing more and nothing less.

It should be noted with satisfaction that the Ahmadiyya Muslim Mission has pursued a policy of tolerance and peaceful co-existence with all other faiths. The Ahmadiyya Mission was the first religious body to advocate the establishment of a Council of Religions in Ghana, which has now been set up.” (Khilafat Centenary Jubilee Souvenir Ghana 2008, pp. 142-143)

President John Agyekum Kufuor at 72nd Ahmadiyya Convention Ghana of 2001 said:

The Ahmadiyya Muslim Mission in Ghana deserves commendation for its achievements. Even more important, the Mission must be praised for carrying out its preaching activities in a peaceful manner.” (Khilafat Centenary Jubilee Souvenir Ghana 2008, p. 140)

The next year, in 2002, he again attended a session and stated:

The Ahmadiyya Muslim Mission has, since its introduction to the country in 1921, preached peace, tolerance and peaceful co-existence with all other religions and groups of people. It has also been a partner of the government in many social development projects.

Its schools that have produced some of the finest citizens of this country and its hospitals and clinics that continue to bring medical care to the doorsteps of the rural folk eloquently testify to this.

For all these, the Government is very grateful. It is to be expected that other religious communities will emulate this shining example of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Mission.” (Khilafat Centenary Jubilee Souvenir Ghana 2008, p. 141)

Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad, the Present Khalifa of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community arrived in Ghana on 15 April 2008 as part of the very first Convention celebrating a century of Ahmadiyya Khilfat (Spiritual Leadership) marking yet another unique milestone for the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaat in Ghana.

Ahmadiyya Khalifa met President John Agyekum Kufuor the next day on 16 April 2008. During the meeting, President Kufuor spoke of how Ghana was developing in all fields and clearly acknowledged that this development was a direct result of His Holiness’ prayers.

On 21 April 2008, Ahmadiyya Head attended a reception, held in his honour at the Central Mission. The event was also attended by His Excellency, Alhaj Aliu Mahama the Vice President of the Republic of Ghana.

Although it is very difficult to mention all the events and milestones that have shaped the growth of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in Ghana, a humble effort has been made to include the principal events that are worthy of mention.

This year, Ahmadiyya Community Ghana marks a new milestone; the 91st Convention (Jalsa Salana) is also a commemoration of 100 years of the Establishment of Ahmadiyya Community (Jamaat) in Ghana.

(Source: Al Hakam – London.)

මෙරටට එරෙහිව ක්‍රියාත්මක වන ඉන්දියානු ආක්‍රමණය පරාජයට පත්කිරීම සදහා සකලවිධ වූ බලවේග ඒකරාශී විය යුතුයි – නීතිඥ නුවන් බැල්න්තුඩාව

March 8th, 2024

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

මෙරටට එරෙහිව ක්‍රියාත්මක වන ඉන්දියානු ආක්‍රමණය පරාජයට පත්කිරීම සදහා සකලවිධ වූ සියලු බලවේග ඒකරාශී වියයුතු බවත්, ඉන්දියානු රජය සමග වර්තමාන ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා සාකච්ඡා වට ගණනාවක් පවත්වා ඇති බව හා එහි ප්‍රතිඵලයක් ලෙස මේ වනවිට රටට අහිතකර ආර්ථික, ආරක්ෂක හා වෙළෙඳ ගිවිසුම් ගණනාවක් අත්සන් කරමින් පවතින බවත් ඒකාබද්ධ ජනතා ක්‍රියාකාරී සභාවේ සමකැඳවුම්කරු නීතිඥ නුවන් බැල්ලන්තුඩාව මහතා පවසයි.

ඉන්දියාවට බොහෝ කාලයක සිට ඉන්දියානු භූ දේශපාලනික අරමුණු මුදුන්පත් කරගැනීම සඳහා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අත්පත්කර ගැනීමේ උවමනාවක් තිබූ බවද, ඉන්දියානු සාගරය කේන්ද්‍රකර ගනිමින් ක්‍රියාත්මක වන භූ දේශපාලනය තුළ අමෙරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදයේ උවමනාවන් ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම සඳහා චීනයට එරෙහිව මෙම කලාපය තුළ ඉන්දියාව බලවත් කිරීමේ උවමනාවක් අමෙරිකාවට ඇති බවද ඒ මහතා පෙන්වා දෙයි.

මාධ්‍ය හමුවකට එක්වෙමින් නුවන් බැල්ලන්තුඩාව මහතා වැඩිදුරටත් පෙන්වා දෙන්නේ ඉන්දියාවේ උවමනාවත්, අමෙරිකාවේ වුවමනාවත් සඵල කිරීම සඳහා මෙරට දේශපාලකයන් ද කටයුතු කරමින් සිටින බවයි.

සවිස්තරාත්මක වීඩියෝව නරඹන්න… 

සජිත් අගමැතිකම භාරගන්න බැහැ කිව්වා… ෆොන්සේකාත් භාරගත්තේ නැහැ… රනිල් පැකිලීමක් නැතුවම භාරගත්තා – ගෝඨාභයගේ කෘතියෙන් කියයි

March 8th, 2024

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

ජාත්‍යන්තර බලවේග ඡන්දයෙන් තේරී පත්වූ ජනාධිපතිවරයකු ව්‍යවස්ථා විරෝධී ලෙස බලයෙන් නෙරපාහැරීමේ කුමන්ත්‍රණයට විවෘතව සහාය දුන් බව හිටපු ජනාධිපති ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා මුල්වරට අනාවරණය කළේය.

විදේශ බලවේග සහ ඇතැම් දේශීය පාර්ශ්ව මා ජනාධිපති ධුරයෙන් ඉවත්කිරීම සඳහා ප්‍රචණ්ඩ විරෝධතා සහ කඩාකප්පල්කාරී ක්‍රියා සංවිධානය කළ බව ද ඒ මහතා වැඩිදුරටත් හෙළිකර තිබේ.

හිටපු ජනාධිපති ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා තමන් ජනාධිපති ධුරයෙන් නෙරපීමට හේතු පාදක වූ සිද්ධීන් සම්බන්ධයෙන් මුල්වරට හෙළිදරව් කරනු ලැබුවේ ඒ මහතා විසින් රචනා කර ඊයේ පිටකරනු ලැබූ ජාත්‍යන්තර අනුග්‍රහයෙන් රෙජීම් චේන්ජ්” මෙහෙයුමෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය හෑල්ලු වූ හැටි තේමාව කරගත් ජනාධිපති ධුරයෙන් මා නෙරපීමේ කුමන්ත්‍රණය” නම් වූ ග්‍රන්ථය තුළින්ය.

මෙම ග්‍රන්ථය ඊයේ (07දා) එළි දැක්වීය. ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ බලයෙන් පහකිරීමේ කුමන්ත්‍රණය පිළිබඳ කළ හෙළිදරව් කිරීම් අලලා රචිත මෙම කෘතියේ තවදුරටත් මෙසේ ද සඳහන් කර ඇත.

ඇතැම් බලවත් රටවල් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය සහ නීතියේ ආධිපත්‍යයේ මුරදේවතාවන් ලෙස ලෝකය ඉදිරියේ පෙනී සිටිය ද ඔවුන් කරන්නේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය ආරක්‍ෂා කිරීම නොව ඔවුන්ගේ අවශ්‍යතාවන් මුදුන්පමුණුවා ගැනීම සඳහා කටයුතු කිරීමයි.

සංවර්ධනය වෙමින් පවතින ඕනෑම රටක ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයට ඇති විශාලම තර්ජනය වන්නේ ඊනියා අධිකාරිවාදී පාලන ක්‍රම සහිත රටවලින් නොව නිරන්තරයෙන්ම ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය ගැන මුළු ලෝකයටම දේශන පවත්වන සංවර්ධිත ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී රාජ්‍යයන් සහ ඔවුන්ගෙන් වැටුප් ලබන දේශීය ඒජන්තවරුන්ගෙන් බව ද ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ මෙම කෘතිය හරහා පෙන්වා දෙයි.

මෙම කෘතියේ සඳහන් ඡේද අතර කිහිපයකි මේ.

“එදා රටේ පැවැති ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය මධ්‍යයේ ආණ්ඩු වෙනසක් සඳහා වූ ඉල්ලීම්වලට ප්‍රතිචාර වශයෙන් විපක්‍ෂයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරයකු අගමැති ධුරයට පත්කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවයක් මතු විය. එම නිසා මම විපක්‍ෂ නායක සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතාට කතාකර අගමැතිකම භාරගන්නා මෙන් ඔහුගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටියෙමි. පාර්ලිමේන්තු බහුතරයක් නොමැතිව රට පාලනය කළ නොහැකි බව පවසමින් ඔහු එම ඉල්ලීම ප්‍රතික්‍ෂේප කළේය. ඉන් පසු මම සරත් ෆොන්සේකාට කතාකර අගමැතිකම භාර ගන්නා මෙන් ඔහුට ආරාධනා කර සිටියෙමි. ඔහු මට කීවේ, මම ඔහුව අගමැති හැටියට පත්කරන බවට ප්‍රසිද්ධ ප්‍රකාශයක් කර එතනින් එහාට කටයුතු ඉදිරියට ගෙන යමුය කියාය. ඔහුට පිරිනමනු ලැබූ තනතුර ඔහු එක්වර පිළිගත්තේ නැත.

ඒ වනවිට තිබුණේ කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයක් නොමැතිව රටට පාලන අධිකාරියක් නොමැති තත්ත්වයක්ය. ඒ අතරතුර, සමගි ජන බලවේගයේ මන්ත්‍රී කණ්ඩායමක් මා හමුවීමට පැමිණ ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා අගමැති ලෙස පත්කර පසුව ජනාධිපති ධුරයෙන් මා ඉල්ලා අස්වන්නේ නම් පමණක් අගමැති ධුරය භාර ගැනීමට කැමති බව මට දන්වා සිටියේය. එම කොන්දේසිය පිළිගැනීමට මම සූදානම් නොවූයෙමි. මම එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂ නායක රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාට කතාකර අගමැතිකම භාරගන්නා මෙන් ඔහුට ආරාධනා කළ විට, කිසිදු පැකිලීමකින් තොරව ඔහු එම ධුරය භාර ගත්තේය. එම නිසා මම එතුමාව නව අගමැති ලෙස පත් කළෙමි.

2022 මාර්තු 31 වැනි දින රාත්‍රියේ මගේ පෞද්ගලික නිවස අවට පැවැති උද්ඝෝෂණය නිසා මට වැඩි ආරක්‍ෂාව සඳහා ජනාධිපති මන්දිරයේ පදිංචියට යෑමට සිදු විය. නායකයන් වෙනසක් ඇති කිරීමට උත්සාහ කරන විට, මහජනතාව ද එයට සහාය දිය යුතුය. නැතහොත් සියල්ල ගමන් කරනුයේ ආපස්සටය. 2022 සිදුවීම් වලින් පසුව, තමන්ගේ ආරක්‍ෂාව කෙසේ වෙතත් තම අසල්වාසීන්ගේ ආරක්‍ෂාව ගැන සිතාවත් කිසිදු නායකයෙකු ජනාධිපති, අගමැති හෝ ඇමැති වැනි ධුරයට පත්වීමෙන් පසු තමන්ගේ පෞද්ගලික නිවාස වල දිගටම ජීවත් නොවනු ඇත.

එදා කොළඹ වරායෙන් පිටත් වූ අපි ත්‍රිකුණාමලයට ගොස් නාවික හමුදා කඳවුරේ රාත්‍රිය ගතකර පසුදා හෙලිකොප්ටරයෙන් කටුනායක ගුවන් හමුදා කඳවුරට පැමිණ දෙවැනි රාත්‍රිය ගුවන් හමුදා කඳවුරේ ගත කළෙමු. පසුදා රාත්‍රියේ අපි ගුවන් හමුදා ගුවන්යානයකින් මාලදිවයිනට පියාසර කර 2022 ජූලි 12 වන දින අලුයම 3.00ට පමණ මාලේ අගනුවර වෙත ළඟා වූයෙමු. මාලේ සිට කිලෝමීටර් 200ක් පමණ දුරින් පිහිටි දූපතක හෝටලයක මට නවාතැන් දීමට මාලදිවයින් රජය කටයුතු කර තිබූ අතර අපි බෝට්ටුවෙන් එම හෝටලයට ළඟාවන විට උදෑසන වී තිබුණි. එතැනින් පෞද්ගලික ගුවන්යානයකින් අපි සිංගප්පූරුව බලා යෑමට සැලසුම් කර තිබුණත්, ඉන්දීය බලධාරීන් මෙම පෞද්ගලික ගුවන්යානයට මාලේ බලා යෑමට අවසර දී තිබුණේ නැත. එම නිසා වාණිජ ගුවන් යානයකින් සිංගප්පූරුවට යෑම සඳහා ප්‍රවේශ පත්‍ර වෙන්කර ගන්නා මෙන් මම උපදෙස් දුන්නෙමි. ඒ අනුව අපි සෞදි ගුවන් සේවයේ ගුවන්යානයකින් සිංගප්පූරුවට ගියෙමු.

මාලදිවයින් රජය මට හෝටලයේ සිට ගුවන්තොටුපළට යෑමටත් එතැන් සිට සිංගප්පූරුවට යෑමටත් අවශ්‍ය සියලු කටයුතු සූදානම් කර තිබුණි. මා සමඟ මගේ බිරිඳ සහ ආරක්‍ෂක නිලධාරීන් දෙදෙනකු ද ගමනට එක්වී සිටියහ. මාලදිවයිනේ සිටි අවස්ථාවේ දී මා රටින් පිට සිටින නිසා මම අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා වැඩබලන ජනාධිපතිවරයා ලෙස පත් කළෙමි. සිංගප්පූරුවේදී මා ඇතුළු පිරිස ගුවන්තොටුපළේ දී පිළිගෙන හෝටලයකට රැගෙන යනු ලැබූ අතර එහිදී මා නවාතැන් ගන්නා තට්ටුව සුරක්ෂිත කිරීමට සියලු කටයුතු සූදානම් කර තිබුණි. සිංගප්පූරුවට පැමිණීමෙන් පසු දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ නායකයන් මගෙන් කළ ඉල්ලීමට ගරුකරමින් ඉදිරි දින කිහිපයේ දී මම ජනාධිපති ධුරයෙන් ඉවත්වන බව මම කථානායක මහින්ද යාපා අබේවර්ධන මහතාට දැනුම් දුන්නෙමි. ඒ වනවිට අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාට ජනාධිපති ධුරය ලබාදීමට මම හිත හදාගෙන තිබුණේ රටේ නීතිය හා සාමය යළි ස්ථාපිත කළ හැකි එකම පුද්ගලයා ඔහුය යන නිගමනයට මා පැමිණ සිටි නිසාය.

ජූලි 21 වැනිදා නව ජනාධිපතිවරයා සිය ධුරයේ දිවුරුම් දුන්නේය. ජනාධිපතිවරයා ලෙස ඔහු මුලින්ම පිවිසුණු රාජ්‍ය ආයතනය වූයේ බත්තරමුල්ලේ පිහිටි ආරක්‍ෂක සේනා මූලස්ථානයයි. පසුදා පහන්වීමට පෙර ගාලුමුවදොර ඉතිරිව සිටි විරෝධතාකරුවන් පළවාහැර, එහි තිබුණු කූඩාරම් සියල්ල ඉවත්කර, ඊනියා අරගලය අවසන් කර තිබිණි.

අධිෂ්ඨානශීලී විදේශ බලවේග සහ ඇතැම් දේශීය පාර්ශ්ව මා ජනාධිපති ධුරයෙන් ඉවත්කිරීම සඳහා ප්‍රචණ්ඩ විරෝධතා සහ කඩාකප්පල්කාරී ක්‍රියා සංවිධානය කරමින්, ඒ සඳහා මූල්‍යාධාර ලබා දෙමින් කටයුතු කරමින් සිටි අතර මා බලයේ සිටින තාක්කල් ඒවා නතර නොවන බව ද මා දැන සිටියේය. මේ අනුව ජනතාවට තවත් කඩාකප්පල්කාරී ක්‍රියා, තවත් භාණ්ඩ හිඟයන්, තවත් ප්‍රචණ්ඩ ක්‍රියා සහ උද්ඝෝෂණ විඳදරා ගැනීමට සිදුවනු ඇති අතර කෝවිඩ් – 19 වසංගතය පාලනය කළ පසුවවත් රට සාමාන්‍ය තත්ත්වයට පත් නොවනු ඇත. මා ඉල්ලා අස්වන විට මගේ ධුර කාලයෙන් අඩකටත් වඩා අඩු කාලයක් ඉතිරිව තිබූ අතර තවත් වාරයකට මා තරග නොකරන බවට මා බොහෝ කලක සිට තීරණය කර තිබූ නිසා ද ජනතාව තවත් අපහසුතාවට පත්කරමින් මගේ ධුරයේ ඉතිරි කාලය තුළ රැඳී සිටීමේ සටනක නියැළීමේ තේරුමක් නැති විය.

එස්අයිඑස් ආයතනයේ මව් සංවිධානය වූ එන්අයිබීයේ ඉහළ තනතුරුවල හමුදා නිලධාරීන් සේවය කළ ඉතිහාසයක් ද විය. සලේ එස්අයිඑස් ආයතනයේ නායකත්වය භාර ගැනීමෙන් පසු කෙටි කාලයක් ඇතුළත කෝවිඩ් – 19 වසංගතය ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ගිල ගත් අතර, සෞඛ්‍ය බලධාරීන්ට කිරීමට අපහසු ආසාදිතයන්ගේ ආශ්‍රිතයන් සෙවීම වැනි කෝවිඩ් – 19 පාලන ක්‍රියාකාරකම්වලට එස්අයිඑස් ආයතනය ද සම්බන්ධ විය. එවකට රට පුරා කෝවිඩ් – 19 පැතිරීම පිළිබඳ වාර්තා බොහොමයක් එස්අයිඑස් ආයතනය විසින් සම්පාදනය කරන ලද අතර ඔවුන් මෙම ආපදා තත්ත්වය තුළ ඔවුන්ගේ රාජකාරි හොඳින් ඉටු කළහ.

එස්අයිඑස් ආයතනය විසින් සපයන බුද්ධි තොරතුරු දේශපාලන සහ සමාජ තත්ත්වයන්, විදේශ මැදිහත්වීම් සහ භූ දේශපාලනික සාධක පවා සැලකිල්ලට ගනිමින් සකස් කරන පුළුල් චිත්‍රය ගෙනහැර දක්වමින් සපයන තොරතුරු විය යුතුය. ත්‍රස්තවාදයට එරෙහි යුද සමයේ දී කලින් පැවැති එන්අයිබී ආයතනයේ සිටි පොලිස් නිලධාරීන් සහ හමුදා නිලධාරීන් එකිනෙකා සමග සාමාන්‍යයෙන් හොඳන් වැඩ කළ ද, සාම කාලය තුළ එම සහයෝගිතාවය දිගටම පැවතුණේ ද යන්න ගැටලු සහගතය.

නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව සන්නද්ධ සේවාවන්හි නීති අංශ ප්‍රධානීන් සමග එක්ව කැරලි කෝලාහල සහ සිවිල් නොසන්සුන්තාවය පවතින අවස්ථාවන්හිදී හමුදා නිලධාරීන්ට භාවිත කළ හැකි අධිකාරි බලය පිළිබඳ සවිස්තරාත්මක උපදෙස් සකස් කර තිබුණ ද එම උපදෙස් හමුදාවේ පහළ මට්ටම්වලට සන්නිවේදනය කර තිබුණේ නැත.

එදා යුද හමුදාපති ශවේන්ද්‍ර සිල්වා හා ඇතැම් අවස්ථාවල ආරක්‍ෂක ලේකම්වරයාගේ උපදෙස් නොතකමින් කටයුතු කළ අවස්ථා තිබුණි. ආරක්‍ෂක ලේකම්වරයා ලෙස මා සතුව තිබූ පාලන බලය කමල් ගුණරත්නට මේ හේතු නිසා නොතිබෙන්නට ඇත. යුද හමුදාපති සහ ආරක්ෂක මාණ්ඩලික ප්‍රධානී යන තනතුරු දෙකම එක පුද්ගලයකු විසින් දරනු ලැබීම ද ගැටලුවක් විය. මූලධර්මයක් ලෙස, එම තනතුරු ඒකාබද්ධ නොකළ යුතුය. ආරක්‍ෂක මාණ්ඩලික ප්‍රධානී, ත්‍රිවිධ හමුදාපතිවරුන්ට වඩා ඉහළින් සිටින නිලධාරියකු විය යුතුය.

2022 විරෝධතාකරුවන් සතුව ගිනි අවි තිබුණේ නැත. ඔවුන්ගෙන් සමහරෙක් උපරිමයෙන් පොලුවලින් හෝ කඩුවලින් සන්නද්ධව සිටින්නට ඇත. එවැනි තත්ත්වයන් තුළ කැරලි පාලනය කිරීමට බොහෝ ක්‍රම ඇත. ජීවිත හා දේපළවලට හානිවීමේ අවදානමක් නොමැති නම්, එවන් කළහකාරීන් පාලනය කිරීමට වෙඩි තැබීම කිසි විටෙකත් සිදු නොවිය යුතුය. විශේෂයෙන්ම පොලිසියට, විශේෂ කාර්ය බළකායට, හමුදාවට පවා මෙවැනි සෙනඟ පාලනය කිරීම ක්‍රියා මාර්ග පිළිබඳ පුහුණුවක් ලබාදී තිබේ.

ආරක්‍ෂක ලේකම්, ආරක්‍ෂක මාණ්ඩලික ප්‍රධානියා සහ ත්‍රිවිධ හමුදා අණදෙන නිලධාරීන් සහ පොලිස්පතිවරයා මෙවැනි තත්ත්වයන්ට නිසි ලෙස ප්‍රතිචාර දැක්වීම සඳහා සැලැස්මක් සකස් කළ යුතුව තිබිණි. නමුත් මෙවැනි තත්ත්වයන් පාලනය කිරීමට ඇති ක්‍රම කිසිවක් භාවිත වූයේ නැත.

අපි 2022 මුල් භාගයේ පැවති තත්ත්වය 1987 සහ 1989 අතර පැවැති තත්ත්වය සමග සංසන්දනය කළහොත්, 2022 මුල් කාර්තුවේ අපට තිබුණේ ගෑස් සහ ඉන්ධන හිඟය හා ‘විදුලි කප්පාදුව නිසා විරෝධතාකරුවන් වීදි බැස සිටින තත්ත්වයකි. ඔවුන්ට මුවා වී බල පෙරළියක් ඇති කිරීමට මාන බලන ප්‍රචණ්ඩත්වය මුසු වූ දේශපාලන ව්‍යාපෘතියක් ද ක්‍රියාත්මක විය.

රටේ ව්‍යවස්ථානුකූල පාලනය සහ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය ආරක්‍ෂා කිරීමට පණිවිඩයක් හමුදාවේ ඉහළ සිට සාමාන්‍ය හමුදා නිලධාරියා දක්වා ගියේ නැත. සේනාංක අණදෙන නිලධාරීන් වැනි ඉහළ නිලධාරීන්ටවත් එම පණිවිඩය සන්නිවේදනය වී තිබුණා යැයි මම නොසිතමි.

ප්‍රචණ්ඩ කණ්ඩායම් මිනිසුන් ඝාතනය කිරීම හෝ ගෙවල් ගිනි තැබීම් සිදුකරන සෑම සිද්ධියක් පාසාම ඒවා නතර කරන ලෙස පොලිසියට සහ සන්නද්ධ සේවාවලට උපදෙස් ලබාදිය යුතු නැත. සාමාන්‍ය මහජනතාවට පවා එවැනි දේ වැළැක්වීමට පියවර ගැනීමට නීතියෙන් අවසර ඇත. එම මූලික දැනුවත් කිරීම පවා භූමියේ සිටින පොලිසියට හා හමුදා නිලධාරීන්ට ලබා දී තිබුණේ නැත. එබැවින් පොලිසියේ සහ හමුදාවේ ඉහළ සිට පහළට ව්‍යාකූලත්වය රජ වූ බව අපට පෙනේ. එසේ නොවිය යුතුව තිබිණි.

මා බලයට පත් වූ දා සිටම රට තුළ අමුතු දේවල් සිදු විය. මුලින්ම කොළඹ ස්විට්සර්ලන්ත තානාපති කාර්යාලයේ සේවය කරන කාන්තාවක් පැහැරගෙන ගොස් පහරදුන් බවට චෝදනාවක් මගේ ආණ්ඩුවට එල්ල විය. එය සම්පූර්ණ බොරුවක් බව ඉක්මනින්ම හෙළි විය. තානාපති කාර්යාලයක සුළු රැකියාවක් කරන පුද්ගලයකු කුමක් හෝ බලගතු පාර්ශ්වයක අනුග්‍රහය සහිතව මිස එවැනි බොරු රඟපෑමක් තනිව සැලසුම් කරාවි යැයි සිතන්නට අපහසුය. කෝවිඩ් – 19 වසංගතය අවසන් වනතුරු බලා සිටිය නොහැකි බවත්, අවුරුදු විසි ගණනක් මුළුල්ලේ පැවැති වැටුප් විෂමතා සඳහා වහාම සහන අවශ්‍ය බවත් පවසමින් ගුරුවරු වැඩ වර්ජනයක් ආරම්භ කළහ. ඉන් පසු රට පුරා ගෑස් පිපිරීම් ඇති විය. ඉන් පසු එරොෆ්ලොට් ගුවන් යානයක් ලංකාවේ දී රඳවා ගනු ලබන්නේ රුසියාව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සංචාරක ව්‍යාපාරයේ පුනර්ජීවනය සඳහා විශාල දායකත්වයක් ලබාදෙමින් සිටි අවස්ථාවකය. තනි සිද්ධීන් ලෙස හෝ සිද්ධිදාමයක් ලෙස ගත්ත ද, මේ කිසිවක් අහඹු සිදුවීම් විය නොහැක.”

තමා බලයට පත්වීමට බලපෑ ප්‍රධාන හේතු තුන තම ඉල්ලා අස්වීම නිසා අදත් නොවිසඳී පවතී. එනම් සිංහලයන් හා සිංහල බෞද්ධයන් තම රට තුළම අවමානයට ලක් වී දෙවන පෙළට වැටී තිබීම, රටේ ණය ගැතිභාවය හා ආර්ථික පිරිහීම, ජාතික ආරක්‍ෂාව බිඳවැටීම එම කරුණු 3යි. මෙම නොවිසිඳුණු ගැටලු අනාගතයේ වෙනත් නායකයකුට විසඳීමට සිදුවනු ඇත. මගේ බලවත් ප්‍රාර්ථනාව ශ්‍රී ලංකාව මෙම නායකයා සොයාගනු ඇතිය යන්නය යැයි රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා තම කෘතිය සමාප්ත කර තිබේ.

එකල ගන්නා ලද ආර්ථික විසඳුම් ගණනාවක් ගැන ද එහි රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා විස්තර කර තිබේ.

හේමන්ත රන්දුණු
– Divaina

Sri Lanka juggles support for Palestinian cause while deepening ties with Israel

March 8th, 2024

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, March 08 (Daily Mirror) – Sri Lanka is navigating a delicate balance between its support for the two-state solution in Palestine and its efforts to strengthen ties with Israel, as evidenced by recent developments such as the opening of a Honorary Consulate in Haifa , participation in Red Sea operations and opening a fund for children affected by the conflict in Gaza .

The government always articulates Sri Lanka’s traditional stand on the two – state solution to the Palestinian issue , and at the same time, seeks to enhance ties with Israel .

President Ranil Wickremesinghe recently convened a meeting at the Presidential Secretariat with the Ambassadors from ten Middle Eastern nations. Throughout the discussions, the President reemphasized Sri Lanka’s unwavering commitment to the two-state solution in Palestine.

At the same time , Sri Lanka announced its participation in the Red Sea operations to counter Houthi attacks , a move disliked by the envoys of West Asian countries .

Sri Lanka has taken yet another step in the expansion of its presence in Israel by opening the newly established Honorary Consulate of Sri Lanka for Haifa and Northern Israel The newly established Honorary Consulate of Sri Lanka in Haifa .

Haifa is the main Port City of Israel with marvelous architectural and historical heritage sites showcasing ancient history of the region. It is also the main trade and industrial park in Northern Israel, as well as a famous tourist destination due to landscape and archaeological values. Dr. Anat Bernstein-Reich, the newly appointed Honorary Consul has been working with Sri Lanka over 15 years for trade and tourism promotional activities. She is a very active member of both Israel – Asia Chamber of Commerce and Israel – Sri Lanka Chamber of Commerce. The Honorary Consulate Office is located in the Eshel Building in Haifa. For the opening ceremony a large number of business community and Government Officials participated including Ambassador Gil Haskel – Chief of State Protocol of the State of Israel, Nimal Bandara – Ambassador of Sri Lanka to the State of Israel, Ms. Michal Weiler-Tal – Director, Asia and the Pacific Division, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the State of Israel, Ms. Mor – Director, Asia and the Pacific Division, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the State of Israel, Mr. Jonathan Zadka – Director, Economic Affairs Division, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the State of Israel, Mr. Ron Malka – Chairman, Haifa Port, Mr. Gadi Tepper – Former Chairman, Arkia Airlines, Ms. Anat Bernstein-Reich – Honorary Consul of Sri Lanka for Haifa, Mr. Shachar Ziv – Chairman, BDO Group, Mr. Moshe Bernstein, Mr. Shmuel Kenigsberg – Israel–Sri Lanka Chamber of Commerce, Mr. Moshe Mano – Honorary Consul of Russia, Mr. Shmulik Vatenstein – CEO, Haifa Chamber of Commerce, Ms. Liron Urman – CEO, Israel–Asia Chamber of Commerce, Ms. Adva Balmas – BDO Haifa, Mr. Yaron Peled – BDO Consulting, members of the Sri Lankan community in Haifa and Embassy Officials. There are around 2,000 Sri Lankan migrant workers living in Haifa and the Northern area of Israel. Haifa is the centre for Jewish culture which showcases the world regarding the historical value of the surrounding area. Also, it is a well established Technical and IT Hub in Israel. Embassy of Sri Lanka Tel Aviv, Israel 04 March, 2024, a statement from the Sri Lankan mission in Tel Avi said .

Govt. planning to implement cluster education system by amalgamating multiple schools

March 8th, 2024

Courtesy Adaderana

The Presidential Scholarship” program proposed by President Ranil Wickremesinghe holds immense potential to provide crucial assistance to economically disadvantaged students, says State Minister for Education Aravindh Kumar.

This initiative is geared towards supporting 100,000 students during the 2024/2025 academic year, he added.

The state minister expressed confidence that this program would play a pivotal role in facilitating the successful completion of education for these students.

Moreover, Kumar emphasized plans to establish 20 Zonal Education Offices as part of ongoing education reforms. These offices are envisioned to play a pivotal role in implementing future educational initiatives and ensuring the efficient administration of educational policies.

He shared these views during the media briefing at the Presidential Media Centre (PMC) today.

He also unveiled the government’s intentions to implement a cluster education system by amalgamating multiple schools in a bid to further boost the quality of school education. Additionally, recruitment drives will be initiated to fill teacher and principal vacancies, ensuring adequate staffing and effective administration in schools.


State Minister for Education Arvindh Kumar further commented:

The ‘Presidential Scholarship’ program proposed for 2024/2025 is a commendable initiative aimed at providing crucial support to economically disadvantaged school children to ensure the successful completion of their education.

Spearheaded by President Ranil Wickremesinghe, this program underscores our government’s commitment to addressing the economic challenges facing families and safeguarding children’s educational opportunities.

We firmly believe that financial constraints should not hinder talented students from pursuing their education.

Therefore, this scholarship program seeks to alleviate financial burdens and enable deserving students to continue their academic pursuits.

In addition to addressing financial barriers, the government is dedicated to implementing comprehensive education reforms. One significant reform entails advancing the General Certificate of Education Advanced Level exam to Grade 12, preceding Grade 13, and advancing the General Certificate of Education Ordinary Level exam, currently held in Grade 11, to Grade 10. This strategic move aims to expedite university entrance for students, enabling them to enter the workforce at a younger age upon graduation.

Furthermore, we are poised to introduce a Pre-Grade” program before Grade One, recognizing the cognitive abilities of today’s children and their rapid learning potential. Moreover, as part of enhancing the education sector, we plan to increase the number of zonal education offices from around 100 to 120, facilitating better governance and oversight.

To further elevate the quality of school education, we intend to implement a cluster education system by amalgamating multiple schools. Additionally, recruitment drives will be initiated to fill teacher and principal vacancies, ensuring adequate staffing and effective administration in schools.

These comprehensive reforms underscore our unwavering commitment to nurturing a robust education system that empowers every child to realize their full potential and contribute meaningfully to society.”


–PMD

SLPP Leaders express concerns over supporting President Wickremesinghe in potential Presidential bid (Video)

March 8th, 2024

Courtesy Hiru News

In a recent development, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna leader and former president Mahinda Rajapaksa, along with national organizer Basil Rajapaksa, have raised significant reservations regarding their party’s potential support for current president Ranil Wickremesinghe should he choose to contest the upcoming presidential election.

These concerns were reportedly voiced during a discussion held with President Wickremesinghe on the night of the 7th March. The meeting also included Sagala Ratnayake, Senior Adviser to the President on National Security, representing the President.

The purpose of the discussion was to ascertain the stance of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna party in the event of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s candidacy in the presidential race.

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and former Minister Basil Rajapaksa highlighted discrepancies between the President’s positions and those of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, particularly regarding issues such as the privatization of national resources and the devolution of power. They expressed that such disparities posed challenges to extending support for the President

.Furthermore, they brought attention to a perceived lack of confidence among their party’s MPs regarding the fair allocation of ministerial positions following a potential victory. Despite their party’s representatives contributing to Ranil Wickremesinghe’s previous electoral success, doubts lingered among the MPs regarding equitable treatment.

The leaders of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna also referenced past instances of what they considered injustice towards their MPs during both the tenure of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the current administration. They pointed out that many district leaders within their party still lacked ministerial positions.

Former Minister Basil Rajapaksa emphasized the ineffectiveness of individual meetings between their MPs and Ranil Wickremesinghe as a method of expressing support. He dismissed the notion that MPs from the Samagi Jana Balavegaya party would join them.

In response, President Wickremesinghe assured that granting powers, aside from police powers, to provincial councils posed no issue. However, he maintained that the ongoing proceedings with the International Monetary Fund, limited the scope for altering the policy of privatizing public institutions.

Despite these reservations, former Minister Basil Rajapaksa conveyed that should the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna decide to support Ranil Wickremesinghe in the presidential election, he would commit to backing the effort, much like he did for the victories of Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

‘ඉන්දියානු ආක්‍රමණයේ මාර්ග සිතියම… එට්කා අවසන් සැතපුම’ කෘතිය ජනගත කිරීම මාර්තු 12 දා පුස්තකාල හා ප්‍රලේඛන සේවා ශ්‍රවණාගාරයේ දී

March 7th, 2024

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

‘ඉන්දියානු ආක්‍රමණයේ මාර්ග සිතියම… එට්කා අවසන් සැතපුම’ කෘතිය ජනගත කිරීම මාර්තු 12 දා සවස 3.15 ට කොළඹ 7 නිදහස් චතුරසුයේ පිහිටි පුස්තකාල හා ප්‍රලේඛන සේවා ශ්‍රවණාගාරයේ දී පැවැත් වේ.

මෙහි මුලසුන මහාචාර්ය පූජ්‍ය මැදගොඩ අභයතිස්ස හිමි සහ ආචාර්ය ගුණදාස අමරසේකර මහතා විසින් දරනු ලබන අතර, ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ නීතිඥ කල්‍යානන්ද තිරාණගම, දේශහිතෛෂී ජාතික ව්‍යාපාරයේ මහ ලේකම් වෛද්‍ය වසන්ත බණ්ඩාර, වෘත්තිකයන්ගේ ජාතික පෙරමුණේ සභාපති ඉන්ජිනේරු කපිල පෙරේරා, පෙරටුගාමී සමාජවාදී පක්ෂයේ අධ්‍යාපන ලෙකම් පුබුදු ජයගොඩ, දෙවන පරපුරේ නායක උවිඳු විජේවීර, ජාතික ගොවිජන එකමුතුවේ අනුරාධ තෙන්නකෝන් යන මහත්වරුන් විශේෂ දේශන පවත්වනු ලබයි.

2024-03-07

Deputy Chief of OMIC – China meets Defence Secretary

March 7th, 2024

Ministry of Defence  – Media Centre

Deputy Chief of the Office for International Military Cooperation (OMIC) of the Central Military Commission (CMC) of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Major General Zhang Baoqun met Defence Secretary General Kamal Gunaratne at the Defence Headquarters Complex, Sri Jayewardenepura, Kotte today (Mar 07).

Extending a warm welcome to the Chinese delegation, Gen. Gunaratne expressed his sincere gratitude to Maj. Gen. Baoqun for the Chinese assistance in multiple spheres including defence cooperation.

Maj. Gen. Baoqun recalled the long-standing friendship between China and Sri Lanka, which dates back to many centuries to the arrival of the Chinese Buddhist monk Faxian (Fa-Hien) to the island, which was then one of the most flourishing centres of Buddhism. Further, he also recalled the Ceylon-China Trade Agreement of 1952, also known as the Rubber-Rice Pact which had longstanding economic benefit to both countries.

 The meeting provided a platform for both dignitaries to exchange perspectives on prevalent regional security challenges and explore avenues for joint initiatives on enhancing maritime security collaborations on mutual ground.

Maj. Gen. Baoqun highly appreciated the efforts taken by the Sri Lankan government to maintain military-to-military cooperation and highlighted the importance of further enhancing existing goodwill and friendship. He further stated that the Chinese government is looking forward to continuing the support in terms of military assistance in the future as well.

The meeting concluded with the sharing of souvenirs to mark the occasion.  Acting Additional Secretary (Defence) Harsha Vithanaarachchi, Military Liaison Officer Maj. Gen. Dhammika Welagedara and senior tri forces officers joined the Defence Secretary at the discussion.

SRI LANKA: Sharing basic documents relating to the issue of Rule under Section 42(2) of the Judicature Act by the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka against Mr. Nagananda Kodituwakku Attorney-at-law on 29th February 2024

March 7th, 2024

PRESS RELEASE The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC)  Hong Kong, March 07, 2024 

As there is a curiosity on the part of many persons and organizations about the Rule issued against Mr Nagananda Kodituwakku Attorney-at-law by the Supreme Court we are sharing the basic documents that provide the essential information about this case. The Rule was made under Judicature act 42(2) while ordering removal of Mr Nagananda Kodituwakku the office of Attorney-at-Law. Further, he is restrained from filing public interest litigation in his personal capacity.

A list of documents contained in this file is as follows.

a.      Section 42(2) of the Judicature Act, which is the basis on which this Show Cause Notice was issued on Mr Nagananda Kodituwakku 

b.      A copy of the show cause notice issue on 27th February 20217 

c.      The Judgment of the Supreme Court dated 29th February 2024 

d.      Objections taken up to the alleged charges by the Respondent Nagananda Kodituwakku by way of written submission in reply to the Representiave of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka and also Hon. Attorney General 

All these documents are contained at the following link.

# # #The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) works towards the radical rethinking and fundamental redesigning o

Mr.-Naganandas-Case.pdf (humanrights.asia)

පරාටේ නීතිය අත්හිටුවීමේ කැබිනට් තීරණය වහාම ක්‍රියාත්මක කරනවා  – අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී සහතික වෙයි

March 7th, 2024

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සභානායක කාර්යාලය

අවශ්‍ය සංශෝධන පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කරන තුරු, පරාටේ නීතිය අත්හිටුවීමේ කැබිනට් තීරණය වහාම ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට කටයුතු කරන බව අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී 2024.03.07 දින සහතික විය. බැංකු අංශයේ තිබෙන බේරුම්කරණ කමිටුව ක්‍රියාත්මක තත්වයට පත්කළ යුතු බවද ඔහු අවධාරණය කළේය.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා මෙම අදහස් පළ කළේ, පවතින පරාටේ නීතිය යටතේ ජනතාවගේ ඉඩම් ඇතුළු දේපළ වෙන්දේසි කිරීමට වාණිජ බැංකු කටයුතු කරමින් සිටින බවත්, එය වැළක්වීමට ආණ්ඩුව මැදිහත් විය යුතු බවත් සඳහන් කරමින්, විපක්ෂ නායකවරයා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී මතු කළ ප්‍රශ්නයකට පිළිතුරු දෙමිනි.

අගමැති දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා මෙසේද කීය.

 “ගරු කතානායකතුමනි, Hon. Leader of the opposition asked the question very clearly will give the assurance. අද  දින රාජ්‍ය ඇමතිතුමා සහභාගි වෙලා නෑ හදිසි කාරණාවකට මූල්‍යමය සාකච්ඡාවකට කැඳවලා තිබෙන බව දැනුම් දීලා තිබෙනවා. නමුත් විපක්ෂ නායකතුමා කලින් කීප වතාවක් මේ ප්‍රශ්නය ගත්තා. මම සම්පූර්ණයෙන් එකඟයි මේ පරාටේ execution law එක. මේ පසුගිය අවුරුදු ගණනාවක් තුළ කීප වාරයක් සංශෝධනය කරලා තිබෙනවා. කියවා බැලුවොත් මම හිතන්නෙ ඔබතුමත් කියවලා බලලා තිබෙනවා වසර දහයෙන් දහයට සංශෝධනය කරලා තිබෙනවා. පළවෙනියෙන් ගෙනාපු සීමාව දැන් කීප වතාවක් වැඩි කරලා තිබෙනවා. එයින් අදහස් කරන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව මේ කටයුතු කරලා තිබෙන්නේ මේ පිළිබඳව ප්‍රශ්නයෙන් ගැඹුරෙන් අවධානයට යොමු නොකර වෙන්නත් පුළුවන් මේක සම්බන්ධ කරලා තිබෙන්නේ. ඒ නිසා අපි කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයද ජනාධිපතිතුමා ඉතා පැහැදිලිව මුදල් අමාත්‍යතුමා හැටියට තීරණය කරා මේක කල්දාන්න ඒ අතරතුර වහාම සංශෝධනයක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ගේන්න. So, I give you the assurance what you are requested will inclement.”

…………

“මේ කියන දේ තමයි අපි සාකච්ඡා කරලා කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයේ පැමිණි එකඟතාවය. ඒ අනුව මෙය තාවකාලික අත්හිටුවන්න මාස කිහිපයකට තීරණයක් අරන් තියෙනවා. ඒක කියාත්මක කිරීමට උදාවෙනවා.”

…………..

මම ඉරාන් වික්‍රමරත්න මන්ත්‍රීතුමා නැගිට්ට නිසා අහනවා පරාටේ execution law එක Amend කරලා Banking act  එක දැන්  තුන් වාරයක් පමණ ඔබ හිටපු මුදල් අමාත්‍යංශය හැටියටත් Amend කළා මේ තත්ත්වය. මේ සීමාවන් වැඩි කරමින් යනවා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව. ඒ කියන්නේ එහෙම නැත්නම් ලක්ෂ එකට වැඩිය යන්න බැහැ. තියෙනවද ? මම දන්නවා ඔබතුමා ගැඹුරින් මේක අධ්‍යයනය කරලා තිබෙන බව. දෙවැන්න මධ්‍යම බැංකුවේ ඒ ආකාරය සාකච්ඡා මාර්ගයෙන්. There is a special Arbitration committee in the banking sector that sits. That a not been functioning or being consultant by the banking sector. So we should address them also. Becauise that provision is there which are nor being  used. Formally is was used. ඒ නිසා මෙවැනි දේ වහාම බලලා අපි මැදිහත්වෙන්නට ඕන පාර්ලිමේන්තුව හැටියට කියන එකත් මම කියන්නට ඕන මොකද මුදල් කොමිටි වලටත් මේ බලතල තිබෙනවා ගෙන්වා මැදිහත් කරවා ගැනීමට. I will send you the details I just got this last ** “

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(පරාටේ නීතිය – යම් දේපළක් බැංකුවට උකස් කර ණය මුදලක් ලබා ගත්විට, කුමන හෝ හේතුවක් මත ඔබට ඒ ණය මුදල සහ ඊට අදාළ පොලී මුදල නියමිත කාලවකවානුවේදී ගෙවීමට නොහැකි වුවහොත් හා ගෙවීම දිගින් දිගට ම පැහැරහැරියොත්, අධිකරණ ක්‍රියාවලියකින් තොරව ණය අය කරගැනීම සඳහා බැංකු වෙත බලයක් ලබාදී ඇති අතර, එහිදී බැංකුවට උකස් කළ දේපළ ප්‍රසිද්ධ වෙන්දේසියකදී විකුණා එයින්,  අය විය යුතු ණය හා පොලී මුදල අය කරගැනීමට හැකියාව ලැබෙන නිතිය, පරාටේ නීතිය යනුවෙන් සරලව හැඳින්විය හැකියි.)

BUDDHIST VIHARAS AND EELAM Part 16C.

March 7th, 2024

KAMALIKA PIERIS

 It is the bhikkhus who single handedly looked after neglected   Buddhist viharas whenever Buddhism was suppressed and lacked state support. They deserve special mention.

Bhikkhus looked after neglected viharas during the British administration. Ven.Dambagalle Ratanapala took up residence at Malayadi kanda vihara in 1912.  The stupa at Bellagama Raja Maha vihara was renovated in 1916 by Aralupitiye Sobhita.

A Sinhala monk” had discovered the ruins at Seruwila Mangala Viharaya in 1922, moaned the Tamil Separatist Movement. At the time, the area was inhabited by Tamils, Muslims and Veddahs. The vihara was rebuilt in 1930. The stupa and its surroundings, including several monuments, cover approximately 85 acres and it was declared as an Archaeological Reserve in 1962. 

Ven. Kudakongaskade Wimalagnana went to Tantirimale and started the restoration of Tantirimale vihara around 1962, with the support of the GA, Anuradhapura. The young priest proved to be a brave and courageous innovator, recalled   UB Wijekoon. He carried out   a well thought out programme for the development of the whole Tanthirimale area.

Bhikkhus knew that ancient” Hindu kovils built in British times, were trying to oust Buddhist temples. In August 1968, a group of prominent Hindus representing several Hindu organizations wrote to Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake requesting that Fort Fredrick area be declared a sacred area on account of the historic Koneswaran Temple being located there. The appointment of the committee on ‘Declaration of Fort Fredrick of Trincomalee, a Sacred Area’ was gazetted on 27 August 1968.  

On 30 August the Ven. Mangalle Dharmakirti and   Ven.Dambagasare Sumedhankara of Tammankaduwe lodged a protest with Prime Minister Senanayake. They said that with Koneswaram becoming a sacred area, an ancient place of Buddhist worship” would get into the hands of those who are neither Sinhalese nor Buddhists”.  Widespread agitation was threatened if the project was not shelved immediately.  Prime Minister vehemently denied that Fort Fredrick area was going to be declared a Hindu sacred area. Fort Fredrick was under the Defence Ministry, he said. 

Ven. Ellawala Medhananda provided information on the bhikkhus who bravely went into the Eastern Province during the Eelam war (1983-2009) and tried to look after the Buddhist temples there.  Bhikkhus tried to save these Buddhist ruins by setting up avasa on the premises. 

Medhananda met several lone bhikkhus who were trying to look after these Buddhist temples in the east. Most of them gave up and left after some time, but the resident monk at the Neelapola temple, stayed in the area throughout the war and encouraged his followers also to stay.

When I visited Veheragama in 1986 , there was one priest, Baddegama Chandavimala residing there, with much difficulty. He was   reestablishing the shrine. He started a daham pasala, said Medhananda. I visited Bollagama Raja maha vihara in 2011. This vihara had no support, the villagers were too poor. Despite this,   Kekirihene Seelavansa is keeping the temple going.  

Pallegalauda Mettananda set up an awasa in 1991 at Kuda Sigiriya .  At Namalu vihara (near Heda oya, on boundary of Ampara and Moneragala) a monk had settled by the stupa in a small hut.  A monk has settled at Maha kachcha kodiya vihara, Vavuniya and was struggling to survive, continued Medhananda.

When monks try to settle in the Eastern Province, they are harassed and they run away, said Medhananda. At Niyaguna kanda vihara in Ampara a monk had taken up abode in a Lena and the villagers were looking after him, now he is not there. onks had set up an avasa at Girikurumbika vihara, but now there is nothing. There was a monk at Kopavela vihara. He was a teacher at Serankada Vidyalaya. He has left, concluded Medhananda. A monk had once tried to live at Budu patum Kande. 

Bhikkhus moved into the temples in the north and east when the Eelam war ended in 2009. They revived neglected temples. The Seruwila Mangala Viharaya was re-opened in 2009. They built new temples such as Tissa Vihara in Kankesanturai.

The Tamil Separatist Movement strongly opposed the arrival of these bhikkhus into the north and east. Some overzealous Buddhist monks want to construct Buddhist temples in state land under the ruse the land is a Buddhist archaeological site, the Tamil Separatist Movement complained.  Due to this Tamil threat settler bhikkhus   had to be alert, militant and when necessary, aggressive.   

Ven. Panamure Tilkawansa, from Hambantota, dominated the Buddhist scene at Arisimale and Tiriyaya. Ven. Tilakawansa was chief prelate for the Northern and Eastern provinces, chief Sanganayake of Tamankaduwa division, and chief incumbent of Arisimale temple. Ven. Tilakawansa was also controlling Tiriyaya, complained TNA.

Arisimale is about    50 kms north of Trincomalee    south of Pulmoddai town. In early 1980 there was an Arisimale vihara lying close to the beach with 500 acres of land. A small farming community of Buddhists had been living here who supported the temple. LTTE killed them or they moved out.  The   bhikkhu also moved out and now this is a Muslim colony, reported Daily News in 2017.

Tilakawanse is behind the establishment of the Buddhist temples and Sinhala settlements in the region said Tamil Separatist Movement. Tilakawansa has built a new temple at Arisimale with an adjoining retreat, called Asiri Kanda Purana Rajamaha Viharaya on top of a hillock overlooking the beach. Access to the site is controlled by a Navy camp. The temple was constructed after claims that Buddhist artifacts were found, resulting in the government giving 500 acres for the temple in the early 80s, said Tamil Separatist Movement The temple is Located in a majority-Muslim and entirely Tamil speaking area.

The presence of Ven.Tilakawansa in Arisimale, coupled with his aggressive, expansionist policies that extend beyond Pulmoddai,   has alarmed the local community, Tamil Separatist Movement said. Tilakawansa is currently engaged in appropriating land in Pulmoddai and Thennaimaravaadi for the purpose of constructing Buddhist structures. Tilakawansa had in his turn, complained about local people encroaching on temple land, and demanded more protection for the area in 2018.

District Secretary Pushpakumara Nissanka said that the Arisimale Temple has been requesting 500 more acres to be given to the temple premises, and that they decided to grant 25 acres under the religious lands act, while declaring 500 acres as an Archaeological Forest reserve.

A Buddhist priest from Anuradhapura, Ven.Tissapura Gunaratana has started constructing a temple, Sambodhi Vihara  ,in the Kokkalai region,  on a piece of property owned by local Tamils, complained Tamilnet in 2011 and again in 2015.

Ven.Tissapura Gunaratana had in 2012 got a surveyor from Maharagama to survey three acres, with the ‘approval’ of the Divisional Secretary C Dayananda, and started to construct a temple, with the help of the army, Tamilnet said. However, the property was private land owned by local Tamils, said Tamilnet   and the project has displaced at least five families. Tamilnet is not sure how many.

The owners demonstrated, in June 2015, demanding back their lands. Land Registry officials inspected their land deeds and instructed the Divisional Secretary to issue an interim ban on the construction activities of the vihara. There is also a court case pending verdict on the land dispute, added Tamilnet.

Mullaitivu District Secretariat issued an interim order    not to proceed with the construction of the ‘Sri Sambodhi Vihara’ until the dispute is solved. The interim order was ignored.

Ven.Tissapura is adamant that he will build the temple. He has offered money to buy the premises but the owners do not want to sell. This is their family land and they want to stay here.”  reported the media.  Tissapura said that TNA Provincial Councilor Raviharan had also threatened him, stop developing the temple and vacate the area. 

Ven. Tissapura has plans for Sambodhi. The vihara premises will contain a Buddha statue, dharmasala, poya Ge, a two-storied Sangharamaya, a lotus pond   and a 10 meter high stupa. A welfare area’, is also planned with a multi-purpose building, a vocational training centre and a 100 perch model farm to introduce agriculture to fisheries-dependent settlers. A tube well was dug at Sambodhi premises and the public come there for fresh water. A pinthaliya was provided for them.

The five floor multi-purpose building will have a nursery, refectory, library and other facilities. The vocational training centre is to cater the adult women and men. It will be housing a sewing centre for the settling women, a yoghurt production unit, Diveneguma-assisted carpentry and welding workshop and a fertilizer manufacturing plant.

Tamilnet complained in 2018 that Ven. Tissapura was also building another Buddhist temple nearby. Land belonging to the post office, the base hospital, a Hindu temple and a public road have been taken for the temple, said Tamilnet. The monk is planning to convert the Sinhala Catholics into Buddhism and raise a new generation of Sinhala occupiers of the north, moaned Tamilnet.

There are several militant monks in the Eastern Province today. They have turned militant because of the opposition they are facing from the Tamil Separatist Movement and the conviction that unless the Sangha took action, Buddhism will disappear from the north east of Sri Lanka.

In August 2023, Eastern Province Governor Senthil Thondaman directed authorities to prevent any illegal construction of Buddhist shrines in Trincomalee area. The authorities promptly imposed a ban on the work going on at Boralukande Rajamaha Viharaya in Trincomalee.  Enraged Buddhist monks protested against this. They   demonstrated before the Secretariat, they lay down on the road; they stormed a meeting Thondaman was chairing and demanded that he revoke the order.

Buddhist monks, led by Ampitiye Seelavamsa Tissa, head of Boralukanda vihara accompanied by Morawewa Indraramadhika and Polhengoda Uparatana forcibly entered the District Secretariat, and disrupted the District development meeting that was in progress.

Seelawamsa sat down on the edge of the platform and refused to budge till he got the letter, to the open delight of those watching. The Regional Secretary revoked the earlier order. The letter was triumphantly displayed to television cameras. This whole episode was shown on television news.

Ampitiye Sumanaratana of Mangalarama, Batticaloa is easily the   best known militant monk in the east today. He has angered the Tamil Separatist Movement. They tried to kill him, but the bullet went elsewhere.

 Sumanthiran wrote to IGP in October 2023, saying that Mangalaramaya Ampitiya Sumana has repeatedly attacked TNA Batticaloa District MP Shanakiyan Rasamanickam and has also gone on to explicitly threaten all the Tamils living in the south, stating that he will cut them to pieces,” why  has the police not arrested him.

Ampitiye Sumanaratana is the most outspoken of the bhikkhus working in the east.He is very unlike the sedate monks we are used to seeing. But through him we can see what it is like to   maintain a Buddhist vihara in a hostile, Tamil dominated environment. He shows us the difficulties these bhikkhus have to face.

He said that it is very difficult to administer a temple in a Tamil dominated area. There is no one to help. He needs a tractor for his agriculture. The Muslims have tractors but they will not lend them to us,” he said.

Ampitiye has his own You Tube channel https://www.youtube.com/@VenAmpitiyeSumanarathanaThero. This channel has a string of videos, where he can be seen scolding Tamil police, Tamil residents, Tamil MPs, Christian evangelists. He scolds in strong language, he hits out and he also weeps.  Videos of angry outbursts by him have gone viral in the past.

Special mention must be made of the video on 25.10.23. https://youtu.be/tu0cZ0CUtD8 . This also went on evening news. The Buddhist section of the Batticaloa Jayanthipura cemetery was bulldozed taking with it the grave of Ampitiye Sumana’s mother. The bhikkhu said that this section of the cemetery was deliberately destroyed by the Municipality on the order of Tamil MP Rasamanickam. This   video went viral on social media.

He was very emotional in his video. This is the first time I have seen such a strong emotional protest by a bhikkhu.Come and see”, he said. Rasamanickam, Tamil separatists and Diaspora are all talking of their Rights. We, on the other hand, have no one to defend us. The Police hit us, Tigers hit us, everybody hits us, only us, he said. Come and see”. (Continued)

The Conspiracy to oust me from the Presidency

March 7th, 2024

Gotabaya Rajapaksa Seventh Executive President of Sri Lanka MEDIA RELEASE

I wish to announce the publication of my book titled The conspiracy to oust me from the Presidency”. Foreign intervention has weighed heavily on Sri Lanka since we won the war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in 2009. From the time I was elected President in November 2019, certain foreign and local parties were intent on removing me from power. The entirety of my two and a half year tenure in power was spent combating the Covid-19 pandemic that swept through Sri Lanka and the whole world soon after I took office. Conspiratorial forces commenced the political campaign to oust me from the presidency at the end of March 2022 after the pandemic had been brought under control and the vaccination campaign had been concluded and just when the economy was beginning to recover.

Today, foreign intervention and the manipulation of internal politics has become a fact of life in Sri Lanka in a manner never experienced in the first sixty years of independence of this country. The political campaign to oust me brought in a new element into the politics of Sri Lanka which has since independence experienced only peaceful transfers of power following elections. As such the events of 2022 are fraught with serious implications for the future of this country. What this book explains is the first hand experience of an internationally sponsored regime change operation. As such I believe this book will be of interest not only to Sri Lankans but also to foreigners. My book will be available in both English and Sinhala at leading book stores from tomorrow Thursday the 7th of March 2024.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa

Seventh Executive President of Sri Lanka

රටක සුප්‍රීම් උසාවියක්, අල්ලා ගත් කොටිවලිගයක්! (A Supreme Court’s nemesis: Nagananda Kodituwakku)

March 7th, 2024

චන්ද්‍රසිරි විජයවික්‍රම, LL.B., Ph.D

මේ මොන තීන්දුවක්ද මට දැනුම් දීලවත් නෑ | නාගානන්ද කොඩිතුවක්කු | #short (youtube.com)

අන්ධ, නීතියේ දෙවඟන හා අන්ධ <සමහර>, පූසාරියෝ

ලෝකයේ ඇන්ග්ලෝ-ඇමෙරිකන් නීති ක්‍රමය පවතින රටවල් අතර ලංකාවේ සුප්‍රීම් උසාවියේ නඩුකාරවරුන් තුන් දෙනෙකු විසින් අල්ලාගත් කොටිවලිගයක් වශයෙන් නාගානන්ද කොඩිතුවක්කු (NK) මහතාගේ නීතිඥ ලැයිසම අහෝසිකිරීම පෙන්වාදිය හැකිය. ලංකාවේ තිබෙනවායයි කියන (බොරු) ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය හා (බොරු) නීතියේ ආධිපත්‍යය යන කතා ඉදිරියේ, උසාවි වලත් ලෝභ-ද්වේෂ-මානයෙන් පිරි පංචස්කන්ධ සිටින්නට හොඳටම ඉඩතිබෙන බව NK පිළිඹඳව සුප්‍රීම් උසාවියේ නඩුකාරයින් තුන් දෙනෙක් විසින්  ගත් තීරණයෙන් මොනවට පැහැදිලිවේ.

මෙම තීරණය අසාධාරණ (unjust/unreasonable), හිතුවක්කාර (arbitrary), ප්‍රතිවිරුද්ධ දෙපාර්ශයක් අතර සිදුවන ද්වන්ධ සටනක් ලෙස සිදු නොවූ (adversarial), නඩු විධිවිධාන සංග්‍රහ පටිපාටියට (procedural justice?) අනුකූලව සිදු නොවූ, හා ස්වාභාවික යුක්ති මූලධර්ම (principles of natural justice) අමු අමුවේම කඩා දමමින් දුන් කැකිල්ලේ රජ්ජුරුවන්ගේ වැඩක් ලෙස, ලංකාවේ උසාවි ක්‍රමය ජාත්‍යන්තරයේ හෑල්ලුවට ලක්වන්නක් බව ඉතාමත් සරල ලෙස සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් සටහන් කිරීම නීති විද්‍යාව පිළිඹඳව යම්තම් හෝ දැණුමක් ඇති ලාංකිකයින්ගේ වගකීමකි, යුතුකමකි. ලංකාවේ සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් කතාවට දොස්තර වෘත්තිය මෙන්ම නීතීඥ වෘත්තියද අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම ඇතුලත් වන මෙහිදී අමතක නොකල යුතු කරුණකි.

S.B.දිසානායක/රංජන් රාමනායක හා NK

උසාවියට අපහාස කරණවා යන බිල්ලෙක් ඉදිරියට දමා පුරවැසියෙකුට යම් අසාධාරණ උසාවි තීරණයක් පිළිඹඳව උසාවියටම චෝදනාවක් (නඩුකරයක්) ඉදිරිපත්  කිරීමට හෝ ඒ පිළිඹඳව යම් යුටියුබ් නාලිකාවක සාකච්චා කිරීමට හෝ අපක්ෂපාත විග්‍රයක් කිරීමට ඉඩක් නැත්නම්, ඒ රට බෞද්ධ රාජ්‍යයක්/සමාජයක් නැති දේශයකි (Buddhist jurisprudence?). මේ සඳහා ඇමෙරිකාවේ හෝ එංගලන්තයේ හෝ ජිනීවා වලින්, නීතියේ ආධිපත්‍යය, මානව අයිතිවාසිකම් වැනි බයිලා කතා වල සහායක් ලංකා ජනයාට අවශ්‍ය නැති වුවත්, ඇමෙරිකාවේ නිතරම සිදුවන දෙයක් නම් උසාවි තීරණ විග්‍රහ කරමින් පුරවැසියන්, නීති ශිෂ්‍යයින් විසින්  දීර්ග ලිපි ලිවීමය. මේවා රටටත්, නඩුකාරයින්ටත් (continuing [adult] education) බෙහෙවින් ප්‍රයෝජනවත්වේ.

නීතිඥයින්ද බාබර්ලා මෙන් සමාජයකට අත්‍යාවශ්‍යය – ගාන්ධි

නීති වෘත්තිය යනු තවත් ජාවාරමක් නොවේද යන කාරණය මට ප්‍රත්‍යක්ෂ වූයේ මා නීතිය ඉගෙන ගන්නා කාලයේදී සිටමය. මේ නිසා මා සමඟ එකට ඉගෙනගත් මගේ මිතුරා (ජෝ සිල්වා) නීති විද්‍යාලයේ අධිපති වශයෙන් වෘත්තීයෙන් ඉහළට යද්දි නිති විද්‍යා ශිෂ්‍යයෙකු ලෙස දිගටම සිටීමට මා ක්‍රියාකලේය. මෙහි ප්‍රතිඵලයක් වශයෙන් නීති ක්‍රමයේ හැසිරීම ගැන විමසා බැලිමට මගේ සිත යොමුවිය (law in book and law in action; applied law and applied geography). ලංකාවට අදාලව මා ලියු පහතින් සඳහන් කර ඇති රචනා මේ පිළිඹඳ උදාහරණ කීපයකි.

1. LankaWeb – GIGO: garbage in à garbage out à = 19th Amendment (11/30/2018)

2. LankaWeb – Six lawyers and a monk: importance of impotence (1/22/2019)

3. LankaWeb – නීතියේ ආධිපත්‍යය නමැති සෙප්පඩවිජ්ජාව (9/15/2019)

4. LankaWeb – නීති පොතේ ඇති, එහෙත් රටේ නැති, ආධිපත්‍ය දෙකකට නැසෙන සුප්‍රීම් උසාවිය (5/10/2020)

5. LankaWeb – කොරෝනාවට ගොඳුරුවීමට යන ලෝකයේ එකම සුප්‍රීම් උසාවිය?  (4/25/2020)

6. LankaWeb – Council of legal education, a black-white citadel, embraces the English panacea! Part-2 (2/2/2021)

7. Empowering law students with an English language tool
by C. Wijeyawickrema, B.A (Hons.), LL.B., M.A., Ph.D. http://www.island.lk/2008/03/19/midweek3.html

8. Applied Law and Applied geography, Operational Geographer, March 1990.

9. Teaching Law and Geography, Journal of Geography, May/June 1991

10.Geography, Environment and American Law, (co-editors) University Press of Colorado, 1997

11. ලංකාව: කළු සුද්දන්ගේ පාලන සමය, 1948-2019 (නොහොත් මන්ත්‍රී ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර (නාස් ලණු) වාදය), ප්‍රථම භාගය, නියෝ ග්‍රැෆික්ස්, නුගේගොඩ 2023

නඩුකාරයෝත් මනුෂ්‍යයෝය!

සෝවාන් හෝ සකෘදාගාමී වූ නඩුකාරවරු නැත. ඔවුන් බෞද්ධ, ක්‍රිස්තියානි, බෝන්-අගේන්, ඉස්ලාම්, හින්දු, පෙන්තකොස්ත, නිරාගමික, කොල-නිල්-කහ පක්ෂවාදීන්, මාක්ස්වාදීන් හෝ සමරිසි සංගමිකයින් හෝ වියහැකිය. එමෙන්ම ඔවුන් සිත් පිත් නැති රොබෝලාද නොවේ. දේශපාලකයින් මෙන් නීතීඥයින්ද තමන්ගේ ඇවෑමෙන් පසු තම පුතාට හෝ දුවට තම බිස්නස් එක පවරාදීමට ආශාවෙන් නොසිටීද? රොමේස් ද සිල්වා තම පුතා ජනාධිපති නීතීඥයෙක්වූ විට දැමූ පාටිය වැන්නක් දමන්නට ආශා නැති ගමකින් ගමන ආරම්භකල නඩුකාරවරයෙක් නීතීඥයෙක් රටේ ඉන්නවාද?

ඇමෙරිකන් ක්‍රමය

Clarence Thomas’ Move in Donald Trump Case ‘Stunning’: Attorney (msn.com)

පෙඩරල් ආණ්ඩුවේ නඩුකාරයින් හැරෙන විට ඇමෙරිකාවේ කවුන්ටි හා ප්‍රාන්තවල සියළුම නඩුකාරයින් පත්වන්නේ මහජන චන්දයෙන්ය. (එපමණක් නොව රටේ ඇති කවුන්ටි 4000 ක පමණ නීති නිලධාරියා [District Attorney, ලංකාවේ ඇටර්නි ජෙනරාල්ට සමාන තම දිස්ත්‍රික්කය තුල නිතිය පණගන්වන තැනැත්තා] පත්වන්නේද චන්දයෙන්ය). මෙම නඩුකාරයින් තමන්ට චන්දය දුන් මිනිසුන් උසාවියට ආ විට ඔවුන්ට යන්තම් හෝ <අනුකම්පාවක්> දක්වන්නේ නැද්ද? ඇමෙරිකන් සුප්‍රීම් උසාවියට පත්කරණ නඩුකාරයින් කවුද යන්න සෑම ජනාධිපති චන්දයකදීම ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ සාකච්චාවන කරුණකි. බුෂ්ගේ නඩුකාරයින්, ඔබාමාගේ නඩුකාරයින් යනාදී වශයෙන් ඔවුන්ව හැඳින්වේ!

මොවුන් චන්දය ඉල්ලන්නේ  ඩිමොක්‍රැටික්/රිපබ්ලිකන් පක්ෂ දෙකෙන් හෝ ස්වාධීන අපේක්ෂකයෙකු හෝ ලෙසය. අතීතයේදි ෆ්‍රැන්ක්ලින් රුසවේල්ට් ජනාධිපති සමාජ ශුභ සාධක නීති ගෙනෙන විට සුප්‍රීම් උසාවිය ඊට භාධා කලවිට උසාවියේ නඩුකාරයින් සංඛ්‍යාව වැඩිකර තම ප්‍රතිපත්ති අනුමත කරණ නඩුකාරයින් පත් කරන බවට ඔහු තර්ජනය කලේය. ඉන්දියාවේ නේරුද ආරම්භක කාලයේ මෙවැනි අර්බුදයකට මුහුණ දුන්නේය. ලංකාවේ JR කලේ සුප්‍රීම් උසාවියේ නඩුකාරයින්ගෙන් ඉල්ලා අස්වීමේ ලිපි ලබාගෙන තමන් කැමති අයට තමන් ඉදිරියේ දිවුරුම් දීමට සැලැස්වීමය. මෙසේ තනතුර අහිමිවූ එක් අයෙක් නම් ජයා පතිරණ නඩුකාරයාය.

යුක්තිය පසිඳලීමේ ක්‍රමවේදය දූෂණය කිරීම

ලංකාවේ ප්‍රථමවරට පක්ෂ දේශපාලකයෙකු සුප්‍රීම් උසාවියට පත්කලේ (1972) ෆිලික්ස් ඩයස් විසින් කුරුණෑගල ජයා පතිරණවය. ඇමෙරිකන් තානාපති කාර්යාලය හා අගමැතිවරු නඩුකාරයින් පත්කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් කල ගණුදෙණු (deals), S. L.  ගුණසේකර මහතා විසින් තම ජීවිත කතා පොතේ (Lore of the law and other memories, 2011) සඳහන් කර ඇත.

1948 න් ඇරඹුණු කළු සුද්දන්ගේ පාලන සමයේදී, විශේෂයෙන් 1972 හා 1978 ට පසු දේශපාලකයින් විසින් නඩුකාරවරුන්ට කල හිරිහැර උසාවි ක්‍රමය කෙරෙහි මහජනයා තුල ඇති විශ්වාසයට හානි කලේය. ජනාධිපති ඉදිරියේ දිවුරුම් දීමට සැලැස්වීම හා නඩුකාරයින්ගේ නිවාස ඉදිරිපිට පෙලපාලියාමට පාක්ෂිකයින් උසිගැන්වීම ආණ්ඩුවේ පැත්තෙන් සිදුවිය. එක් අග්‍ර විනිශ්චය කරුවෙක් දෝෂාභියෝගයක් ගෙන ඒමට කලින් අස්වී රටින්ද පිටවී ගියේය. තවත් අයෙක් ජනාධිපති සමඟ ජාඩියට මූඩිය මෙන් සිට අන්තිමේදී තනතුරෙන් පහකිරීමට අසුවිය. නුසුදුසු අය සුප්‍රිම් උසාවියට, අග විනිසුරු කමට පත්කරනවාට විරුද්ධව ජාත්‍යන්තරයට පෙත්සම් පවා යැවූ අවස්ථා ලංකාවටම විශේෂය.

කොසොල් රජතුමාගේ සීන දාසැය

මේ වනවිට මුළු ලංකාවම කොසොල් රජතුමාගේ සීන දාසැය පෙන්වන රඟහලක් කෝලම් මඩුවක්/අපායක් වැනිය. දූෂණයෙන් තොර ප්‍රාණයක් සොයා ගැනීම පටාචාරා නොමළ ගෙයකින් අබ මිටක් හොයන්නට යනවා වැනිය. මෙහිදී නඩුකාර වෘත්තියට අල්ලස් දෙන්නේ දේශපාලකයාය. ඒ ඔවුන්ට විශ්‍රාම ගිය විට තානාපතිකම් වැනි  දේ දෙමින්ය. ඊට අමතරව දෙන වෙනත් සන්තෝසම් (perks) ක්‍රම එමටය. ශ්‍රී පවන් අගවිනිසුරු විශ්‍රාම ගියවිට බැංකුවක තනතුරක් දීමක් ගැන NK විසින් සඳහන් කර තිබුණා මට මතකය. එක්තරා වැදගත් ව්‍යවස්ථා නඩුවකදී ශ්‍රී පවන් නීතීඥ ගෝමින් දයාසිරි විසින් ඇසු ප්‍රශ්ණයකට පිළිතුරක් නොදී තම රාජකාරිය මඟහැරිය බව පසුව වාර්තාවිය. උසාවිය නිහඬයි යනුවෙන් වික්ටර් අයිවන් සැදූ චිත්‍ර පටිය හෝ සුගන්ධිකා ප්‍රනාන්දු විසින් එලිකල වෙරිවී මත්වූ නඩුකාරයාගේ හිසේ දෙහි ගාන කතා හෝ නිතර සිදුවන එහෙත් මහජනයාට දැනගන්නට නොලැබෙන කාරණය.

උසාවි දේශපාලනයට පටලවා ගැනීම

ලංකාවේ දැනට දක්නට ලැබෙන උපනතියක් නම් දේශපාලකයින් හා සිංහල බෞද්ධ විරෝධී හා දැන හෝ නොදැන රට කැඩීමට උල්පන්දම් දෙන දේශීය හා විදේශීය ngo ඇතුළු බලවේග උසාවි තීරණ වලට දේශපාලන <මුහුණුවරක්> දීමය. තම මතයට පක්ෂ යයි හිතෙන ආකාරයේ තීරණයක් දුන් විට උසාවිය වර්ණනාකිරීම හෙවත් උසාවිය තමන්ට ඇති එකම ගැලවුම්කාරයා යයි පැවසීමය. 

අධිකරණ පද්ධතියට ඇමෙරිකන් ඩොලර් බලපෑමක් තිබෙනවාය කියන අය බාර් ඇසෝසියේශන් එකට ලැබෙන ආධාර ගැන සැක උපදවන්නේය. තම රටේ අධිකරණ ක්‍රමයේ ගැටළු තිබියදී ලංකාවේ ගැටළු ගැන මැදිහත් වන්නේ ඇයිදැයි මොවුන් ප්‍රශ්ණ කරයි. නඩුකාරයින්ගේ දරුවන්ට ශිෂ්‍යත්ව දෙනවා යන චෝදනා සත්‍යද යන්න සැක සහිතය. කෙසේ වෙතත් තානාපතිවරු පවා නඩුකාරයින්ට බලපෑම් කරණ බව උදය ගම්මන්පිල විසින් වරක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී එලිකලේය.

සිංහල අරහං කොළඹ හා උතුරු නැඟෙනහිර නඩුකාරයින්

ලෝක මව් භාෂා දිනයේදී අගමැති දිනේෂ් විසින් චෝදනා කලේ 1956 දී සිංහල රාජ්‍ය භාෂාව කලත් මෙතෙක් සුප්‍රිම් උසාවිය සිංහලෙන් නඩුතීන්දුවක් ලියා නැති බවය. නීති විද්‍යාලය හා කලින් සිටි අධිකරණ ඇමති අලි සබ්‍රි, උඩ පැන පැන  ඉංග්‍රිසි භාෂාවට කරගැසීම සිංහල භාෂා ශිෂ්‍යයන්ට කරණ අසාධාරණයක් යන කරුණ වැදගත් වන්නේ ඉන් ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාව ඉගෙන ගන්නට වැඩි පහසුකම් ඇති දෙමළ හා මුස්ලිම් අපේක්ෂකයින්ට වක්‍රව ලැබෙන වාසිය නිසාය. හකීම් අධිකරණ ඇමතිව සිටියදී මුස්ලිම් ශිෂ්‍යයින්ට වාසි සහගත වන ලෙස ක්‍රියාකිරීමක් පවා එලිවුණේය.

රටින් පැනගොස් සිටින සේපාල් හා U. R. ද සිල්වා

නාගානන්දගේ (nk) ලැයිසම අහෝසිකිරීම දේශපාලනයට ඈඳාගැනීම පිළිඹඳ හොඳම නිදසුණක් සේපාල් සපයයි. Jvp එකට කඩේයන ඔහුට අනුව මෙම තීරණය ස්වභාවධර්මය විසින් nk ට දුන් දඬුවමකි. ජාතික ලැයිස්තු මගඩිය සම්භන්ධයෙන් nk උසාවියට ගියේ jvp පක්ෂයෙන් පලිගන්නට යයි සේපාල් පවසයි. ඔහු තවදුරටත් කියන්නේ උසාවි තීරණයට විරුද්ධව nk කියන කරණ දේ නිසා උසාවියට අපහාස කලා යයි හිරේ වැටෙන්නට ඉඩ ඇති බවය. ඉක්මණින් හෝ  ප්‍රමාදව නාගානන්දට මෙවැනි දෙයක් සිදුවීම බලා සිටි අයෙක් ලෙස නාගානන්ද විසින් U.R. ද සිල්වාව සළකයි. නාගානන්ද විසින් පවතින ක්‍රමය වෙනස් කිරීමට කරණ සටන, ද සිල්වාගේ දේශපාලනයට පටහැනිය. සුගන්ධිකා ප්‍රනාන්දු විසින් පෙන්වා දුන්නේ, තමන්ගේ ස්ත්‍රී මායම් යොදවා නඩු දින යනාදිය ලබාගන්නට අළුතෙන් දිවුරුම් දුන් තරුණියන්ට, බාර් ඇසෝෂියේසන් සභාපති කෙනෙක් වශයෙන්, ද සිල්වා දුන් උපදේශයය. එම තරුණියකගේ මවක් මේ කාරණය සුගන්ධිකාට වාර්තා කලේය.

ඥානසාර හිමියන්ගේ මස් රාත්තල

මිසිස් චන්ද්‍රිකා, මෛත්‍රී වික්‍රමසිංහ නෝනා, පාකියසෝති යන බොහෝ කල්ලි, ඥානසාර හාමුදුරුවන් කොටුකර ගැනීමට ක්‍රියා කල අය අතර සිටියේය. අන්තිමේදී නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව, jvp පක්ෂයේ නීතිඥ කුමාරප්පෙරුම යන පාර්ශව විසින් හෝමාගම මැජිස්ට්‍රේට් හරහා ලෝකයේ පුදුම විදියේ දඬුවමක් ඥානසාර හිමියන්ට ලබාදුන්නේය. රංජන් රාමනායකට දුන් 4 අවුරුදු දඬුවම ගැන ජීනීවා පවා ගිය සිංහල බෞද්ධ විරෝධී කල්ලි, හාමුදුරුවන්ට දුන් 19 අවුරුදු දඬුවම කෲර දඬුවමක් ලෙස නොසිතුවේය.  ඇපැල් උසාවිය හා සුප්‍රීම් උසාවිය විසින් ස්වාභාවික යුක්තිධර්ම රීති පවා කඩකරමින් හාමුදුරුවන්ට කල අසාධාරණය විග්‍රහ කරමින් 2019 දී පලකල ලිපියක් සඳහා ඉහත ලේඛණ ලැයිස්තුවේ අංක 2  ලින්ක් එකට යන්න. එපමණක් නොව අසාද් සාලි වැන්නන්ගේ පවා මැදිහත්වීමෙන් පාස්කු ප්‍රහාරයට පසුව උන්වහන්සේව හිරෙන් නිදහස් කිරීම හැර වෙන ගැලවිමක් ජනාධිපති සිරිසේනට නොතිබුණත්, ඊට විරුද්ධව පාකියසෝති විසින් පෙත්සමක් ඉදිරිපත්කර ඇත.

Subjective හා Objective යන විමර්ශන විධි (tests) ආකාර දෙකටම අනුව නීත්‍යාණුකූල නොවන ලෙස දුන් බව පැහැදිලිවම විද්‍යාමානවන <දඬුවමක්> සඳහා <සමාව දීමක්> අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ නැත.  පවතින මජර සමාජ දේශපාලන ක්‍රමයට විරුද්ධව ක්‍රියාකරණ හාමුදුරුවරුන් අතුරුදහන් වෙන ආකාරය ගැන සිතන විට ඥානසාර හිමියන් ඝාතනයකින් බේරී ඉතිරිවීම පුදුමයට කරුණකි.

නාගානන්ද කොඩිතුවක්කු භූමිකාව

පවතින දූෂිත ක්‍රමයට විරුද්ධව ක්‍රියාකිරීම නිසා පක්ෂ දේශපාලක් කළු සුද්දන්ගේ ද්වේෂයට පාත්‍රවු ඥානසාර හිමියන්ට අත්වූ ඉරණමම නාගානන්දටද අත්වුනාසේ පෙනුනත් තම නඩුවට පෙනීසිටීමට ලක්ෂ 10 ක් ඉල්ලු ප්‍රසිද්ධ නීතීඥයෙකු වැන්නකු ඉදිරියේ අසරණ වීමට ඥානසාර හිමියන්ට සිදුවූවා වැනි මානුෂීය භාධක නාගානන්දට නැත. ඔහුට කල අසාධාරණයට විරුද්ධව රටතුල නොහැකිනම් රටින් පිටින් හෝ විසඳුමක් ලබාගැනීමට හැකි පසුබිමක්, ඉතිහාස වාර්තාවක්  ඔහුට ඇත.

නාගානන්දගේ දේශපාලන මත, ගෝල්පේස් අරගලය කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් බව නොවැටහීම, බුදු දහම හා බුද්ධ-ආගම අතර ඇති බැඳීම පිළිඹඳව ඔහු නොමඟ ගොස් තිබීම යනාදියට මම එකඟ නොවෙමි. එහෙත් මහජනයා වෙනුවෙන් උසාවියට යමින් ඔහු කරණ සේවය අනුව ඔහුව සමාන කල හැක්කේ අනාගාරික ධර්මපාලතුමා වැන්නෙකුටය. ඔහු ලංකාවට ගොස් දුක්විඳින්නේ පූරුවේ පවකට යයි ඔහුගේ බිරිඳ හා දරුවන් ලන්ඩනයේ සිට සිත් සනසා ගන්නවා නිසැකය. අන්ත දූෂිත දේශපාලන-නිලධාරී ක්‍රමයක් ඉදිරියේ, ඒ නිසාම ජීවිතය බේරා ගැනීමට ආණ්ඩුව විසින්ම ලන්ඩන් යැවූ, ඔහු නැවත ලංකාවට ආවේ අවංක චේතනාවෙනි. ඔහුට සුප්‍රීම් උසාවිය සමඟ <ගැටුම්> ඇතිවූයේ, අනිකුත් රාජ්‍ය ආයතන වල (ජනාධිපති, කැබිනට්, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීන්, රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන්) ඇති දූෂණ විෂබීජය, යුක්තිය පසිඳලන ආයතන (නිදසුන් වශයෙන් පොලිසිය, බන්ධනාගාර, රස පරීක්ෂක හා උසාවි) වලටද රිංගා තිබීමය. මේවායේ ඉන්නා සෑම පංචස්කන්ධයක්ම දූෂිතයයි, රංජන් රාමනායක හෝ S.B. දිසානායක හෝ මෙන් ඔහු කියා සිටියේ නැත.

නොයෙක් භාධක මැද, සමස්ත නීතීඥ ප්‍රජාවම වාගේ ඔහුගේ ක්‍රියාකලාපය ගැන අකමැත්තෙන් සිටියදී ඔහු නොසැලී සිටීම දුර්ලභ මිනිස් ගුණයකි. අඩු තරමින් උසාවි නීතිඥ මේසයේ තමන් ලඟින් වාඩිවෙන්නට පවා මේ (කසි කබල්) නිතීඥයින් මැලිවෙන්නේ නඩුකාරයින් ඔවුන් ගැනද අවාසි සහගත ලෙස සිතන නිසා විය යුතුය.

සුප්‍රීම් උසාවියේ යම් නඩුකාරවරයෙක් හෝ තුන් දෙනෙක් විසින් දුන් බැලූබැල්මටම අනීතික බව පෙනෙන තීරණයක් නිවැරදි කිරීමේ බලය උසාවියට ඇත. මේ නිසා උසාවි පද්ධතිය කෙරෙහි ඇති මහජන විශ්වාසය කිලිටි නොවීම සඳහා මෙම නාගානන්දගේ අත් දෙක බැඳ තැබීමට ගෙන ඇති උත්සාහය අහෝසි කිරීම සුප්‍රීම් උසාවියේ යුතුකමය. මේ සඳහා කතාකරණ අයට උසාවියට අපහාස කලා යයි තර්ක ගෙන ඒම කුඩා ළමයෙක් ආකර්ෂවත් ඇඳුමක් ඇඳගෙන පෙරහැරේ යන රජුට කියූ දේ සිහිපත් කරලන්නේය.

මෙම ලිපියේ මුලින් ඇති වීඩියෝව මඟින් නාගානන්දට කල අසාධාරණය ගැන සරල අදහසක් ලබා ගත හැකිය.

Cwije77@outlook.com

Central Bank’s lowest ranking employee’s salary increased to Rs. 188,827: Prime Minister

March 7th, 2024

By AJITH SIRIWARDANA Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Parliament, March 6 (Daily Mirror)- The gross salary of the lowest ranking employee of the Central Bank, that of an Office Assistant – Grade 1, has been increased by 29.53 per cent up to Rs. 188,827, Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardane said today.


Responding to a question by SJB MP S.M. Marikkar, he told Parliament that the gross salary of the Deputy Governor has been increased by 76.97 per cent upto Rs. 1,728,419.

The Prime Minister said the Central Bank employees are entitled to housing loans, vehicle loans, welfare loans and medical facilities as well.

https://youtube.com/watch?v=RVM_V8c41Sk%3Fsi%3DvMEKw2pGyhiUcwQa

India prevented food-fuel-medicines to Nepal in 2015 – Sri Lanka doesn’t learn lessons

March 5th, 2024

Shenali D Waduge

How many are aware of the 2015 economic embargo imposed by India on Nepal simply because Nepal was including clauses in its new constitution in September 2015 that India did not like! It was the very year that US-India orchestrated a regime change to depose Mahinda Rajapakse & place on the throne a maithri yugaya headed by Maithripala Sirisena & Ranil Wickremasinghe. That yahapalana governance was designed to roll out geopolitical changes and trap Sri Lanka to the anti-China QUAD agenda. It is unfortunate that not too many are able to connect the dots & understand that the 2022 aragalaya was part of the agenda and using the bankruptcy” theme, Sri Lanka has been trapped to the US-IMF and India-Credit Lines resulting in wholesale sale of Sri Lanka’s resources, assets shrinking Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and placing it under complete control of the very nation that stopped food-fuel-medicines to Nepal & the other nation that has a serial habit of interfering and imposing its will to advance its strategic imperial goals in Asia. This is not the first time India imposed a blockade. In 1989 India did the same after Nepal bought Chinese weapons! Nepal also suffered a devastating earthquake in April 2015.

Let’s look at what India did to Nepal in September 2015.

70% of supplies to Nepal come via India’s border with Nepal. Many Nepalese travel through the border to buy fuel & supplies. Indian Oil Corp (IOC) had not allowed majority of trucks to enter Nepal for 10 days (CNN report) Nepal was left with just 2-3 weeks supply. The repercussions of India given monopoly control over essential items. Making matters worse was the cancellation of international flights.

UNICEF claimed more than 3million Nepalese children under age of 5 years were at risk of death & disease because of the shortage of fuel, food, medicines & vaccines.

The unofficial blockade had internal support in Nepal (the ethnic Madhesis). The scenario is no different to how India has harnessed politicians, businessmen, media, academics to openly promote India’s interventions in Sri Lanka. Like TNA, the Madhesi’s are demanding a federal redistricting to enable a bigger stake for them.

The patriotic Nepali’s even began a hashtag #backoffindia on social media against India’s interference in Nepal’s internal affairs. Protestors shouted down with Indian expansionism!” Nepal’s cable federation suspended 42 Indian TV channels, while cinemas stopped showing Indian films.

A Nepalese school teacher protesting outside the Indian embassy in Nepal capital Kathmandu asked why is India imposing a blockade against us? Don’t we have the right to draft our constitution”.

One of the primary reasons for India’s covert/overt operations against Nepal, is its closeness to China, a facet Sri Lanka is also facing. India is the overly-jealous groom of its neighboring nations. However, unlike Sri Lanka, Nepal was nonplussed by India’s displeasure with its new constitution. Some Sri Lanka’s MPs have even claimed Sri Lanka to be part of India.

The US-India led regime change in Sri Lanka is no different to the manner Nepal’s PM Pushpa Kamal Dahal (the only Nepali PM who dared to go against India) had to resign after 9 months in office, as the army chief he fired for insubordination was restored with India’s DIRECT intervention.

As Sri Lanka is happily doling away its airports, harbor, ports, energy security etc to India, has parliamentarians, their advisors or even senior public servants looked at the repercussions that Sri Lanka may experience, no different to what Nepalese experienced twice? All of Sri Lanka’s sovereignty points are being placed under the control of India (either government or Indian private sector in cahoots with Sri Lanka’s anti-national elements) All of the agreements being signed are in secret and most likely ignoring clauses that protect Sri Lanka’s state sovereignty.

When India imposed the unofficial economic blockade, Nepal had to come to terms with its own vulnerabilities due to the lack of alternatives and poor management. These issues are never addressed by any government in Sri Lanka. Nepal is now attempting to focus on energy security as a national priority while Sri Lanka’s government is happy to hand over all to India.

A Nepalese committee appointed to look into alternatives recommended that Nepal should decrease its dependency on India for petroleum products to 60%. Nepal should expedite development of hydropower projects as hydroelectricity meets just 2% of energy needs, replace use of LPG with solar & hydropower. All these key areas are falling under Indian control in Sri Lanka.

With Sri Lanka planning to merge SL rupee with Indian rupee – Sri Lanka must look at the manner Nepal had to deal with the Indian currency when it reached problematic levels. Do we need to invite trouble?

Hospitals had run out of medicines. Half of Nepal’s medical supplies come from India

Ventilators and dialysis machines could not operate due to lack of diesel.

Vehicles came to a halt – almost all of Nepal’s gas comes from India.

Power cuts lasted from 58hour per week

Lack of cooking gas resulted in cutting of trees causing new environmental issues.

Schools were closed – there were shortage of ink, books and stationary.

A coalition of Nepali citizens (diplomats, journalists, women leaders, medical doctors, former UN officials) called for the international community & UN to remove the blockade by India as a result of the humanitarian crisis. Thankfully there is a special rapporteur appointed for such a situation – U.N.’s ‘Special Rapporteur on Unilateral Coercive Measures with Serious Negative Impact on the Enjoyment of Human Rights’.

Sri Lanka is well advised to keep this contact. We are likely to need it sooner than later!

Not surprisingly Alaina B. Teplitz was serving as US ambassador to Nepal during the 2015 economic blockade before arriving in Sri Lanka to become ambassador & left months before the aragalaya handing reigns to the current envoy Julie Chung. What US-India are upto is what neighboring South Asian nations need to without delay realize before their nations become hotbed of geopolitical wars to serve the strategic interests of QUAD who are also engaged in undercutting each other in the process of feigned ‘unity’ & ‘strategic partnership’.

Shenali D Waduge

Waiting for Prince Diyasena: A Critical Review of Sri Lanka’s Political Mythology

March 5th, 2024

By Palitha Ariyarathna

Sri Lanka has been facing a political crisis since 2022, when the ruling party led by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa faced mass protests and resignations from their cabinet ministers over the economic situation and the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. The protesters demanded the resignation of the president and the prime minister, accusing them of corruption, nepotism, authoritarianism, and human rights violations. The crisis escalated into violence as the supporters of the ruling party clashed with the anti-government demonstrators, resulting in deaths, injuries, and arson attacks on the houses and offices of politicians. The prime minister resigned in May 2022, and the president appointed Ranil Wickremesinghe, the leader of the opposition United National Party, as the new prime minister. However, the president also announced his intention to resign in July 2022 and fled the country without doing so, leaving Wickremesinghe as the acting president. Wickremesinghe was later elected president by the parliament in July 2022.

Some people in Sri Lanka believe in a myth about a prince named Diyasena, who is supposed to be born 2500 years after the birth of Lord Buddha and save the country from its troubles. The myth is said to have originated in the Kotte era and has resurfaced and subsided with the times. Some people have identified various political leaders as the possible Prince Diyasena, such as J.R. Jayawardene, Chandrika Kumaratunga, Ranil Wickremesinghe, and Mahinda Rajapaksa. However, none of them have lived up to the expectations of the people and have failed to bring peace and prosperity to the country. Some people still hope for Prince Diyasena to emerge and lead the nation out of the crisis.

The historical context of Prince Diyasena is related to the political and religious history of Sri Lanka, especially during the Kotte era (1412–1577). The Kotte era was a period of prosperity and cultural revival, but also of foreign invasions and internal conflicts. The Kotte kingdom was ruled by a series of kings, some of whom were considered great and others tyrannical. One of the most celebrated kings was Parakramabahu VI (1412–1467), who unified the island under his rule and patronized Buddhism and literature. He was also known as Parakumba, and some people believed that he was a reincarnation of King Parakramabahu I (1153–1186), who had ruled the Polonnaruwa kingdom in the 12th century.

According to the Parakumba Siritha, a poem written in the Kotte era, Parakramabahu VI was foretold by God Sumana, a deity who resided in the Samanala mountain range, to be reborn as a great king named Diyasena after 2500 years from the birth of Lord Buddha.Diyasena was supposed to save the country from its troubles and restore the culture, religion, and prosperity of the land.This prophecy was based on a myth that originated in the Kotte era and was influenced by Buddhist belief in the cycle of rebirth and the concept of the cakkavatti, or universal monarch.

However, some people may argue that the myth of Prince Diyasena is unrealistic and harmful, as it creates a false hope and a dependency on a savior figure rather than encouraging the people to take responsibility and action for their own future. Some people may also question the validity and origin of the myth and whether it is based on any historical or religious evidence. Some people may also point out that Sri Lanka is a diverse and democratic country and that no single leader can represent or satisfy the needs and aspirations of all the people. Some people may also suggest that instead of waiting for a mythical prince, the people should work together to find solutions to their problems and to elect and hold accountable the leaders who can serve the best interests of the country.

The myth of Prince Diyasena was revived and subsided with the times, depending on the political and social situation of the country. Whenever the country faced a crisis, such as foreign invasions, civil wars, or economic decline, some people hoped for Prince Diyasena to emerge and deliver them. Whenever a political change took place, such as a new king or a new regime, some people identified them as the possible Prince Diyasena. However, none of them fulfilled the expectations of the people, and the myth remained unfulfilled.

In my very deep self-awareness, the myth of Prince Diyasena is still alive in some parts of Sri Lanka, especially among the rural and devout Buddhists. Some people believe that the myth is based on a historical or religious truth and that Prince Diyasena will come when the time is right. At the same time, some people also believe that Prince Diyasena is not a single person but a collective symbol of the people’s aspirations and potential.

It’s not merely about individual personalities; neither is it confined to Prince Diyasena alone. The essence lies in leadership that emerges to safeguard the Sinhala Nation. Such a leader, committed to the cause, becomes invaluable—a stark contrast to those who falsely parade as heroes while harboring unpatriotic intentions or engaging in criminal activities that’s demice of Buddhsim and Dividing Our Mother Land Ceylon.”

By Palitha Ariyarathna


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