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උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

මුලතිව්, මුත්තියාන්කට්ටු හි යුද හමුදා කඳවුරකට ඇතුළු වූ පුද්ගලයෙකු මරණයට පත්වීම ඇතුළු කරුණු කිහිපයක් මුල් කරගනිමින් උතුරු – නැගෙනහිර පළාත්වල අද හර්තාලයක් ක්‍රියාත්මක වුණා.

කෙසේ වෙතත් එම ප්‍රදේශවල දෛනික කටයුතු සාමාන්‍ය පරිදි සිදුවූු බවයි අප වාර්තාකරුවන් සඳහන් කළේ.

ඒ අනුව බොහෝ ප්‍රදේශවල පාසල් කටයුතු සාමාන්‍ය පරිදි සිදු වූ අතර, කඩ සාප්පු ද විවෘත කර තිබුණා.

මුත්තියාන්කට්ටු හි පිහිටි, යුද හමුදා 12 වැනි සිංහ රෙජිමේන්තු කඳවුරට අනවසරයෙන් ඇතුළු වූ පිරිසක් පළවා හැරීමට හමුදා සාමාජිකයින් පියවර ගෙන තිබූ අතර එහිදී පළා ගිය අයෙකු වැවේ ගිලී මියගොස් ඇති බවටයි පසුව අනාවරණය වුණේ.

කෙසේ වෙතත් මෙම මරණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් මියගිය පුද්ගලයාගේ ඥාතීන් සහ ඇතැම් දේශපාලන පක්ෂ යුද හමුදාවට චෝදනා එල්ල කළා.

කෙසේ වෙතත් අද ක්‍රියාත්මක වූ හර්තාල් ව්‍යාපාරය අතරතුර විවෘත කර තිබූ වෙළෙඳසැල් වසා දමන ලෙසට මඩකලපුව නගරාධිපතිවරයා වෙළදුන්ට දැනුම් දී තිබුණා.

වෙළෙඳුන් සඳහන් කළේ, විවෘත කර ඇති වෙළඳසැල්වල බලපත්‍ර අවලංගු කරන බවට එහිදී නගරාධිපතිවරයා තර්ජනය කළ බවයි.

එහිදී වෙළඳුන්ගෙන් එල්ල වූ දැඩි විරෝධය හේතුවෙන් නගරාධිපතිවරයා එම ස්ථානයෙන් පිටව ගිය බවයි අප වාර්තාකරු සඳහන් කළේ.

e-Con e-News

blog: eesrilanka.wordpress.com

‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

e-Con e-News 10-16 August 2025

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‘In virtually every colonial territory

a certain number had to be killed

before the survivors would accept

the new prospects. This might even

be said to introduce a new concept

into the study of political economy

– the indispensable minimum of murder.’

– SBD de Silva, The Political Economy of Underdevelopment

*

‘The White House letter to Colombo ended

with the clear threat that future tariff levels

would be decided by the general US-SL

bilateral relations. With no reference to

trade or economic factors, Washington is

indicating expectation of a much wider

geopolitical conformity by Colombo.

– Lakshman Gunasekera (see ee Quotes)

*

I remember the World Bank representative saying to me:

‘That’s the norm, that’s how it’s done everywhere.

We write programs for countries.’ I replied,

‘I’m capable of writing my country’s program…’

Multinationals are involved in all development programs.

– Eritrea President Isaias Afwerki (see ee Quotes)

*

‘The Moving Finger writes;

&, having writ, Moves on…’

– The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam

*

How the US embassy in Colombo bribes the media (to move the fingers that write) in Sri Lanka has been a subject of speculation for decades. How Wall Street & the US Treasury run Sri Lanka’s economy (through their World Bank & IMF) is now no secret, though the merchant media here keep trying hard to deflect blame for our woes onto China (see ee Random Notes, Waduge, who names names).

     It is also no secret, what kind of ‘geopolitical conformity’ the USA’s latest ‘bilateral relations’ seek to impose. What is the latest ‘indispensable minimum of murder’ – the brilliant 4 words by SBD summing up his painstaking vast classic on our world’s political economy – that the USA is demanding Sri Lankans must endure, before we accept these ‘new prospects’? What are the ‘new prospects?’ They are yet to be fully divulged. Indeed, there has been no media inquiry into the role the current US Envoy has played in the overthrow of other nations’ leaders before she arrived here to thus also accomplish. Ju Chung however is a mere US State Department coolie, obeying the dicat of her white bosses.

     This week saw the always-leaving-yet-never-departing US envoy’eur Ju Chung have her tired photo taken with: the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce Chairman (& Keells’ casino king) Krishan Balendra, Vice Chairman (& England’s local Standard Chartered Bank CEO) Bingumal Thewarathanthri, Deputy Vice Chair (& Hirdaramani Group Chair) Vinod Hirdaramani, Secretary General & CEO (& on boards of Sierra, Cargills, etc) Buwanekabahu Perera, and others. These ‘executives’ are all beneficiaries of the US’ supposed largesse (60% of the swindle called the ‘garment industry’, ‘which does not make a pin’, destined for the US market). As one reader suggests (see ee Comments), information about the imported tools & machinery & other industrial inputs involved in this ‘garment trade’ is not easily accessible at all (Transparency International, where are you hiding?), and clearly not part of the calculations. Then again, these ‘tariffs’ are not about making trade equitable, but a prelude to another world war, led by the US & their EU satraps, to target China, to preserve white dominance over the world.

     The stashing by these ‘executives’ of their ‘apparel’ revenues in foreign tax hideouts is also well known to the USA. The same goes for the tea business (see below). Our Bribery Commissions are somehow prevented from hauling up these CEOs, let alone interrogating the multinationals they actually represent. Nor will they haul Chung in for questioning, perhaps due to diplomatic protocols, even as the US envoy has clearly overstepped her diplomatic boundaries, confident the US has the dirt on anyone who dares do so. Add this, then, to the 1,000s of photo-ops that have spread her jaded visage throughout the media. Yet with all this radiance, no media has ever dared ask her about her nefarious involvements in the overthrow (& murder, in at least one case) of several American leaders – in Bolivia, Peru, Haiti, etc – before she was installed as US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, on 2022 February 25, just in time to lubricate the aragalaya & almost-murder of a popularly elected President (see ee Random Notes, also see ee Quotes on Nigeria and the US role in promoting the terroristic Boko Haram).

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‘A Financial Times front-page headline, ‘Bombshell on BOI investors’, titles a seemingly hurried news item, blaming government officials who listen to trade unions. The unsigned article claims to represent ‘the investor community’ (see ee Economists). Who exactly is this ‘community’? There was a much-promoted ‘Investors’ Forum’ this week in Singapore, in that refuge of Convicted Central Banker Arjuna Mahendran, organized by the Securities Exchange Commission & Colombo Stock Exchange. The forum included Asia Frontier Capital Fund, Lynear Wealth Management, Bloomberg TV and Farringdon Asset Management. The question as usual is ’investment for what and in what and for whom’?  Investment in modern production, or importing cars, etc.?

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Wages for estate workers are low. This is an industry.

We saw in the recent past that taxed businesses had obtained profits.”

– Bimal Rathnayake, Minister of Transport

(see ee Workers, Increasing plantation workers’ wages a challenge)

*

• This somewhat cryptic news item appears to be missing some detail. The Minister, who’s not the Minister of Plantations, also reports the government is working ‘to resolve estate workers’ wage issue within the next few months’. First, he should be aware that the tea fraud is no ‘industry’ at all. It was rumoured that the JVP once planned to uproot the tea bushes and throw them into the sea. But we are sure they have no such imminent plans. This ee Focus concludes Dhanusha Pathirana’s incisive examination, using SBD de Silva’s analyses, of the fraud by the ‘licensed export firms’ that prevents reinvestment of abundant plantation sector surpluses in technological advance. He also notes how fancy accounting practices are employed to suppress and deny the workers’ demand to raise the daily wage up to Rs 1,000 (no, that’s not a typo…). Pathirana also suggests certain steps that need to be taken: eg, on estate superintendents’ control of their National Identity Card applications; also ‘the main political demand of the workers therefore should be to revoke the ‘exclusive’ legal rights of the licensed export firms to purchase from tea auctions’:

‘70% of the profits of the sector are appropriated

by licensed export firms. Both licensed export firms

& RPCs are mainly owned by large conglomerates,

including Aitken Spence PLC, MJF Holdings, Vallibel

Plantation Management, Richard Pieris & Co, James

Finlay Plantation Holdings, Hayleys PLC, among others.’

(see ee Focus)

*

We do find it curious, however, that Pathirana has left out the overweening control by Unilever in the tea business, worldwide, let alone omitted the reparations required for those Sinhala people evicted from the highlands. Pathirana notes that this ‘branding’ of ‘Ceylon Tea’, has enabled Lankan tea’s special ‘monopolistic’ niche in the markets, which has no interest in changing a backward colonial status quo of plucking tea by hand on stolen lands. Unilever is now threatening to undermine the ‘Ceylon Tea’ brand by ‘blending’ it with other substances, but not to modernize the sector.

     In 2024, the then-Ministry of Agriculture & Plantation Industries signed an MoU with Unilever to ‘develop the country’s first national and globally accepted standard for sustainable tea production,’ and a more ‘ethical future’ along with the Sri Lanka Tea Board (SLTB), ‘and other tea industry dignitaries’. Unilever Sri Lanka’s ‘Ceytea’ factory in Agarapathana is the largest supplier of black tea extract to the Global Pepsi-Lipton JV, and its Iced Tea brands ‘Lipton’ and ‘Brisk’. This MoU claimed it would ‘drive sustainable sourcing of agricultural raw materials under the Unilever Climate Action Transition Plan’ (see ee Agriculture, Unilever…). What is the link between these ‘export firms’ and Unilever? The role played by multinationals such as Unilever – an offshoot of the 19^th century privatization of England’s East India Company, and the subsequent private English opium trade from India to China – in undermining the state and the economy, is a tale yet to be fully told.

*

‘The underdeveloped countries before coming into contact

with Western society were not technologically static…

In the manufacture of consumer articles, especially cotton

& silk textiles, some of the non-European countries

until comparatively recently held a technological lead.’

(SBD de Silva, ee Focus)

*

Indeed, for a deeper understanding of how the colonial import-export plantation system has monopolized Sri Lanka’s resources of land & labor, we need to refer to SBD de Silva’s classic The Political Economy of Underdevelopment. This ee Focus begins reproducing his first chapter, after last week concluding his ‘Introduction’, which called for navigating back and forth between our history and the world, to seek clues. Those interested in the state of the economies of Sri Lanka along with the rest of Asia & Africa prior to colonialism – as well as the ‘great divergence’ between Europe, its settler colonies and the rest of the world – will find this Chapter 1 of SBD’s book, most magnetic, with each sentence a product of hours of contemplation. De Silva summarizes whole swathes of history to show how modern imperialism acquired an ‘automaticity’ through political changes favourable to capital accumulation & investment in modern technology. Despite their daily propaganda against state intervention, and the incessant promotion of ‘free trade’, their practices in Sri Lanka have been the exact opposite – just ask British American Tobacco (BAT)’s Ceylon Tobacco Co (CTC) about their monopoly, and the politicians and thinktanks they run. Indeed, the US government’s latest moves very much recall the English system of ‘imperial preference’…

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• With all this current media chatter about the ascension of a ‘reform’ candidate in New York City, ee Focus also continues Gustavus Myers’ 1917 History of Tammany Hall. Myers tracked the emergence of several oppositions to the ‘Big Bosses’ of the status quo, ‘Young Democracy’ etc, that ‘furnish the appearance of a contest’, fronts for the oligarchy that has run the USA’s main metropolis, where gangs control the political process of representation & elections, alternating between thuggery & charity… Particularly interesting is how the corporations place politicians and civic officials, judges and police, on their payroll… We are to be held captive between a rock & a hard place, between the world’s self-proclaimed ‘oldest democracy’ (USA? Really?) & the world’s ‘largest democracy’(India?)… So, we keep being told (but… see ee Quotes, Sunday Times‘ Red Eyebrows).

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Contents:

How Does the US Embassy Bribe Media in Sri Lanka?

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon Former Governor of Uva, Southern and Central Provinces Former Executive Director of Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) and Center for Human Rights and Research – CHR Sri Lanka

Money printing, declining foreign reserves, and rising domestic debt could pose a significant challenge to achieving the year’s economic development targets, the Center for Human Rights and Research (CHR) Sri Lanka said in a statement.

From October 2024 to June 2025, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka printed Rs. 1,225.9 billion (or Rs. 1.2 trillion). The printing of money in violation of agreements with the International Monetary Fund could be the beginning of the country heading towards an economic crisis once again, according to the statement issued by the Executive Director of the Center for Human Rights and Research (CHR) Sri Lanka, Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon.

The amount of money printed as Broad money (M2b) each month since the current government came to power is shown below.

	Rs. Billion
2024 October	58.70
November	78.30
December	234.80
2025 January	117.40
February	104.70
March	233.90
April	154.20
May	33.60
June	210.30
Printed Money (M2b)	1,225.9

Contrary to the guidelines of the International Monetary Fund, the Central Bank printed Rs. 210.3 billion (10.4% expansion) in June 2025 alone. Rs. 233.90 billion was printed in March 2025, the highest amount printed in the first six months. During the Gotabaya regime, the economy was devastated by excessive money printing (e.g., the April-May 2022 expansion of 17 -20%). It is the joint responsibility of Parliament and the Central Bank to take appropriate steps to prevent the country from experiencing another financial crisis.

Increasing debt burden

The country’s debt has been increasing rapidly since the Presidential Election last September. Following the formation of the new government, Sri Lanka’s domestic debt, which stood at Rs. 17,595.05 billion as of April 2025, has increased to Rs. 18,629.86 billion, representing an additional Rs. 1,034.81 billion.

Under the new government, the country’s total domestic and foreign debt has increased from Rs. 28,574.65 billion to Rs. 29,480.39 billion, representing an increase of Rs. 905.74 billion. Although the amount of foreign debt has declined, this is mainly due to continued domestic borrowing through the issuance of treasury bonds and bills.

The Rs. 65 billion bond issue presented by the Central Bank on August 12 was not entirely sold. There was not a single bid for the 2032 bond (8% interest). This is a clear red light for the domestic borrowing policy. 

Foreign reserves decline

The foreign reserves, which were $6.531 billion in June, fell to $6,080 million by the end of June. The foreign reserves in July were $ 6.114 billion. The ‘reserves’ are also announced, including derivative contracts through swaps.

However, when the swap exchange value is removed, the country’s net reserves, which were $2,799 million in March, have decreased to $2,210 million as of June, as follows.

Of the total reserves in December 2024, $6,122 million, Swap was $3,548 million, and net reserves were $2,574 million.

As of June 2025, the total reserves stood at $6,080 million, comprising $3,870 million in Chinese and other swaps and $ 2,210 million in net reserves. Accordingly, the decrease in net foreign reserves from December 2024 to June 2025 is $ 364M.

When the early signs of the economic collapse of 2021 – 2022 emerged, people with quantitative knowledge warned about money printing, unlimited borrowing, and a decline in foreign reserves. Despite those warnings, hiding facts and criticizing critics, the 2022 ‘financial collapse’ developed into a massive economic crisis. It is the responsibility of the Central Bank, the Treasury, the Ministry of Finance, and the Parliament to identify the leading signs of a similar financial collapse sooner and take measures.

The printing of money by Rs. 1,225.9 billion, a decline in net foreign reserves, and an increase in the country’s debt by Rs. 905.74 billion will inevitably lead to a decrease in the country’s economic growth rate. It is a situation that will have long-term adverse effects.

[The End]

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon Former Governor of Uva, Southern and Central Provinces Former Executive Director of Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) and Center for Human Rights and Research – CHR Sri Lanka

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය

මුදල් අච්චු ගැසීම, විදේශ සංචිත පහත වැටීම හා දේශීය ණය ප්‍රමාණය ඉහළ යාම වසරේ ආර්ථික සංවර්ධන ඉලක්ක සපුරා ගැනීමට බලවත් අභියෝගයක් විය හැකි බව ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කරමින් පවසයි.    

2024 ඔක්තෝබර් සිට 2025 ජූනි දක්වා ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුව විසින් රුපියල් බිලියන 1225.9 ක් (හෙවත් රු. ට්‍රිලියන 1.2) ක් අච්චු ගසා ඇත. ජාත්‍යන්තර මුල්‍ය අරමුදල සමඟ වන එකඟතා කඩකරමින් මුදල් අච්චු ගැසීම නැවත වරක් ආර්ථික අර්බුදයක් කරා රට යොමු වීමේ ආරම්භය විය හැකි බව එහි මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රයේ විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් විසින් නිකුත් කළ නිවේදනයේ දැක්වේ.

වත්මන් රජය බලයට පත්වීමෙන් පසුව, මේ දක්වා කාලය තුල එක් එක් මාසයේ දී අච්චු ගසා ඇති මුදල්  (money printing Broad money (M2b) ප්‍රමාණය පහත දැක්වේ.

	රු.බිලියන
2024 ඔක්තෝබර්	58.70
නොවැම්බර්	78.30
දෙසැම්බර්	234.80
2025 ජනවාරි	117.40
පෙබරවාරි	104.70
මාර්තු	233.90
අප්‍රේල්	154.20
මැයි	33.60
ජූනි	210.30
අච්චු ගැසූ (M2b)  මුළු මුදල රු. බිලියන	1,225.9

ජාත්‍යන්තර මුල්‍ය අරමුදලේ මාර්ගෝපදේශයන්ට පටහැනිව මහ බැංකුව 2025 ජූනි මස පමණක් රු. බිලියන 210.3 (පුළුල්වීම 10.4%)  ක් අච්චු ගසා ඇත.  2025 මාර්තු මස රු. බිලියන 233.90 ක් අච්චු ගසා (M2b) ඇති අතර පළමු මාස හය තුල මසක දී අච්චු ගැසූ වැඩිම මුදලයි.  ගෝඨාභය පාලන සමයේ දී, අසීමිත මුදල් අච්චු ගැසීම හේතුවෙන් (උදා. 2022 අප්‍රේල් – මැයි පුළුල්වීම 17% -20%) ආර්ථිකයට මහත් විනාශයක් සිදු විය.  2001, රටේ මුල්‍ය අර්බුදයක් ඇති නොවීමට සුදුසු පියවර ගැනීම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ හා මහ බැංකුවේ ඒකාබද්ධ වගකීමකි.

ණය බර වැඩිවීම

පසුගිය සැප්තෑම්බර් ජනාධිපතිවරණ‍යෙන් පසුව නැවත රටේ ණය ක්‍රමිකව නමුත් වේගයෙන් වැඩි වෙමින් ඇත. නව රජය බිහිවන විට රු. බිලියන 17,595.05 ක් වූ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දේශීය ණය ප්‍රමාණය, 2025 අප්‍රේල් වන විට රු. බිලියන 18,629.86 දක්වා එනම්, රු. බි. 1034.81 කින් ඉහළ නැග ඇත.

නව රජයේ පාලනය යටතේ රටේ සමස්ත දේශීය හා විදේශීය ණය එකතුව  රු. බිලියන 28,574.65 සිට රු.බි. 29,480. 39 දක්වා රු. බිලියන 905.74 ඉහළ ගොස් ඇත. විදේශ ණය ප්‍රමාණය පහත වැටී ඇති නමුත්, දිගින් දිගටම බැඳුම්කර හරහා දේශීය ණය ලබා ගැනීම මෙයට හේතුවයි. 

පසුගිය අගොස්තු 12 දින මහ බැංකුව ඉදිරිපත් කළ රු. බිලියන 65 ක බැඳුම්කර නිකුතුව අලෙවි වූයේ නැත. 2032 කල් පිරෙන (8% පොලිය) බැඳුම්කරයට එකම ලංසුවක් හෝ නොවීය. දේශීය ණය ලබා ගැනීමේ ප්‍රතිපත්තියට මෙය පැහැදිලි රතු එළියකි. 

විදේශ සංචිත පහත වැටීම

මහ බැංකුවේ නිල දත්ත අනුව, 2025 මාර්තු මස ඩො. මි. 6,531 ක් වූ සංචිත ජූනි මස ඩො.මි. 6,080 ට පහත වැටුණි.  ජූලි මස විදේශ සංචිත ඩො.මි. 6,114 කි. Swap (හුවමාරු) හරහා සිදුවන ව්‍යුත්පන්න කොන්ත්‍රාත්තු (derivative contracts) ද ඇතුලත් කරමින් ‘සංචිත’ ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කෙරේ.

කෙසේ වුවත්, Swap හුවමාරු අගය ඉවත් කළ විට, 2025 මාර්තු ඩො.මි. 2,799 ක් වූ රටේ ශුද්ධ විදේශ සංචිත ප්‍රමාණය ජූනි මස වන විට ඩො.මි. 2,210 දක්වා අඩුවී ඇත.

2024 දෙසැම්බර් මුළු සංචිත ඩො.මි. 6,122 න්,  Swap ඩො.මි. 3,548 ක් වූ අතර, ශුද්ධ සංචිත 2,574 කි.

2025 ජූනි මුළු සංචිත ප්‍රමාණය ඩො.මි. 6,080 න්, චීන සහ වෙනත් Swap ඩො.මි. 3,870 ක් වු අතර, ශුද්ධ සංචිත ඩො.මි. 2,210 කි.  ඒ අනුව, 2024 දෙසැම්බර් සිට 2025 ජූනි දක්වා ශුද්ධ විදේශ සංචිත අඩුවීම ඩො.මි.  364 කි.

2021 – 2022 ආර්ථිකය බිඳවැටීමේ පූර්ව ලක්ෂණ මතුවන විට ප්‍රමාණික විෂය දැනුමක් සහිත පිරිස් මුදල් අච්චු ගැසීම, අසීමිත ණය ගැනීම හා විදේශ සංචිත පහත වැටීම ගැන අනතුරු හඟවනු ලැබීය. එම අනතුරු හැඟවීම් නොතකා කරුණු සැඟවීම හා විචාරකයින්ට අවලාද නැගීම 2022 ‘මූල්‍ය බිඳ වැටීම’,  දැවැන්ත ආර්ථික බිඳවැටීමක් දක්වා වර්ධනය වූවේය. වසර හතරකට පසු නැවත එවැනිම මුල්‍ය බිඳවැටීමක පෙරමඟ ලකුණු හඳුණාගෙන පිළියම් යෙදීම මහ බැංකුව, භාණ්ඩාගාරය, මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශය හා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ වගකීමකි.

රුපියල් බිලියන 1225.9 මුදල් අච්චු ගැසීම, ඩො.මි. 364 කින් විදේශ සංචිත පහත වැටීම හා රු. බිලියන 905.74 කින් රටේ  ණය ප්‍රමාණය ඉහළ යාම හේතුවෙන් රටේ ආර්ථික වර්ධන වේගය පහත වැටීම අනිවාර්ය වනු ඇත.   එය දිගු කාලීන අහිතකර බලපෑම් ඇති කරන තත්වයකි.

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්
විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය

Shenali D Waduge

We are concerned about the consistent manner that successive UN High Commissioners for Human Rights have been involved or caved into pressure by a handful of bloc nations using the UNHRC to exert political pressure over nations. Not only have resolutions been intrusive, and beyond the Human Rights Councils advisory mandate as per UNGA Resolution 60/251 (2006) the Council is now venturing into acting as quasi-prosecutors, prejudging Sri Lanka’s armed forces as war criminals based on well-funded smear campaigns. The latest and last attempt is a creation of an external judicial mechanism bypassing the authority of the UN General Assembly & even UN Security Council while entirely violating the UN Charter. Is the UNSC & UNGA asleep & watching this over reach take place. As public officials, the citizens of the world have every right to scrutinize the high commissioners working for the UN. We now look at the pattern of mandate overreach, institutional bias against Sri Lanka & leave the judgement to the readers. This analysis also highlights explicit actions where High Commissioners named Sri Lankan armed forces and senior officials, called for sanctions and travel bans, and ignored due process — reinforcing the pattern of systemic political bias.

The most alarming trend is the consistent interference in Sri Lanka’s domestic affairs — ranging from pressuring constitutional reforms, repeal of national security laws (PTA), imposing the 13th Amendment, and even demanding recognition of same-sex marriage — all of which have no place in the UNHRC’s mandate. 

This exposes not only systematic bias but also the abuse of UN mechanisms by a handful of bloc nations and politically motivated lobby groups.

Below we examine, Commissioner by Commissioner, how this bias has been institutionalized.

Navi Pillay (2008–2014)

Actions Beyond Mandate:

·      As a Tamil ethnic herself, conflict of interest required her recusal in judging Sri Lanka’s conflict which was not done.

·      Consistently referred to Sri Lanka’s armed forces as perpetrators of war crimes despite no international tribunal verdict or UN Security Council referral.

·      Called for independent international investigations into Sri Lanka, which the UNHRC is not empowered to initiate.

·      Publicly demanded Sri Lanka to implement the 13th Amendment to devolve political power — a domestic constitutional matter outside OHCHR’s remit.

·      Pressured for the repeal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) without acknowledging Sri Lanka’s ongoing security concerns.

·      Repeatedly used emotive, accusatory language against Sri Lanka, ignoring LTTE terrorism.

·      Upon leaving her role as High Commissioner, she was also seen expressing condolence messages for the Mullaivaikkal commemorations – an event annually held to commemorate LTTE dead.

 

Procedural Overreach:

·      Functioned in a quasi-judicial role, making determinations of guilt and recommending punitive measures, which exceeds advisory functions.

·      Ignored due process by accepting unverified testimonies from LTTE-linked diaspora groups while dismissing official government submissions.

Pillay repeatedly accused Sri Lanka’s armed forces of ‘credible war crimes,’ pressed for international investigations targeting senior political and military leaders.

Prince Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein (2014–2018)

Actions Beyond Mandate:

·      Pressed for the establishment of a hybrid court with foreign judges to try Sri Lanka’s armed forces — bypassing the UNGA & UNSC authority.

·      Recommended Sri Lanka amend its Constitution to entrench devolution and remove presidential powers — a clear breach of sovereignty.

·      Repeated calls for the repeal of the PTA, disregarding Sri Lanka’s sovereign right to maintain national security laws.

·      Openly endorsed UNHRC Resolutions demanding structural changes to Sri Lanka’s judiciary and security sector, far outside the OHCHR’s mandate.

 

Procedural Overreach:

·      Acted as a prosecutor rather than neutral advisor, producing country reports that accused Sri Lanka of systemic crimes without judicial validation.

·      Failed to recognize Sri Lanka’s domestic mechanisms (Paranagama Commission), dismissing them as inadequate without substantive review.

Zeid directly referred to the Sri Lankan military as systematically responsible for violations and pushed for a hybrid court with jurisdiction over senior commanders and officers

Michelle Bachelet (2018–2022)

Actions Beyond Mandate:

·      Called for the creation of an international evidence-gathering mechanism” (the OHCHR Sri Lanka Accountability Project”), acting as if OHCHR is a tribunal.

·      Recommended that Sri Lanka repeal the PTA and draft a new constitution reflecting external models — exceeding advisory limits.

·      Persistently demanded full implementation of the 13th Amendment, effectively endorsing federalization of Sri Lanka.

·      Issued statements on Sri Lanka’s judiciary, police, and governance reforms — intruding into internal governance.

Procedural Overreach:

·      Operated as a parallel judicial authority, collecting and preserving” evidence to be used in hypothetical future prosecutions.

·      Made one-sided assessments that consistently downplayed LTTE atrocities while amplifying unverified claims against the state.

·      Encouraged UN member states to use universal jurisdiction against Sri Lankan officials — again, outside UNHRC’s authority.

Notable Interference & sanctions call

·      Sanctions & Travel Bans Advocacy (2021): Bachelet called on Member States to consider targeted sanctions such as asset freezes and travel bans against those “credibly alleged perpetrators” of grave rights violations — a punitive step outside the OHCHR’s advisory role 

Bachelet explicitly named General Shavendra Silva, endorsed U.S. sanctions against him, and called upon UN member states to impose targeted sanctions and travel bans on Sri Lankan military officials.

Volker Türk (2022–Present)

Actions Beyond Mandate:

·      Continued pressure for the repeal of the PTA and replacement with new security laws, disregarding Sri Lanka’s legislative independence.

·      Demanded comprehensive constitutional reforms, including greater devolution of power — interfering directly in domestic affairs.

·      Remarkably, went beyond human rights to advocate for the legalization of same-sex marriage in Sri Lanka, a matter wholly unrelated to UNHRC’s mandate and contrary to Sri Lanka’s constitutional, cultural, and religious context during the recent visit to Sri Lanka.

·      Endorsed the ongoing external evidence mechanism created under Bachelet, which violates the principle that only the UNSC/UNGA can create tribunals.

·      Also during the recent visit to Sri Lanka, made a flying visit to a 1990 grave site & an emotive speech falsely giving impression to the ignorant international community that this was a grave site of killings by Sri Lanka Armed Forces while not including a visit to a grave site & torture chamber run by LTTE that had killed over 3000 Tamils which families claim documentation of proof was available.

 

Procedural Overreach:

·      Encouraged member states to impose sanctions on Sri Lankan officials — a function reserved for the Security Council, not OHCHR.

·      Continued the practice of naming and shaming, treating OHCHR reports as verdicts rather than advisory observations.

While more indirect, Türk has continued the trend by framing Sri Lanka’s military presence in the North and East as an obstacle to reconciliation, urging structural reforms that weaken the armed forces’ domestic role

Examples of Systematic Interference in Domestic Affairs of Sri Lanka

All Commissioners, followed a common pattern:

1.     Constitutional Interference – Repeated calls to implement the 13th Amendment and change Sri Lanka’s Constitution.

2.     National Security Undermined – Demands to repeal the PTA without offering alternatives to tackle terrorism.

3.     Judicial Substitution – Attempts to set up foreign or hybrid courts to bypass Sri Lanka’s judiciary.

4.     Cultural & Religious Insensitivity – Volker Türk’s call to legalize same-sex marriage ignores Sri Lanka’s religious and cultural framework.

5.     Selective Accountability – Silence on LTTE atrocities and external complicity, while prejudging the Sri Lankan armed forces as guilty. Explicit naming of armed forces and senior commanders for alleged violations and advocacy for sanctions or travel bans without judicial process.

6.     Institutional Bias – Reliance on funded NGO and diaspora allegations, while dismissing local commissions and state-provided data  

UN High Commissioners — notably Navi Pillay, Zeid Al-Hussein, Michelle Bachelet and Volker Turk — have all functioned beyond their mandates by explicitly naming Sri Lanka’s armed forces and, in some instances, individual commanders and even calling for sanctions & travel bans as well as asset freezes.

They have turned UNHRC into a parallel political tribunal against Sri Lanka on behalf of a handful of nations now manipulating the UNHRC for their political goals and behind are pro-LTTE funding groups. The same could happen to other nations if UNHRC overreach is not stopped.

Their actions amount to prejudgment, violate the presumption of innocence, and exceed the advisory role of the OHCHR under the UN Charter.

This breach of due process seriously undermines the credibility of the UNHRC. It also exposes the UNGA and UNSC’s inaction, allowing a handful of nations to manipulate the Council and attempt to grant it extra-judicial powers reserved for the General Assembly and Security Council.

Our question is – what is the UNSG, the UNGA (President & Members) as well as UNSC going to do about what is unfolding?

Over 15 years (2010–2025), the OHCHR and UNHRC dedicated disproportionate attention and resources to Sri Lanka, relying heavily on funded diaspora groups and NGO reports while dismissing domestic inquiries and ignoring LTTE atrocities. This demonstrates selective accountability, institutional bias, and misuse of UN funds.

Financial Cost of Bias

Over the past 15 years (2010–2025), the UNHRC and OHCHR have devoted an estimated $45–50million of UN funds to monitoring Sri Lanka—relying heavily on diaspora-funded NGOs and ignoring domestic investigations—while the country has been at peace since 2009. These resources could have been used for more constructive global human rights initiatives, but instead, they funded a politically motivated, selective witch-hunt against a sovereign state.

Hidden Funding and Influence

While the UNHRC and OHCHR spent an estimated $45–50 million from UN funds targeting Sri Lanka over 15 years (2010–2025), the campaigns against the country were heavily amplified and funded by the LTTE diaspora and international NGOs with destabilizing agendas. Preliminary assessments suggest these external contributions may equal or even double the UN expenditure, creating a massive, politically motivated machinery against a nation that has been at peace since 2009.

Shenali D Waduge

RANJITH SOYSA 

Dear President and the Ministers.

The victimization of some of the members of the defence intelligence officers and senior members of the Army, the Navy and the Airforce is a bootless errand headed by the CID and other law enforcement agencies of the government. It is obvious that the scheme is pre-planned by some foreign governments who are pushed by the vote-bases of expatriate Tamil groups living in these countries, and the LTTE supporters in Sri Lanka.  The annual UNHCR sessions and the ritual of insistence of pay back from Sri Lanka for defeating the LTTE and its murderous leadership almost compel the government in power to be bamboozled with most palpable fabrications.

Additionally, there are rumours that the government has a soft corner for the expatriate Tamil groups who are politically motivated to weaken Sri Lankan state by marginalising the defence establishment Further, it said that some of the members who are elected representatives of the present government continue to be sympathetic to the terrorist group. the LTTE.

The Government which owes it allegiance to present Unitary Sri Lakan constitution should consider or reassess their focus or declare openly their choice in the handling of these sensitive issues as the country had to pay a big price in defeating the terrorist-separatist war which went on from 1987

In the case filed against Admiral Nishantha Ulugetenne it was based on the B report filed by the CID without him being examined under the Navy Act, The CID classified the alleged offence as a personal matter! Add insult to injury it is said that the Admiral was due to be identified by  an ex LTTE cadre.as per the courts procedure.How can it be faiR? Luckily, the judge dismissed the identity parade as he found the LTTE cadre had signed a document in Sinhala whereas he was not conversant in Sinhala.

Similarly, a few senior Naval officers are targeted naturally by the ex LTTE cadres and supporters, and the Government’s legal arm should exercise more care in preparation of the legal actions, if any and consider appropriate procedural approach by following the systems under respective defence forces first without treating them as common criminals

It is our firm belief that the Government will hold good,

RANJITH SOYSA 

Priyantha Pradeep Ranasinghe

Beena Sarwar’s international documentary film ‘Democracy in Debt: Sri Lanka – Beyond the Headlines’ (26 minutes), adapted to Sinhala by Priyantha Pradeep Ranasinghe, will be screened at the Thilak Wijesekera Library Building, Katapothuwila Viharaya, Pahala Athuraliya, Matara, on Tuesday, 19 August 2025 at 10.00 a.m.

A discussion will also be held with Beena Sarwar and Priyantha Pradeep Ranasinghe.

This is being organized by the Athuraliya Media Literacy Society, affiliated to the Matara Pratibha Media Network.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The Sri Lanka Army commemorated the 33rd death anniversary of Major General Vijaya Wimalaratne with a wreath-laying ceremony at his statue in Kiribathgoda on August 8, 2025. The event was led by the Commander, Security Forces Headquarters (West) and Colonel of the Gajaba Regiment, Major General U. K. D. D. P. Udugama, and was attended by family members, senior officers, and troops of the Gajaba Regiment. Major General Wimalaratne was the Commander of the Jaffna Security Forces when he was killed in a landmine explosion on 08-Aug-1992 at Point Araly, Kayts Island. 

By Palitha Ariyarathna

IMAGES: Preparations are underway for the commencement of the Kandy Night Bazaar. With approval from the Kandy Municipal Council, vehicle movement along Dalada Veediya and Kotugodalla Veediya will be restricted from 6:00 p.m. to midnight to facilitate the event. The bazaar will include night-time trade activities and entertainment, aiming to provide the Kandy community with an organized evening shopping experience and support for local vendors.

To: To the attention of His Excellency the President of Sri Lanka; The Honourable Prime Minister; The Honourable Mayor of the Kandy Municipal Council; the Municipal Commissioner of Kandy; the Chairman of the Urban Development Authority (UDA); the Director General of the Central Cultural Fund; the Secretary of the Ministry of Buddha Sasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs; representatives of the UNESCO Sri Lanka Liaison Office; members of the Kandy Heritage Planning Committee; civic and environmental advisory boards; local residents, cultural custodians, and community leaders; and editors and journalists of national and regional media.

Kandy Is Not a Nightlife City—It Is a Legacy That Must Be Protected

Subject: Formal Objection to Proposed 24-Hour Nightlife Expansion in Mahnauwara –(Kandy ) “Kandy Night Bazaar in the Heritage Zones Date: August 16, 2025

Synopsis:

This is a formal civic objection to the proposed 24-hour nightlife expansion in Kandy’s heritage zones. It argues that such development threatens the city’s ceremonial integrity, environmental stability, and constitutional duty to protect the Buddha Sasana. The term Bazaar” is critiqued for its cultural misalignment, and the document calls for heritage-sensitive planning that respects Kandy’s identity as a spiritual and ceremonial city.

Respected Officials,

අතීත මතකයෙන් බිඳක් : 2022 අගෝස්තු

‘’මහනුවර යනු මධ්‍යම පළාතේ අගනුවර වන අතර එය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දෙවන විශාලතම නගරය වේ. මෙම නගරය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පුරාණ රජවරුන්ගේ යුගයේ අවසාන අගනුවර වූ අතර දළදා මාලිගාව නිසා බෞද්ධ ලෝකයේ පූජනීය පූජනීය ස්ථානයක් ලෙස පිළිගැනුණි. කෙසේ වෙතත්, මෑතකදී නිසි ලෙස සැලසුම් නොකළ සංවර්ධනය හේතුවෙන් ඓතිහාසික උරුම ප්‍රදේශයේ තදබදයක් ඇති වූ අතර, අධික රථවාහන තදබදය සහ නාගරීකරණය භූමි ආපදා අවදානමට ලක්විය හැකි ප්‍රදේශවලට ආක්‍රමණය කිරීම වැනි දේ ඇති විය. ඊට අමතරව, ඓතිහාසික උරුම ප්‍රදේශයේ නගර දර්ශනය නිසි ආකාරයෙන් සංරක්ෂණය කර හෝ ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණය කර නොමැති අතර, මෙය එහි වටිනාකම සහ ආකර්ශනීය බව පිරිහීමට ලක් කළ අතර එමඟින් ප්‍රදේශය එහි සම්පූර්ණ ආර්ථික විභවය සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීමට නොහැකි විය’’.

2015 දී නාගරික සංවර්ධන අධිකාරිය (UDA) විසින් සකස් කරන ලද මහා මහනුවර ප්‍රධාන සැලැස්ම ඇතුළුව මහා මහනුවර ප්‍රදේශය සඳහා සංවර්ධන සැලසුම් කිහිපයක් පැවතුනද, ඉහත ගැටළු විසඳීමට ඒවා ප්‍රමාණවත් නොවීය. මහනුවර මධ්‍යම කොටසේ සංවර්ධනය පාලනය කිරීම සහ සංවර්ධනයට මග පෙන්වීම සඳහා පවතින සැලසුම්වල නාගරික සංවර්ධන දැක්ම සමාලෝචනය කිරීම අවශ්‍ය විය.

A Glimpse into the Past: August 2022:

‘’Kandy is the capital of the Central Province and is the second-largest city in Sri Lanka. The city was also the last capital of the ancient kings’ era of Sri Lanka and recognized as a sacred place of worship in the Buddhist world because of The Temple of Tooth Relic. However, recent not-well-planned development caused overcrowded conditions in the historical heritage area, such as heavy traffic congestion, and urbanization encroaching into land-disaster vulnerable areas. In addition, the townscape of the historical heritage area was not conserved or restored in a proper manner, and this deteriorated its value and attractiveness, which prevented the area from realizing its full economic potential. There existed several development plans for the Greater Kandy area, including the Greater Kandy Master Plan formulated by the Urban Development Authority (UDA) in 2015, but they were not sufficient to address the above issues. A review of the urban development vision of the existing plans was needed to control development in the central part of Kandy and guide development’’.

I write to you as a native in the Mahanuwara and lifelong resident of the Kandyan region, deeply concerned about the 24-hour nightlife and commercial activity within the sacred and residential zones of Kandy. This letter serves as a formal objection to any initiative that seeks to transform Kandy into a continuous entertainment and business hub, particularly in areas adjacent to the Dalada Maligawa, cultural corridors, and long-standing residential precincts.

Kandy—Mahanuwara—is not merely a city. It is the spiritual heart of Sri Lanka, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, and a living symbol of Sinhala-Buddhist civilization. From the time of our kings, Kandy was governed with restraint, wisdom, and reverence. Its urban rhythm was designed to uphold peace, dignity, and ceremonial continuity—not to chase economic gain or nightlife trends. The Sinhala-Buddhist leadership, both ancient and modern, has consistently resisted over-commercialization of sacred zones. They understood that the soul of a city is not measured by its profit margins, but by its harmony, cleanliness, and cultural integrity. That wisdom must guide us today.

The expansion of 24-hour nightlife in Kandy poses serious risks to public security, environmental stability, and civic harmony. The Dalada Maligawa precinct, a sacred and high-security zone, is particularly vulnerable. Introducing continuous commercial activity into this area—especially unregulated bazaars operating through the night—would compromise surveillance, crowd control, and ceremonial sanctity. Kandy’s law enforcement and temple security protocols are not designed to manage late-night commercial exposure, especially during hours when criminal activity tends to rise. According to national emergency data, Sri Lanka’s 118 system has recorded a growing number of night-time complaints, including theft, vandalism, and underworld disturbances. Expanding nightlife in Kandy would stretch local police resources and expose sacred zones to unnecessary risk.

Environmental concerns are equally pressing. Kandy’s municipal waste systems are already under strain, particularly during religious festivals when garbage volumes surge tenfold. The introduction of 24-hour commerce would exacerbate this crisis, especially in heritage zones where sanitation must remain pristine. Recent reports from April 2025 indicate that garbage contamination—including human waste—has rendered segregation impossible in several areas. The Gohagoda disposal site is nearing capacity, and night-time activity would introduce uncontrolled waste into sensitive urban corridors. This threatens to turn Kandy’s spiritual heart into a public health hazard, undermining both civic dignity and environmental responsibility.

The proposed expansion also violates the protective intent of the UNESCO-designated buffer zone surrounding the Sacred City of Kandy. This buffer zone was established to safeguard the city’s Outstanding Universal Value (OUV), including its cultural authenticity, ceremonial integrity, and spiritual landscape. UNESCO’s Periodic Reporting Cycle 3 (2023) has already identified weaknesses in the legal framework governing this buffer zone, warning that development pressures—especially commercial intrusion—pose a serious threat to Kandy’s World Heritage status. Introducing continuous nightlife activity into this sensitive area risks not only cultural degradation but also international delisting and reputational damage. It is imperative that municipal and national authorities uphold their commitment to heritage protection and refrain from approving any initiative that undermines the sanctity and global standing of Mahanuwara.

Furthermore, the push for a 24-hour city model is not aligned with the cultural rhythm or civic priorities of Kandyan residents. It is driven by external commercial interests—often expatriate or non-local—seeking profit from tourism and entertainment. Local peasants and native communities have not requested such a transformation, nor do they benefit from it. The proposal reflects a commercial agenda, not a community need. Maintaining a 24-hour city requires massive investment in lighting, sanitation, security, and traffic control. These costs would fall on the Kandy Municipal Council and local taxpayers, without delivering meaningful benefits to native residents. It is an economic burden disguised as development, and it risks alienating the very communities who have preserved Kandy’s peace and heritage for generations.

Kandy’s urban character was never built on commercial ambition—it was shaped by cultural wisdom, spiritual restraint, and civic foresight. From the time of our kings, Mahanuwara was governed with a deep understanding of balance: between ceremony and daily life, between sacred duty and civic order. The city’s layout, its rhythms, and its governance were all designed to preserve peace, not to chase profit. Night-time commerce, entertainment districts, and 24-hour business models were never part of this vision. Instead, Kandy was protected as a spiritual capital, where the Dalada Maligawa stood not just as a temple, but as a symbol of national unity and moral discipline.

The Sinhala-Buddhist leadership—both royal and republican—understood that over-commercialization erodes cultural dignity. They resisted turning Kandy into a marketplace for every passing trend or external demand. Their approach was not anti-development; it was development with purpose. They prioritized harmony over hustle, and heritage over haste. That legacy must not be abandoned in the name of modernity. To reshape Kandy into a nightlife city is to betray the very philosophy that has sustained it for centuries.

Kandy is not Colombo, nor should it be. It is not a port city, nor a commercial capital. It is a heritage city, a ceremonial city, and a guardian of national memory. Any attempt to impose a 24-hour urban model on Kandy ignores its historical identity and undermines the wisdom of its founders. The city’s peace has been maintained for generations—not through economic expansion, but through cultural stewardship. That stewardship must continue.

In light of the concerns outlined above—ranging from public security and environmental strain to cultural misalignment and historical wisdom—I respectfully urge the Kandy Municipal Council, Urban Development Authority, and all relevant civic bodies to reject any proposal that seeks to introduce 24-hour nightlife or commercial expansion within Kandy’s heritage zones. Before concluding, I must draw your attention to the constitutional and civic violations embedded in this proposal. Article 9 of the Constitution of Sri Lanka mandates the State to foster and protect the Buddha Sasana. Any initiative that threatens the sanctity of the Dalada Maligawa precinct or disrupts the ceremonial rhythm of Mahanuwara directly contradicts this constitutional duty. Furthermore, the Kandy Municipal Council’s own urban vision emphasizes heritage preservation, sustainable development, and community-centered planning. The 24-hour nightlife expansion disregards these principles, favoring external commercial interests over native civic needs. It also conflicts with existing zoning laws, sacred area protections, and the spirit of Sri Lanka’s national urban development mission. This letter, therefore, is not merely a personal objection—it is a constitutional reminder, a civic warning, and a cultural defense.

Such a transformation would not only violate the city’s spiritual and civic character, but also impose unnecessary burdens on its residents, infrastructure, and identity.

In a city shaped by Sinhalese Buddhist heritage and ceremonial urban rhythm, the term ‘Bazaar’ lacks cultural specificity and civic relevance.”

I further recommend that any future urban development plans be subject to transparent public consultation, with special attention given to the voices of native Kandyan communities, heritage custodians, and civic advocates. Development must be inclusive, culturally sensitive, and aligned with the long-term preservation of Kandy’s unique role in Sri Lanka’s national consciousness.

Let us not allow short-term commercial interests to override centuries of cultural stewardship. Let us honor the wisdom of our kings, the sacrifices of our ancestors, and the dignity of our sacred spaces. Kandy is not just a city—it is a legacy. It must be protected, not repurposed.

I remain available for further dialogue, civic consultation, or contribution to any heritage-sensitive planning process. Thank you for your attention to this urgent and deeply rooted concern.

Summary of Legal, Civic, and Heritage Violations:

• Article 9 of the Constitution mandates protection of the Buddha Sasana.
• Disruption to the Dalada Maligawa precinct violates constitutional duty.
• Kandy’s urban plan prioritizes heritage, sustainability, and community.
• Proposed nightlife expansion disregards municipal planning principles.
• Violates zoning laws, sacred area protections, and national urban policy.
• Favors external commercial interests over native civic needs.
• Undermines Kandy’s role as a ceremonial and guardian city.
• Contradicts UNESCO World Heritage guidelines for cultural site management.
• Threatens the integrity of Kandy’s UNESCO-designated buffer zone.
• Disregards the lived rhythms, safety, and cultural continuity of the Kandyan peasantry.
• This objection is a constitutional reminder, civic warning, and cultural defense.

This statement is submitted in defense of Mahanuwara’s ceremonial integrity, constitutional duty, and heritage stewardship—addressed to all civic, municipal, and national authorities entrusted with the future of Kandy.

By Palitha Ariyarathna

JICA Commercial Group Community Group Secretary, Writer, Journalist, and Author, Former Beach Filed Officer and Life Safety Officer.

Courtesy Lloydslist

The Sri Lankan supreme court ordered the owners of X-Press Pearl to pay a fine of $1bn after the containership was lost in 2021 and polluted water off the island nation

X-Press Feeders has accused the court of convicting the vessel’s master and its agents before their trials have concluded, while the London Club called the judgment a ‘deeply troubling turn of events’

Source: Indian NavyX-Press Pearl sank on June 2, 2021, between 70bn-75bn plastic nurdles were spilled in Sri Lanka’s western coastal belt as a result.

CONTAINERSHIP owner X-Press Feeders said it is deeply concerned” with a judgment from the Sri Lankan supreme court, which has ordered the owners and charters of lost boxship X-Press Pearl (IMO: 9875343) pay a fine of $1bn.

The 2021-built, Singapore-flagged, 2,700 teu X-Press Pearl caught fire on May 20, 2021, was abandoned on May 25 of that year and finally sank on June 2, 2021.

Between 70bn-75bn plastic nurdles were spilled in Sri Lanka’s western coastal belt as a result of the casualty. The marine pollution resulted in the deaths of 417 turtles, 48 dolphins and eight whales.

A fishing ban was imposed for more than a year, which the ruling said, deprived the fisherfolk of their income, livelihood and their right to engage in lawful employment”.

But X-Press Feeders said the court has effectively pronounced the vessel’s master and agents guilty before their trials have concluded.

The master has already languished in Sri Lanka for four and a half years due to a court-ordered travel ban,” the company said in a statement seen by Lloyd’s List.

Despite offers to deposit the maximum fine possible for the charges he faces, he remains in limbo, separated from his family and unable to resume his life or career.”

X-Press Feeders said the master was neither present nor represented legally when his actions were addressed in court.

The judgment effectively holds him and the agents as human collateral to ensure the compliance of the owners and operators.”

The London P&I Club said the court had extended its reach far beyond its original scope”. The case, it said, was originally grounded in a fundamental rights claim — where concerned citizens of Sri Lanka sought judicial intervention against their government’s handling of an environmental incident”.

Chief executive James Bean said the ruling was an extraordinary and deeply troubling turn of events, not only for our valued member, X-Press Feeders, but for global shipping”.

The court has taken what began as a rights-based claim against the Sri Lankan government and used it as a basis to unilaterally impose liability on our member and their agents seemingly without due process — with the agents, worryingly being used alongside the master, as human collateral for their claim.”

The interim figure of $1bn was based on a report the Sri Lankan government itself had publicly disavowed itself as the basis for any claim” and had attracted global criticism for a lack of scientific rigour, the P&I club said.

Bean called the figure arbitrary and unsupported”.

https://e.infogram.com/_/VC0zKysLmZZkEzz3qIwg?parent_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.lloydslist.com%2FLL1154539%2FX-Press-Feeders-and-London-Club-blast-Sri-Lanka-ruling&src=embed#async_embed

X-Press Feeders also criticised the lack of scrutiny of the response of Sri Lanka’s own authorities to the incident in 2021.

The ruling exonerates the actions of the harbour master and director general of merchant shipping, despite their own experts boarding and inspecting the vessel and raising no alarm or immediate reason for concern, more than a week before X-Press Pearl sank”, the company said.

It also ignores the vessel’s pleas for help and the refusal by three ports (in Qatar, India and Sri Lanka) to offload the containers before the fire started.”

From the very start, X-Press Feeders has expressed deep regret to the people of Sri Lanka for the impact of X-Press Pearl’s sinking and remained committed to fully assist the government of Sri Lanka in all clean-up operations,” the Singapore-headquartered company said.

It acknowledged the need for some compensation but said this should be done in an equitable and fair manner that identifies the failings in the response and clean-up operations of the Sri Lankan government and is based on expert, scientifically based assessment of damages”.

The judgment, which it claims ignores maritime law, establishes an unprecedented level of risk that we, along with most shipping companies, will struggle to meet”.

We fear the inevitable rise in import-export costs and the broader impact on the people of Sri Lanka.”

The London Club said the ruling contradicts the polluter pays” principle, which is balanced by limitation of liabilities.

To throw out these principles is to reject the very legal architecture that keeps international shipping — and by extension global trade and commerce — functioning,” Bean said.

The London P&I Club is unwavering in its commitment to its members, and we will continue to stand firmly by and support X-Press Feeders.”

Courtesy CNA

COLOMBO: Owners of a Singapore-registered vessel urged Colombo on Friday (Aug 15) to consider more “rational” compensation after they were ordered to pay US$1 billion in damages for causing Sri Lanka’s worst case of environmental pollution.

Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court ordered X-Press Feeders in July to pay the damages within a year for causing marine pollution when its vessel caught fire in 2021.

The Supreme Court also ordered criminal charges against the skipper and local agents of the MV X-Press Pearl, which sank off Colombo Port after the fire.

“From the very start, X-Press Feeders has expressed deep regret to the people of Sri Lanka for the impact … and remained committed to fully assist … in all clean-up operations,” the owners said in a statement.

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They recognised the need for compensation but said “it must be done in an equitable and fair manner that identifies the failings in the response and clean-up operations of the Sri Lankan government”.

The vessel was carrying 81 containers of “dangerous cargo” that included acids, lead ingots and plastic raw materials.

Tons of microplastic granules from the ship inundated an 80km stretch of beach along Sri Lanka’s western coast. Fishing was prohibited for months.

Related:

Sri Lanka orders Singapore shipowner to pay US$1 billion over marine disaster

X-Press Feeders said it had already spent US$150 million to remove the wreck, clean the beaches, and compensate affected fishermen.

It said the damages awarded established an “unprecedented level of risk” that it and other shipping companies would struggle to meet, and called for more “rational decision-making”.

Sri Lankan authorities believe the fire was caused by a nitric acid leak.

Ports in Qatar and India had refused to offload the leaking nitric acid before the vessel arrived in Sri Lankan waters.

Environmentalists who filed the case alleged that both the government and the vessel’s owners had failed to prevent the fire from becoming an unprecedented ecological disaster.

The Sri Lankan government has also filed a lawsuit against the ship’s owners in the Singapore International Commercial Court, claiming unspecified damages.

Spiritual Quest

Madyawediya

SepalAmarasinghe

By Sena Thoradeniya

1. Introduction

Dr. Sudath Gunasekera in his essay posted in LankaWeb on 15 August 2025 proposes the Government of Sri Lanka, to set up a Memorial Museum of Patriotic Wars of Kandyan Sinhalese (1505-1848) and an International Institute of Postgraduate Research on Colonial Crimes in Sri Lanka”.

Accordingly, the proposed Museum will be designed to tell the pathetic story of the Sri Lanka’s Buddhist Kandyans”, to narrate the cruel saga of three colonial invasions” and highlight the savage crimes committed by the Western invaders with special focus on the 1817- 1818 Uva-Vellassa liberation struggle and the 1848 Matale Uprising respectively. Attention will also be paid to the draconian laws, barbaric and uncivilized methods the invaders deployed to rob country’s riches”. The proposed Museum will also portray the different methods of indigenous warfare of the Sinhalese” including guerilla warfare, visuals of brutalities committed by the colonial invaders” and Sri Lankan heroes of this period. In addition, it is also proposed to set up an International Institute of Postgraduate Research in the fields of colonial invasion”, a library to house all books related to this period”, a theater, lecture rooms, a lab and an Administrative Branch.

The proposal is not only commendable but long overdue. It addresses a pressing need with clarity and purpose and we welcome it without reservation. As someone born and educated in the historic Kandyan kingdom, I feel a deep personal connection to this initiative and extend my wholehearted, unwavering support. It is a step forward that resonates with both heritage and hope.

2. Literature as a Predictive Lens for Future Events

While the following discussion is in no way intended to diminish the brilliance of Dr. Sudath Gunasekera ’s proposal, it is important to recognize a broader intellectual context. Literature has long served as a harbinger of future developments, often anticipating changes in science, technology, and society. Science fiction, for instance, has historically imagined innovations – such as space travel, artificial intelligence and virtual reality – well before their realization in the empirical world. Likewise, novelists frequently perceive or reflect emerging historical and sociological currents, offering prophetic insights into the path of human affairs.

It is therefore obligatory upon historians, political analysts and sociologists to examine how creative writers have anticipated or foretold future events. Such interdisciplinary inquiry supplements our understanding of literature’s predictive power and emphasizes the interdependent relationship between imaginative expression and empirical reality.

Futility” or The Wreck of the Titan” by Morgan Robertson (1898), a luxurious, “unsinkable” ship named Titan striking an iceberg and sinking in the North Atlantic, The World Set Free”  by H. G. Wells (1914), the invention and use of atomic bombs powered by the disintegration of atoms, 1984”  by George Orwell (1949), imagining a dystopian society under constant surveillance, where truth is manipulated and individual freedoms are suppressed, Brave New World” by Aldous Huxley (1932), imagining a future dominated by consumerism, genetic engineering and psychological conditioning, are a few examples from world-renowned authors whose literary works anticipated major historical and societal developments that underscore literature’s remarkable ability to foresee technological and societal transformations.These writers offered prophetic insights into the trajectory of human civilization.

There are many novels that foresaw Socialist Revolution. Of those Mother” by Maxim Gorky (1906), a classic of socialist realism, portraying a working-class woman’s political awakening inspired by revolutionary movements in Russia stands aloft. Les Misérables” by Victor Hugo (1862), set in post-revolutionary France, is a deep social commentary on poverty, justice and redemption, deeply sympathizing with the poor and oppressed.

Why all this elaborate discourse on literature? Simply to affirm that I have established a fictitious Research Centre for Kandyan Affairs and a Museum dedicated to the heroic deeds of the freedom fighters of Uva, Wellassa, Dumbara, and Walapone during the freedom struggle of 1817–1818. These institutions are embedded within the narrative framework of my 772-page epic novel, Saptha Apadana Wasthuwa” (Seven Narratives or Fifty Years After Peradeniya- A New Journey Begins), published in 2011- now fourteen years ago.

My research work titled Dumbara Rata” (in four volumes; volume I published in 2004), offers a detailed account of the genesis of these two conceptual institutions. In 1995, during the launch of my novel Udumbaragira” – which explores the changing patterns of rural leadership in the Kandyan countryside – from traditional structures to contemporary forms – a lady in attendance proposed the establishment of an institute dedicated to Kandyan Studies. Her suggestion may have been inspired by the thematic focus of the novel, which implicitly called for a new field of inquiry- Kandyan Studies.

The proposed institute, tentatively named the Institute of Kandyan Studies, would have required substantial financial support, likely from foreign-funded NGOs or donor agencies. However, due to limited resources and a personal dislike to becoming yet another NGO entity, I chose to set aside the idea. Nevertheless, the vision of these two institutions remained deeply embedded in my imagination.

Having resolved that the study of Kandyan Affairs cannot be pursued through an institutionalized framework but rather as an individual endeavor, I commenced my research in a private capacity. However, upon recognizing the vast scope of the subject – given that the ancient Kandyan Kingdom extended across regions such as Kanda Uda Pas Rata or Sath Rata, Uva, Matale, Sabaragomuwa, Sath Korale, Sathara Korale Maha Disa and Tun Korale, Walapane, Wellassa, Nuwarakalaviya, Tamankaduwa, Uda Palatha, Puttalama, Madakalapuwa, Kottiarama, Panama, Bintenna, Viyaluwa, and Matara Sulu Disa  – I made the well-thought-out decision to narrow the focus of my study. Thus, I confined my study to Dumbara alone, one of the principal Rata of Kanda Uda Pas Rata. Dumbara Rata” stands as the culmination of this focused exploration.

This conceptual foundation later found expression in my 2011 novel, wherein a fictional research institute and museum dedicated to the heroics of the freedom fighters of 1817-1818 were introduced. Over time, this imagined institute began to take on a mythic reality. Friends and acquaintances, upon learning of my visits to Kandy, would often ask if I was going to the Centre and request to accompany me—thus blurring the line between fiction and lived experience.

I do not state that Dr. Sudath Gunasekera borrowed this idea from me, nor am I certain whether he is aware of the existence of such a novel.

It is a recurring observation of mine that historians, political analysts and sociologists of our country lack a substantive understanding of their nation’s art and literature. Conversely, most writers and artists demonstrate limited engagement with historical, political or sociological discourse. This disciplinary divide hampers holistic cultural analysis.  

3. Saptha Apadana Wasthuwa” (Seven Narratives)

Some political and cultural activists who entered the University at Peradeniya in 1961, meet after 50 years in a newly-built Museum and a Research Centre in a picturesque setting in front of Hunnasgiriya Mountains, in Patha Dumbara, Kandy. They come from the four corners of the Island – from the valleys of four major rivers of Lanka Mahaveli, Kelani, Kalu and Walawe. As they travel up to the mountains, they recall their experiences, political involvements, aspirations, sentiments, interventions in art and literary activities and dynamism of a generation. At the same time, they discuss various contradictions that arose during the period in many fields of activity. 

After their meeting they resolve to begin a new journey with the wish, not to abandon the course again; not to see an unfinished end of the journey they began fifty years ago or the new journey ending with another tragedy. They relate eloquently and lucidly that they can rediscover their lost collective legacy and what was denied to them, what they could not achieve, the goal they had missed. Thereby the novel portrays the lives of some bi-lingual intellectuals, political and cultural activists unfortunately became extinct in the 1970s, who attempted to change the existing socio- economic system.

The novel takes the reader on an Odyssey beginning from the mountain passes, rugged river basins and forest covers of Kalupahana Mountains in the Knuckles Range, from tapping kitul trees for its sap in mountain hideouts, to the Sovereign Hill” gold mines, Eureka Centre” and Southern Cross” flag in Victoria, Australia and to Dreamtime” stories of the Aborigines.  It exposes the duplicity of the NGO Movement, international community and the so-called Peace Process” in Sri Lanka hitherto untouched by any novelist. It reveals the decadence of local professionals, officialdom and academics comparing them with their counterparts elsewhere.

The novel has two main parts. The first part takes the reader 50 years back to the Peradeniya University. Two friends of the same batch engage in a discussion about the beginnings of the university movement in Sri Lanka, establishment of a university at Peradeniya and the present degeneration of the university system. They plan to have a meeting of their erstwhile comrades. Of these two characters one is the prime mover of the project who donates a land for the Research Centre and the Museum and the other the financier of the new project. They build a Museum, a Research Centre and a library according to a plan given by an academic- the wife of a comrade killed by the security forces on mistaken identity in 1971 – domiciled in Australia. She comes back to Sri Lanka to work as the Curator of the Museum, Head of the Research Centre and Chief Editor of the journal, leaving an academic career in a prestigious Australian university. The old comrades were invited to attend the inauguration of the Museum and the Research Centre.

The second part of the novel consists of the narratives of each character invited for the big occasion. Recalling what had happened to them during the last fifty years they travel to the Centre. Twelfth or the last chapter depicts the opening of the Museum and the Research Centre.  

The novel ends on a positive note, providing hopes for a new beginning.   

4. Conceptualizing the Creation of a Museum: A Reflection on Historical Memory and National Identity

The idea of establishing a museum dedicated to Sri Lanka’s fallen heroes emerged during my visits to several historically significant sites in Victoria, Australia – namely Ballarat’s Sovereign Hill, the abandoned gold mines and the Eureka Centre (Eureka, gold miners’ hope for wealth and prosperity). These spaces commemorate the Eureka Rebellion of 1854, where gold miners took up arms against the oppression, torture, brutal and corrupt management and the oppressive licensing system imposed by colonial authorities. Though the uprising lasted only a half hour and resulted in approximately 28 deaths, its legacy has been immortalized through museums and monuments. Eureka Centreexhibits the story of the gold miners and reforms that followed the revolt.

Eureka Stockade, Eureka Stockade Memorial Park,  Eureka Flag (or the Southern Cross Flag woven by the wives of gold miners, (gold miners took their oath under it; original flag now housed at Ballarat Museum), detailed display of the Eureka Rebellion,  diorama (digital displays reenacting events) and the Contemplation Space (a quite atmosphere for the visitors to think and absorb the historical significance of the events), lectures and events are the main attractions of the Eureka Centre. (Please read my novel Yaara Yathrika” (Navigator of the River Yaara – 2015).

This experience prompted a profound reflection on the total absence of similar commemorative efforts in Sri Lanka. The British colonial massacres of 1818 and 1848 – both far more devastating in scale and consequence than the Eureka Rebellion – have not received equivalent institutional recognition. These uprisings, which saw thousands of Sri Lankans resist imperial domination, were met with brutal suppression, yet their memory remains marginal in the national consciousness, limited to annual commemorations by some dedicated personnel and micro level commemorative societies in the provinces.

It was in this context that I conceptualized the creation of a museum—not merely as a repository of artifacts, but as a space for historical reckoning, cultural affirmation and intergenerational dialogue. If a brief rebellion like Eureka warrants such extensive memorialization, then surely the sacrifices of Sri Lanka’s freedom fighters demand hundreds of museums across Uva, Vellassa, Walapone, Dumbara, Hewaheta, Harispattuwa and Matale. These institutions would serve not only to honor the fallen but also to educate future generations about the national pride, refusal of subjugation, defiance of oppression, rejection of foreign domination and servitude, courage and vision of those who resisted colonial subjugation and of course the brutality of the invaders.

Drawing inspiration from the Eureka Centre, the characters of the novel stroll through the Commemoration Park, explore the exhibits within and visit the lecture hall, library, diorama and contemplative space, where a profound dialogue unfolds, mapping out future political plans and strategies of this core group.

5. Prospects and Challenges for Establishing a Memorial Museum of Patriotic Wars of Kandyan Sinhalese Under the Current Government

Historical Commemoration and Political Realities

When we are evaluating the feasibility of this proposal, we must be mindful of historical commemoration and political realities. State-sponsored memory and minority politics will play a major role in this venture. The present Government will never endorse such a Museum. Foreign – funded NGO fraternity and Western governments will ring alarm bells to the tune of national reconciliation and pluralism compromised with national memory, clamoring that the politics of commemoration of historical heroes has no place in contemporary Sri Lanka. They will ask “Whose History Is It?

Commercial Priorities Over Commemoration

Dr. Sudath Gunasekara has proposed to establish the Memorial Museum of Patriotic Wars of Kandyan Sinhalese” at the historic Bogambara Prison site in Kandy. The site faces significant hurdles – chief among them, the value and strategic importance of the land itself. Located in the heart of the city, this prime property spans over 13 acres and is estimated to be worth billions of rupees. Its central location and colonial architecture have made it a magnet for commercial interest.
Plans are already underway to transform the site into a luxury hotel and high-end shopping complex. The previous government has approved redevelopment proposals that include a five-star hotel, a shopping mall, food courts and budget accommodations, while preserving the prison’s colonial façade.

Museum Proposal vs. Investment Agenda

This vision clashes with the government’s economic and cultural agendas. For a regime grappling with economic instability and dictates of the IMF, investments even in casinos and cannabis (ganja) takes precedence over historical commemoration – especially when the subject involves village-level guerilla resistance movements that do not remain even marginally in both historical and cultural memory of the JVP/NPP.

Cultural Amnesia and Political Will
Uva-Wellassa uprising of 1817–1818 and the Matale revolt of 1848 are scarcely remembered in mainstream narratives, limited to annual commemorations by some dedicated personnel and micro level commemorative societies in the provinces as stated above.

Their absence from collective memory makes it politically convenient for the politicians to sideline such commemorative efforts. In a climate where economic survival surpasses historical reflection, the proposed museum risks being dismissed as a romanticized relic of the past.

My ancestral village lies adjacent to the ancient Ethgala Para, a historic route that once connected the Kandyan Kingdom with the island’s principal sea ports. Alongside this strategic pathway, the British established a fort during the early 19th century to consolidate their control over the region. In 1818, during the Uva–Wellassa Uprising, this fort came under attack by the valiant Dumbara warriors, led by Amunugama Bathwadana Nilame. Although the assault was ultimately repulsed, the event stands as a testament to the fierce resistance mounted by local freedom fighters against colonial domination. Tragically, the memory of this fort, the ancient route and the heroic struggle of the Dumbara warriors has faded from local consciousness. Today, none of the residents in the vicinity are aware of an ancient bridle path, a fort and a battle and their historical significance.

At the same time, it would be unrealistic to expect meaningful support from the current Minister of Cultural Affairs, whose upbringing in a Catholic environment may not have instilled a deep appreciation of historical and cultural memory. Compounding this concern is the past conduct of his Deputy, who despite donning saffron robes – a symbol of monastic commitment-was alleged in actions that led to the near destruction of a structure of profound importance to the Buddhist community. Such contradictions raise serious questions about the sincerity and capacity of the present leadership to champion these initiatives.

In my article titled Black Smoke Billows from Pelawatta Chimney,” published in Lankaweb on 16 May 2005, I examined the implications of the recently concluded local government elections, with focus on the political messaging emerging from the Jaffna District. Notably, an MP affiliated with the National People’s Power (NPP) released a series of campaign songs that were overtly sympathetic to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). These songs, disseminated in the lead-up to the elections, pledged to erect a bronze statue of LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran, construct a new harbor and a memorial hall dedicated to Prabhakaran’s parents and undertake the reconstruction and maintenance of LTTE cemeteries. Furthermore, the MP vowed to rename the Nallur Sankiliyan Park as Kittu Park,” in honor of Sathasivam Krishnakumar (alias Kittu), a senior LTTE commander. These pledges, reflect a broader strategy of memorialization and identity politics that clash with the proposed Memorial Museum.

Under the proposed educational reforms by the NPP government, there is a plan to eliminate History and Buddhism from the school curriculum. The government intends to introduce a new cultural celebration in December, designed to be inclusive of all ethnic and religious communities. While this initiative may be framed as a move toward national unity, it raises serious concerns about the erosion of Sri Lanka’s rich cultural and religious heritage. Such a shift could signal the gradual phasing out of deeply rooted traditions such as the Sinhala and Tamil New Year, Wesak, Poson, and Christmas celebrations that have long served as vital expressions of communal identity and historical continuity. This represents a profound rupture in the cultural fabric of the nation.

Given the current trajectory of government policy, the proposed museum appears to be nothing more than a pipe dream, an initiative that fails to account for the prevailing political climate and the government’s demonstrated priorities. The assumption underlying its conception seems naïve, as if the government were a school administration run by inexperienced students, capable of safeguarding historical and cultural legacies. Such misreading of governmental behavior undermines the credibility and feasibility of the project.

Political and Ideological Opposition

Beyond the logistical and economic challenges, the proposal to establish a museum commemorating Kandyan resistance faces a complex web of political and ideological opposition. Key stakeholders aligned with the current administration- including NGOs, segments of the Tamil diaspora, remnants of the LTTE and various minority communities such as Tamils, Muslims and Upcountry Tamils – may perceive such a commemorative project as politically sensitive or exclusionary. Any project that highlights Sinhala nationalist ideas becomes especially controversial for them.

Institutional actors such as the Catholic Church, Western Embassies and Governments and regional powers like India – each of which played a role in the current regime change are likely to scrutinize the museum’s ideological framing. Moreover, advocacy groups including the LGBTIQ community, a vocal ally of the present regime, may challenge the museum if it is seen to reinforce majoritarian or exclusionary historical narratives.

International Oversight

International oversight further complicates the matter. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has consistently urged the Sri Lankan government to amend or repeal certain laws, accede to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and initiate accountability processes for alleged wartime abuses. Proposals for external investigations, targeted sanctions and constitutional reforms reflect a broader push for compliance with international human rights norms – an agenda that may conflict with domestic efforts to valorize historical figures labeled as war heroes” within nationalist discourse.

6. Conclusion

Anura Kumara is no Mahinda- he wouldn’t dare tell the modern-day Kushners and Milibands to stage their diplomatic kite festival elsewhere, preferably over an abandoned, sun-scorched reservoir in Ruhuna!

As a son of Patha Dumbara, I conceptualized the idea of a Museum and Research Centre and even went so far as to establish fictitious prototypes. However, it was Dr. Sudath Gunasekara, a son of Uda Dumbara, who independently formally proposed the initiative and developed its blueprints. Should this vision ever come to fruition, full credit rightfully belongs to him as its original initiator.

 

 

by Garvin Karunaratne

Let us harness the wind for power and stop spending dollars for oil

By Garvin Karunaratne

I enclose a write up by eesrilanka wordpress.com/2019/04/13/playing with history: on some of my writings.

__________________________________________________________

C2. Buying Power from Multinationals

Garvin Karunaratne recalls his experience of 18 years working in stations like Hambantota as well as in the hilly Districts of Kandy and Nuwara Eliya. He chides the authorities for erecting wind turbines on the coast. He believes that the authorities seem to be working to prove that wind turbines are not suitable for Sri Lanka.

Karunaratne then mentions his vast travel experience and states that the US, Spain Portugal and many more countries have put up wind turbines never at their coastal areas but in their hills. Further he highlights authorities that have noted the vast resources of wind power in Sri Lanka. He urges Sri Lanka to use its wind resources and he actually has requested the State Engineering Corporation engineers who did make long concrete poles to hold the canopy for the Avukana Buddha statue to be enlisted to make the wind turbines. He emphasizes that Sri Lanka can become self sufficient in all its power requirements if only a few hundred wind turbines are constructed and he states that this can be done within a year.

Karunaratne speaks with the broad experience of having worked designing and establishing the Youth Self Employment Programme of Bangladesh in two years, a programme that has created employment for millions of youths, something which even the ILO  had failed earlier. He urges and provides many facts showing that wind power holds the magical solution for Sri Lanka.

– www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2019/04/09/buying-power-from-multinationals/

The only item that has to be imported for wind turbines is the turbine mechanism. It will be child’s play for Jinasenas, the makers of reputed Jinasena pumps to make these turbines if called upon.

For full details: Wind Power for Sri Lanka’s Energy Requirements: Godages, 2019 by Garvin Karunaratne

Anyone who disagrees is requested to  visit Spain, where turbines are made in small garages and  perched everywhere. Spain even sells electricity to France and earns dollars. All while we allow the winds to rage through at Hayes, at Ramboda, at Madugoda and many many places where on my irrigation inspections  I have chided with death facing abnormal wind power.

May we open our eyes wide. I repeat that a few hundred wind turbines can be erected in one year working at the Speed the Land Development Department did work not long ago and we need not import any oil.

Garvin Karunaratne

මාධ්‍ය අංශය, වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන.

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (ආ) ඡේදයට ගැලපෙන ලෙස ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (b) ඡේදය නිවැරදිව පළකරන ලෙස නීතීඥවරුන් 209ක් සහ නීතීඥවරුන් නොවන පුරවැසියන් 104ක් විසින් ගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමාගෙන් කරන ඉල්ලීම් ගැන ජනාධිපති ලේකම් කාර්යාලය දැනුවත් කර එකී ඉල්ලීම් සහිත A-3 ප්‍රමාණයේ ලේඛන 34 2025.08.14 දින ජනාධිපති මහජන සම්බන්ධතා අංශය වෙත බාර දී ඇත.

ජනාධිපති මහජන සම්බන්ධතා අංශය වෙත ඉල්ලීම් බාරදුන් බවට අදාල  ලේඛනය මේ සමඟ අමුණා ඇත.

ස්වාධීන රූපවාහිනීයේ 2025.08.14 දින සවස 6.30 ප්‍රවෘත්ති විකාශයේ  https://www.youtube.com/live/s5YIqYDoGvo?si=etwh3jdgQuf4gyQo?&t=1686
සහ 2025.08.15 දින දිවයින පුවත්පතේ 2 වන පිටුවේ පළවූ “සිංහල මුද්‍රණයට ගැලපෙන ලෙස ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ ඉංග්‍රීසි මුද්‍රණය නිවැරදි කරන්න.“
(දිවයින 2025.08.15)
https://www.divaina.lk/main-news/22720

ජනාධිපති ධූරකාලය සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය වසර 6කට වඩා වැඩි කිරීමට පමණක් ජනමතවිචාරණයක් මගින් ජනතාවගේ අනුමැතිය අවශ්‍ය බවත්, එම කාලය වසර 6කට වඩා අඩුකර ගැනීමට  ජනමතවිචාරණයක් මගින් ජනතාවගේ අනුමැතිය අවශ්‍ය නොවන බවත් ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් මුද්‍රණය කර ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (b) ඡේදය අනුව දැක්වෙන අතර, ඒ අනුව 2015 දී ඉදිරිපත් වූ 19වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයේදී ජනාධිපති ධූරකාලය සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය වසර 6කට වඩා අඩු කර ගත්තේ එනම් වසර 5ක් බවට පත්කර ගනු ලැබූයේ ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා මුද්‍රණය අනුව කටයුතු කිරීමෙන් ය. එසේ වුවත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව කටයුතු කිරීමේදී එනම් ජනාධිපති ධූරකාලය සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය වසර 6කට වඩා අඩු කර ගැනීමට එනම් වසර 5ක් කිරීමට ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පවත්වා ජනතාවගේ අනුමැතිය ලබා ගත යුතු වෙයි.

එසේම මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවේ සභාපතිතුමාවද මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් දැනුවත් කර තිබූ අතර ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (ආ) ඡේදය නිවැරදිව ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවට පරිවර්තනය කිරීම සඳහා ගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමා දැනුම්වත් කොට අදාල නිවැරදි කිරීම ස‍ඳහා අවශ්‍ය කටයුතු සලසා දෙන මෙන් ජනාධිපති ලේකම්තුමා වෙත ලිපියක් යවා ඇති බව මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවේ සභාපති ආර්. එම්. ඒ. එල්. රත්නායක මහතා විසින් නීතීඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන මහතා වෙත දැනුම් දී ඇත.

ඒ බවට අදාල ලේඛනය මේ සමඟ අමුණා ඇත.

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83.(ආ) ඡේදයේ ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂා පාඨයේ ඇති දෝෂයක් නිවැරදි කිරීමට අදාල පියවර ගැනීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවේ සභාපතිතුමා ඇතුලු සියලු දෙනාටම ස්තුතිය ප්‍රකාශකර සිටී.

http://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2025/08/83.html?m=1

මාධ්‍ය අංශය, වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන. දුරකථන 0712063394
(2025.08.16)

Nava Thakuria

Guwahati: Commending Assam government for deciding to name the under-construction Dighalipukhuri–Noonmati flyover in the city after legendary Kamrup ruler Prithu Maharaj, a forum of nationalist citizens appeals to State chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma for erecting a life-size statue of the iconic ruler of Kamrup (ancient Assam), also known as Visvasundaradeva, along with the longest flyover in northeast India.  The Patriotic People’s Front Assam (PPFA), in a statement, also lauded CM Sarma’s views that the  move was a part of the State government’s sacred duty to preserve Assam’s cultural heritage and to inspire younger generations by honouring historical figures who defended the region against aggression by Islamic invaders.

Sarma, after hoisting the Tricolour on the occasion of 79th Independence Day at Khanapara, announced that the four-lane elevated corridor (measuring around 5 kilometre) connecting Dighalipukhuri (Ambari) area with Noonmati locality will be named after the medieval Kamarupa king, who defeated the Turkish-Afghan invader Mohamad -I- Bakhtiyar Khilji and annihilated his army in 1206 CE. By then, the Muslim aggressor killed over 10,000 Buddhist monks and destroyed well-known centres of learning Nalanda and Vikramshila in central India. Khilji even tried to invade Tibet bypassing the Kamrup kingdom, but could not overpower the Tibetan forces and returned back through the Kamrup territory, when mighty warrior Prithu dismantled his armed forces, somewhere in present day North Guwahati. While on retreat the notorious  invader was assassinated by his own general Ali Mardan.

Prithu Maharaj should be honoured as he stood firmly against the invaders to safeguard the Hindu cultural legacy of Kamrup, where Sanskrit was recognised as Raj Bhasa, and prevented an early foreign aggression in this part of Bharat. The legendary Kamrup ruler earned strategic support from various tribal communities like Bodo, Koch- Rajbongshi, Keot, to overpower the Muslim forces,” stated the PPFA, adding the victory over Khilji by the Kamrup Nripati is now remembered in Assam as Mahavijay Diwas (27 March), however the historians in the rest of India are yet to recognise the valour and nationalism of Prithu, which should be restored with due honour and admiration.

lanka C news

August 15, 2025 at 10:22 pm |

‘මට ඩිමෙන්ෂියා තියෙනවා.. ළග ඒව පොඩ්ඩක් අමතක වෙනවා’ යයි ඇමති කේ.ඩී. ලාල් කාන්ත මහතා පැවසීය.

කොළඹදී පැවති රජයේ මිනුන්දෝරු සංගමයේ 99 වන සංවත්සර උත්සවය අමතමින් ඔහු මේ බව පැවසුවේය.

තමා දරන වෘත්තීය සමිති නායක සහ කැබිනට් අමාත්‍ය යන දෙකේම වගකීම් දෙකම සමබරව පවත්වාගෙන යාමට සිදුව ඇති බවත් එම නිසා කතා කිරීමේදී සහ තීරණ ගැනීමේදී ප‍්‍රවේශම් විය යුතු බවත් ඔහු සදහන් කලේය.

තමාට ඩිමෙන්ෂියා ඇති බවත් මෑත සිදුවීම් සමහරක් තමාට අමතක වන බවත් එනිසා සාකච්ඡා කළ කරුණු ලිඛිතව ලබා දෙන ලෙස ඔහු සංගමයේ සාමාජිකයන්ගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටි බවත් හෙතෙම පැවසුවේය.

ඩිමෙන්ෂියා (Dementia) යනු මතකය, චින්තනය, භාෂාව සහ ගැටලු විසඳීමේ හැකියාවට බලපාන රෝගී තත්ත්වයන් කිහිපයක එකතුවකි. මෙය මොළයේ සෛල වලට හානි වීමෙන් හෝ මිය යාමෙන් ඇතිවන රෝග ලක්ෂණ සමූහයකි.

මතකය දුර්වල වීම, දෛනික කටයුතු සිදුකිරීමට ඇති හැකියාව අඩු වීම, කතා කිරීමට සහ භාෂාව තේරුම් ගැනීමට අපහසු වීම, මනෝභාවය සහ හැසිරීම් වල වෙනස්කම් ඇති වීම ප්‍රධාන රෝග ලක්ෂණ වෙයි.

ඩිමෙන්ෂියා යනු වයස්ගත වීමත් සමඟ ඇතිවන සාමාන්‍ය තත්ත්වයක් නොවන අතර, බොහෝවිට ඇල්ෂයිමර්ස් (Alzheimer’s) රෝගය හෝ වෙනත් ස්නායු රෝග තත්ත්වයන් නිසා ඇතිවේ. මෙම තත්ත්වයන් පුද්ගලයෙකුගේ දෛනික ජීවිතයට සහ සමාජ සම්බන්ධතා වලට බලපෑමක් ඇති කළ හැකිය.

Chanaka Bandarage

The President’s Office has clearly articulated that it will release all the Presidential Houses to the government’s housing pool except the Colombo and Kandy Houses. The government states they will be converted to various ventures like tourist hotels, education institutions, offices etc.

The following Presidential Houses are destined to be shut down:

• Anuradhapura – in close proximity to Thuparamaya
• Mahiyanganaya – overlooking the Sorabora Wewa
• Katharagama – in close proximity to Kirivehera
• Kegalle – the Dawson Bungalow
• Jaffna – in KKS, a palatial seaside house, still unused
• Ampara Lahugala (built at the cost of over Rs 110 Crores)
• There is also the Prime Ministerial Official residence in Nuwara Eliya used by the past Presidents
• Benthota – probably there is a one there

It is important for the government to bear in mind that in 2024 the people did not elect AKD as the President in perpetuity. His sojourn is confined to 5 years. In 2029, we shall have another Presidential election. If AKD has performed well, of course people will re-elect him as the President. But, if he has performed poorly, people will elect a different President. Eg: Sajith Premadasa or Namal Rajapakse.

With this decision, the government is creating an unfair situation for future Presidents. As, they may need the Presidential Houses for their use/occupation.

If the future Presidents would require at least some of those houses, that will cost the taxpayers many millions to rebuild.

The shutdowns seem to be an unanimous decision by the government. They put this issue in their election manifesto.

The writer states as we now have them, we should keep them.

The reason for the shutdowns as given by the government is cost saving and unnecessariness.

This is not an impressive argument.

They are already built, sound houses. The government incurs expenditure only in maintaining them. That is far little when compared with the cost of rebuilding.

The current politicians may well have to answer in the future why they embarked on such decision making.

The Supreme Court in the Eppawala Phosphate case stated (in obiter) that the governments are not owners of the land and/or resources, but mere trustees:

Bulankulama v. Min. of Industrial Development (Eppawala case), S.C. Application No. 884/99 (F/R) –  For as King Devanampiya Tissa was told three centuries before the birth of Christ, we are its guardians – not its owners.

It is being reported that when he visits Anuradhapura, our President stays in a private hotel.  The  fully equipped, most comfortable, extremely secure Presidential House is located in close proximity to that hotel.

It is stated that the same has happened in Nuwara Eliya.

This is most bizarre.

The Jaffna President’s House is a colossal structure consisting of 27 rooms, located in a 200-acre property. That area of  KKS is earmarked as a high security zone. What is the rationale in shutting this down? If not for this President’s House, where else can the President safely stay when he visits Jaffna?

It is the Tamil Separatists including the T Diaspora who largely want this President’s House shut down.

The President’s House in Colombo is part and parcel of the Office of Presidency. It is the formal residence and the principal workplace for the President.

Per his/her own whim and fancy, the President simply cannot refuse to reside there.

But, this is what all our Presidents have done, except R Premadasa and DB Wijethunga.

The situation about the Heads of State Houses in developed countries is very clear – it is mandatory for the President or the Prime Minister to live in the allocated official residence. They cannot say No. Eg: The White House in Washington DC (USA), No 10 Downing Street, London (UK) and the Lodge in Canberra (Australia).

The present government has decided not to use the Temple Trees and the Speaker’s Residence for the accommodation by the Prime Minister and the Speaker respectively.

Why?

Where are they living now?

The citizens have a right to know. We are a democracy.

The President, Prime Minister and the Speaker are the most powerful positions of this country. The CJ is also a powerful position.

Knowing the importance of residing in the official residence, the CJ, the tri forces commanders, IGP have always lived in their respective official residences.

It is the politicians who have moved away from custom.

It appears currently none of the top three (the President, Prime Minister and the Speaker) are living in their respective official residences. They seem to be living in private residences. This is not good.

Public figures who hold very important positions lose their privacy to a large extent.

It is a huge price that they have to pay.

This is the case all over the world.

If they want to maintain strict privacy and confidentiality, they should not have vied for very high positions.

All our politicians, especially the 225, must be exemplary in character.

People expect good, moral, decent behaviour from our leaders/politicians, other public figures like top bureaucrats, leading sportspersons, academics, singers, top professionals etc.

Prominent public figures are role models.  They must bear an unblemished character.  They are looked to by others as examples to be imitated.  If they behave badly, people that emulate them can also become bad. It will be very bad for our children. The whole society can collapse.

Worldwide, politicians and leading figures who misbehave like engaging in bribery/corruption, criminal conduct, illicit sexual affairs, extra-marital affairs,  anti-social behaviour, vulgar conduct ultimately get rejected by the very people who adore them.

If they can’t behave honourably and decently, such public figures must quit what they are doing.

In Sri Lanka, we are a conservative society that places a high onus on tradition, values, discipline, custom, culture and history.  

Sadly, the current leaders who are Leftwing (Marxist) Liberals, do not see this as important.

They do not like to call Sri Lanka a Sinhala Buddhist country.

The USA, Canada, Australia are multicultural countries. Millions of migrants flock to them. But, they identify themselves as Judeo-Christian countries. Each day the Australian parliament commences proceedings after reciting a Bible verse – not from the Bhagavat Geeta or the Dhammapada.

Reverting to the official residence argument– all these residences are magnificent buildings with beautiful gardens. They resemble the dignity, eminence, solemnity and the power of the occupier. The President is the executive head of this land – he possesses enormous power. We expect him to lead the country wisely, kindly and with lots of empathy.

When our leaders live in those beautiful residences that brings pride, joy and positivity to the masses. We proudly show them to others especially to foreigners, tourists.

But, if they are shut down and kept in the dark (like now), that shows the downwardness of the nation.

In such a situation, whether they like it or not, the President, Prime Minister and the Speaker must reside in the official houses provided for them. There are regulatory provisions that prescribe the provision of all facilities to those houses by the state.

Note, all the High Commissioners and Ambassadors who are in Sri Lanka live in their official residences. They all are well kept beautiful residences. These dignitaries frequently throw out parties at their state expense.

With respect, by living in unknown private residences, our said leaders may be bringing their most important positions into disrepute.

As soon as the new government came to power the road adjacent to the Temple Trees, specifically the stretch from St Michael’s roundabout to the Rotunda roundabout was reopened. This road had been closed for security reasons for approximately 20 years. As very significant modifications were needed to be made, lakhs of rupees were spent on that project.

What happens when a new PM comes to that position and that government decides to re-close that stretch of the road for security reasons?

Until recently, the Speaker had a beautiful residence erected on the banks of the Diyawanna Lake, built in 2000 (prior to that the Speaker’s Residence was the ‘Mumtaz Mahal’ in Colpetty – another magnificent residence). We now hear that the Speaker’s residence has been converted to some form of a parliamentary office and that the Speaker lives in a rented house in Lauris  Road, Colombo 5.

If this is true, then, does the government pay the rent for that property? Why? How much?

Isn’t there space in the current parliament (a gigantic structure) to put up that new parliamentary office?

When a new speaker comes to the seat in the future, he/she may want to reside in the Official residence, but, if that house is already gone? A future government may need to build a new Speaker’s Residence?

It is indeed sad to hear that the Speaker of this country lives in a rented house.

Rather than shutting them down or converting them to other ventures, these precious government houses must be preserved at least for the use of the future incumbents of those most important positions.

Overall, in the past 10 months the government has fallen from one pitfall to another. Its popularity has plummeted. Some Ministers like the Agriculture have brought forth much discredit to the government. That person does not deserve a place in the Cabinet. Sadly the Transport Ministry is still slack. Commuters (bus/train) face untold hardships on a daily basis. This is due to the country’s bad transport system. In the omnibus sector, private bus owners have the upper hand – basically they run it the way they want it.

One silver lining is the gradual improvement of the economy. Even the IMF has congratulated the government. The government was courageous to open up the economy for vehicle imports.

The government did well to resolve the Sevanagala issue.

The government deserves a pat on the back for not engaging in bribery and corruption. This is the biggest vice this country had for 77 years.

The government’s decision to shut down all the Ministerial houses (about 50) is a great one. No decent country in the world provides Ministers with residential accommodation, except of course Sri Lanka.

John Reid and Daniel Biasetto in Tabatinga, Brazil

Jul 27, 2025

Solar-powered units reciting biblical passages have appeared in the Javari valley, despite strict laws protecting Indigenous groups

Missionary groups are using audio devices in protected territories of the rainforest to attract and evangelise isolated or recently contacted Indigenous people in the Amazon. A joint investigation by the Guardian and Brazilian newspaper O Globo reveals that solar-powered devices reciting biblical messages in Portuguese and Spanish have appeared among members of the Korubo people in the Javari valley, near the Brazil–Peru border.

Drones have also been spotted by Brazilian state agents in charge of protecting the areas. The gadgets have raised concerns about illegal missionary activities, despite strict government measures designed to safeguard isolated Indigenous groupsShow

This is not thought to be the first recent attempt by missionary groups to reach isolated and uncontacted communities in the Javari valley. Shortly before the pandemic, a group of US and Brazilian citizens affiliated to evangelical churches were allegedly reported to be planning to contact the Korubo people. It was claimed they had used seaplanes to map trails and locate longhouses.

A plane carrying missionaries from the Asas de Socorro group lands in an indigenous village in the Javari valley. Photograph: biasetto@gmail.com

Three missionaries were identified as planning these alleged contact efforts: Thomas Andrew Tonkin, Josiah McIntyre and Wilson de Benjamin Kannenberg, linked to the Missão Novas Tribos do Brasil (New Tribes Mission of Brazil – MNTB) and a humanitarian group known as Asas de Socorro – or Wings of Relief. They were prohibited from entering Indigenous territory by court order during the Covid crisis.

Now it has emerged that missionaries have returned to the Javari valley and surrounding towns, such as Atalaia do Norte, with a new tool.

The first device uncovered, a yellow and grey mobile phone-sized unit, mysteriously appeared in a Korubo village in the Javari valley recently. The gadget, which recites the Bible and inspirational talks by an American Baptist, can do so indefinitely, even off-grid, thanks to a solar panel. Up to seven of the units were reported by local people, but photo and video evidence were obtained for just one.

A solar-powered In Touch Messenger audio device in the Korubo village, loaded with the Bible and religious teachings in Spanish and Portuguese

A message on the device located by the Guardian states: Let’s see what Paul says as he considers his own life in Philippians chapter 3, verse 4: ‘If someone else thinks they have reasons to put confidence in the flesh, I have more’.”

The Brazilian government does not permit proselytising in the Korubo’s territory. Its policy, dating from 1987, stipulates that isolated groups must initiate any contact, a stance that made Brazil a pioneer in respecting Indigenous self-determination.

The state also strictly controls access, to protect the Korubo and other uncontacted peoples in the region from common diseases to which they have little or no immunity.

The device that reached the hands of the Korubo is called Messenger and is distributed by the Baptist organisation In Touch Ministries, based in Atlanta, Georgia. It is now a curiosity in the possession of the Korubo community matriarch, Mayá.

In Touch does not sell the Messenger. The devices are donated to unreached” people in countries around the world and are available in more than 100 languages. With its solar panel and built-in torch, the device is designed to bring the gospel to places that lack reliable electricity or internet connections.

In an interview with the Guardian, Seth Grey, In Touch Ministries’ chief operating officer, confirmed that the organisation uses devices such as the Messenger and that it is built for functionality, solar-powered, with a flashlight”. Then they discover the content,” he said, adding that the device is loud enough for 20-person listening groups”.

Grey said he personally delivered 48 of the devices to the Wai Wai people in the Brazilian Amazon four years ago. They contained religious content in their language and Portuguese. The Wai Wai have engaged with US missionaries, who have contacted and proselytised among communities in the northern Amazon, for decades, according to anthropologist Catherine V Howard.

Grey said, however, that the Messenger should not be present in the Javari valley in violation of Brazilian policy. We don’t go anywhere we’re not allowed,” he said, referring to In Touch staff. He said he was aware of missionaries from other organisations” who do carry the devices to regions and countries where they are prohibited.

As a recently contacted people, the Korubo are of keen interest to missionaries. Photograph: Paulo Mumia

The Korubo, known for their deadly expertise with war clubs, are a recently contacted people and therefore of keen interest to certain missionaries focused on preaching to the unreached”.

Sgt Cardovan da Silva Soeiro, a military police officer at the government protection post at the entrance to the Javari valley Indigenous territory, said he learned about the devices from an Indigenous person stationed at the base.

 I sent a report with the photos to police intelligence, but so far we haven’t heard anything back. The Indigenous people didn’t want to give me the devices, so I thought it best not to insist. I just managed to get the images,” he said.

Cardovan said military police officers are aware of the presence of missionaries allegedly linked to another Christian group, Jehovah’s Witnesses. Some of these religious entities are very likely trying to get closer,” he said.

A Funai base at the confluence of the Itui and Itaquai rivers – the main access point for Korubo sites in the Javari Valley – where officers reported drone sightings. Photograph: John Reid

He also reported to police command the presence of mysterious drones” that had recently appeared above the base, usually in the late afternoon. Cardovan was ordered to shoot them down, but so far has been unable to do so.

We don’t know if they belong to missionaries, drug traffickers, fishers or miners who are watching the base to see if they’ll have free passage through here. When I received the order from command to shoot them down, I aimed my rifle, but the drone fled at high speed. It seemed very sophisticated,” he said.

Daniel Luís Dalberto, a federal prosecutor’s office agent who monitors the rights of uncontacted and recently contacted peoples, said the key point to understanding the presence of missionaries is not how many there are in the territory, but rather the change in methods like those of the radios that are emerging now”.

It’s a stealthy, concealed, under the radar conversion,” he said. The method has become sophisticated and difficult, almost impossible to combat.”

Dr. Sudath Gunasekara B.A. (Hons) PhD. Retired Permanent Secretary to   Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranayaka.

In this essay, I propose to the Government of Sri Lanka to set up a Memorial Museum of Patriotic wars of Kandyan Sinhalese (1505-1848) and an International Post graduate Institute of Research on Colonial crimes in Sri Lanka” at the old Bogamabara Prison site, in memory of the brave Kandyan Sinhalese patriots who sacrificed their lives in tens of thousands in battle against three barbaric and savges sea pirate European invaders of the Atlantic civilization, Portuguese, Dutch and English, for almost three and half Centuries, confining them to a narrow coastal belt for 310 years to save their Motherland, the Sinhala Nation and the Buddha Saasana.

Although the Kandyan Kingdom was ceded to the United Kingdom on a mutually agreed Convention between two sovereign Governments, the Kandyan Kingdom of Sri Lanka and the United Kingdom of Great Britain, on March 2 1815 the British openly violated it and threw the Convention in to the dustbin of history by issuing the Royal Proclamation of Nov 21^st 1818. Thereafter they ruled this country as one of their colonies captured in war until Feb 4^th 1948, under their own system of Government of oppression, repression and merciless exploitation continuing the same colonial rule started first in the coastal belt in 1505 up to 1815 by the Portuguese, Dutch and the British and thereafter by the British.

The proposed Museum is designed to tell this pathetic story of the Sinhala Buddhist Kingdom, that had once thrived in the East as one of the greatest nations in the world for over 2500 years, standing in par with the Great ancient Empires and Kingdoms such as the Greek, Roman, Egyptians Persian, Indian and Chinese, as one of the greatest pristine human civilizations in the world.  

 The proposed Museum will narrate the cruel saga of these colonial invasions and also highlight the savages’ crimes committed on this country and its people by these three successive Western invaders (Portuguese, Dutch and British) with special focus on the 1817-1818 Uva Wellassa patriotic rebellion and the 1848 Matale uprising. Attention will also be paid to the draconian laws,  barbaric and uncivilized methods they deployed to rob the country’s riches for the enrichment of their empires, while trying to destroy the 2500 year old Sinhala Buddhis civilization in this country and consolidating their geopolitical, strategic and economic power together within the Indian ocean,  and the far east by taking control of Trincomalee, the gateway to their power in the Indo pacific region, as both Napolean and Lord Mount[S1]  Batton had once said.

Apart from the political, economic, social, physical and the cultural devastations they have done in their invasions it will also display how these sea pirate invaders flooded the land of the Sinhalese with south Indian Malaba coulees, historically the sworn adversaries of the Sinhala nation, from the 2^nd century BC to the 13^th century, to change the demography of the Island and weaken the native Sinhala Buddhist nation with the power of their guns and swords together with barbaric and inhuman torcher inflicted upon the natives followed by their subversive religious conversions with the assistance of the Wesleyan Methodist Mission (1879), with the ultimate objective of annihilating the Sinhala Buddhist  civilization from the surface of this Island.  Their first mission was to divide this country in to two countries to be designated as Sinhalese and Tamils districts, to destroy the 2500-year-old Sinhala Buddhist civilization in this age-old native Sinhala Kingdom. It was these American missionaries who first named these Malabar immigrants as Tamils, although they were officially designated as Ceylon Tamils only in1901 by Ponnambalam Arunachalam, who was selectively appointed as the first Registrar General in 1887 by the British.

All these events clearly show how the British and the Catholic Church had designed and manipulated the division of this land of the Sinhala people in to two countries as Sinhala and Tamil, with the idea of creating an eternal political hotch-potch right at the center of the Indian Ocean as the lounging pad for them to enable their empire building in South East Asia.

Malaba immigrants were brought by them in large numbers as coulees firstly, to be settled in the North and East starting from 1760 s to 1797 by the Dutch and subsequently by the British in order to colonize the North and the East with Malabar Tamils. Secondly, again by the British after1815 first, as sepoys to suppress and kill the Native Sinhala Kandyan freedom fighters, who rebelled against the repressive British rule in the 1818 and 1848 national rebellions. Thirdly, starting from 1840   through the latter part of the 19^th century up to 1910, they imported nearly 1.2 million indentured South Indian coulee labour to work on the newly opened up coffee and Tea plantations in the central hill country, started on lands forcibly taken over from the native Kandyan Sinhalese in 1840 under the Crown land Encroachment Ordinance,1853 Temple Land Ord and 1897 under the Wasteland Ord, by removing Kandyan Sinhalese by mass murder of all males over 18 years under orders from Governor Brownrigg to Major Mac Donald. Brownrigg fought the Great Rebellion of 1817–18 and managed to defeat that, aided by reinforcements from India, by enacting martial law. He strengthened his power in the Kandyan Kingdom by issuing a special announcement on 21 November 1818, which contains 56 statements, curtailing the power of aristocrats. Thereby he blatantly violated the Kandyan Convention of March 02. 1815.Those survived, men, women and children fled in to the valley bottoms and far away eastern jungles to save their lives.

 It is interesting to note that at the same time the British built up a fabricated and a diabolical lie, starting with a fairy tale, invented by Cleghorne (a Dutchman) in his famous minute, submitted to Governor North in 1799, often quoted by the Tamil separatist politicians stating that this country had two nations called Sinhala and Tamil (misquoting the Sinhalese have come from Thailand)  fabricating that there were two Ratas ( they called them districts) in this country from time immemorial. According to them the Tamil country started from Putlam and extended through the Northern Province and beyond, covering the entire Eastern Province up to Walave Gannga.  This refers to the narrow coastal belt where Malabar migrant labour brought from South India by the Dutch after 1765 and by the British after 1799 to work on their projects North (including toddy tapping in the Jaffna district) and East in the narrow coastal belt occupied by them. The Sinhala country according to them extended only from Walawe Ganaga to Puttalam covering the interior of the country.

This was a blatant and diabolical travesty of the 2500 years history of this Island nation, contradicting all available accepted native historical sources like the Mahavansa, local epigraphic and literal sources and also writings by all foreigners starting from the Greek, Roman, Persian and Egyptians and Chinese down to the Portuguese, Dutch, British, German and Italian historians, scholars, discoverers and travelers alike.

Based on the Cleghorne minute this was how Governor North had conveyed that fabrication to the home government in Britain in 1813 even before the 1815 Kandyan Convention was signed on march 1815 march 2^nd.

This in brief gives the well-planned long-term colonial intrigue and the conspiracies first, to concur this Island nation and then to weaken the native Sinhalese and empower the Tamil immigrants brought by them as their Malaba coulees and then subsequently erase the Sinhala Buddhist civilization from this paradise on earth, which they had made their Motherland from time immemorial. The invaders considered Sri Lanka as the most important geopolitical hub in the Indian Ocean, strategically, geo politically and economically as well, that is very crucial for the expansion and consolidation of the Atlantic civilization in the Indo- Pacific region.

It is to unravel and display these colonial intrigues and crimes committed on the native Sinhalese by the invaders on the one hand and the bravery displayed by our ancestors, the Kandyan Sinhala Warriors on the other, that I propose to set up this monumental Memorial Museum and the Research Institute in Kandy at this central place, I deem as the most appropriate place in this country for such a historic feat.

The proposed Museum will also portray the different methods of indigenous warfare’s of Sinhalese, their artillery and techniques’ like guerrilla warfare including the world’s first Kamikase at Wagolla adopted by the Kandyan Sinhalese and the Balana massacre to defeat the enemy invaders and to defend their Motherland by forcing them to limit the enemy’s sway to a narrow coastal belt around the Island for 310 years, (1505-1815) in spite of their mighty gun power.  

In addition, it is also proposed to set up an International Institute of Higher Studies and Research in the field of colonial invasions between 16^th – 20^th centuries by the Atlantic colonial invaders specifically in this Island and the   Afro-Asian region in general.

The sad story of the Bogambara Prison

This was built by the British in 1874 as the second largest Prison in this country (next to Colombo) on the model of the famous Bastille Prison in Paris. Bastille was built to imprison and suppress those who rose against the Feudal French Monarchy in the famous French Revolution 1789 and ended in the late 1790s with the rise of Napoleon Bonaparte. Bogambara did the same job in Sri Lanka to Sinhalese, what the Bastille did in France to punish French feudal aristocracy. With regard to savages’ crimes committed to humanity it is said that there was little difference between what happened in Bastille in France and Bogambara in Sri Lanka. Moreover, it was built by the colonial invader British to imprison, summarily shoot dead, hang or banish those native Sinhala patriots who revolted and rose against the British colonial Government to save their Motherland, the Sinhala people and the Buddha Sasana from the enemy.

‘The Bogambara prison is eyesore”.

Native patriotic Sinhalese were being imprisoned, shot dead and some were hung frequently here, not for any crime they had committed but for the valiant resistance they had successfully displayed during the colonial rule against the invaders to save the bellowed motherland and their supreme religion Buddhism up to 1948.

Thereafter the same colonial prison was used by the so-called independent Governments up to 1976 both for imprisonment and hanging. Hanging was stopped thereafter as the government has maintained a de facto moratorium on executions since then.  But the governments continued to have this institution in the heart of Kandy, the sacred City, that is sanctified by the Sacred Tooth Relict of Lord Buddha, up to 2014 as an ugly colonial monument.

At Last, the Bogambara Prison was closed in 2014, and it was shifted to Palekele. It took 66 years after the so-called Independence in 1948 to remove this ugly colonial symbol cited in front of the Sacred Daladhaa Maligawa by the British, right at the center of the commercial hub of the central province and the historic cultural city, the last capital of the 2566-year-old Sinhale Kingdom, after years of public agitation.

The following quotation from an article I wrote way back in 1977 to the Daily News 29th of August was the first agitation made in this regard, by anyone.

The Bogambara Prison located right at the center of the present day prime Sacred Buddhist city of the Sinhala nation,Kandy, where the Daladaa Maligawa that houses the Lord Buddhas sacred Tooth Relic and the two highest Buddhist Headquarters, Malwatta and Asgiriya are located, is a shame even after 77 years of a fake Independence given to this country on Feb 4^th1948, is an eye sore and a national disgrace. Men and women who are supposed to have committed crimes are imprisoned and some of them hanged here even after Buddhism was declared the State Religion in 1972 by the countries’ Constitution. We still continue to have this institution in the heart of the Kandy city. It is not late even now for those in Authority to shift this eyesore to a distant place away from the sacred town-to a place like Pallekele.

 I wrote this article as the Founder President of the Mahanuwara Jathika Kalamandalaya, found in 1977” (Daily News Monday August 29 1977)”

But nobody in authority at that time, took any notice of my request then.  However, I am happy now that at last it was shifted to Pallekele in 2014, as I had suggested in 1977. With that shifting the tragedy of having a prison right at the center of this sacred city came to an end at last. This closed the first part of the Bogambara Prison tragedy. In addition, I would also like to mention here for record purposes, the most important contribution I made to the preservation of the religio-cultural value of the Kandy Perahera and that of this historic city by compelling the Temple Authorities to ban the construction of Perahara viewing seats at the Mahamaluwa in 1977. Those seats were constructed purely for non-Buddhist foreigners and local privileged class including those of the DN to view the Perahara, seated at a higher level than that of the Sacred casket mounted on the royal tusker, thereby denigrating the most sacred of object of the Sinhala nation and its supreme cultural values. I deem it as the most important contribution I did to preserve the value of this heritage city, again as the President of the Mahanuwara Jathika Kalamandalaya. How I did that is a matter to be elaborated in a separate article.

Now I come to the second part of the Bogamabra Prison saga. perhaps even a more tragic and deplorable political and administrative bungling.

 For example, although the prison inmates were transferred to Pallekele and the Bogamabara Prison was officially closed in 2014, after 137 years of its inception, no final and meaningful plan to make use of this historic and valuable site has been made up to now, even after 11 years of its closing in 2014.

Although 11 years have passed since this prison was closed down and five Governments since then have come and gone and a lot of public funds have been wasted nothing has been done to convert this this historical site for a meaningful purpose. Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinha and a number of Ministers, of these governments and officials of different institutions have visited this site many a time. Much public funds have already being wasted on these public shows and many a report have been published, spending millions of public funds without any substantial development to be seen, for 11 long years. Apart from real development isn’t it a tragedy that even after 11 years, there is no unanimity among the political masters or the officials entrusted with the job, on what really, they are going to do here.

This appalling failure on the part of our governments and the bureaucracy reminds me the miracle of one man, Lee Kuan Yew, who converted a  tiny City State of just 281.3 square miles (or 728.6 square kilometers) with zero resources infested with slums in 1965 , from a third world country to a First World country within few years, making Singapore attractive as a destination for investment as well as the focus on drawing world class manpower; building state of the art infrastructure and excellent air and sea linkages; a low and transparent tax regime; clean and efficient bureaucracy; a strong regulatory and legal framework; a neutral diplomatic policy which has ensured it is an ally of the US as well as China; and developing a clean and green city, have ensured Singapore’s stupendous economic success.

Isn’t it a shame to us with 25,332 SQ km land area with enormous natural resources on land and sea around it, with 2500 years of glorious history and a pristine culture that was the second richest in Asia by 1950 and a country hailed as the paradise on earth by many a foreigner in history, has today plunged in to the depth of poverty and misery. The main reason for this deplorable situation as I see it is the absence of missionary leaders of the people with a far-reaching vision like Lee Kuan Yew. The failure on the part of five Governments for 11 years to take a decision as to what they should do on the old Bogambara prison site alone, I think bears glaring witness to the quality of our politicians and the public service, their dedication and commitment to nation building.

Going by what they have done for 11 years, I have no doubt that they will not take any decision until this 151 years old outer walls of the Bogamabra Prison collapse down to the ground.

This picture of the old prison wall, surviving (watch tower?) I think narrates the story of the criminal neglect for the past 11 years of the Bogambara prison site, in mute terms by the politicians and the officials for which they alone will be held responsible for the posterity.

                    Photo by Nimal

According to the UDA Final Report: Vol.2 (2019-2020) ‘the redevelopment plan is not finalized yet”

Looking at the long delay in converting this historic place, located right at the center of the world heritage city Mahanuwara (Kandy), the Great City /The Capital, of the last Kingdom of Sinhale, a glistering jewel of the 2500 years old Sinhala Kingdom, to a meaningful purpose and more over lack of clarity in the minds of those who are in charge of the subject as stated in the UDA report, which says Currently, no decision has been made on who will redevelop the major part of the prison buildings” is really very puzzling and appalling. I wonder as to what 5 successive Governments have been doing for 11 years with so much of talking and public displays. Just like the successive governments, the management also has been entrusted to different parties, going from hand to hand (Central Engineering Consultancy Services and UDA, the Prison Dept and dept of Archaeology) with different priorities and expertise that are far from the historical, cultural, political, realistic value of this site and its environs.

In this state of confusion, I am convinced that this will be never converted to a functional and a useful level at least for anotherr10 years, as already 11 years have gone waste, under five Governments since 2014. Different Ministers, have come out with different, with stale utopian plans. Neverthelss, still it is at ground level after 11 years, as stated by the UDA. I remember once Minister Malik Samarawickrama of the Yahapaalanaya government said he will convert this place into a five-star Hotel to attract foreign tourists. His plan is now gone for good, along with him as another mad Minister, fortunately.

Prime Minister Ranil also declared open a so-called Cultural Park outside the Prison wall included in the2016 plan. This event was attended by 6 Ministers 2 Ambassadors, Thailand and Japan and about 10 officials. At that time, it was under the Central Engineering Service and UDA. But very little activity is seen around the place since then.  Surprisingly for a layman like me, it looks a ghost prison site now, where the spectators awaiting to see the collapsing historical prison walls very soon before anything worthwhile happens.

At one stage Champika Ranavaka, Minister of Megapolis visited the place and declared that he will develop this place as a major tourist attraction. This plan was dropped in 2021 May, as the Minister also got dropped, and the Department of Prison also declared it will open a five-star Prison Hotel (a crazy idea) here. Champika’s fairy plans were also disappeared in the air along with him and the Yahapalanaya Government.

Then famous” Minister Keheliya Rambukwella on a tour conducted on 21.7.2021 weekend declared that plans were afoot to develop the old Bogambara Prison buildings and its land as a prominent tourist attraction for both local and foreign visitors to the heritage city of Kandy, the Minister said. Sri Lankans, particularly the Kandyan traditional craftsmen and artistes, would be given the opportunity to display their goods within the premises, the Minister said.

Meanwhile the State Minister Ministry of Heritage, Vidura Wickramanayake who visited the place on August 2. 2021, emphasized that a very special mixed project will be established in the premises of the Bogambara Prison and that priority will be given to artefacts of cultural and artistic value which have been protected up to now centered on the last kingdom of Kandy. He also has said the speculations that the old Prison building will be demolish is untrue. As such everything seem to be eternally Mixed” As I see it the Prison building and its protective walls are all already fast crumbling down due to neglect.

State Minister Wickramanayake further has said that the environment required for artisans who engage in creations highlighting traditional arts which is hereditary to Kandy, will be set up within these premises. He said that the programme will be launched together with the Urban Development Authority, the Department of Archaeology and the Prisons Authority.

The UDA that is supposed to be in charge of this rehabilitation Project (as opposed to doing something novel) on the other hand in their GREATER KANDY URBAN PLAN, Final Report: Vol.2 says.

Main Text Plans ready to develop old Bogambara Prison Complex has said they are planning to convert it to a develop old Bogambara Prison Complex that will be turned into a mixed-use building with public open space in front as tourist attraction center (Details not given. Bu that proposal also looks very vague. As they say it will me a mixed project. The details of the composition of the mixture are not reveled).

Scanning through all these Mixed stories” overall, it looks to me now, that it is like Alice in Wonderland. I wonder whether all the people who visited the site have fallen through the rabbit hole and still all of them are lost in the Alice’s Wonderland. On the overall al these talks have got disappeared in the thin that reminds me the story of the 7 Andis and the kanji pot.

My observations in retrospect

Looking at all these news reports it is more than clear that even after 11 years there is no final plan or a final decision of development or rehabilitation, or whatever they call it, on a definite Project.   Isn’t this another glaring example where all speakers have highlighted only the conventional, but rather stale, tourist promotion. There is nothing in their minds on Kandyan Arts and Crafts. None of them seems to be aware of the existence of the Laksala and the Department of Small Industries, with the Kundasale Sri Narendra Sinha Arts and Crafts Colony” to which I gave a new lease of life in 1971-76 period, when I was Assistant Director of Small Industries in Kandy, and a large number of private shops with a massive Kandyan Arts Center (Incidentally for which I laid the Foundation in 1972 again as the Asst. Director of the Department of Small Industries Kandy, at that time.) just in front of the Kings Wood College, to take care of this sector from late 1950 s.

All these lose talks prove that even after 11 year none of them seems to have a clear idea as to what should be the best overall plan of development for this historic site of a great nation of the East. None appears to have any idea as to for what purpose this site had been used for 137years. Its historical, sociological and academic values seem to have been completely forgotten or not understood at all.   Therefore, it is still floating in the speculation stage, most of them groping in the dark, politicians taking the center stage, as a display of cheap political propaganda to attract the votes only. In my view it has been a cheap political merry-go round and an administrative musical Chair display only, at public expense, with no concrete result.

In this back drop, as I see the Bogambara prison site has become a mere theater for politicians for regular cheap political media shows, to deceive the voters, just as they had done in all other fields for the past 76 years, by pretending that they are seriously interested in developing this place on a multifaceted development fairy tale, like the Midsummer Night Dream of Shakespeare, without a clear idea as to what they are going to do with this historically, academically  and economically valuable site. The fact that each politician who visited the site had a different approach and a different perception of future development on this site explains the confusion and lack of purpose and clarity as to what the Government is going to do here or in other words it does not have a concrete plan at all in hand and it has just boiled down to a dirty political game only. All of them are still groping in the dark.

Even after 11 long years of fairy tales, no one, either a politician or an official, expected to advise them, has said anything sensible up to now. Also no one has seen or thought of the historical, political and academic  importance of this prison site that marks one of the darkest chapters of Sri Lankan history, where many a conspiracy and crimes had been hatched and committed against the Sinhala Nation and similarly about the light it can throw on the atrocities of expansion of Colonialism and the spread of religion at gun point by the war minded hungry European invaders in the Middle Ages, with no mercy on any human being outside their complexion.

Talking about the Prison per se, it is a pity that none has taken in to account the importance of the historical and political role played by this prison during the time of repressive colonial administration in designing a plan that display the sacrifices made by the Kandyan peasants and their Guardians of the nation like Ven. Wariyapola  Sumangala and  Kadahapola Thera and   their patriotic leaders such as Ahelepola and Keppetipola, who sacrificed their lives on behalf of the motherland and the Saasana, the battles they fought and how valiantly they kept all the invaders locked in to a narrow coastal belt for 310 long years until the British succeeded in annexing the Island to the British Empire by shrewd and cunning intrigue only in1815.

 None of these politicians or the officials have had the slightest idea of the important role played by the Kandyan peasants, who suffered and died inside these walls helplessly, for fighting against the enemy, and their unique braveries in defending the motherland and the Sinhala nation for 310 years, not only in protecting the Kandyan Kingdom but also the whole country and the Sinhala nation surrounded by the mighty Indian Ocean, restricting enemy’s sway to a narrow coastal belt of this Island nation for 310 years   a nation that had been an independent, sovereign and highly respected and accepted nation in the ancient world, in par with mighty empires like the Roman Greek and Egypt.

 In fact, in my view the new project that is to come up here should be dedicated to the memory of that great people, who are now completely forgotten and even their descendants criminally betrayed by everybody, including all government since 1948, the politicians who are clueless about what their ancestors had done to save their motherland its 2500 years old Sinhala Buddhis  culture and the civilization for us and moreover their own pristine heritage as a world class nation.  These politicians and officials who live and fly high in an empty European made air balloon taking this country and the Sinhala Nation to imminent disaster, do not know that they had a glorious past, one of the best in the world.

So how can a set of unpatriotic and ungrateful people like that, who do not know their own history, their land their religion or their own civilization ever conceive a meaningful plan to make the best use of this wonderful historic site?

The best example I can quote to prove the ignorance, disregard, the callousness and jealousy the present- day politicians have towards these great people (Kandyans) who saved the country and the Sinhala nation from Western Colonial invasions for 310 years (1505-1815)  is the abolition of the Department of Kandyan Peasantry Rehabilitation and the Kandyan Area Development Authority in Jan 2014 by the then Minister of Finance Mr. Basil Rajapaksa, who still have double allegiance by being a dual citizen ( America and Sri Lanka)  to establish his pet Project  Divineguma in 2014. by closing down three important institutions started by the previous governments namely, a) The Kandyan Peasantry Commissioners Department and the Kandyan Area Development Authority, betraying nearly 1/3 of the native Sinhala people called Kandyans (Hill Country Dwellers) landless, unemployed and high and dry as a set of refugees on their own motherland, that had been developed and protected for 2500 years by their own ancestors against all foreign invasions, from the 2^nd century BC.

Proposed Museum and the Research Institute

I also suggest that this Memorial Museum should be divided in to three separate sections to demonstrate each colonial period separately vide; Portuguese Wing, Dutch Wing and the British Wing to enable the visitors to see the scales of crimes committed by each colonial power to this country and its native people. Such a division will make it easy to compare and contrast the crimes each power had done to this country and its people.

At the same time any project designed to this site should be able to highlight the braveries of the patriotic Kandyan Sinhalese who sacrificed everything they had including first, their own lives, wives and children to protect our motherland and second, to expose the darker side of the barbaric, inhuman and savages’ European colonialism that were in action only, against the native Sinhalese over a prolonged period of 310 years.

 Preserving the Kandyan architecture.

All other interlined sections like public Parks, Libraries, tourist shops, cafeterias, Cinema Hall, Conference Hall, Exhibition Halls and lecture theaters should be cited separately, on nicely landscaped terrain. All the new buildings should be designed in the traditional Kandyan Architecture to preserve the indigenous Sinhala architectural designs.

 In my view the development of this place should expand beyond the stale and common tourist promotion mania of politicians and the average men. It should be designed to give a new lease of life   to the present-day decedents of their brave Kandyan ancestors, so that they will immerge as a vibrant, brave and patriotic new Sinhala nation, keeping in mind the braveries of their ancestors, who had put this little Island in the fame list of the ancient world.

 I suggest that it must also encompass a broader academic scope, both graduate and post graduate. So that it could be a gold mine and a treasure house for researchers and students of different types of colonialism in one place, both medieval and the present times, so that it could turn out to be an academic center par excellence not only in the Indian ocean but in the whole world, making this country once again the door to the East and the West as it  had been, throughout history from ancient times. So that it will attract thousands of researchers and scholars from all parts of the world both the West and the East, and the north and the South, thereby opening a super highway, both by air and sea for earning Foreign Exchange as well.

I also recommend that this should be affiliated to the University of Peradeniya, The Institute of Fundamental Studies and the Sri Lanka International Buddhist Academy (SIBA Campus) Pallekele and the two Head Quarters of Asgiriya and Malwatta, the Supreme Seats of Theravada Buddhism in the world. But education here should not be free. As far as possible it should be converted to a self-generating revenue earning institution.

None of the politicians or the officials suffering from the tourist mania has realized the unlimited potential national and international benefits of such a project.

None of the politicians or the officials involved in this project so far, seems to have noticed the unlimited potential benefits the country and the academic world can get by converting this site in to a Memorial Museum of Patriotic wars of Kandyan Sinhalese (1505-1848) and an International Institute of Research and post graduate studies on Colonial crimes in Sri Lanka” on the line I have stated above.

I am confident such a broad-based Institute will attract academic interests the world over, in the fields of medieval colonialism, trade, geo politics and studies on medieval colonial expansion. It will also demonstrate how medieval colonialism has transformed and changed this world and how colonialism was responsible for the present day socio-political, economic and social  mess and conundrums in Asia Africa due to  exploitive and suppressive colonial policies towards the victimized nations and how to find a workable solutions to such ailing manmade problems due to the perpetuation of the same medieval colonialism in a different form  even at present through their multifaceted and interlinked financial  and legal institutions like the World BANK, IMF, UNO and its affiliated organizations such as the UNHRC and arrest the expansion of neo-colonialism intruding in different forms into the affairs of the exploited countries in Africa, Latin Amerika and Asia  like Sri Lanka and India. This research institute should also explore ways and means of preventing any colonial pursuits in a future world.

As such the establishment of an International Museum and a Research Institute as proposed   could also turn out to be a world-famous research center and a treasure house for scholars and connoisseurs the world over, in studies on colonialism and how it has changed the world civilization. This will also be the first of its kind in the world with international standards, making Sri Lanka the Head Quarters of such academic studies.

 It will also provide a window to see how colonialism has imposed and implanted the aggressor’s form of government, religion, language and culture, upon the victim nations by the gun, sword and the Bible destroying the indigenous civilizations and cultures the world over, that were indigenous and country specific.  The proposed research and higher study center might be able to come out with workable solutions for reconciliation and peaceful coexistence between different nations where each nation respects the other man’s culture and see every one as equals  that might have far reaching effects on our co-existence on this planet that would pave the way for a Brave New World  San  the present-day global tension and unrest arising from practicing the ‘Matsya nyaaya preached by Kautillya, where the stronger swallows up THE WEAKER, thus destroying global diversity leading to uniformity that goes against  nature and  makes the world artificially monotonous destroying natural diversity.  

I suggest that the proposed Memorial Museum and the Research Institute complex should have the following components to begin with.

1. Memorial Museum of Patriotic wars of Kandyan Sinhalese against the colonial invaders (1505-1848) displaying all leading personalities and events like the 1818 Uva Rebellion, 1848 Matale Rebellion and the Balana, Wagolla and Randenigala battles against the British and the Sithavaka Rajasinha victory over the Portuguese
2. Memorial Museum of Portuguese, Dutch and British colonial crimes against the Sinhalese Buddhists displaying the major personalities and events. together with the positive British marvel like the Colombo Badulla railway line.
3. An International Institute of Research on Colonial crimes in committed against    the native Sinhalese”          
4. A library to house all books and correspondence between 1505-1948, Portuguese, Dutch and British
5. A theater to display cultural and historical events like the first Dalada PeraHara by Sri Meigavanaa in the 3th century BC at Anuradhapura, Mahanuwara Perahara and a conference hall

5. General building with the Administration Branch, lecture rooms. Labs and any other facilities required for the Institute

The entire site of 14 acres should be nicely landscaped and all buildings should reflect Kandyan Architecture

 Visuals of brutalities committed by colonial invaders to be displayed

murder, arson, vandalism, destruction of religious places slaughter of cattle, wanton destruction to the environment, large scale deforestation on the hill country, destruction of irrigation canals, village Tanks, destroying home gardens and setting fire to paddy fields about to be harvested, disbanding judicial and social institutions like the Gamsabha, plundering of arts and crafts, valuable books, ola leaves, science and indigenous knowledge base like Ayurveda. discrimination against Sinhalese while giving special privileges to Malabaa settlers in the Jaffna peninsula and the plantations and Muslims (like the 1915 Muslim riots) such as Thesawalame for Jaffna Malaba settlers and Muslim law to Muslims all over the island while imposing the Romana Dutch Law of the invader in 1852 on the Native Sinhalese in place of their own Law. Settling Malabar immigrants in the North and the East along the coastal belt planting Indian nationals right at the center of the country, the geographical heartland of this Island thereby giving rise to a new Indian Tamil civilization right at the center of this country to change the demographic balance and to change the political map of this Sinhala country. Destruction of the primeval forest cover of the Central hills that decides the survival of the entire life system and the civilization in the country due to the loss of the physical stability of the central highlands that will result in drying up all the 103 rivers that have their sources on these hills.

Allowing the minorities to have their own laws while denying the natives their own and imposing Roman Dutch Law on them from 1852. Robing the native land by repressive legislation like Encroachment on Crown lands Ord of 1840, Temple Lands Ord of 1853 and the Wasteland Ordinance of 1897. Brownrigg also issued a special gazette order under Royal proclamation no 1 of 1818 asking all males over 18 years of age to be killed, paddy fields and orchards bearing fruits to be destroyed, all irrigation works to be destroyed and all the cattle to be slaughtered  

They also destroyed the age old native political, legal, administrative and social institutions and replaced them with their own systems, completely alien and inappropriate to the traditions of the natives.

This is only an outline of a proposal as it came to my mind.

The Govt must get a committee of experts in fields like history, native warfare, medieval colonial invasions, Archaeology and Architecture, Landscaping, construction engineering, Research etc to prepare a detailed Master Plan for this Project within 3 months.

 If accepted and established this could also be the first of its kind on studies on colonialism in the whole world.

Some of the personalities with a brief description on each one of them I suggest to be displayed in the Memorial Museum

Wariyapola Sumangala and Kadahapola Thero and Welivita Sangharaja Thero,Ahelepola Adikaarama ,Plimatalavve, Keppetipola, Meegasthane Adiikaarama, Keppetipola Disava walking with a hunch back looking for Independence of his motherland as displayed in Mauritius Isle in conversation with his French care taker Puran Appu. Gongalegoda Banda, Saradiyal, and Devendra Mulaacharya the Architect of the Octagon and the Walaakul Bamma. Ananda Coomaraswamy (Author of Medieval Sinhalese Art and Tennakoon Wimlananda, Nittawela Gunaya and Thittapajjala Suramba, and Sirima Bandarnayaka (A Kandyan lady who was the First Woman Prime Minister in the world any other historic personalities as recommended by the special Committee that is proposed to be set up to draw up the final plan.

Architecture and painting  

All buildings should be in Kandyan style with a mixture of Anuradhapura style as well. The lay out of the whole project, its buildings, art work landscaping and roads etc should be decided by a Pannal of experts in Architecture, landscaping, history, engineering and Aesthetics

I also suggest

1.We use the traditional Temple painting technique in narrative form for Wall Paintings in order to depict our traditions of Kandyan arts and crafts and village life.

2.Miscellaneous items that could be incorporated to enhance the historical and cultural values that awaken patriotism and love for the motherland, religion and our cultural values.

3 All displays should be arranged in a way that pays the nation’s highest gratitude and respect to its heroes who fought against the enemies to defend the Motherland and the Sinhala nation and their religion and sacrificed their loved ones and everything they had and finally their lives in the name of the motherland and its people, during one of the darkest chapters of Sri Lanka’s history

4.Exhibit Sinhala weaponry and war techniques they used in battle against the invaders

5. A fully equipped library to House documents pertaining to the 1505-1848 period with a competent library staff. Works by both local and foreign authors should be made available here.

6 A research unit in collaboration with the Peradeniya University the Institute of Fundamental Studies and The International Buddhist University Pallekele.

Foot note

Step1: Accepting the Proposal by the Government

Step 2 Selecting and appointing the panel of experts to prepare the final Report giving details of buildings lay out, landscaping, administrative authority, staff, equipment’s and machinery, revivals, Staff, and the Budget

Step 3 Preparation of the draft Act for the Memorial Museum of Patriotic wars of Kandyan Sinhalese (1505-1848) and an International Institute of Post Graduate Research on Colonial crimes in Sri Lanka” at the old Bogambara Prison site and getting it passed by Parliament

Step 4. Setting up the machinery of Administration and making appointment to the Authority. Under a Director General and two Directors, one to be in charge of the Museum and the other to be in charge of the Research and Post Graduate Section and the required staff under them

Step 5. If the Government accept the Proposal in Principle, the Cabinet can appoint an interim Board of management to operate with a Mini staff that can start the work from the bungalow of the Prison former Commissioner until the new building complex is completed so that the Director General can coordinate the expeditious completion of the building complex by on-the-spot supervision, in order to expedite the completion of the Project

.Meanwhile the Government can get the Act passed by Parliament concurrently, so that the new management can start operation in full swing.

Finally, I also propose to set up a Special Committee of experts in Sri Lankan and Colonial wars pertaining to the period mentioned (1505-1948) with a mixture of experts in Sri Lankan History, Architecture,  Kandyan State Craft and Kandyan Law, Sinhala Legal system and Indigenous war fare, weaponry, 1818 and 1848 rebellions and the art of war with the assistance of the Peradeniya and other universities may be sought in selecting the most competent scholars and scientists for this panel as suggested above.

Special note.

This proposal of mine is only an outline of a Project Proposal to be drawn up by a Pannal of experts.

I give below few names I propose as experts to be included in that Team, subjected to revision,

Emeritus Professor Gerald Peiris, Shoba Janaki Senaviratna (Architect and Member Sri Lanka Council of Architects) Mr Samantha Ratwatte (Presidential Council ),Mr. L.K.N Perera (Lawyer and retired Judge and Author of EELAAM EXPOSED), Mr. Nalaka Wijesinha Retired colonel Sri Lanka Army and an Activist on Kandyan affairs , Mrs Asoka Badarage*, (expert of International Affairs) Senali Waduge (Jounalistm and Patriot), Palitha Ariyaratna, (journalist and Activist on national and religious Affairs), and Activist on Kandyan Affairs, Dr. Mahesh Premarathna IFS (Biotechnologist) and young Activist  in many innovative fields)

 My services are also available free for the Preparation of the Final Report on this subject, as the proposer of this Proposal)

This institution should be administered by a Board of Governors. Appointed by the Head of the State.

Some of the members listed as experts below may also be included on the Bord of Governors

Ex-Officio members of the Board of Governors

Governor CP, GA Kandy, Mayor of Kandy MC, two scholarly Representatives from Malwatta and Asgiriya Sects (nominated by the Mahaanayka Theras), Diyawadana Nilame, of the Sri Daladha Maligava,Vice Chancellor of Peradeniya University or his /her nominee, The Head of Pallekele International Buddhist University or his /her nominee,  Head of the IFS or his/her nominee, The Four Basnayaka Nilames of the 4 Devalas, a Representative from the UDA, he Secretary to the Ministry of Heritage and cultural Affairs; Nominee by the Secretary to the Treasury.

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 [S1]

National Development Bank PLC

 Highlights

• Driven primarily by core banking operations, profit before all taxes and after tax grow by 32%  

• Net loans, deposits and total assets expand by 21%, 10% and 15% respectively, with the highest-ever absolute net loans growth during a first-half period  

• Net loans to SMEs crosses the LKR 100.0 billion-mark accounting for close to 20% of the loan book

• Solvency level continues to be sound with over 5.0% buffer in terms of CET1 and over 4.0% across Total CAR

FINANCIAL PERFORMANCE

National Development Bank PLC, Sri Lanka’s Premier Financial Services Provider, announced the results for six-month period ended June 30, 2025 reporting a total operating income and pre-tax profit of LKR 22.3 billion and LKR 8.6 billion, respectively (H1-2024: LKR 22.9 billion and LKR 6.5 billion).

Fund based income

Net interest income, which accounted for over 75% of the Bank’s total operating income, amounted to LKR 16.9 billion for the semi-annual period; rising 2.7% over LKR 16.5 billion in H1-24. This was notwithstanding the sharp decline in interest rates where the one-year government Treasury Bill yield fell to 7.9% at end June, 2025 from being close to 10.3% at end June, 2024. NDB was able to maintain its Net Interest Margins broadly at 4.0% levels (2024: 4.3%) which, excluding items of a one-off nature, was 4.2% on a like for like basis (2024: 4.4%). At end June 2025, the Bank had close to LKR 50.3 billion in Loans and Deposits under a special arrangement with its customer(s) with a netting-off feature (end 2024: LKR 19.6 billion).

Non-fund based income

Net fee & commission income grew by 8.4% to reach LKR 3.6 billion whilst, the second quarter alone considered, it was an impressive 20.8% quarter-on-quarter growth; underlining the conscious and diligent efforts made to improve its overall contribution to income from non-funded sources. Growth in net fees stemmed from almost all aspects of its core business operations.

Credit and operating costs

Impairment charges of LKR 4.5 billion for the period saw a 46.7% YoY reduction from LKR 8.4 billion in the same period of 2024, attributable to greater focus of the Bank on improving credit quality. This took the Bank’s total impairment coverage ratio, excluding such one-off items of a special nature, to 8.7% (end 2024: 9.6%); which compared well relative to the industry average at the said period end. Operating expenses totaled LKR 9.2 billion – which, whilst increasing by 14.8% over H1- 2024 – stemmed primarily from staff related routine increments and realignments to the industry, and higher investments in IT infrastructure and those of a direct business development nature.

Investor key performance indicators

Return on average equity was 10.6% down from 12.2% in 2024 whilst Annualized Earnings per share was LKR 19.65 down from LKR 21.25 for 2024. Respective ratios at the Group level were 10.8% (2024: 12.5%) and LKR 21.23 (2024: LKR 23.05), respectively. The Bank’s Pre-tax return on average assets was 2.0% (2024: 3.1%). Net asset value per share was LKR 186.81 (2024: LKR 186.91) and compared with a closing share price of LKR 120.25, which posted a 6.2% appreciation since end 2024. Group Net asset value per share was LKR 199.37 (2024: LKR 199.13).

FINANCIAL POSITION

The Bank’s total deposits amounted to LKR 696.1 billion at June 30, 2025 (end 2024: LKR 631.7 billion, 10.2% growth) whilst net loans expanded to LKR 557.0 billion (end 2024: LKR 460.7 billion, 20.9% growth). Excluding transactions of a one off and special nature, this represented a normalized absolute net growth of 5.5% and 14.9% over end 2024, respectively. The Bank’s CASA ratio on a normalized basis was 25.0% having improved from 22.5% at end 2024; ultimately reflecting the Bank’s conscious efforts to improve its low cost funding.

The Bank’s Impaired loans (Stage 3) to total loans ratio was 5.1% (end 2024: 5.2%) which compared well with the industry average. Its Stage 3 provision coverage was 53.4% (end 2024: 54.5%) which also was close to the industry norm.

LIQUIDITY AND SOLVENCY

Liquidity levels also remained strong with the Bank’s Liquidity coverage ratios, across both Rupee and All currency, being 330.9% and 253.8%, respectively at June 30, 2025 (end 2024: 358.1% and 308.3%) and its Net stable funding ratio being 124.5% (end 2024: 152.4%) – all of which were well above the minimum regulatory requirements of 100.0%. The Bank’s solvency levels as measured by CET1/ Tier I and Total CAR were 12.3% and 16.6%, respectively representing a strong over 5.0% buffer over its regulatory minimums from a CET1 perspective and over 4.0% buffer from a Total CAR perspective (end 2024: 13.7% and 19.1%).

OTHER NON-FINANCIAL INDICATORS

The branch network stood at 113 branches, supplemented by an ATM network of 60 and cash recycle machines (CRM) network of 106 spread across the island. Total staff as at the end of the period under review was 2,882 (2024: 2,920).

Commenting on the results for the first six months, the Bank’s Director/ Chief Executive Officer Mr. Kelum Edirisinghe stated that: Our results are testimony to our diligent, conscious and concerted effort to improve every aspect of our business whilst taking every measure reasonably necessary to strengthen our overall risk guard rails on a continuous basis. Supported by the continued positive progress of the Sri Lankan economy – albeit several macro level headwinds stemming mostly from the global economic landscape – we are very pleased to witness the resurgence of much of our customers across retail and all business segments.  With customer-centricity at the heart of our every endeavor, we focused on delivering impactful support across all our client segments to enable them move forward in this emerging environment.

For us, the first six months of this year marks many milestones. Amongst them all, one standout is our continued contribution to the SMEs in the country and one which is best reflected in our loan book crossing the LKR 100.0 billion mark and accounting for close to 20% of our total loans – a feat we are very proud of! NDB’s recent recognition as Euromoney’s Best Digital Bank for SMEs for the year 2025 provides further testimony to the success of this focused effort to serve this crucial and determinative segment of our economy.

Looking ahead, our focus is clear. We will continue to leverage on our deep rooted knowledge and experience in understanding customer behavior better, use our digital capabilities to create greater ease of access and use the diverse skills and capabilities of our staff at both a front end and back to adopt and adjust to an ever evolving business landscape in order to ultimately better enable us create sustained shareholder value over the longer haul. Conscious of also the challenges which may lie ahead, we remain confident of the Bank’s continuing trajectory of growth in its core banking operations and realizing its vision for the future sooner rather than later”.

ITN News

ITN ප්‍රවෘත්ති විනාඩි 28.06

Ministry of Defence  – Media Centre

The newly appointed Defence Attaché of the United Kingdom in Sri Lanka, Colonel Keith Miles, paid a courtesy call on the Defence Secretary, Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha (Retd), today (Aug 14) at the Ministry of Defence in Sri Jayawardenepura, Kotte.

He met the Defence Secretary, accompanied by the outgoing Defence Attaché Colonel Darren Woods.

During the cordial discussions, several key topics were addressed, including enhancing defence cooperation, fostering mutual understanding, and exploring new avenues for collaboration between the two nations. They discussed ways to further strengthen the longstanding defence partnership and reaffirm the shared commitment to regional stability and security.

The Defence Secretary extended his best wishes to Colonel Miles in carrying out his official duties in Sri Lanka. He also expressed gratitude to the outgoing Defence Attaché, Colonel Woods, for the support and cooperation extended during his tenure, and conveyed best wishes for his future endeavours.

By Poojathmi Rivithma Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, August 14 (Daily Mirror) – The Alcohol and Drug Information Centre (ADIC) has voiced strong concerns over the government’s decision to allow seven foreign investors to cultivate cannabis in Sri Lanka under the Board of Investment (BOI).

At a conference, Minister Nalinda Jayatissa announced that the cultivation would be strictly for export purposes, with security measures in place. He said the aim was to generate economic benefits by utilising all parts of the cannabis plant.

ADIC Executive Director Sampath De Seram recalled that a similar proposal was previously rejected following strong opposition from the Sri Lanka Medical Association, the College of Psychiatrists, the College of Community Physicians, and the broader public.

He noted that the current Deputy Minister of Investment Promotion, who had opposed the proposal while in opposition, is now promoting it in his new role.

ADIC warned that, despite global moves to legalise cannabis, many such efforts have failed due to strong resistance and expert concerns. Officials added that the international cannabis market shows no real growth, with oversupply and little profit potential.

They cautioned that the move poses serious risks to Sri Lanka’s health, economy, and security, and could push the country further into crisis.

Courtesy Hiru News

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Ramanathan Arjuna, an independent Member of Parliament for the Jaffna District, has announced that he will file a complaint against the Speaker with the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) on August 21.

According to MP Arjuna, the Speaker has disabled his microphone for eight days without any reason, interrupting his speeches.

He stated that interrupting his speech without cause for several days is a serious offense.

He also mentioned that he intends to file a complaint with the Geneva Human Rights Council regarding this matter.

The MP claimed that for 78 days, he was not given the opportunity to speak in Parliament.

He believes that denying him the chance to speak on behalf of the people of the Jaffna District is a severe injustice to his constituents.

Courtesy Hiru News

Senior Superintendent of Police Sathish Ranjan Hiyare Gamage, the acting Director of the Cultural Division (Administration) at the Police Field Force Headquarters, was remanded until August 19. The order was given today (14), by Colombo Additional Magistrate Pavithra Sanjeewanee Pathirana.

Gamage was arrested by the Bribery Commission in connection with a money laundering case. He is accused of accepting bribes of over Rs. 14 million from individuals, including organised criminals. The arrested Senior Superintendent of Police was taken into custody by the Bribery Commission this morning.

The Bribery Commission has accused the suspect of opening three bank accounts in another person’s name during his time as Senior Superintendent of Police for the Galle and Embilipitiya Police Divisions. The commission alleges he had over Rs. 14 million deposited into these accounts from organised criminals and other individuals who sought police services.

Assistant Legal Director, Attorney-at-Law, Thusitha Jayaneththi, appeared in court on behalf of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption. The commission informed the court that it had received information showing the senior police officer accepted money from individuals who came to the police for services, as well as from organised criminals and other offenders. The Bribery Commission also informed the court that it was revealed the suspect had allegedly received money from illegal massage parlours and deposited it into the three bank accounts.

Continuing to present facts before the court, the Assistant Director of the Bribery Commission stated that the Criminal Investigation Department had recorded a statement from a powerful drug trafficker named Dulaj Tharanga. His WhatsApp account had received three messages, one of which contained the bank account details of a person named Anura Nanayakkara. The CID summoned and questioned Nanayakkara, who stated that the bank accounts did not belong to him but to the suspect in the dock. This is how the fraud was uncovered. An investigation was carried out, and based on the information, the suspect was arrested at his place of work”

The Assistant Director of the Bribery Commission revealed that the three bank accounts in question, which belong to the suspect and are under the name of Anura Nanayakkara, are held at three separate private banks. It was disclosed that money from individuals seeking services from the suspect, organised criminals, illegal massage parlours, and other offenders had been deposited into these accounts on numerous occasions. The Assistant Director also informed the court that a total of Rs. 14 million was credited to these three accounts in a short period of just eight months.

She added that the suspect’s wife was questioned and revealed the truth about the incident. It was also revealed that the suspect’s security officer had deposited money into the three questionable bank accounts on over a hundred occasions, and his driver had deposited over Rs. 1.4 million on fifty different occasions. Additionally, a powerful drug trafficker living abroad deposited money into the suspect’s personal account on three occasions. Money was also deposited into these accounts by another powerful drug trafficker named AmilaParanawithana. The commission stated that several other bank accounts related to the case needed to be investigated.

The Assistant Director of the Bribery Commission told the court that Anura Nanayakkara provided a sworn statement on the 5th of August, 2025, claiming he had been intimidated by the suspect. This is why he was reluctant to tell the truth when first questioned by the Criminal Investigation Department. The Assistant Director argued that the suspect should be remanded under the Bail Act and Section 122 of the Anti-Corruption Act, citing that the act constitutes a clear case of corruption. The Assistant Director requested that the suspect be remanded until the conclusion of the case, as permitted by a certificate from the Director-General of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption.

Meanwhile, the legal counsel who appeared for the suspect had this to say.

As per the Bribery Commission’s investigating officers claim Anura Nanayakkara gave his sworn statement on the 5th of August, 2025, but the investigation began in 2024. The Supreme Court has ruled that bail should be granted in bailable offences. The Bribery Commission and the CID can take sworn statements at any time, but a suspect cannot be remanded based solely on such a statement. As such, release my client on suitable bail conditions”

After considering the arguments, the Magistrate rejected the suspect’s bail request, stating that regardless of his rank, the investigation into the incident was not yet complete. The court also noted that there were revelations of potential intimidation of witnesses by the suspect and therefore ordered that he be remanded until the August 19.