JUDICIARY  AGING AND AGING JUDICIARY.

July 29th, 2026

By Sarath Wijesinghe, President’s Counsel, Solicitor in England and Wales, Former Chairman Consumer Affairs Authority, Former Ambassador to U.A.E and Israel President, Ambassadors Forum.

They who see the truth as truth and truth as untruth will see truth because they entertain right thoughts. Dhammapada Stanza 12.

We are in a controversy over the aging of judges when the judiciary is aging throughout history. Buddha has stated clearly on judiciary and judgement which points are reiterate in articles published under the topic,  Independence of Judiciary referred in articles of this presentation.

The dispute is whether the age limit of judges should be increased by two years by the government with cabinet approval and to be presented to the parliament to decide with the overwhelming majority which they possess. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka which represents all lawyers including judges is not in favour as they are of view that there is no urgent need and the idea behind the proposal is not clear. They feel that there is a different agenda to keep the judges for some years for an unexplained reason. For further clarification we urge readers to see the articles referred to by the writer on the Independence of Judiciary, Laws Delays and Legal Education which is easily available on the internet and accessible within seconds. The last resort for citizens to resolve their disputes, justice reconciliation and safety is a judiciary which is expected to be impartial and independent. Is the judiciary and are judges independent today? It depends on the judgements pronounced, the response on bail and other main issues when those opposite parties to the government are involved, when the executive governance is expected to be independent.  With enormous constitutional powers and a majority of 159 members of the legislature, the present government is more powerful than the regime that existed during th tenure of Hon. J.R. Jayawardene. Referring to the quote at the beginning of this article, it is time for citizens to act upon the contents embodied in the extract from Dhammapada, read and practiced by people in the world, irrespective of any race or religion.

The main question is why a constitutional change to increase judges by the most powerful executive is not clarified or explained yet though it seems the are determined to steam-roll it through the cabinet, then legislature and insert into lawbooks for implementation. Some people connect this to laws delays and independence of the judiciary which we have referred in the articles mentioned below authoured by the writer. Whether the delay is due to laws delay, lawyers delays or judges’ delay is argued in that article.

The judges’ delays are true but minimum when considering other delays in the system where there is a backlog of hundreds of thousands of cases pending in all courts for which the government and Minister of Justice is responsible. Definitely a litigant will seek quick justice because as per the well-known quote ‘justice delayed is justice denied’.

The writer invites readers to go through the article on these delays because the executive says this process is introduced to avert laws delays which of course is not the solution as seen how other countries facing the same  problem resolved the issue.  For example, Magistrate’s Court procedure is so complexed and congested with citizens seeking justice who have to stay in the court a full day following calling cases and bail application before cases in trial stage are reached. The next trail date reach will reach next year of even the following year. There are cases in Sri Lanka of Civil and Partition nature that drags on for decades, not years.

In the Magistrate’s Court of United Kingdom, where primary criminal cases are heard the judge is assisted by a Solicitor and an Usherer who will consult the lawyers and the litigants with regard to the time taken. Lawyers will also exchange brief information with the solicitor assisting the magistrate for the smooth running of the court procedure with no delay. Sri Lanka follows English Law Procedure but unfortunately not this process to which will resolve our delays and disputes. This small example shows that the real delay is not caused by judges alone and that the extension of retirement age is not a complete solution, but which is a part of the solution with minimum effects.

It is compulsory in the part of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka which comprises of all lawyers including judges to call for a island wide meeting at the Bar Council premises to entertain right thoughts and facts as a mentioned in the quote from Dhammapada which is given prominence at the beginning of this article. It is known that many organizations in Sri Lanka and overseas have expressed their views that this is a pointless exercise but the government is determined go through the process due to reason best known to them. As a result the question whether the judiciary is independent echoes among the citizens continuously. When they hear of judgements and results of bail applications and detention of opponents of the government especially.  Further, the pronouncement of members by the Executive sheds some uncertainty and suspicions on the judiciary are justified whether they act for benefits, privileges promotions of extensions.

There is a school of thought regarding the comment made by the Executive that they will give back power only when their duties are completed with no time limit.  This has arisen suspicions of the community. We have had a similar experience during Hon. J. R. Jayawardene’s tenure when the period the parliament was extended with the connivance of the then judiciary. Justice R.S. Wanasungdara who gave a dissenting judgement. It is time that we need such judges of that caliber, who are fearless in their decision making. If the higher judiciary helped the then government with such unlawful activity,  there is no doubt that the present government can ‘steamroll’ this decision with the assistance of the judiciary, which is an unfortunate fact indeed.

We urge citizens to peruse carefully the articles referred to and share with others, preferably in Sinhala and Tamil, which are the languages of the majority. And lastly, we reiterate the quote from Dhammapada above and urge the public to carefully consider and take appropriate steps for the benefit of your children, the nation and the future generation. We are country, rich in culture and freedom as pronounced in our constitution and UN charter.

We wish peace and good health to all Sri Lankan citizens and people world over with no confrontations and war among nations.

References:

1)      Dammapada

2)      Articles by Sarath Wijesinghe that could be browsed on the topics Independence of the Judiciary”, Laws Delays” and Legal Education”.

The Portuguese Inquisition in Goa and Ceylon that led to religious disharmony thereafter in both countries

July 29th, 2026

AI Overview

The Portuguese Inquisition expanded into Asia during the 16th century to enforce Catholic orthodoxy across the colonies. While Goa served as the official bureaucratic headquarters of the Inquisition court, Ceylon (modern-day Sri Lanka) was governed as a dependency under the administrative and religious jurisdiction of Goa, making it subject to the same aggressive policies. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7]

The Goa Inquisition was a brutal judicial branch of the Portuguese Holy Office established in Goa in 1560 to enforce Catholic orthodoxy, target crypto-Hindus/Muslims, and suppress non-Christian faiths across Portuguese Asian territories, including Ceylon (Sri Lanka).

The operations, targets, and impacts of this period shaped both regions for centuries. [1, 2, 3]


The Goa Inquisition (1560–1812)

The Inquisition in Goa was formally established in 1560 at the request of Jesuit missionary Francis Xavier to address insincere conversions. Headquartered in the former palace of Adil Khan in Old Goa, it operated for over 250 years. [1, 2, 3]

  • The Targets: Initially focused on “New Christians” (Portuguese Jews who converted to Catholicism but were suspected of practicing Judaism in secret). It quickly expanded to target local Hindus, Muslims, and converts who maintained native traditions. [1, 2]
  • Systemic Repression: Non-Christians were barred from holding public office, producing religious artifacts, or participating in village assemblies. The use of the Konkani language and local musical instruments was completely banned. [1, 2]
  • Destruction of Heritage: Hundreds of Hindu temples were systematically demolished. Jesuit orders built Catholic churches directly over the ruins. [1, 2, 3, 5]
  • Punishments: The tribunal arrested over 16,000 people. It utilized extreme torture and held public execution ceremonies known as Auto-da-fé where non-confessing heretics were burned alive. [1]

The Inquisition’s Impact on Ceylon (1597–1658)

Ceylon did not host an independent Inquisition tribunal. Instead, it fell under the religious jurisdiction of the Archbishopric of Goa via the Padroado system. The island’s coastal areas became part of the Estado da Índia, where the local population faced the strict religious decrees of the 1567 Goa Council. [, 3, 4]

  • Destruction of Religious Sites: Guided by decrees from Goa to eliminate non-Christian worship, the Portuguese destroyed hundreds of Buddhist and Hindu temples. Major historical institutions like the Sunethra Devi Pirivena in Kotte were razed, and Catholic churches were built using the plundered materials.

[1, 2, 3]

  • The Tooth Relic Incident: In 1560, Portuguese forces captured an object believed to be the sacred Buddha’s Tooth Relic during a campaign in the Jaffna Kingdom. On the direct orders of the Viceroy of Goa, the relic was taken to India and publicly destroyed to demoralize the Buddhist populace. []
  • Forced Conversions: Orphaned children were legally taken by force to be raised by Catholic orders. High-ranking nobility and coastal populations were pressured into mass baptisms through incentives, legal preferences, and systemic force. [1, 2, 3]

Comparison of Execution and Abolition

FeatureGoa InquisitionPortuguese Ceylon
Institutional FormOfficial Holy Office Tribunal and prison.Administrative dependency under Goa’s decrees.
Primary FocusSecret Judaism, local Hinduism, and Islam.Eradication of Buddhism and Hinduism.
End of RuleAbolished in 1812 due to British diplomatic pressure.Ended in 1658 after the Dutch military conquest.

Extension to Ceylon (Sri Lanka)

  • Jurisdiction: Ceylon’s religious and heresy cases fell under the supreme authority of the Goa tribunal rather than a local separate branch.
  • Enforcement: Local clergy and vicar-generals in Portuguese-controlled maritime Ceylon gathered evidence, conducted preliminary arrests, and forwarded serious heresy cases or accused individuals directly to the main tribunal in Goa.
  • Impact: Coercive conversion tactics, destruction of Buddhist and Hindu temples in coastal regions, and heavy civil discrimination against non-Catholics mirrored the policies implemented in Goan territories.

If you want to look closer at this era, let me know if you would like to explore:

  • The specific historical accounts written by prisoners like Charles Dellon.
  • The linguistic legacy of Portuguese surnames left behind in Sri Lanka.
  • The resistance movements led by local rulers like the Kingdom of Sitawaka. [1, 2]

AI can make mistakes, so double-check responses

22 sites

  • Goa Inquisition – Wikipedia

After baptism, these new converts continued to practice their old religion in secret in the manner similar to crypto-Jews who had …

Wikipedia

  • LankaWeb – Portuguese Inquisition in Goa and Ceylon (Sri Lanka) …

Nov 6, 2025 — St. Francis Xavier, a prominent Jesuit missionary, formally requested the establishment of an Inquisition in Goa in a 1545 letter …

LankaWeb

  • A brief history of religious persecution & inquisition in …

Dec 29, 2019 — and started by the governments of Portugal as well as in Spain that punished converts to Christianity who would secretly practice …

8:10

Facebook·Nation with NaMo

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AI Overview

The failure of the Portuguese, and the Sinhalese People’ by P.E. Peiris

July 29th, 2026

AI Overview 

The failure of the Portuguese, and the Sinhalese People’ by P.E. Peiris

The failure of the Portuguese, and the Sinhalese People” is a core historical thesis popularized by Sir Paul Edward Pieris (P.E. Pieris) in his seminal 1920 historical text, Ceylon and the Portuguese (1505–1658). [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

Pieris famously summarized the 153-year Portuguese colonial presence on the island by stating that they left “the gloomy word Failure writ large over all their actions,” while simultaneously leaving the Sinhalese “a broken race, with their ancient civilization brought to the verge of ruin.” [1, 2]


The Nature of the Portuguese “Failure”

According to Pieris’s historical analysis, the Portuguese project in Sri Lanka failed primarily due to tactical overreach, economic collapse, and severe cultural rejection: [1, 2]

  • Inability to Conquer Kandy: Despite destroying coastal kingdoms like Kotte and Jaffna, the Portuguese repeatedly failed to conquer the central Kingdom of Kandy. Severe military defeats in the island’s interior drained Lisbon’s wealth and manpower. [1, 3, 5]
  • Economic Obsession: The Portuguese prioritized the aggressive monopolization of the regional spice trade—chiefly cinnamon—over sustainable governance or building local infrastructure. [1, 2, 3]
  • Strategic Eviction: Their vulnerability eventually allowed the Kandyan Kingdom to ally with the Dutch East India Company (VOC), resulting in the systematic military expulsion of the Portuguese from the island by 1658. [1, 2]

The Impact on the Buddhist Sinhalese People

Pieris details a bleak transformation of the native social fabric under early European expansion: [1, 2]

  • Destruction of Cultural Nerve Centers: To aggressively force religious proselytization, the Portuguese systematically plundered and demolished historic Buddhist and Hindu temples (such as the Kelaniya Temple and Devundara), which had served as the educational and social centers of the Sinhalese. [1, 2]
  • Fractured Social Order: The traditional social systems and administrative frameworks were uprooted. The conversion of local puppet kings like Dharmapala of Kotte fractured native loyalties and led to decades of devastating civil and colonial warfare. [1, 2, 3, 4]
  • Enduring Cultural Imprint: Despite the overarching societal “ruin” noted by Pieris, the Portuguese era deeply altered local identity. This is permanently visible today through the spread of Roman Catholicism, the adoption of Portuguese surnames (e.g., Perera, Fernando, Pieris), and Portuguese loanwords integrated into the Sinhala language. [1, 2, 3]

If you are researching this specific historical era, let me know if you would like me to:

  • Summarize a specific chapter of P.E. Pieris’s book.
  • Outline major military engagements like the Battle of Mulleriyawa.
  • Compare Portuguese rule with the subsequent Dutch colonial period. [1, 3, 4]

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AI Overview 

His Majesty, King Charles III of United Kingdom – Head of Commonwealth sent Message of Greetings To Ahmadiyya Convention, United Kingdom.

July 29th, 2026

by I. Ahmad


Britain Largest Islamic Convention concludes. Total Attendence 51181 people representing 117 countries

60th alsa Salana (Annual Convention) of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in the United Kingdom concluded on Sunday 26th July 2026 in which five speeches by the World Head the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community, the Fifth Khalifa (Caliph), His Holiness Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad. 

On Saturday (25th July, the second day of the event), the Caliph conducted proceedings from the ladies marquee. Names of women for academic achievements were read out. His Holiness delivered an address for the ladies.

On the same day (Saturday) afternoon, Ahmadiyya Khalifa delivered address from the Convention ground, reflecting on Allah’s blessings upon the Community during the past one year. While mentioning the Progress and achievements of Ahmadiyya       Muslim Jamaát, His Holiness said that, the Community has built 133 New Mosque world over and 398 New Branches Established across 811 New Locations. He added 353 New Books published in 37 languages. Ahmadiyya Khalifa delivered a lengthy address having many details. Really this was Faith-Inspiring address

One of the highlights of the three-day Convention was the pledge of allegiance, known as Bai’at that took place on Sunday afternoon (26 July 2026), where the participants pledged allegiance to Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad as the Fifth Khalifa (Caliph) of Promised Messiah Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad. This is the 33rd International Bai’at (Imitation) Ceremony in the United Kingdom.

The participants formed a human chain leading to the Khalifa as they repeated the words of the pledge in unison.

Prior to the ceremony, His Holiness announced that 267596 people had joined the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community during the past year from around the world.

The worldwide Ahmadi Muslims were also connected LIVE via M.T.A. (Muslim TV Ahmadiyya International) and thus participated in this event. Special arrangements were made in Ahmadiyya Centers in Sri Lanka, thus Ahmadi Muslims were also participated LIVE.

During the concluding Session on Sunday (26th July 2026) short speeches were delivered by Distinguished Guests. Greetings on Video Messages shown and text messages were read out.

A special message from King Charles to the attendees of the Convention) Jalsa Salana UK 2026 was read out that reads:

BUCKINGHAM PALACE.


23rd July, 2026


The King has asked me to thank you for the letter in connection
with your International Annual Convention (Jalsa Salana), which
is being held between 24th – 26th July, 2026 at Hadeequatul
Mahdi, Oaklands Farm, Alton.


His Majesty greatly appreciates that you should have taken the
trouble to write to him as you did. I can tell you that The King
was touched to learn this year’s Convention will mark sixty years
of your event to bring together attendees from all throughout
your community. His Majesty would be most grateful if you will
convey his warmest good wishes to the Ahmadiyya Muslim
Community U.K. and to everyone in attendance.

President (Amir) of Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamaát, U.K. Mr.Rafeek Ahmad Hayat then announced that the 2026 Ahmadiyya Muslim Prize for the Advancement of Peace would be awarded to Mr Sompop Jantraka of Thailand.

In his concluding address on Sunday evening (26 July 2026) https://www.alhakam.org/huzoor-aa-concludes-jalsa-salana-uk-2026 – was titled: Fulfil the pledge of bai‘at (Initiation) and establish Oneness of God (Tawhid).

Ahmadiyya Khalifa began by drawing attention to the immense grace of Allah the Almighty in enabling members of the Jamaat to be born in the era of the true servant of the Holy Prophet (PBUH)

The Promised Messiah – Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, peace be on him had been raised to convey the true teachings of Islam to the world and bring about its revival and rejuvenation. One of the principal purposes of his advent was to establish the absolute Unity of Allah and eradicate every form of shirk –the association of partners with Him.

After concluding His Holiness’ hour long address, His Holiness (may Allah be his Helper) prayed that Allah the Almighty enabled all Ahmadis to do justice to their Baiát (Initiation) He urged everyone to pray for the peace and security of Ahmadis throughout the world and for the peace and security of all Muslims. He further prayed that every Ahmadi might be enabled to establish the Unity of Allah and play a prominent role in spreading peace and security throughout the world.

Ahmadiyya Supreme Head then called upon everyone to join him in silent prayer.

Following the prayer, Huzoor (aa) announced that the attendance at Jalsa Salana UK 2026 had reached over 51,000. In addition, over 16,000 people had participated virtually from 117 Jamaat (Community) centers in 62 countries.

Apart from the thousands of Ahmadi Muslims who participated, many non-Ahmadi and non-Muslim guests also attended.  The entire event was also broadcast live on MTA International and streamed online.

Source: MTA International / Al Hakam, London.

බෞද්ධ අනන්‍යතාව

July 29th, 2026

ජර්මානු වෛද්‍ය විද්‍යා මහාචාර්ය නිශාන් සී. විජේසිංහ

බෞද්ධ පැවිදිවන්නන් තම ගිහි අනන්‍යතාව අත්හරින අතර, ඊට පවුලේ වාසගම (family name) අත්හැරීම ද ඇතුළත් වේ.

එසේ සිදුවීමට හේතු මෙසේය:

*1. අත්හැරීම (Renunciation)*

යමෙකු පැවිදි වන විට, “ගිහි ජීවිතය” අත්හැර දැමීම එහි මූලික අරමුණයි. පවුලේ වාසගම, කුලය, ජාතිය සහ දේපළ සම්බන්ධතා යන සියල්ල එම පැරණි අනන්‍යතාවේ කොටස් වේ. වාසගම අත්හැරීම යනු “මම තවදුරටත් පවුල් පෙළපතක සාමාජිකයෙකු නොවෙමි; මම දැන් සංඝයා වහන්සේගේ කොටසක් වෙමි” යැයි ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමකි.

*2. නව ධර්ම නාමයක්*

උපතේදී ලැබුණු නම වෙනුවට, ඔවුන්ට තම ගුරු හිමියන්ගෙන් පැවිදි නාමයක් (ධර්ම නාමයක්) ලැබේ.

– ශ්‍රී ලංකාව වැනි ථේරවාදී රටක, සාමණේර පැවිද්දේදී මෙවැනි නමක් ලබා දෙනු ලැබේ.

එම නම මගින් නිරූපණය වන්නේ පවුලට සම්බන්ධ අනන්‍යතාව නොව, නව ආධ්‍යාත්මික අනන්‍යතාවයි.

*3. විවාහයක් නොමැති වීම = විවාහයට පෙර නමක් (maiden name) නොමැති වීම*

“විවාහයට පෙර නම” (maiden name) යන්න විවාහය හා බැඳී පවතී. බොහෝ බෞද්ධ භික්ෂූන් සහ භික්ෂුණීන් බ්‍රහ්මචර්යාව (ලිංගික සබඳතා නොපැවැත්වීම) රකින බැවින්, ඔවුන් විවාහ නොවෙති; විවාහය හේතුවෙන් නම් වෙනස් කර නොගන්නා අතර පවුලේ වාසගම ඉදිරියට ගෙන යන්නේද නැත.

*4. සංඝ සමාජය තුළ සමානාත්මතාව*

යමෙකු පැවිදි වූ පසු සියලු දෙනා සමාන වන පරිදි බුදුන් වහන්සේ මෙම ක්‍රමය සකස් කළහ. ධර්ම නාම පමණක් භාවිත කිරීම මගින් පන්ති, කුල සහ පවුල් පසුබිම් වැනි වෙනස්කම් ඉවත් කරනු ලැබේ.

Beautifully articulated quotes from the published writings and advocacy campaigns of Senaka Weeraratna

July 29th, 2026

AI Overview

Senaka Weeraratna, a prominent Sri Lankan lawyer and sports innovator, is most famous for conceptualizing cricket’s Decision Review System (DRS) through his 1997 “Player Referral” proposal. His writings—spanning letters to international publications, legal briefs, and essays on philosophy, history, and animal welfare—reflect a profound dedication to natural justice, systemic fairness, animal welfare and cultural responsibility. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

Here are the most notable and beautifully articulated quotes from his various published writings and advocacy campaigns:

On Fairness, Technology, and Sports Justice

This is Weeraratna’s most famous aphorism, first published in letters to The Australian and Time Magazine, which serves as the moral and foundational blueprint for modern sports officiating. [1, 2]

“If you have the technology to detect an error of an umpire, then the same technology must be used to correct the error of an umpire.” [1]

On the Metaphorical “Spirit of Cricket”

Writing about his decades-long campaign for formal recognition from the International Cricket Council (ICC), Weeraratna frequently aligns sports governance with universal legal standards: [1, 2]

“The Principles of Natural Justice and, more importantly, the Spirit of Cricket requires cricket administrators not only to act fairly, but also to be seen to be acting fairly.” [1]

The Legal Analogy of the Player Referral

Drawing directly from his background as an Attorney-at-Law, he elegantly reframed the traditional, unchallengeable rule that “the umpire’s word is final”: [1, 2, 3]

“A dissatisfied player on the batting or bowling side should possess an appellate right to challenge a ‘trial decision’ made by a lower authority, in the exact same manner the appellate jurisdiction of a Court of Law is activated by a dissatisfied litigant.” [1, 2]

On the “Captive Listener” in context of Noise Pollution and Environmental Rights

In a landmark 2007 Supreme Court intervention (Ashik v. Bandula), Weeraratna introduced a groundbreaking environmental and legal concept regarding noise pollution and human dignity: [1]

“Individuals are ‘captive listeners’ when excessive sound is forced into their homes. This violates their fundamental right to the quiet enjoyment of property and the right to a clean, healthy environment.” [1]

Kill and Eat” is not a Buddhist tenet but a prominent philosophical stance championed by Senaka Weeraratna, in opposition to the killing of animals and then consuming them. A practice condemned by the Buddha. Weeraratna is a well-known Sri Lankan attorney-at-law, animal rights advocate, and legal consultant. [1, 2, 3]

Through essays, public lectures, and legal advocacy, Weeraratna argues against the normalization of animal slaughter and meat consumption in Buddhist-majority societies, contrasting the Abrahamic command to “kill and eat” with the foundational Buddhist principle of universal compassion. [1, 2]

Core Arguments of the Philosophy

  • Violation of the First Precept: Weeraratna stresses that the intentional killing of any defenseless being directly violates the First Precept of Buddhism (Panatipata Veramani Sikkhapadam Samadiyami—to abstain from taking life). [1, 2]
  • Universal vs. Selective Compassion: He asserts that Buddhism requires Metta (loving-kindness) and compassion for all living species. He argues that restricting compassion strictly to humans is morally indefensible. [1, 2]
  • Rejection of Wrong Livelihoods: The Buddhist Noble Eightfold Path explicitly condemns occupations that involve breeding, harming, or slaughtering animals for food as “Wrong Livelihood” (Miccha Ajiva). [1, 2]
  • Historical Contrast: Weeraratna frequently references pre-colonial Sri Lankan history, where ancient kings (such as King Devanampiya Tissa and others) enacted Magatha rules banning hunting and animal slaughter, establishing the world’s first wildlife sanctuaries. He contrasts this with Western and colonial influences that later institutionalized large-scale animal consumption and slaughterhouses. [1, 2, 3] and in addition encouraged mass slaughter of Elephants for sport and amusement of British settlers and Big Game hunters like Samuel Baker. 
  • The Holocaust of Elephants first happened in British occupied Ceylon
  • https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2016/03/24/holocaust-of-elephants-by-the-british-raj-in-sri-lanka/
  • The “holocaust of elephants” in British Ceylon refers to the massive, state-permitted slaughter of wild elephants driven by colonial sport hunting, bounty systems, and sweeping habitat destruction in the 19th century. During this period, prominent British figures and military officers hunted thousands of animals, reducing the island’s elephant population from an estimated 12,000 around 1800 down to roughly 2,000 by the early 20th century.

Scale of the Slaughter

  • Major Thomas William Rogers: A notorious British military officer and assistant government agent in Badulla credited with killing between 1,400 and over 2,000 elephants over his career before being struck dead by lightning in 1845.
  • Sir Samuel Baker: Another famous British hunter who documented killing over 100 elephants in a span of three days and 11 in a single morning before breakfast. [1]
  • Official Toll: Government records indicate that between 1845 and 1859 alone, 5,194 elephants were officially recorded as destroyed, while thousands more were killed for trophies, ivory, or government-backed clearances. [1, 2, 3]

Causes of the Decline

  • Plantation Expansion: Vast areas of cloud forests and traditional elephant ranges in the central highlands (such as Horton Plains) were completely cleared to make way for commercial coffee and tea plantations. [1, 2]
  • Pest Designation: As humans took over their natural foraging areas, elephants raiding crops were reclassified by colonial authorities from protected wildlife to destructive pests that needed eradication. [1]
  • Colonial Sport: Big-game hunting was heavily romanticized, encouraged, and viewed by military personnel as both a display of masculinity and training for field operations. [1, 2]
  • British Government accountability for the mass slaughter of Elephants in Ceylon during British occupation, a species which was well protected by the country’s Buddhist Sinhala Kings for over 2000 years, can no longer be evaded.
  • see

Udawattakele: The Forbidden Forest of The Kings of Kandy

Broad Advocacy Work

As the then chairman of the Sri Lankan branch of Dharma Voices for Animals (DVA), Weeraratna used this philosophical framework to lobby for tangible legislative and cultural shifts: [1]

  • The Animal Welfare Bill: He has been a vocal proponent of passing a modernized Animal Welfare Bill in Sri Lanka to penalize cruelty. [1]
  • Banning Cattle Slaughter: He supports state bans on cattle slaughter, aligning public policy with ancient civilization traits. [1, 2]
  • Opposition to Zoos: He argues that caging sentient beings for public entertainment is an indefensible practice inherited from colonial rule. [1]
  • Cricketer Role Models: He has publicly urged Sri Lankan national cricketers and public figures to avoid promoting meat or seafood industries (such as commercial crab farming) to serve as better ethical role models. [1]
  • Senaka Weeraratna is a founding member and vice-president of Justice for Animals and Nature, an animal welfare and environmental organization in Sri Lanka

15 sites

If you want to delve deeper into his work, let me know if you would like to explore:

  • His extensive essays on Global Buddhism and its history in Europe.
  • His drafting and legal advocacy for Animal Rights Legislation in Sri Lanka.
  • The full historical timeline of his 28-year battle for the authorship of DRS. [1, 2, 3]

https://share.google/aimode/IdzIIbu1WCF5PB4eF

AI Overview

Colombo Dockyard’s New Chapter: Confidence Vindicates a Bold InvestmentMazagon’s Investment Is Already Paying Dividends for Colombo Dockyard

July 29th, 2026

Dr Sarath Obeysekera Ex CEO / MD  Cololmbo Dockyard Ltd 

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1DWraodAys

The latest news from Colombo Dockyard is a strong indication that the investment by India’s Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Ltd. has already begun to strengthen confidence in the future of Sri Lanka’s premier shipbuilding and ship repair company.

When this bold investment was first announced, many individuals were critical and sceptical. However, strategic investments of this nature are not made for short-term gains. They are made to preserve technical capability, restore confidence among customers, and position a company to secure larger and more sophisticated international contracts.

Having been closely associated with the history and growth of Colombo Dockyard, and having had the privilege of working alongside its dedicated engineers, managers and workforce to elevate the company to international standards, it is personally gratifying to witness this renewed confidence. The Dockyard’s reputation was built over decades through technical excellence, quality workmanship, and the commitment of its people.

I sincerely hope this partnership will open the door to many more contracts, advanced technology transfer, employment opportunities for our young engineers and skilled workers, and renewed growth of Sri Lanka’s maritime and offshore engineering sector.

Colombo Dockyard is far more than a shipyard—it is a national strategic asset. Its success will benefit not only the company, but also the wider marine engineering industry and the country’s economy.

China’s Rise and Sri Lanka’s Crossroads: A Lesson in Discipline, Development and National Interest

July 29th, 2026

By Dr. Sarath Obeysekera

Sri Lanka today stands at a historic crossroads. Economic pressures, limited foreign investment, youth unemployment, and slow industrial growth require a serious reassessment of our development strategy. Amid ongoing political debate, China’s experience offers lessons that merit objective study rather than emotional interpretation.

China has undergone a major economic transformation over recent decades. Following a period of internal upheaval, including the widely discussed 1989 Tiananmen Square events, the country continued with broad economic reforms, industrial expansion, infrastructure development, and technological advancement. It has since become the world’s second-largest economy and a leading global manufacturing and innovation hub.(China Daily)

This transformation has been driven by a combination of long-term national planning, market-oriented reforms, sustained investment in education and engineering capacity, and strong emphasis on institutional coordination and workforce discipline. 

Continuous development of transport, energy, and digital infrastructure, along with integration into global trade and technology networks, has further strengthened its industrial base. The effectiveness of these factors, however, depends on each country’s governance systems, institutional strength, and socio-economic conditions.

China has also expanded its global economic footprint through overseas investment, particularly under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In several African countries, Chinese firms have financed and built highways, railways, ports, power stations, and industrial zones. 

These projects are viewed differently by stakeholders: some emphasize improved infrastructure and connectivity, while others highlight concerns over debt sustainability, transparency, environmental impact, and geopolitical influence. Outcomes vary widely depending on project design, host-country negotiation capacity, and financing structures. For Sri Lanka, this reinforces the need for transparent agreements, robust feasibility studies, and careful assessment of long-term fiscal and economic risks in large infrastructure partnerships.

Sri Lanka has also benefited from Chinese-supported infrastructure, including ports, highways, airports, and public facilities. These investments have improved connectivity and expanded national infrastructure capacity.

 The key policy challenge now is to ensure these assets generate sustainable employment, export growth, and industrial diversification, while maintaining fiscal discipline and long-term economic resilience.

At the same time, India remains one of Sri Lanka’s closest neighbours and a key economic and strategic partner. A resilient development strategy requires balanced and constructive engagement with all major partners, including China, India, and others. Rather than treating international relations as a binary choice, diversified partnerships are essential for safeguarding economic stability and national interest.

Globally, competitiveness is increasingly defined by productivity, technology, and innovation rather than traditional measures of power. Countries now compete through manufacturing capability, logistics systems, digital infrastructure, artificial intelligence, and industrial strength. Sri Lanka therefore faces the challenge of shifting from a consumption- and service-heavy economy toward higher-value production and export-oriented growth.

Priority areas for future development include advanced manufacturing and heavy industry, offshore engineering and marine services, shipbuilding and repair, energy and petroleum support industries, integration of artificial intelligence into industrial systems, expansion of vocational and technical education, and the development of industrial zones linked to ports and logistics networks.

International experience shows that countries such as Germany, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, and China have achieved sustained economic progress through industrial policy, investment in human capital, and institutional efficiency. While each country’s historical and political context is unique, comparative studies consistently highlight the importance of long-term planning, education, infrastructure development, and governance capacity. Policy transfer, however, must be selective and adapted to local conditions, as strategies successful in one setting may not produce identical outcomes elsewhere. Sri Lanka must therefore align external lessons with its own democratic and legal framework.

Sri Lanka’s most valuable resource is its human capital. Beyond its strategic location in the Indian Ocean, future competitiveness will depend on the skills, productivity, and innovation capacity of its workforce. Strengthening education, technical training, and industry linkages will be essential to moving into higher-value sectors such as manufacturing, marine services, and technology-driven industries.

Sustained progress will require consistent focus on productivity, institutional efficiency, and long-term policy continuity, supported by constructive political dialogue. In the twenty-first century, economic success is increasingly determined by the ability to produce, innovate, and export rather than merely consume.

Sri Lanka still has the opportunity to participate meaningfully in this global transformation. The central challenge is to convert that opportunity into consistent policy action and measurable economic outcomes over time.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202607/26/WS6a661466a310986e2b467565

Free Lawyers Sri Lanka urges government not to rush constitutional amendment; warns move risks tainting President AKD’s legacy

July 27th, 2026

PRESS RELEASE Free Lawyers Sri Lanka Colombo

Free Lawyers Sri Lanka strongly opposes the government’s hasty move, reported in yesterday’s government-owned Sunday Observer, to place before Cabinet a proposal for a constitutional amendment that would extend the retirement age of superior court judges. This proposal, if enacted, would effectively prolong the tenure of the sitting Chief Justice, who is due to retire in approximately four months. Advanced without any meaningful consultation, such a step risks undermining public confidence in the independence and impartiality of the judiciary.

As observed by Saliya Peiris, PC, former President of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka, this ill-considered measure threatens to taint the legacy of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, placing him among past leaders who attempted to tamper with judicial independence—only to see those actions rebound against them. Constitutional provisions governing judicial tenure form part of the foundational safeguards of the independence of the judiciary. Amending them in secrecy, without stakeholder input, invites legitimate questions about motives and sets a dangerous precedent that future governments could exploit to lengthen or shorten judicial tenures according to political preference.

While Free Lawyers Sri Lanka fully recognises the urgent need to address chronic delays in the administration of justice and other structural weaknesses in the legal system, these challenges cannot and must not be resolved through rushed constitutional changes timed around the imminent retirement of a single office-holder.

Merely extending retirement ages will not remedy law’s delays. We therefore call upon the government to immediately suspend any move to table or advance this constitutional amendment and instead commence a transparent, inclusive stakeholder consultation process involving the Bar, the judiciary, civil society, and the public.

Only through such a process can durable solutions be identified and implemented in a manner that strengthens, rather than compromises, judicial independence and the rule of law. Free Lawyers Sri Lanka stands ready to participate constructively in any genuine consultative effort aimed at meaningful reform.

Issued by: Free Lawyers Sri Lanka

Maithri Gunarathna PC

Rajith Keerthi Tennkaoon

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon

CEO/ Free Lawyers 

Former Governor of Uva, Southern and Central Provinces

Former Executive Director of Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) and Center for Human Rights and Research – CHR Sri Lanka

“Buddhism in Ceylon Under the Christian Powers and the Educational and Religious Policy of the British Government in Ceylon, 1797-1832” is a seminal historical study written by the prominent Sri Lankan (Buddhist Sinhalese) scholar Tennakoon Vimalananda and published in 1963. 

July 27th, 2026

AI  OVERVIEW

The book provides a meticulous, document-backed critique of how early British colonial administration dismantled the traditional status of Buddhism in Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) while establishing institutional dominance through Christian missions and Western education. [1, 2, 3, 4]


Core Historical Context (1797–1832)

The period covered by Vimalananda spans from the immediate aftermath of the British displacing the Dutch in the maritime provinces (1796) to the implementation of the Colebrooke-Cameron Reforms in 1832. [1, 2]

1. The Dual Policy of Treaties and Subversion

When the British captured the Kandyan Kingdom in 1815, signing the Kandyan Convention, Article 5 explicitly stated that Buddhism was declared “inviolable” and its rites, ministers, and places of worship were to be maintained and protected. However, Vimalananda details how the British government subtly and systemically violated this pledge. They viewed the close relationship between the Buddhist monastic order (the Sangha) and local governance as a threat to colonial stability. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

2. Education as an Instrument of Evangelization

During this era, the British government outsourced the island’s primary education system to Protestant Christian missionary bodies, including the Church Missionary Society (CMS), the Wesleyan Methodists, and the Baptists. [1, 2]

  • State Patronage: Government funding and land grants were directed exclusively toward Christian parochial schools. [1, 2]
  • Socio-Economic Leverage: Fluency in English and a certificate from a Christian school were made mandatory prerequisites for employment of the Buddhist Sinhalese in government offices (such as entering the rank of Mudaliyars or clerks). [1, 2, 3]
  • Marginalization of Pirivenas: Traditional temple-based schools (Pirivenas) were denied funding and state recognition, forcing indigenous education into rapid decline. [1, 2, 3]

3. The Concept of “Government Christians”

Building on patterns left behind by the Dutch, the early British policy fostered a class of nominal converts, often termed “Government Christians” ( derogatorily called ‘ Rice Christians’ in both India and Sri Lanka). Local elites adopted Christian baptism and outward practices purely to preserve their ancestral land rights, legal status, and social mobility, while secretly retaining allegiance to Buddhist practices at home. [1, 2]

4. Severe Institutional Decline

By 1832, through aggressive proselytization, the printing of anti-Buddhist tracts, and systemic economic exclusion, the traditional structure of Sinhalese Buddhism was severely weakened. The book illustrates how these three decades laid the institutional groundwork that later triggered the Buddhist Revival of the late 19th century, led by figures like Migettuwatte Gunananda Thera Anagarika Dharmapala, and Colonel Henry Steel Olcott. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]


Key Historical Themes Covered

  • The Broken Promise: An evaluation of the discrepancy between official British legal proclamations (protecting Buddhism) and the actual on-the-ground support given to missionary societies. [1]
  • The Weaponization of Literacy: How printing presses and English-medium curricula were utilized to systematically disparage indigenous Sinhala Buddhist culture and historical chronicles such as the Mahavamsa. [1, 2]
  • Socio-Political Stratification: The creation of a deep cultural divide between the Westernized, English-educated elite and the localized, Sinhala-speaking Buddhist majority. [1, 2, 3, 4]

If you are researching a specific chapter, historical document, or individual policy from Vimalananda’s text, let me know. I can provide targeted details on archival sources used, specific colonial governors (like Frederick North or Robert Brownrigg), or how this era influenced the Colebrooke-Cameron Reforms. [1, 2]

https://share.google/aimode/zQOTFxweCpWb01Vb0

AI  OVERVIEW

An annual ‘Royal College Oration’ would provide an excellent, high-profile platform to foster intellectual discourse and celebrate outstanding achievements among both current students and alumni.

July 27th, 2026

Concept:  Senaka Weeraratna Royal College 1960 group

Establishing an annual Royal College Oration is a compelling idea to foster critical thought and public speaking among alumni and students, mirroring the tradition set by the Ananda College Old Boys’ Association through the Olcott Oration.

The Olcott Oration Model

  • Inaugurated: 1968 to honor founder Colonel Henry Steel Olcott.
  • Format: Features a distinguished alumnus speaking on a prominent contemporary or national theme.
  • Venue: Held annually at the Kularatne Auditorium.

Potential for Royal College

  • Platform: Could showcase prominent Royalists across diverse global industries.
  • Engagement: Bridges generations of young and old boys in intellectual discourse
  • Instituting a formalized, public ‘Royal College Oration’ could serve as a powerful catalyst to unite generations of Royalists under a unified theme of progressive thought and national leadership.

Concept:  Senaka Weeraratna
Royal College 1960 group

Dr. N.M. Perera in his incomplete Autobiography made a comparative observation about his high school education at St. Thomas College followed by Ananda College. What lessons are there from these critical remarks?

July 27th, 2026

Source:  AI Overview

In his incomplete autobiography, “NM in his Own Words,” Dr. N.M. Perera highlighted a fundamental ideological and cultural contrast between his time at S. Thomas’ College and Ananda College. He observed that colonial missionary education at institutions like S. Thomas’ was insidiously apolitical and anti-national, leaving students feeling “aloof and immune” from the everyday struggles of the local population. Conversely, Ananda College provided an atmosphere deeply charged with nationalist feelings and consciousness, which ultimately “remoulded” his character and kindled his lifelong fight against colonial rule and systemic injustice. [1, 2]

The critical reflections from his comparative observations offer several profound pedagogical and socio-political lessons:

Education cannot be separated from societal realities

Perera criticized the elite missionary model for isolating students from the “hurly-burly of everyday life”. A holistic educational system should not function as an ivory tower. Instead, it must expose students to the socioeconomic realities and hardships of the society they live in, cultivating empathy and a sense of civic responsibility. [1, 2, 3]

The danger of “insidious” neutrality

He noted that missionary schools were not overtly hostile to local culture, but were insidiously anti-national by promoting apathy toward local struggles. Neutrality or political silence in education often serves to reinforce the status quo. True education should empower students to critically evaluate contemporary social structures rather than condition them toward passive compliance. [1, 2]

Cultural and philosophical roots anchor humanism

At Ananda College, Perera studied under figures like Rev. Balangoda Ananda Maitreya, whose teachings on Buddhist philosophy broadened his humanism. This demonstrates that grounding education in indigenous philosophies and history—rather than exclusively relying on a foreign, Eurocentric curriculum—builds a stronger, more authentic ethical framework for future leaders. [1]

Schools act as incubators for systemic change

Perera observed that the debates, controversies, and heightened national consciousness at Ananda stirred latent embers within him, which later drove his anti-imperialist, socialist political career. The institutional climate of a school dictates whether it merely replicates existing social stratification or actively nurtures the critical thinkers necessary to dismantle injustices. [1, 2]

https://share.google/aimode/Q6ty0b1LfHsdFwtAA

………………………………………..

see also

Dr. N.M. Perera’s contrast of St. Thomas’ College and Ananda College highlights the cultural divide between colonial missionary education and native nationalist schooling: political detachment versus patriotic awakening.

Critical Differences in School Cultures

  • Missionary Detachment: St. Thomas’ College felt aloof, Eurocentric, and immune to local realities, operating with an “alien atmosphere” focused on external matters.
  • Nationalist Awakening: Ananda College was deeply connected to local life, vibrating with a patriotic tone and active discussions regarding the country’s people and future.
  • Character Shaping: Moving to Ananda “catapulted” him into a space charged with national consciousness that stirred the more serious, leadership-oriented side of his character.

Lessons from His Observations

  • Education is Never Neutral: School environments actively shape a student’s worldview, either alienating them from their native soil or grounding them in local identity. [1, 2]
  • The Power of Context: Curriculum and peer discourse matter; learning gains true depth when it relates directly to the struggles and daily events of one’s own society.
  • The Roots of Leadership: True national leadership is nurtured in environments that encourage civic consciousness and an active stake in the nation’s destiny. [1, 2]

see

https://share.google/aimode/QsUV6fjX3efB2ndrK

https://island.lk/dr-nm-pereras-days-at-s-thomas-ananda-colleges-and-entry-into-films

Source:  AI Overview

British Governors Robert Brownrigg and Lord Torrington suppressed the ‘1818 Uva – Wellassa’ and ‘1848 Matale’ Sinhala Rebellions  with tyrannical brute force, which if committed today, would be subject to an unmitigated Nuremberg War Crimes type Trial

July 27th, 2026

AI Overview 

If evaluated by modern legal standards, the severe counter-insurgency tactics authorized by Governor Sir Robert Brownrigg (1818) and Governor Lord Torrington (1848) would indeed face intense scrutiny under international humanitarian law frameworks like the Nuremberg trials or the International Criminal Court (ICC). Both governors deployed scorched-earth policies, martial law, and mass executions to dismantle the Kandyan and Matale Sinhala resistance movements.

The 1818 Uva-Wellassa Rebellion under Brownrigg

Governor Brownrigg responded to the 1818 uprising with a systematic scorched-earth campaign designed to starve and terrorize the population into submission.

  • Scorched-earth orders: Brownrigg authorized the destruction of entire villages, the burning of homes, and the slaughter of livestock.
  • Agricultural devastation: British troops systematically cut down jackfruit trees, destroyed paddy fields, and diverted irrigation canals to induce artificial famine.
  • Mass executions: Captured rebels and suspected sympathizers were summarily executed without formal trials, and prominent leaders like Keppetipola Disawa were beheaded.

The 1848 Matale Rebellion under Torrington

Governor Lord Torrington utilized swift, disproportionate violence to crush the 1848 tax rebellion before it could escalate to the scale of the 1818 uprising.

  • Excessive martial law: Torrington immediately declared martial law and used it to bypass civil judicial processes.
  • Public executions: Buddhist monks, including Ven. Kudahapola Thero ( Kadahapola Unnanse”), was executed in public on 26th of August 1848 in his robes to terrify the local populace. Puran Appu suffered the same fate of death by execution.
  • https://sinhalasangha.wordpress.com/2017/06/22/1800-1848-kadahapola-unnanse/
  • Property confiscation: The colonial administration confiscated the lands and properties of anyone suspected of sympathizing with the rebellion.

Modern legal implications

Under modern international frameworks, such as the Geneva Conventions and the Rome Statute, these actions would likely be classified as severe violations of international law:

  • War crimes: The intentional targeting of civilians, destruction of civilian infrastructure, and starvation of populations as a method of warfare are strictly prohibited.
  • Crimes against humanity: Widespread, systematic murder, expropriation of property, and persecution directed against a civilian population meet the criteria for international prosecution.
  • British parliamentary backlash: Even in the 19th century, Torrington’s brutal methods caused a massive scandal in London, leading to a parliamentary investigation and his subsequent recall from Ceylon in 1850.
  • Why is the Sri Lankan legal fraternity including the Bar and legal educational institutions like Sri Lanka Law College and Colombo University Law Faculty not showing hardly any interest in re- visiting these Crimes against Humanity committed against our own people by the British Army in occupation of Ceylon ? Contrast this conduct with practices in other countries such as Israel, Germany where the past is not allowed to be buried if there are grave lessons to be learnt by the modern generation. 
  • Where the leadership lacks backbone no amount of pussy footing can make amends for failing to hold or even the point the finger at  British Governors Robert Brownrigg and Lord Torrington retrospectively criminally liable for crimes against humanity committed against our own, the people of Sri Lanka, in 1818 and 1848, among others. Even a re-visit and highlighting colonial crimes is tantamount meting out some measure of Justice.
  • A critical view on British colonial atrocities in Sri Lanka through International Law by Punsara Amarasinghe
  • https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2018/01/22/a-critical-view-on-british-colonial-atrocities-in-sri-lanka-through-international-law/

·         COLONIAL CRIMES IN BRITISH OCCUPIED CEYLON

·         https://ceehale.org/colonial-crimes-in-british-occupied-ceylon/

·         Source:  AI Overview

Sri Lanka Must Build Heavy Industries Before Economic Frustration Turns into Instability

July 27th, 2026

Dr. Sarath Obeysekera

From the events around Tiananmen Square in China to periods of political unrest and mass protests witnessed over the years in Nepal, Bangladesh, and Thailand, history reminds us that governments must pay close attention to the aspirations of their people. Although each country’s circumstances are different, one common lesson is that economic opportunity is essential for long-term stability.

Sri Lanka should learn from these experiences. Creating only digital and AI-related jobs will not be enough to provide employment for the thousands of young people entering the workforce each year.

We must also develop heavy industries that create large numbers of skilled jobs—shipbuilding, offshore engineering, steel fabrication, petroleum refining, marine engineering, machinery manufacturing, and renewable energy industries.

Our strategic location, deep-water harbours such as Trincomalee, and our engineering talent give Sri Lanka a unique opportunity to become a regional industrial hub.

Vocational training for welders, fabricators, machinists, electricians, pipe fitters, and offshore technicians must receive the same national recognition as university education in IT and AI.

A nation that builds industries builds prosperity. A nation that provides productive employment strengthens social stability.

Sri Lanka’s future should be based on a balanced economy where Artificial Intelligence and heavy industry grow together, creating opportunities for all and ensuring lasting economic resilience.

Heavy Industry Creates Sustainable Employment

Countries that have achieved rapid industrial development have generally built strong foundations in manufacturing, engineering, shipbuilding, energy, transport infrastructure, and heavy engineering.

Heavy industries create employment not only for engineers but also for:

● Welders

● Fabricators

● Machinists

● Electricians

● Pipe fitters

● Mechanical technicians

● Instrumentation specialists

● Crane operators

● Surveyors

● Quality assurance inspectors

● Safety professionals

● Logistics personnel

Every major industrial project generates thousands of direct and indirect jobs across the supply chain.

Sri Lanka’s Untapped Potential

Sri Lanka possesses many natural advantages:

● One of the world’s busiest maritime routes.

● Deep-water natural harbours such as Trincomalee.

● A strategic location between the Middle East, Africa and East Asia.

● A technically capable workforce that has demonstrated its skills in shipbuilding and marine engineering.

These strengths should be transformed into national industries.

The country should actively promote:

● Offshore engineering

● Ship repair and shipbuilding

● FPSO conversion projects

● Oil and gas support services

● Marine fabrication

● Steel fabrication

● Renewable energy equipment manufacturing

● Industrial machinery assembly

● Petroleum refining

● Petrochemical industries

● Marine equipment manufacturing

These industries generate foreign exchange while creating long-term, high-value employment.

Vocational Education Must Receive Equal Recognition

Not every talented young Sri Lankan needs to become a software engineer.

Many successful industrialised nations highly value skilled trades. Certified welders, precision machinists, industrial electricians and offshore technicians often earn incomes comparable to many university graduates.

Sri Lanka must therefore strengthen vocational education through internationally recognised certification and close collaboration with industry.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Ravi Karunanayake Says: ‘The Central Bank Has Ruined Sri Lanka’ | IMF Policies Under Fire

July 27th, 2026

Insight News

THE MALIMAWA GOVERNMENT PT 4A

July 26th, 2026

KAMALIKA PIERIS

NEGOMBO PRISON RIOTS, JULY 2026.

Sri Lanka’s strategic position in the Indian Ocean makes it a major transshipment hub for narcotics trafficking between the “Golden Crescent” (Afghanistan/Pakistan), the “Golden Triangle” (Myanmar, Thailand, and Laos) and    the markets in Europe and North America.  This route is now used by narcotics dealers in Sri Lanka, to obtain narcotics for use in Sri Lanka.   It was reported in 2025 that if 100 units arrive, approximately 90 units are destined for Sri Lanka’s internal consumption.

In 2026, Sri Lanka experienced a rise in sophisticated maritime drug trafficking operations, Drug smugglers were using new routes, international networks, and advanced methods to transport illegal drugs into the country.

 In January 2026, the Sri Lankan Navy intercepted two trawlers in the southern sea of Sri Lanka, carrying more than 184 kilograms of heroin and 112 kilograms of crystal methamphetamine (Ice).

In March 2026, Sri Lanka authorities dismantled a major drug syndicate that transported drugs from Kathmandu in Nepal, through India’s Sonauli border, and then to Thoothukudi in Tamil Nadu before sending them by sea to Sri Lanka. Sri Lankan drug kingpins were involved in financing and coordinating these operations.

No country can completely control the infiltration of narcotics into their country. El Salvadore with just one shoreline, was able to achieve this, probably temporarily, but Sri Lanka certainly can’t. It is nonsense to say that it can. With a sea shore all round the country, and isolated sea beyond, narcotics can be smuggled from anywhere on our lengthy shoreline.  Transfers take place mid-sea, in international waters and fishing boats bring the narcotics into Sri Lanka.

Despite this, there have been two heavy handed government initiatives to curb narcotic use. The first was Yukthiya” (2023) under President Ranil Wickremesinghe followed by Ratama Ekata” (2025) under President Anura Kumara.

YUKTHIYA

The government launched a special operation   throughout the island starting December 17, 2023, named Yukthiya, to crush, simultaneously, both narcotics trade and organized crime. Drug trafficking and underworld activities would be eradicated from the country by June 2024, the government declared. In 2023 cannabis accounted for 58%   and heroin accounted for 29%  of the drug offender population.

Sunday Times reported on the campaign, with an entertaining essay. Thousands of police officers and Special Task Force personnel throughout the island have been carrying out searches and raids since the operation began, said Sunday Times. They are assisted by the military. Police claimed that they had disrupted the networks of leading drug dealers, by seizing their assets and arresting their associates.

The week-long island wide police crack down on narcotics trafficking and underworld activities brought significant results, particularly the seizure of assets worth millions, continued Sunday Times.   The assets seized include various types of vehicles ranging from motorbikes to buses and SUVs, houses, commercial buildings and even a multi-day fishing trawler.

Police had arrested more than 12, 000 persons as part of the ‘Yukthiya’ operation. The vast majority of them had been picked up on suspicion and later released on bail.  Intelligence reports had identified 4665 key individuals involved in drug trafficking. 731 such persons had been arrested during the first four days of the operation alone, concluded Sunday Times.

The media reported that about 8,500 arrests were made in the first five days. This had increased to 29,000 as of January 09, 2024. The numbers being taken to custody, exceeds prison capacity. Also, it adds to the expenses. It costs the prisons department Rs. 800 a day to feed a prisoner. The sample testing at Government Analyst will cost around Rs. 5,000. 

Critics commented on the low quantity of drugs recovered. For an operation of such scale, the seized amount of heroin is paltry,” they said. After five days, hundreds of officers, and 10,000 plus people arrested, they only seized 7.7 kg of heroin.  That shows that the target was low-level users and dealers. [1]Due to poverty many would have been pushed to selling drugs to survive. They are trapped in a cycle of poverty, substance abuse, violence and imprisonment.

Large scale traffickers may be operating from abroad but there will be middle level dealers in the country and the drugs will be stored somewhere, said critics. If the government really wanted to deal with drug trafficking, they would be targeting them. Critics observed that none of the key figures in the underworld have been arrested.

Also, if they are conducting a serious operation, why do they need to have cameras filming them during the operation, they asked. What’s happening is more like theatre. This appears to be a publicity campaign.

The operation was heavily criticized. There were mass arrests. Those targeted were addicts and small-time pushers.  Most were unable to pay the legal fees and ended up in prison. Relatives of those who had been arrested went to the Committee for Protecting the Rights of Prisoners. Sometimes, both mother and father have been taken away, leaving children without their parents.

 The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights urged the government to review Yukthiya.   Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, International Commissionof Jurists and 30 other international human rights organizations also wanted ‘Yukthiya’ halted. They asked the government to stop the ‘abusive anti-drug operation’ and release those arrested without evidence or reasonable suspicion.

These 33 organizations issued a joint statement, in which they said that Yukthiya was engaged in arbitrary arrests, in searches conducted without warrants or reasonable suspicion. The arrests involved degrading treatment, including strip searches in public. The searches and arrests were televised, in violation not only of the right to privacy, but also of a person’s right to be presumed innocent. Persons are arrested even when no drugs are found in their possession, said the joint statement. Arrests of main livelihood earners and mothers have adversely impacted the wellbeing of children.

The punishment for possession and selling of narcotics is a harsh one. A 37-year-old father of two was sentenced to life imprisonment in May 2025, on two counts of heroin possession and trafficking. He was caught with 6.95 grams of heroin. The prosecution argued for the maximum sentence, citing the grave social harm caused by drug trafficking and the need for a strong deterrent. Nothing happened to the drug dealer.

There was an unprecedented hike in detainees thanks to the newly enacted Poisons, Opium, and Dangerous Drugs (Amendment) Act, No. 41 of 2022. Earlier, High court granted bail to suspects allegedly possessing narcotics of 2 grams or more, and the lower courts granted bail below that level.

Under the new Act, anyone suspected of possessing narcotics of 10 grammes or more of pure quantity had to get bail from the Court of Appeal.Before that, a report by the Government Analysts Department was needed to determine whether the seized substance was narcotic or not and what its pure quantity was. This would take an average of six months or more.  During this time, the suspect would be kept in remand prison.

 This has led to prison overcrowding.  The year 2023 showed a spike in numbers. While the   prison system usually absorbed between 10,000 and 20,000 fine defaulters annually. 2023 saw 31,822 persons jailed for this.   62.2% were for narcotic offenses.[2] Most were there because they were unable to pay the   fines imposed by court. They earned less than Rs. 3,000 per month or had no income.

 RATAMA  EKATA.

 Malimawa government started Ratama Ekata on 30 October 2025, aimed at eradicating illicit drugs and drug trafficking. Malimawa was going to completely eradicate the drug trafficking network in the country.   

This venture was praised. Sri Lanka now has a government that is not linked to the world of drugs and organized crime. We must appreciate its unique position in the fight against crime and drugs, said one commentator.  Ratama Ekata seems to be targeting large scale drug traffickers and not just addicts and small-time sellers ,said another.  

Malimawa was complacent. We have arrested   the Sri Lankans engaged in large-scale drug trafficking at international level and brought them to Sri Lanka, said Malimawa. Further, the operation has united all the people of the entire country and has reached village level. Earlier, villagers were afraid to give information regarding drug offences because they would be killed. Now many people are providing information regarding drug trafficking without fear.

The public received regular reports of the progress of Ratama Ekata. Police Media Division stated on May 16, 2026, that 176,269 persons have been arrested in raids carried out around the country since the launch of the operation.   991 raids were conducted across the country on June 21.  More than 27,000 inspections were carried out nationwide by June 23

The preferred narcotics were heroin and Ice, said Malimawa. By June 2026, Police had seized approximately 464 grammes of heroin, five kilogrammes and 63 grammes of methamphetamine (Ice), one kilogramme and 363 grammes of hashish, and over one gramme of Kush.  Police had confiscated 35 kilogrammes and 812 grammes of Madana Modaka, four kilogrammes and 244 milligrammes of Mawa, 2177 narcotic pills, and a staggering 2,514,631 cannabis plants.[3]Cocaine was also found in these raids.

However, commentators noted that Malimawa did not carry out the prison reforms it had promised. Instead Malimawa continued to use the 2022 Act, causing, once more, a quantum leap in the number of detainees.   Though the prison population experienced a quantum leap, the number of prison staff and prison facilities remained unchanged.

There was increased overcrowding in the prison. More and more persons were charged with drug offenses, and by mid-2026, prison population reached a new high.  42,034 offenders had been jailed. Of this, 73.8% were remand prisoners charged with narcotic offenses.  They were there because of factors beyond their control, long pre-trial detention, delays in court proceedings, delays in Government Analyst report and the inability to find the money to get bail.  ( continued)

References

https://dailynews.lk/2026/05/16/breaking-news/995898/over-176000-arrested-in-ratama-ekata-operation-countrywide

https://dailynews.lk/2026/06/23/local/1015013/nearly-1000-suspects-arrested-in-ratama-ekata-anti-drug-operation

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/08/politics/1023146/parliament-113

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/09/features/1023609/the-negombo-prison-riot-and-the-cost-of-ignoring-reform

https://island.lk/father-of-two-gets-life-imprisonment-for-possession-of-heroin

https://island.lk/govt-notches-up-success-but-at-a-cost

https://island.lk/negombo-anatomy-of-a-system-unchanged

https://island.lk/pressure-mounts-on-govt-to-halt-operation-yukthiya/.

https://www.sundaytimes.lk/231224/news/police-justify-op-yukthiya-critics-call-it-theatrics-542977.html

https://www.sundaytimes.lk/251116/columns/all-roads-lead-to-joint-opposition-rally-or-do-they-621439.html https://www.sundaytimes.lk/260712/news/fine-defaulters-fuel-prison-bulge-648876.html


 

 

 

THE MALIMAWA GOVERNMENT PT 4B

July 26th, 2026

KAMALIKA PIERIS

There have been three prison riots in Sri Lanka. Two in Welikada in 1988 and 2012, and one at Mahara   in 2020. In July this year, there was a fourth prison riot. There was a   riot in Negombo prison on July 5 and 6, 2026. This riot resulted in the death of 10 prison officers and 21 inmates, 100 inmates were injured. 

The police made a report to the Negombo Magistrate regarding the riots. Police said the initial unrest began on the morning of 5 July. There was a violent clash, resulting in the deaths of two inmates and injuries to 36 others.

 The clash, according to prison sources, was related to the exposure of a drug trafficking operation within the prison. One group had been engaged in smuggling drugs, mobile phones and other prohibited items into the prison while the other group had the informants who tipped off the authorities.

The protection given to this second group ended abruptly in July with the transfer of senior   prison officers. This made the group   vulnerable and the rival group was able to launch a successful attack on them. Two of the informants were killed.

Prison officials had alerted the Negombo Police and police were sent to the prison grounds on the evening of the 5th. 89 officers from the Prison Emergency Response and Tactical Unit, based at Welikada were also brought in from Colombo. 

Police stated that inmates had seized total control of the facility and continued to hold control the next day as well.    Inmates had broken into the prison armory and taken whatever firearms left there.    They had broken into the gym and taken items from there, to be used as weapons.  They had broken into the pharmacy the night before and consumed psychiatric tablets, in order to get intoxicated,  despite the fact that only one week supply of psychiatric drugs were stocked to prevent   such intoxication. Inmates destroyed property throughout the prison, including the toilet in the prison superintendent’s office.

However, ignoring all this, prison officials   had come in to distribute breakfast as usual on   6th morning. Concerned inmates asked them to leave immediately.  Sirla yanne , they said. Prison inmates are planning to attack you.  

Police reported that violence re-ignited between 10.30 a.m. and 10.50 a.m. during which inmates assaulted all the prison staff present there. The Negombo Prison staff managed to escape through the exit. However, the officers from the Prison Emergency Response and Tactical Unit, from Colombo, who had been sent in, unarmed, to quell the mob were trapped inside, as they did not know where the exit was. Inmates attacked them. Some were beaten to death, others were seriously injured.

Police did not move in as soon as trouble started because they did not have the order to do so. That order had to come from the Prison authorities.   They stood by passively till the Commissioner General of Prisons wrote to the Inspector General of Police late on 6th morning, requesting assistance. 

A prison officer   had opened fire through a small opening in the wooden door to prevent the rioting prisoners from escaping.  Had a breakout occurred the escaping inmates would have posed a serious threat to the public.This was caught on tv cameras. In Parliament   the Opposition pounced on this event, and demanded to know who ordered him to shoot. Prison officers asked the authorities to quickly give protection to this officer. That officer was given a service transfer, soon after.

 The riot was brought under control with difficulty. Over 700 inmates were reportedly involved in the rioting.  Inmates had broken through the prison’s main iron gate and were advancing towards the outer wooden gate.  Had they breached the final barrier, hundreds of inmates would have escaped and rioted outside prison.

Order was restored   in the evening, after several hours of operations. STF and Riot Control Unit had sealed off the prison perimeter. The Sri Lanka Air Force deployed a Bell 412 helicopter and a drone to monitor developments from the air. According to security sources, inmates who had seized firearms from prison officers opened fire at the drone.

The relatives of the inmates had also been informed and they had arrived in force.  A huge crowd assembled outside the prison. Judging by television news, they were as aggressive as those inside and made what seemed to be the same amount of noise. They were much quieter the next morning when they heard that the inmates had been transferred to other prisons.

This riot attracted international attention. Foreign news channels promptly reported it. The Economist mentioned it. Amnesty International called for an investigation.  Malimawa announced that a three-person committee would investigate the matter.  Malimawa  wished to close the matter. 

 Justice Minister Harshana Nanayakkara, therefore, blandly announced in Parliament that he took full blame for the incident. This was ignored, because when the riot started and  Harshana was asked about it, he  had said that he had not been able to check social media   on the matter.Analysts   wondered why, as the Minister, he  did not have a better source  of  information. When the funerals took place, Harshana went to the houses of the bereaved, showed respect to the dead person and shed tears.   Ryp Van Winkle called this ‘ham acting’. Harshana got a stony response from one young widow.

The print media energetically reported the clash. They said that the riot was due to overcrowding. Negombo prison intended for 680 inmates, was holding around 2,390 prisoners. But a study done by Namini Wijedasa for Sunday Times found that though total remand admissions were high (over 138,000 in 2023), almost half spent less than a month inside.  Nearly half of all people arrested on remand in 2023 were processed, bailed or otherwise released in under a single month.

The Malimawa solution to overcrowding, was   to strengthen the prison system, add more prisons. Prisons Department said it planned to open new prisons, and expand existing facilities Bogambara would be re-used as a prison and Mahamodara Maternity Hospital would be converted into a prison. Dumbara prison which could accommodate 699 persons would be expanded to hold 2,900 and would   include 102 housing units for prison personnel. Critics observed that it would be very costly to renovate Bogambara and convert  Mahamodera into a prison .  ( continued)

 REFERENCES

 Derana news 14.7.26   

Economist 11.7.26  p 5

https://youtu.be/E-Fyg0d945Q Ada derana big focus

https://youtu.be/gyjL2qcNBFI Derana news 8.7.26 

https://adaderana.lk/news/cmrarx1s0000h356pbjn3glie

https://adaderana.lk/news/cmrarx1s0000h356pbjn3glie 7.7.26

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/08/breaking-news/1023067/prison-officers-averted-major-catastrophe-acting-commissioner-general

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/08/features/1022865/drug-trade-leak-that-sparked-a-riot

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/09/features/1023609/the-negombo-prison-riot-and-the-cost-of-ignoring-reform

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/14/local/1026044/negombo-prison-officer-transferred-for-his-safety

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/15/breaking-news/1026841/cid-records-287-statements-over-negombo-prison-riots

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/15/local/1027068/cid-records-statements-from-287-individuals-over-negombo-prison-unrest-2

https://island.lk/prison-officers-urge-justice-minister-to-protect-their-colleague-who-opened-fire

https://www.newswire.lk/2026/07/08/negombo-prison-unrest-police-say-request-for-help-came-only-after-july-6-incident/

https://www.sundaytimes.lk/260712/columns/as-govt-grapples-with-prison-riot-fallout-debate-looms-over-imf-exit-649016.html

https://www.sundaytimes.lk/260712/columns/ham-acting-649011.html

https://www.sundaytimes.lk/260712/news/fine-defaulters-fuel-prison-bulge-648876.html

https://www.sundaytimes.lk/260719/news/former-insiders-suggest-alternatives-to-handle-jail-violence-episodes-649658.html

https://youtu.be/4ek2Au-lQqk Truth with chamuditha . interview with  Jagath Wickremasinghe 

THE MALIMAWA GOVERNMENT PT 4C

July 26th, 2026

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Negombo prison riot of July 2026, was the first time, that prison officers had been   brutally attacked in Sri Lanka and   murdered by prison inmates.  Of those killed, eight belonged to the Prison Emergency Response and Tactical Unit, one was a jailor and two were prison guards.

 Jagath Wickremasinghe, former Commissioner of Prisons, said in a television interview that he has not seen such an inhuman attack in all his years of service. It was not the usual attack, agreed a retired jailor, in another interview. This riot was different.   It showed much hatred. The victims had been killed in a cruel manner.  

The attackers had used lethal force.   Post-mortem examinations conducted by a five-member Judicial Medical Board at the Negombo General Hospital confirmed that the prison officers died as a result of severe physical assaults. The victims  had been subject to  severe , brutal assaults. They had been stripped naked, placed face down on the ground and heavily beaten with poles and bludgeons. Their skulls had been split.  Flowerpots, iron poles and huge  rocks were used to crack the skulls. Items had been inserted into their private parts.  Some private parts were cut.

The public, who were greatly perturbed by the killing of innocent prison officials, thought there was something fishy about this attack. They rejected the smooth explanation offered.  Who got   the Colombo unit down, they asked, who sent them unarmed into the   prison.  Nivan suva  labeva,’ they said, finally. 

The Negombo riot was not a spontaneous eruption of anger regarding overcrowding or lack of facilities. Nor was it due to a clash between two narcotics gangs.  It was a well-planned operation to inflict a murderous attack on prison officials.

The violence on July 6th against the prison officers was not spontaneous, said   prison officials,  when   interviewed on television.  An organized group of inmates was behind this.It was a planned operation, possibly directed from above.

 CID told Negombo Magistrate that the attack had been carefully   planned by a small, well-organized group. This group knew what they were doing. They had smashed the closed-circuit television cameras and destroyed the body scanner   which  detected narcotics hidden under clothing, taped to the body, or concealed inside body cavities.

Police had recovered weapons such as knives, machetes, scissors, metal spikes and wooden clubs from the crime scene. While some of the items were taken from the prison kitchen, many others had been improvised by inmates inside the prison.The stockpiling of these weapons indicates that the inmates had prepared in advance for a violent confrontation, police said. They were not giving in. Derana news of 9th July reported that the rioters had threatened to kill the officer who fired into the prison.

Critics have noted that when this attack took place, there was no Commissioner General of Prisons in office. Thushara Upuldeniya, Commissioner General of Prisons, was suspended on 9 June, 2025, over alleged release of prisoners taking advantage of general amnesty. Human Rights Commission recommended that he be reinstated but Justice Ministry Secretary   refused to do so. The post is vacant. The post of Additional Commissioner of Prisons was also vacant.

 Head of Negombo prison, Jeevaka Fernando was transferred in January 2026 to Boossa as its Head. Jeevaka, described as outstanding officer, had made the Negombo prison free of narcotics. He had treated the inmates well, recalled one inmate, he gave them good food. Gayan Tillekeratne the head jailor was transferred on July 1st.

This meant that the head and second-in-command in Negombo were absent when the riots occurred. Opposition noted in Parliament that Malimawa had removed the two senor-most officials from Negombo prison. The informant network in Negombo prison was now without protection.

The newspapers ignored the murder of prison officers and instead focused on the remand prisoners who were killed in the riot.  In international law, if a prisoner dies in state custody, the state is responsible. United Nations Resident Coordinator in Sri Lanka reminded Sri Lanka, after the riots, that the protection of prisoners is a fundamental responsibility of the State.

The newspapers    focused on the difficulties prisoners faced in prison, due to overcrowding, which in turn led to reduced services. Prisoners are human beings with families and feelings, they said.  Prisoners have rights. The Committee for Protecting Rights of Prisoners also spoke up.  They asked for compensation on behalf of the prisoners who were killed.   They ignored the fact that these prisoners were trying to   break jail and escape from the prison. That is a punishable offence.

 Further, some at least, of these rioting prisoners are guilty of first-degree murder. They attacked the prison officers with intention to kill. They are guilty of   culpable homicide amounting to murder.

The Negombo magistrate who conducted the inquiry declared the events of July 6  to be a crime, and asked CID to inquire into it. CID reported that, with the help of CCTV data, it has identified around 75 inmates allegedly involved in the killing.  Additional suspects are still being identified. [1]All those found responsible will face murder charges.

CID stated that all suspects identified in connection with the killings will be prosecuted under the charge of murder, as well as the Firearms Ordinance and the Public Property Act. Offenses had been committed under Sections 102, 113, 146, 186, 300, 315, 316, 317, and 344 of the Penal Code.

Television channels focused on the slain officers. I watched only two channels, but all news channels would have provided extensive coverage of this. Derana News showed photos of all the deceased officers, giving name, rank and designation. Newspapers commented on the excellent  television coverage of the funerals. They observed that  television footage captured the anguish of the families. 

Derana news on 8.7.26 showed the coffins arriving at Welikada, prison officers weeping, close family hysterical with shock and grief. Then they showed the departure from Welikada, the arrival of each coffin at each home, to be received by distraught wives, parents and bewildered children.  The next day, television cameras recorded all the burials. It was not easy to watch this.

Jagath Wickremasinghe, former Commissioner of Prisons said that those who died, were dedicated officers, very honest, rarely accused of irregularities. They could have taken bribes and lived well but their modest houses show that they have not taken that route. One child needs a heart operation and the father had to find the money.

Posthumous promotions have been granted to the prison officers who died in the riot.[2]The officers who died were registered members of the ‘Agrahara Gold’ insurance scheme and they would receive compensation from the National Insurance Trust Fund. The Government usually pays compensation when Government officers die while on duty. In this case the government intended to see whether further compensation could be paid.  ( CONCLUDED)

REFERENCES

Derana news 14.7.26

Derana news 23.7.26 

https://youtu.be/YxiUSvHFkbE

Derana news 24.7.26 

https://youtu.be/kf89H4kyrCA

Derana news 8.7.26 

https://youtu.be/gyjL2qcNBFI

Derana news 9.7.26 https://youtu.be/5RCWidp2iK0

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/08/breaking-news/1023067/prison-officers-averted-major-catastrophe-acting-commissioner-general

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/08/features/1022865/drug-trade-leak-that-sparked-a-riot

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/08/politics/1023146/parliament-113

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/09/features/1023609/the-negombo-prison-riot-and-the-cost-of-ignoring-reform

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/13/breaking-news/1025354/over-75-inmates-involved-in-prison-clash-to-face-murder-charges

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/14/local/1026025/rs-16-mn-compensation-allocated-for-kin-of-eight-deceased-prison-guards

https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/15/local/1027068/cid-records-statements-from-287-individuals-over-negombo-prison-unrest-2

https://island.lk/negombo-prison-bloodbath-autopsies-reveal-brutal-assaults/ 12.7.26

https://island.lk/negombo-prison-riot-ensuring-protection-of-prisoners-fundamental-responsibility-of-the-state-un

https://island.lk/negombo-prison-riot-no-convicts-among-21-inmates-killed/15.7.26

https://island.lk/opp-blames-prison-intelligence-for-mondays-riot-in-negombo/8.7.26

https://island.lk/prison-officers-urge-justice-minister-to-protect-their-colleague-who-opened-fire/9.7.26

https://island.lk/prison-riots-and-politics-npps-biggest-challenge-and-sri-lankas-biggest-opportunity

https://www.sundaytimes.lk/260712/news

https://youtu.be/01HbY1fEQ_8 senior jailor Nishantha Bandara  Whispers channel https://youtu.be/NK3WE_c94nk //

https://youtu.be/4ek2Au-lQqk Truth with chamuditha . interivew with Jagath Wickremasinghe 

https://youtu.be/8JXoynkCvsM  Wanesa TV

https://youtu.be/8QHm42mX_BY ‘Truth with Chamuditha” Keerthi Ratnayhake 

https://youtu.be/fKmQs9wOmZU Wanesa Jagath Wickremasinghe

https://youtu.be/i4Wk72ndTi8 @wanesa tv


[1] https://dailynews.lk/2026/07/13/breaking-news/1025354/over-75-inmates-involved-in-prison-clash-to-face-murder-charges/

[2]

Black August 1977 and Bombing of AirCeylon Passenger Plane 1978 Preceded Jaffna Library 1981 and Black July 1983

July 26th, 2026

Dilrook Kannangara

Selective amnesia is a popular propaganda and political trick. Those who howl about Black July 1983 pretend not to know about the happenings immediately before that. It certainly did not happen in a vacuum. There were far worse events before that. Putting these into context is important to understand what really happened.

In August 1977 within just 3 weeks of the July 1977 election when TULF won the second highest number of seats in parliament, Tamil rioters attacked Sinhala people in Jaffna district, gave them 48 hours to leave and not to take anything other than what they had on their bodies. None of the rioters was a member of any terrorist group at that time. According to the 1971 census there were more than 20,000 Sinhalas living in Jaffna. By 1977 their numbers would have naturally grown. All of them were evicted from Jaffna in the first recorded incident of ethnic cleansing to take place in Sri Lanka. What is most shocking is, none of them received compensation, restitution and Tamils continue to occupy their lands to this date. If true reconciliation were to take place, Tamils should give up these lands and hand them back to Sinhalas. It will never happen.

The next year, Tamil individuals planted a bomb inside a London-bound AirCeylon passenger plane in Ratmalana. The plane was destroyed. Luckily for its passengers, both locals and foreigners, the plane was delayed for extra cleaning which saved lives and avoided the mid-air spectacular blast that was intended by those who planted the bomb. Once again none of the perpetrators was a member of any Tamil terrorist group. Bombing an international vessel including a passenger plane is an act of war and an act of terrorism. The war had started by 1978 if not earlier. Given the threat this might have posed to British nationals, Britain supported Sri Lanka’s move to counter terrorism and the Prevention of Terrorism Act of 1979 was passed which was a copy of the same law in Britain.

According to the Sansoni Commission Report compiled by Justice Sansoni, acts of war by Tamil individuals including arson, violence, bank robberies, assassinations, weapons smuggling, etc. had commenced since 1972 when Sri Lanka became a fully independent republic. This was shrewd and deliberate timing as any act of war prior to that would have earned the wrath of Britain. The elements waited until Sri Lanka severed its legal, military and symbolic ties with Britain to launch their terrorist campaign. The leader of the LTTE was then a teenager and was injured in 1972 when he experimented with an improvised explosive device. He was treated at the Jaffna teaching hospital. Jaffna mayor Alfred Duraiappah was gunned down by Tamils in 1975. These are clearly acts of terrorism.

The incident at the Jaffna public library in 1981 and Black July 1983 happened much later. Focusing only on those events and not mentioning 1977 Black August and its continuing ethnic cleansing and the terrorist act of bombing a passenger plane in 1978 points to racism. Every incident must be given equal weight when discussing past matters. Otherwise, it’s not worth discussing. UN Human Rights Commission discussed the events of July 1983 but decided it deserved no further action from the Commission or from Sri Lanka. Lies and exaggerations failed to convince anyone other than those who wanted to believe in lies. The same can be said about war crimes allegations over 2009 occurrences. Over 17 years have passed and none of the 192-strong membership of the UN considered those allegations deserved a war crimes investigation. Otherwise, they would have moved a resolution at the UN. They did so completely voluntarily. Sri Lanka never influenced, bribed or even effectively lobbied any country to do so. It is yet another bad luck fairy tale without a grain of evidence that no nation believes. Human rights issues on the other hand were addressed by Sri Lanka and is a wholly different matter.

Missionary narratives on Sri Lanka constitute Historical Revisionism – Beware of Sri Lankan Acolytes who work for foreign principals as their agents and sometimes as ‘ Attack Dogs’ in the mass media.

July 26th, 2026

Source :  AI Overview

The perspective that missionary historical narratives on Sri Lanka constitute historical revisionism driven by foreign agendas is a significant theme within modern post-colonial and nationalist discourse.

Colonial-era Christian missionary narratives in Sri Lanka are frequently critiqued as instruments of cultural displacement and historical revisionism, aligning closely with nationalist perspectives that view these accounts as efforts to undermine indigenous Buddhist and Hindu traditions. [1]

Colonial Eras and Religious Impact

  • Portuguese Era (1505–1558): Involved active destruction of prominent local shrines like Devinuwara and Kelaniya, backed by military force.
  • Dutch Era (1658–1796): Enforced state Calvinism while penalizing native traditions and suppressing Roman Catholicism.
  • British Era (1796–1948): Subsidized Protestant education monopolies and tied socioeconomic mobility to religious conversion.

Debates on colonial historiography

Eurocentric bias: Critics argue that 19th and 20th-century missionary accounts often viewed Sri Lankan history through a colonial lens. These narratives sometimes downplayed indigenous achievements, altered local socio-political structures (such as caste and governance), and overemphasized the benevolence of colonial rulers to justify the “civilizing mission.” [1]

Religious misrepresentation: Local scholars frequently point out that missionary writers, motivated by evangelical goals, occasionally misrepresented or depreciated Buddhist and Hindu traditions, texts, and historical influence to position Christianity as culturally or morally superior.

Divide and rule: Some historians contend that colonial and missionary classifications of ethnicity and identity helped formalize divisions between communities, creating rigid categories that did not exist in the same format during the pre-colonial era.

Local Resistance and Historiography

  • Counter-Movements: Figures like Arumuga Navalar led fierce intellectual defenses of Saivism, while late 19th-century Buddhist revivals led by figures like Anagarika Dharmapala sought to reclaim local heritage.
  • Revisionist Debates: Modern critique targets how colonial archives often framed indigenous resistance as backward while rationalizing institutional dominance.
  • ……………………

Nineteenth-century missionary school magazines, pamphlets, and reports heavily documented an aggressive polemical strategy that conflated Buddhism and indigenous ritual practices with devil worship. 

This strategic misrepresentation was an intentional institutional effort to alienate students from their native heritage, weaken their adherence to traditional beliefs, and pave the way for Christian conversion. [1, 2, 3, 4]

Mechanisms of Misrepresentation

Historical records from organizations like the Church Missionary Society (CMS) and Wesleyan Methodist missions reveal several targeted tactics: [1, 2]

  • Deliberate Syncretic Conflation: Missionaries frequently collapsed the distinctions between core philosophical Buddhism and localized folk traditions—such as Yaktovil (traditional Sinhalese healing or exorcism rituals). By labeling these protective folk rituals as literal devil worship, missionary publications categorized the entire cultural and religious landscape of the native population as Satanic. [1, 2, 3]
  • Theological Binary Framing: Influenced by a rigid evangelical worldview, missionary educators taught that any system outside of Christianity was engineered by Satan. Indigenous deities were branded as demons, and Buddhist cosmological concepts were framed as spiritually hazardous falsehoods designed to deceive truth-seekers. [1, 2, 3, 4]
  • Psychological Coercion: School environments penalized students who showed affinities for native languages, literature, or Buddhist history. By systematically associating local traditions with ignorance, fear, and demonic entities, schools aimed to produce “nominal converts” or, at minimum, weak Buddhists who grew ashamed of their ancestral heritage. [1, 2, 3]

Historical Backlash and Impact

Rather than permanently eradicating local faiths, this aggressive institutional campaign provoked a powerful counter-movement. In regions like Sri Lanka (formerly Ceylon), the overt denigration of Buddhism catalyzed the Buddhist Revival of the late 19th century. Led by figures who adopted the printing and educational methodologies of the missionaries, the native population fought back through public debates (such as the Panadura Controversy) and established their own secularized, modern Buddhist schools to insulate children from colonial proselytization. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

………………………………….

Nineteenth-century missionary publications and school literature frequently framed indigenous Asian traditions through a polemical lens, conflating folk rituals with core practices to promote conversion. This approach utilized specific rhetorical strategies:

Rhetorical Framing and Conflation

  • Equating Rituals: Missionaries often grouped localized spirit or demon propitiation (yaktovil) alongside Buddhist temple practices, presenting the entire cultural-religious matrix as idolatry or devil worship. [1, 2, 3]
  • Apologetic Literature: School tracts and periodicals aimed to weaken adherence to the Dhamma by arguing that native philosophies lacked moral agency and promoted spiritual darkness.

Impact on Students

  • Nominal Conformity: Instruction in mission-run institutions often produced students who conformed to Christian behavioral expectations within school walls while retaining familial Buddhist ties at home. [1]
  • The Counter-Response: Rather than achieving permanent systemic conversion, these aggressive educational tactics provoked a major Buddhist revival and the establishment of independent-minded Buddhist schools in the late 19th century.
  • https://share.google/aimode/Jmk4sn5Hr2hEiN9k3

Source :  AI Overview

Face to Face encounter with Garfield Sobers in Melbourne in 1983

July 26th, 2026

Senaka Weeraratna

Thank you Michael for this invitation to write about  ‘  Your Sobers story’

Yes, I met him i.e.,Sir Garfield Sobers, in a face to face chance encounter in Melbourne sometime in 1983.

I was then working as a Legal Officer for the office of the Federal Special Prosecutor headed by Mr. Robert Redlich, QC ( who later became a Supreme Court Judge in Victoria).

This Office was established by the Malcolm Fraser Govt. to review the findings of the Costigan Commission on White Collar Crime and mount prosecutions. I was a member of that team recruited by Robert Redlich, QC.

The office of the Special Prosecutor was located on the 22nd and 23rd floors of A.C.I. House, 200 Queen Street, Melbourne. Our work stemmed from two Royal Commissions, namely, into the Activities of the Federated Ship Painters and Dockers Union, headed by Mr F. X. Costigan, Q.C., and into the Niigan Hand Group (formerly
the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Drug Trafficking) headed by the Hon. Mr Justice Stewart. Matters were referred from both Royal Commissions for investigation and prosecution, that is, in pre-brief form.

https://www.cdpp.gov.au/sites/default/files/CDPP-AnnualReport-1984.pdf

While I was working at the Federal Special Prosecutor’s Office Sir Garfield Sobers had an Office on the same floor on the other side of the corridor. He was recruited by the Govt. of Australia to help devise Multicultural policies ( a new concept then in 1983). When I got to know from my Australian lawyer friends that Sobers was working in a room next door I did not want to miss the chance to visit and talk to him.

Sobers welcomed me and said that he was glad to know that I was from Sri Lanka. He added that he had been commissioned by Minister Hon. Gamini Dissanayake ( then President of Board of Control of Cricket in Sri Lanka) to help develop Cricket in Sri Lanka. He said that Sri Lanka had high potential to grow but needs a lot more training, resources and assistance. He specifically mentioned Duleep Mendis as a good batsman with great potential. He was committed to help Sri Lanka whom he saw as a country playing attacking cricket like the West Indies. Within 13 years of my meeting Sobers in Melbourne in 1983 Sri Lanka won the World Cup in 1996.

In the same year in 1983 I met Aravinda de Silva and his under 19 School boy cricket team from Sri Lanka at the MCG and the Ceylon Tea Centre at Collins Street, Melbourne. It was Aravinda de Silva who showed me Steve Waugh who had scored a century for Australia in this match, at the premises of the Ceylon Tea Centre. I also met the Sri Lanka Cricket Team at the Springvale Club in Melbourne in December 1995 headed by Ana Punchihewa. But that is another story.

I also saw Sobers being clean bowled by Sonny Yatawara for 58 runs in the match played at the Colombo Oval in February 1961, and again in 1967 when the West Indies visited Sri Lanka to play a four day match.

Nostalgic memories of cricket are therapeutic.

Senaka Weeraratna

Inspiring Sri Lanka’s University Students to Build Careers in the Offshore and Marine Industry

July 26th, 2026

Dr Sarath Obeysekera 

Developing the Next Generation of Marine Professionals

Sri Lanka’s strategic location in the Indian Ocean offers immense opportunities to become a regional centre for offshore engineering, shipbuilding, ship repair, marine logistics, offshore renewable energy, oil and gas support services, fisheries technology, and the blue economy. However, realizing this potential depends on developing a highly skilled workforce capable of meeting international standards.

To inspire young engineers, scientists, environmental specialists, and technologists, we propose a university workshop focusing on the exciting career opportunities available in the offshore and marine industry. The programme will combine technical knowledge with practical industry experience while highlighting the importance of protecting the marine environment.

Proposed Workshop Theme to be  organised by the Advisory board for development of  Offshore and marine sector under EDB

Building Sri Lanka’s Future Through Offshore Engineering, Marine Technology, and Environmental Stewardship.”

Objectives

● Introduce university students to the rapidly expanding global offshore and marine industries.

● Demonstrate the diverse career paths available in engineering, environmental sciences, naval architecture, robotics, logistics, marine biology, and project management.

● Highlight Sri Lanka’s potential to develop Trincomalee and other ports into internationally recognized offshore industrial hubs.

● Emphasize that sustainable development must always go hand in hand with environmental protection.

Technical Session

Managing Offshore Pollution in Sri Lanka

Environmental management has become an essential component of every offshore development project worldwide. Students must understand that modern offshore engineering is not merely about constructing platforms and ships—it is equally about protecting the marine ecosystem.

The proposed lecture will cover:

1. Introduction and Context

● Sri Lanka’s marine resources and strategic location.

● The growth of offshore activities in the Indian Ocean.

● Why environmental protection is fundamental to sustainable development.

2. Sources and Types of Offshore Pollution

● Oil spills.

● Ballast water contamination.

● Ship-generated waste.

● Marine plastic pollution.

● Offshore drilling discharges.

● Industrial and harbour pollution.

● Chemical contamination and hazardous substances.

3. Legal and Institutional Framework

An overview of the responsibilities of:

● Marine Environment Protection Authority (MEPA).

● Coast Conservation and Coastal Resource Management Department.

● Central Environmental Authority (CEA).

● Sri Lanka Ports Authority.

● Navy and Coast Guard.

● International Maritime Organization (IMO) conventions adopted by Sri Lanka.

4. Regulatory Instruments and Compliance

● MARPOL Convention.

● Ballast Water Management Convention.

● Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) requirements.

● Port State Control.

● Corporate environmental responsibility.

● International best practices.

5. Response Mechanisms and National Capabilities

● Oil spill contingency planning.

● Emergency response coordination.

● Pollution monitoring technologies.

● Remote sensing and satellite surveillance.

● Modern containment and recovery equipment.

● Role of industry and government collaboration.

6. Existing Gaps and Challenges

● Limited response equipment.

● Need for specialised training.

● Lack of dedicated offshore environmental specialists.

● Climate change impacts.

● Marine litter management.

● Need for improved coordination among agencies.

7. Recommendations for Strengthening Management

● Establish specialised offshore environmental training programmes.

● Develop national centres of excellence in marine engineering.

● Encourage university research in offshore technology.

● Strengthen industry-academia collaboration.

● Invest in pollution response capability.

● Promote digital monitoring and artificial intelligence applications.

● Encourage international partnerships and technology transfer.

8. Future Outlook and Key Considerations

Sri Lanka has an opportunity to become an important offshore service hub supporting activities in the Middle East, East Africa, and South Asia. As offshore wind, floating production systems, subsea infrastructure, and marine renewable energy expand globally, demand for skilled professionals will continue to grow.

Students entering the profession today could become tomorrow’s leaders in offshore engineering, environmental protection, marine robotics, autonomous vessels, underwater inspection, and blue economy innovation.

9. Conclusions

The future of Sri Lanka’s marine economy depends not only on infrastructure but also on knowledgeable, innovative, and environmentally responsible professionals. Universities have a critical role in preparing graduates who can compete internationally while safeguarding the country’s valuable marine resources.

By exposing students to real-world offshore engineering challenges and environmental responsibilities, this workshop aims to ignite their interest in careers that can contribute to national development, create high-value employment, attract foreign investment, and position Sri Lanka as a leading maritime nation in the Indian Ocean.

The sea surrounding Sri Lanka should not merely be viewed as a source of fish—it should be recognized as one of the nation’s greatest economic assets. Through education, innovation, and responsible environmental management, our young graduates can help transform Sri Lanka into a regional centre of excellence in offshore and marine industries.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Sobers bowled Yatawara = 58

July 26th, 2026

Source:  AI Overview

This is what  prominent Sri Lankan historian and sociologist Michael Roberts has written on his platforms like Thuppahi’s Blog.

The phrase references a famous cricketing moment from a match played on 28 February 1961 at the Colombo Oval, where the fast bowler Sonny Yatawara clean bowled the legendary West Indian all-rounder Sir Garfield Sobers  for 58 runs . [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

The Daily Mirror XI Match (1961)

The encounter occurred during a whistle-stop tour when six iconic West Indian stars stopped over in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) while traveling by ship from their famous 1960/61 tour of Australia. A special match was arranged between the Ceylon Daily Mirror XI (featuring the West Indian players) and the CCA President’s XI. [1, 2]

  • The Wicket: While batting aggressively for the Daily Mirror XI, Sir Garfield Sobers had reached a score of 58 runs when he was clean bowled by Sonny Yatawara. []
  • Double Strike: Yatawara, known as one of Kandy’s most feared and tempestuous pacemen of that era, also bowled out West Indian speedster Wesley Hall during the same innings. [1]
  • Match Context: The star-studded Daily Mirror XI declared at 184/6. In response, the President’s XI fought back from 28/4 to draw the match, anchored by a legendary 102 not out from Michael Tissera. []

https://share.google/aimode/BNyRUZwDHkpPzmqvS

“Sonny Yatawara was regarded as one of the, if not the greatest fast bowler of late 1950s. He used to terrorize batsmen with his fast and fiery express bowling”

Christie Seneviratne (Yorker)

In 1961 prior to Sri Lanka gaining full Test status six West Indian cricketers namely Garfield Sobers, Rohan Kanhai, Chester Watson, Condrad Hunte, Seymour Nurse and Wesley Hall on their way to England took time to play a game along with another four local players wicket keeper H.I.K. Fernando, Priya Perera, Tissa de Soysa,Yatagama Amaradasa and an unknown player from the ship’s crew named Hewson formed a team which was called the Daily Mirror XI.

The Ceylon Cricket Association team was captained by the late C.I.Gunasekera. Michael Tissera struck an unbeaten 102 in CCA’s total of 180 for 7 in reply to the visitors 305 for 6 declared. Hunte (50), Rohan Kanhai (60 retired), Seymour Nurse (31 retired) Sobers (58) and Wesley Hall (44) were among the runs for the Mirror XI. The CCA XI included C.I.Gunasekera (Captain), Sarath Silva, T.C.T. Edwards, Lasantha Rodrigo, Michael Tissera, D.H.de Silva, Hector Perera, Abu Fuard, Sonny Yatawara, Fitzroy Crozier and K.M.T.Perera.

In 1967 Sobers and Tissera played again this time in a four day game at the Colombo Oval.

‘Ceylon Daily News’  columnist, Christie Seneviratne, wrote under the guise of ‘The Yorker’. Christie Seneviratne was an outstanding schoolboy cricketer in the late 1930s from Wesley College. His critical reviews, mostly hard-hitting along with beautiful narrations on matches played, were a treat to read, and I hope it will be the same for the rest.

Read

‘Down Memory Lane’, first published in Volume 01 of Quadrangle Magazine, December 2014

By Sujith Silva

Sonny Yatawara (1938 – 2 September 2000) was a Sri Lankan first-class cricketer. He gained a reputation for his fiery temperament and for his never-say-die attitude among cricketing fraternity and social circles.[1] He was regarded as one of the fastest bowlers in Sri Lanka during his playing career. He also worked at Ceylon Tobacco.[1] He played two first-class matches between 1960/61 – 1961/62 domestic seasons playing for Saracens Sports Club and Singhalese Sports Club.[2]

Career

He had his first taste of playing cricket at school level when he was studying at Dharmaraja College. In the mid-1950s, he then switched to Ananda College to continue his prospects in cricket.[2][3][4] In a school cricket match against St. Peter’s College, Colombo, he was reported to have caused serious injury concerns to at least four schoolboy cricketers of St. Peter’s College during bowling, and the players underwent treatment at the hospital.[2]

He made his first-class debut in the 1960/61 season, playing for Ceylon in the M. J. Gopalan Trophy against Madras.[5] His biggest scalp in his career came on 28 February 1961 when he clean bowled West Indies all-rounder Sir Garfield Sobers for 58 runs in a friendly match at the Colombo Oval.[1][6] The match was played between Daily Mirror XI and CCA, and other players included the West Indian Test players Rohan Kanhai, Wes Hall, Seymour Nurse, Chester Watson and Conrad Hunte.[1]

After his playing career, he switched to a coaching career. He coached Dharmaraja College in 1962, and players of the caliber of T. B. Kehelgamuwa were groomed under his guidance.[7] He also went on to coach St Thomas’ College, Matale, junior age group teams at Trinity College. He also had a coaching stint with Kandy Cricket Club.[1]

Death

He died at the age of 62 on 2 September 2000.[1][2]

……………..

“Down Memory Lane” is a historical sports feature series written by Sujith Silva, first published in Volume 01 of the Quadrangle Magazine in December 2014.

Series Overview

  • Author: Sujith Silva
  • Inspiration: Legendary sports icons, vintage school teams, and their historical athletic marvels
  • Focus: Golden years of school sports, legendary games, and stories of players who excelled on school grounds

Key Themes Explored

  • School Cricket: Vintage encounters and historical seasons, such as the storied 1957 schools cricket season.
  • Legacy & Heritage: Profiles of legendary individuals and teams from prestigious Sri Lankan schools like Royal College, Trinity College, Ananda College, and Nalanda College.

Would you like to explore a specific article, school team, or era from the Down Memory Lane archive?

That 1957 School’s Cricket Season

Ananda College Cricket team 1957

Seated L-R: AP Jayasinghe, Palitha Premasiri, Anuruddha Polonowita, Daya Amarasinghe, Ananda Ranasinghe.

Standing L-R: Palitha Wijesekara, Anura de Zoysa, SP Ekanayake, Sonny Yatawara, NG Ekanayake

On the ground: Ranjith Thabrew, Sirisoma Wijeggonewardene, Neville Ratnayake

APJ entered the Eng Faculty and worked as an engineer. Passed away early. Palitha Premasiri (my classmate) never studied. Owned Southern Drapery Stores at Borella Junction. Deceased.

Anu Polonnowita joined the Colombo Municipality. Married Chitranganie (daughter of the late Prof. PB Fernando who was Professor of Medicine before Prof. Rajasuriya.

Daya Amarasinghe joined the Prisons Dept. Ranasinghe was at Ceylon Insurance.

Palitha Wijesekara (deceased) was the elder brother of athlete Vijitha Wijesekara and Dr. Rohitha Wijesekara (our junior batch).

Anura de Zoysa also died some years ago.

SP Ekanayake also did a Physical Science degree in the University and joined the Army. Died a few years ago as a Major.

Sonny Yatawara joined Ceylon Tobacco soon after leaving school. Died early in life.

NG Ekanayake too died some years ago.

Thabrew was in the Science Faculty. Wijegoonewardene joined the Army as an Officer Cadet and retired as a Major. Neville Ratnayake was another classmate of mine who joined the Central Bank.

Almost 60 years later, the 1957 captain Anu Polonowita is second from left in this picture with Suren Iyer.

https://colombomedgrads1962.blogspot.com/2016/09/ananda-college-cricket-team-1957.html

Source:  AI Overview

විනිසුරු කාලය වැඩි කිරීමේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත ආ පසු නීතීඥවරු කී දෙනෙකුගේ ලෝගු ගැලවෙයිද? මන්ත්‍රීවරු කී දෙනෙකුගේ මන්ත්‍රී ධූර අහිමි වෙයිද?*

July 26th, 2026

ෆීන්ක්ස් නීති සාර සංග්‍රහය / Phoenix Law Journal

* How many lawyers will lose their profession and how many Members of Parliament will lose their parliamentary seats after the constitutional amendment draft to extend the judges’ term limit is brought?”

ෆීන්ක්ස් නීති සාර සංග්‍රහය / Phoenix Law Journal
( 2026 ජූලි දිගහැරුම)

[විනිසුරු ධූර කාලය වැඩි කිරීමේදී මතුවන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා අර්බුදය ගැන ලියවී ඇත]

(2026.08.18දින සවස 2-6දක්වා කොළඹ මහජන පුස්තකාලයේ පවත්වන සිංහල මාධ්‍ය 36වන නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහනේ සාකච්ඡාවට)

නොමිලේ පිටපතක් ලබා ගැනීමට විමසීම

(සමායෝජක) 
වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන
දුරකථන 0712063394

Destruction of the Royal Palace at Hanguranketha, Kandy and the Destruction of the beautiful Chinese Summer Palace in Beijing by the British in 1860 – Lessons to be Learnt

July 26th, 2026

Source:  AI Overview

The destruction of the Royal Palace at Hanguranketha (burnt by British forces under Major Johnson in 1803, and devastated during the 1818 rebellion) and the Old Summer Palace (Yuanmingyuan) in Beijing (looted and burned by Anglo-French forces under Lord Elgin in 1860) offer powerful insights into the nature of colonial warfare, cultural hegemony, and historical memory. [1, 2, 3]

The shared history of these dual tragedies yields several crucial historical lessons.

Imperial warfare used cultural erasure as a weapon of psychological submission

In both instances, the British military did not merely target military infrastructure; they targeted the symbolic heart of the nation.

  • Hanguranketha Palace served as a secondary capital and sanctuary for the Kandyan kings, embodying the resilience and sovereignty of the independent Kandyan Kingdom against European encroachment. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
  • The Old Summer Palace was considered the absolute pinnacle of Chinese imperial art, architecture, and garden design, housing centuries of invaluable cultural heritage. [1, 2]

The Lesson: Colonial expansion heavily relied on psychological warfare. By erasing architectural marvels, empires sought to break the national pride and defensive morale of a population by showing that even their most sacred and secure imperial sanctuaries were vulnerable to total annihilation. [1]

Collective punishment was weaponized to mask diplomatic failures

Both acts of destruction were explicitly framed by British commanders as “solemn acts of retribution.” [1, 2]

  • In Beijing, Lord Elgin ordered the total destruction of the Yuanmingyuan as direct retaliation for the imprisonment, torture, and death of British and allied envoys who had been sent under a flag of truce. [1, 2, 3]
  • In Kandy, the destruction of royal residences and surrounding villages was routinely deployed as a punitive measure against the local population for resisting British advances or engaging in guerrilla warfare. [1, 2]

The Lesson: Global powers often abandoned conventional rules of engagement and resorted to total warfare and collective punishment when faced with diplomatic gridlock or stiff local resistance, disregarding the permanent loss of human heritage to achieve short-term political capitulation. [1]

Structural vulnerability stems from a lack of technological and military adaptation

Both the Qing Dynasty and the Kandyan Kingdom fell victim to an inability to successfully match the industrial military capacity of Western powers. [1]

  • The Kandyan strategy relied heavily on the natural mountainous topography and guerrilla tactics, which failed once the British systematically fortified access routes and employed scorched-earth strategies.
  • The Qing leadership underestimated the amphibious and land-based capabilities of the Anglo-French forces, clinging to outdated defensive structures like the Taku Forts and stalling negotiations while foreign forces marched directly to the capital. [1, 2, 3]

The Lesson: A nation’s cultural treasures are only as secure as its physical ability to defend them. Stagnation in military technology, administrative corruption, and a failure to anticipate the rapid tactical adaptations of invading forces leave a state’s entire cultural identity physically defenseless. [1]

Cultural destruction fuels generational trauma and modern nationalism

The physical loss of these structures transformed them into potent political symbols that echo through centuries. [1]

  • In Sri Lanka, the ruins of the Kandyan kingdom and the losses of the 1818 Uva Rebellion remain foundational pillars of anti-colonial history and national heritage preservation.
  • In China, the ruins of the Yuanmingyuan are deliberately kept in their ruined state as an open educational site. It is framed as the ultimate symbol of China’s “Century of Humiliation,” driving a modern political obsession with state sovereignty, territorial integrity, and military strength. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

The Lesson: History cannot be permanently buried. Acts of wanton cultural destruction do not enforce permanent submission; instead, they plant the seeds of enduring historical resentment and serve as catalyst points for modern, fiercely defensive nationalism. [1]

If you would like to explore this topic further, please let me know if you want to focus on:

  • The restitution efforts regarding items looted from these palaces (such as those currently held in Western museums).
  • A deeper look into the military tactics used by the British during the 1803/1818 Kandyan Wars or the 1860 Second Opium War.
  • The specific architectural layouts and art collections that were permanently lost in these blazes. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7]

The Chinese Wonder the West Burned Down | Old Summer Palace 1860

Sinhalese Kingdoms in Sri Lanka That Defied #European

Source:  AI Overview

Sri Lanka Black July 1983: Questions the Numbers, History and Logic cannot ignore  43 years later

July 26th, 2026

Shenali D Waduge

image.png

Black July is just one of many painful chapters in Sri Lanka’s modern history. The suffering, the destruction of homes and businesses, and the failure of the State to protect citizens are historical realities that must never be denied. But history demands more than remembering only one part of an event. History requires questions. History requires evidence. History requires logic.Does the commonly repeated narrative explain and answer all the facts?

The Numbers: How Many Died During Black July?

The official figures and estimates vary:

Source / EstimateReported Death Toll
Official Government estimates at the timeApproximately 300–400 deaths
Some later estimatesApproximately 500–700 deaths
Higher estimates cited by some organisationsAround 1,000 deaths

Before examining responsibility, consequences and competing narratives, history must first establish the human cost.

The variation itself raises an important historical question:

Why has there never been a universally accepted, independently verified final list of victims with names?

A complete historical record must identify:

·      Tamil civilians killed;

·      Sinhalese civilians killed;

·      others killed during the violence;

·      locations of deaths;

·      circumstances of each death;

·      injuries suffered;

·      families displaced;

·      homes, businesses and livelihoods destroyed;

·      perpetrators responsible.

Numbers are not merely statistics.

Behind every number was a human being with a family, a history and a story.

Regardless of the final verified figure, every life lost represents a human tragedy.

However, recognising the suffering of one community must never require ignoring the suffering of another.

History must count every victim before it assigns collective blame.

Numbers must have Names: The Demand for Evidence

When a death toll becomes central to shaping national and international narratives, a basic question must be asked:

Who are the people behind the numbers being quoted?

If the figure is:

·      300,

·      500,

·      700,

·      or 1,000,

where is the complete list of names?

Where are:

·      the names?

·      ages?

·      places of death?

·      circumstances?

·      police records?

·      death certificates?

·      family testimonies?

A victim is not a statistic.

A victim is a person.

 

Sri Lanka’s history has witnessed many instances where casualty figures have become connected to political narratives and geopolitical agendas.

Therefore, every figure —must face the same standard:

Evidence.

Can every claimed number be independently verified?

History cannot operate on repetition alone.

History requires:

·      names;

·      records;

·      evidence;

·      accountability.

Without verification, numbers risk becoming symbols used for political purposes rather than accurate records of human loss.

A Complete Historical Record requires more than Counting Deaths

When casualty figures are presented, society has the right to ask:

Who are the victims? Where are the names? Where are the records?

Demanding evidence is not disrespecting victims.

It is respecting them.

The dead deserve to be remembered accurately, not reduced to political numbers.

This principle must apply to every tragedy in Sri Lanka’s history, regardless of community.

The Missing Statistics

History has recorded:

·      deaths;

·      displacement;

·      destruction of property.

But history has rarely attempted to calculate:

·      how many people participated in violence;

·      how many people refused to participate;

·      how many Sinhalese protected Tamil neighbours;

·      how many Tamil lives were saved by ordinary citizens.

Numbers also Require Perpetrators

If casualty numbers are used to define an entire community, then another question must also be asked:

Who were the perpetrators?

Where are:

·      their names?

·      their identities?

·      their affiliations?

·      their convictions?

·      their sentences?

A truthful historical record requires both:

·      Victim identification.

·      And perpetrator identification.

A society cannot achieve justice by remembering victims while leaving perpetrators anonymous and transferring their actions onto millions of innocent people from one ethnic community.

A complete historical record requires all these numbers.

Because history must record not only destruction.

It must also record humanity.

A complete historical record requires all these numbers.

Question 1: If this was an attack by the Sinhala People, how many Sinhalese actually participated?

The 1981 Census recorded approximately 11 million Sinhalese in Sri Lanka.

The Tamil population was approximately 2.7 million.

The violence was carried out by mobs.

But who comprised these mobs?

A mob is not an ethnicity.

A mob is not a nation.

A mob consists of individuals who make individual choices.

Therefore, a fundamental historical question remains:

Who were the individuals who participated in the violence?

Were they:

·      politically organised groups?

·      criminal elements?

·      ordinary citizens?

·      individuals from different communities?

Without identifying perpetrators, how can responsibility be transferred to an entire ethnic population?

Another question remains:

·      How many people actually participated in the violence?

·      Hundreds?

·      Thousands?

·      Tens of thousands?

·      No official study has established this.

Yet over time, the actions of unidentified mobs have often been transferred to an entire ethnic community.

Is that historically accurate and fair?

Are Individual Crimes the Same as Collective Guilt?

A country must distinguish between:

·      perpetrators who committed crimes;

·      authorities who failed in their duty;

·      ordinary citizens who had no involvement.

·      The failure of a government to protect citizens is a matter of accountability.

·      The crimes committed by mobs are matters of individual criminal responsibility.

·      But neither can justify assigning guilt to an entire ethnic community.

·      Millions of citizens cannot inherit the crimes of individuals they did not know, support or participate with.

·      Justice identifies perpetrators.

·      Justice does not punish communities.

Question 2: If an entire Community intended to attack another Community, why was there only upper limit of 1000 deaths out of 2.7million Tamils? 

Logic requires us to examine the scale and pattern of events.

If 11 million Sinhalese had collectively decided to attack 2.7 million Tamils:

·      Would the violence have resulted in only several hundred to around 1,000 reported deaths?

·      Would violence have remained limited to certain areas rather than occurring uniformly across the country?

·      Would thousands of Tamil families have survived?

·      Would Sinhala neighbours have protected Tamil families?

·      Would Tamil-owned homes, businesses and property have remained untouched in many locations?

The evidence reveals a far more complex reality.

There were perpetrators.

There were victims.

But there were also rescuers.

The question rarely asked is:

How many Tamil lives were saved by ordinary people who rejected violence?

How many Tamils were protected by:

·      Sinhala neighbours?

·      Sinhala friends?

·      Sinhala employers?

·      Buddhist temples?

·      religious institutions?

·      others who chose humanity over hatred?

The existence of perpetrators is a historical fact. 

The question is whether the actions of those perpetrators can legitimately be transferred to an entire ethnic population of millions who did not participate.

Question 3: Why has Sri Lanka never Counted the Protectors?

Every conflict records those who died.

Every tragedy records destruction.

But where is the national record of:

·      families who opened their homes?

·      people who hid Tamil neighbours?

·      people who protected Tamil possessions, including gold and jewellery?

·      people who risked their own safety?

Why is this part of history missing?

Why don’t those who accuse Sinhalese count the Sinhalese who saved Tamils.

Question 4: My Family Story?

During Black July, my own family sheltered neighbouring Tamil families.

My grandfather safeguarded their jewellery and valuables.

Every item was carefully marked and preserved.

My grandmother suffered a heart attack due to the trauma she witnessed to Tamil neighbors to whose homes my mother had gone to spend school holidays in Jaffna.

When those families emerged from refugee camps, everything was returned to them.

Decades later, those same families continued to remember that act of humanity and that friendship remains ever strong.

They remained connected with my grandparents, my parents and myself. That chain continues whatever fake narratives prevail.

They remain precious friends to this day.

This was not an isolated act.

The unanswered question is:

How many similar stories remain undocumented, unheard and ignored?

Question 5: Was Black July entirely Spontaneous?

This is a question that deserves serious examination.

A spontaneous riot and an organised operation are not the same.

·      How were Tamil homes identified?

·      Why were electoral lists reportedly used?

·      Who had access to those lists?

·      How were groups transported?

·      How did violence occur simultaneously in different locations?

The existence of organisation does not automatically answer who organised it.

But the question itself cannot be ignored.

The Aftermath: Why Consequences Matter

History does not only examine who acted.

It also examines what changed afterwards.

An event can have consequences that benefit certain actors regardless of whether those consequences were intended or unintended.

Therefore, the next question is not an accusation.

It is an examination of outcomes.

Question 6: Who Benefited from the Aftermath of Black July?

What changed after July 1983?

·      Tamil militancy expanded.

·      Tamil militant organisations gained increased visibility.

·      Recruitment increased.

·      The international Tamil diaspora expanded significantly through migration and asylum movements.

·      International attention intensified.

·      India became more directly involved in Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict after its earlier involvement with Tamil militant groups.

The Economic Consequences  

Black July did not only affect communities emotionally.

It transformed Sri Lanka economically.

·      Businesses were destroyed.

·      Investment confidence declined.

·      Migration increased.

A country that had been seen as a stable democracy became associated internationally with ethnic conflict.

The question history must examine is:

·      Who gained from Sri Lanka’s instability?

·      Who lost economically, politically and internationally?

The question is who gained strategic advantage from the consequences that followed. This often answers how the sudden outcome resulted.

Question 7: What happened to Sri Lanka’s Image?

Before July 1983:

Sri Lanka was viewed internationally as a functioning democracy.

After July 1983:

The country became increasingly defined internationally through the lens of ethnic conflict.

Who benefited from that change?

Who suffered because of it?

Question 8: Who has been left out of the Historical Record?

Black July is usually discussed through one dimension.

But violence affected more than one group.

Sinhalese civilians were also killed.

Sinhalese property was also damaged.

Families from all communities suffered loss.

Acknowledging Sinhala victims does not reduce Tamil suffering.

Remembering Tamil victims does not require forgetting Sinhala victims.

A mature historical record has enough space to recognise every innocent life lost.

The historical record must also include:

·      those who refused violence;

·      those who protected others;

·      those who chose humanity.

The Difference between Perpetrators and A People

Justice requires identifying perpetrators.

It does not require assigning guilt to millions who did not commit crimes.

The actions of violent mobs must be investigated, punished and remembered.

But the actions of those mobs cannot automatically become the identity of an entire ethnic community.

A country cannot heal by replacing individual accountability with collective blame.

The Final Question

After forty-three years, should history continue to label an entire community based on the actions of unidentified mobs?

Or should history also tell the story of those who protected lives?

Black July was a tragedy.

The victims deserve remembrance.

The perpetrators deserve accountability.

But a truthful history must contain:

·      all victims;

·      all perpetrators;

·      all actors;

·      all acts of courage and gratitude to the saviors.

The Missing Recognition

For 43 years, Sri Lanka is remembering the violence.

But has Sri Lanka remembered the humanity?

Where is the national recognition for:

·      the Sinhala families who sheltered Tamil families?

·      the citizens who protected neighbours?

·      the people who returned valuables?

·      the people who risked their own lives?

A nation cannot heal by remembering only hatred.

It must also remember courage.

History is not complete when only one side of humanity is counted.

Shenali D Waduge

267596 people had joined the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community during the past year from all around the world.

July 26th, 2026

by I. Ahmad

60th Ahmadiyya International Convention  U.K. concludes today.

The three day convention was inaugurated by Ahmadiyya Khalifa His Holiness Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad on last Friday (24th July 2026) at Hadeeqatul Mahdi, Alton, United Kingdom.

 His Holiness hoisted the Liwa-e-Ahmadiyyat (Flag of Ahmadiyyat).

His Holiness’ inaugural address, the title of which was, walking upon the path of Taqwa (God-fearing) and explained in length.

On 25 July 2026, the second day of the Convention, Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad, arrived at the Lajna (Ladies) marquee for his address. He delivered his address titled: Strengthening faith in the modern age, 19695 ladies participated.

On Saturday 25th July 2026, Ahmadiyya Khalifa in his main address of the second day of the convention highlighted the continuous progress of Islam Ahmadiyyat worldwide. He announced 267596 people had joined the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community during the past year from all around the world.

One of the highlights of the three-day Jalsa Salana (Convention) will be the pledge of allegiance, known as Bai’at that takes place today  Sunday (26 July) afternoon, where the participants pledged allegiance to Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad as the Fifth Khalifa (Caliph) of the Promised Messiah (peace be upon him).

The participants formed a human chain leading to the Khalifa as they repeated the words of the pledge in unison.

Ahmadi Muslims throughout the world are connected with MTA (Muslim TV Ahmadiyya International) and thus participle in this event.

Source: MTA International, United Kingdom.

Full list of 23 private hospitals, laboratories fined over expired medicines, chemicals

July 26th, 2026

Dr. Sarath Obeysekera

Patients Have a Right to Know What Medicines They Are Taking

Recent reports and discussions about the quality and regulation of medicines in Sri Lanka have once again highlighted the urgent need to strengthen our pharmaceutical regulatory system. While investigations into specific allegations must be left to the relevant authorities, one issue is visible to every ordinary citizen who visits a government hospital.

In many state hospitals, patients receive tablets dispensed loosely in small paper packets without any label indicating the generic name, brand name, dosage, manufacturer, expiry date, or the purpose of the medicine. Poor and less educated patients simply trust the system and consume these medicines without knowing what they are taking.

This practice raises several concerns. If a patient develops an allergic reaction or side effect, it becomes difficult for the patient or another doctor to identify the medicine responsible. Elderly patients taking multiple medications can easily become confused. Family members are often unable to help because there is no information accompanying the tablets.

Another concern is accountability. Many patients, particularly those from rural or low-income backgrounds, are either unaware of where to complain or are reluctant to raise concerns about medicines or treatment. Even when they suspect something is wrong, they often remain silent because they fear they will not receive proper care if they complain.

I have also heard from people with family members working in hospitals that there are occasions when patients are unaware of their rights or do not know the appropriate authority to approach regarding concerns about medicines or healthcare services. This underlines the need for a more transparent and patient-friendly complaints mechanism.

Sri Lanka should consider introducing several reforms:

  • Every dispensed medicine should be labelled with at least the generic name, strength, dosage instructions, and expiry date.
  • Patients should receive a simple printed list of all medicines prescribed to them.
  • Hospital pharmacies should educate patients on the purpose and possible side effects of commonly prescribed medicines.
  • A confidential and accessible complaints system should be available in every hospital.
  • The National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA) and the Ministry of Health should continue strengthening quality assurance, procurement oversight, and post-market surveillance to ensure only safe and effective medicines reach patients.

Most doctors, pharmacists, nurses, and healthcare workers in Sri Lanka serve the public with dedication under difficult conditions. They deserve recognition for their commitment. However, good healthcare also requires transparency, accountability, and informed patients.

Medicines save lives only when patients know what they are taking and can trust that every tablet has been procured, stored, dispensed, and monitored according to the highest standards.

It is time for Sri Lanka to strengthen controls over the pharmaceutical supply chain, eliminate opportunities for corruption or undue influence, and ensure that patient safety remains the highest priority. Every citizen—rich or poor—has the right to know what medicine they are taking and to receive safe, quality healthcare.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

පාරින්ද රණසිංහ නීතිපති 2024දී දුටු ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ පවතින වැරැද්ද නීති අධ්‍යාපන ක්ෂේත්‍රයේ ප්‍රවීණයන් නොදුටුවේ ඇයි?

July 26th, 2026

නීතිඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන BSc(Col), PGDC(Col) (සමායෝජක) වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන

1. වර්ෂ 2015දී ගෙනා 19වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය අවස්ථාවේ ජනාධිපති ධූර කාලය සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය වසර 5දක්වා අඩු කිරීමේ ක්‍රියාවලියේදී ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය නොකිරීම හේතුවෙන් ඇති වී තිබෙන වැරැද්ද නිවැරදි කිරීමට ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 78වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව යටතේ 22වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත  2024.07.18දින පාරින්ද රණසිංහ නීතිපතිගේ අනුමැතියෙන් ගැසට් පත්‍රයේ පළ කර තිබුණි.

2. වර්ෂ 2015දී ගෙනා 19වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය අවස්ථාවේ ජනාධිපති ධූර කාලය සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය වසර 5දක්වා අඩු කිරීමේ ක්‍රියාවලියේදී සිදුවී ඇති වැරැද්දක් නිවැරදි කිරීමට 22වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත ගෙන ඒමට වර්ෂ 2024දක්වා වසර 09ක් ගතවීම ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ නීති අධ්‍යාපන ක්ෂේත්‍රයේ කඩා වැටීම පෙන්වන ප්‍රභල සාක්ෂියක් වෙයි.

3. කොළඹ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ, පේරාදෙණිය විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ, යාපනය විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ, නාවල විවෘත විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ සහ නීති විද්‍යාලයේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා විශාරදයන්, ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ පවතින මෙම වැරැද්ද සම්බන්ධයෙන් ගැඹුරෙන් නීති අධ්‍යයනයක නියැළීමට දැන්වත් කටයුතු කිරීමට පෙළඹීම ජනතාවගේ පරමාධිපත්‍යය ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට මෙන්ම ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව ආරක්ෂා කිරීමේ ව්‍යවස්ථාපිත යුතුකම ආරක්ෂා කිරීමටද හේතුවෙයි.

4. විනිසුරු ධූර කාලය වැඩි කිරීමට ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයක් ගෙන ඒමට ආණ්ඩුව ක්‍රියාකරගෙන යන මේ අවස්ථාවේ, ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ පවතින මෙම වැරැද්ද සම්බන්ධයෙන් නීති අධ්‍යයනයක නියැළීම සුදුසු වෙයි.

5. ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ දෝෂයක් පවතින බවට නීතිපතිවරයා පිළිගෙන තිබියදී කුමන හෝ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයක් ගෙන ඒමට පෙර එම දෝෂය නිවැරදි කිරීම කළ යුතු හෙයින් මෙම නීති අධ්‍යයනය කාලීන අවශ්‍යතාවයක් වෙයි.

[මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් පවත්වන 36වන සිංහල මාධ්‍ය නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන2026අගෝස්තු 18අඟහරුවාදා සවස 2-6දක්වා කොළඹ 07, මහජන පුස්තකාල ප්‍රවේශාගාරයේදී පැවැත්වේ. (ආසන කලින් වෙන් කර ගන්න.)]

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නීතිඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන
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දුරකථන 0712063394

How to Effectively Remove Pesticide Residues from Vegetables at Home

July 26th, 2026

Dr Sarath Obeysekera 

AI generated advise 

For vegetables purchased in Sri Lanka, this is the household method I would recommend based on current research:

1. Remove damaged or outer leaves

For cabbage, lettuce, gotukola, spinach, mukunuwenna, etc., discard the outer leaves first.

2. Prepare a baking soda solution

  • 1 teaspoon (about 5 g) of baking soda
  • 2 cups (500 mL) of clean water
  • Scale up as needed (e.g. 4 teaspoons in 2 litres of water).

3. Soak

  • Soak vegetables for 10–15 minutes.
  • Gently move them around during soaking.
  • Research shows baking soda solutions generally remove more surface pesticide residue than plain water alone, although no method removes all residues, especially pesticides that have penetrated the produce. 

4. Rinse thoroughly

  • Rinse under running filtered water for 30–60 seconds while rubbing the surface gently.

5. Dry

  • Allow to drain or pat dry with a clean towel before storing or cooking.

For different vegetables

  • Leafy vegetables: Separate the leaves before soaking.
  • Tomatoes, cucumbers, brinjal: Rub gently while rinsing.
  • Carrots, radish, potatoes: Use a clean vegetable brush under running water.
  • Apples, grapes: The same baking soda method works well.

Avoid

  • Soap or dishwashing liquid (these can leave residues that are not intended for consumption).
  •  Strong bleach or disinfectants.
  •  Assuming alkaline water (pH 9) alone is enough to remove pesticides. Current evidence does not support a meaningful advantage from alkaline water by itself over clean water; the main benefit comes from thorough washing, and baking soda can improve removal of some surface residues. 

Given the level of pesticide use on some vegetables in Sri Lanka, I also recommend:

  • Buy seasonal produce whenever possible.
  • Peel vegetables such as cucumbers, carrots, and potatoes if you are particularly concerned about residues.
  • Cook vegetables thoroughly when appropriate, as cooking can further reduce residues of some pesticides. 

We worry about these issues when we get older 

My Alkaline water filter is effective to clean vegetables using water at Ph value 9

But Ai says otherwise 

  • Filtered water is beneficial if your tap water contains chlorine, sediment, or other contaminants, but this benefit comes from the filtration, not from the higher pH.
  • Alkaline water (pH 9) has not been shown in reliable scientific studies to remove significantly more pesticides than ordinary clean water.


Dr Sarath Obeysekera


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