MNDF Air Corps UAV detected an illegal vessel in Maldivian waters. Intercepted by the MNDF Coast Guard Special Boat Squadron – November 7, 2025
A joint operation by Maldivian and Sri Lankan authorities intercepted a fishing vessel carrying 58.6 kg of heroin and 297.3 kg of methamphetamine in the Maldives EEZ
Five Sri Lankan crew members aged 28 to 63 were arrested and are being investigated jointly by MNDF, Maldives Police, Sri Lankan Navy and Sri Lankan Police
The scale of the seizure once again highlights the persistent threat of international drug trafficking networks operating across the Indian Ocean
Authorities have confirmed that the Sri Lankan fishing vessel intercepted in Maldivian waters last week was carrying a substantial cache of narcotics. The vessel, identified as ‘Avishka Putha’ contained 24 sacks of illegal substances with a preliminary total weight of 355.9 kilograms.
The Maldives Police Service (MPS) in a statement issued late Monday revealed that the haul included 58.6 kilograms of suspected heroin and 297.3 kilograms of suspected methamphetamine.
‘Avishka Putha’ was seized on 7 November 2025, within the Maldives’ Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), following a joint operation supported by Sri Lankan intelligence.
The Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF) Coast Guard intercepted the vessel after it was found to have entered Maldivian territorial waters without authorization, in clear violation of national maritime laws.
Following the interception, MNDF handed the vessel and its five-member crew over to the police institution on 9 November 2025. All five crew members, Sri Lankan nationals aged 28, 34, 39, 42, and 63 respectively, have been taken into custody in connection with the case.
The operation underscores growing regional cooperation on maritime law enforcement and counter-narcotics efforts. The police institution has confirmed that the investigation is being conducted jointly with the MNDF, the Sri Lankan Navy, and the Sri Lankan Police.
The scale of the seizure once again highlights the persistent threat of international drug trafficking networks operating across the Indian Ocean, exploiting fishing vessels and maritime routes to move large quantities of narcotics between countries.
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The Northern Line is an 8-hour journey from Jaffna in the north of the island to the capital Colombo, on a line that was reconstructed after the civil warTrain travel in Sri Lanka takes you through its tropical heartlands (Photo: Jaromir/Getty)
The first time I went to Jaffna was by train. It was fantastic, but it took 10 and a half hours,” Colombo-based Dhanushka Weerasekara, my guide from Blue Lanka Tours, tells me across the breakfast table. I was excited but nervous because of the language barrier.”
A decade after services resumed, the Yal Devi Express train remains a vital link between Jaffna, deep in Sri Lanka’s Tamil-speaking Hindu north, and the capital, Colombo.
Like most of the south, west and centre of the country, Colombo is majority Sinhalese Buddhist, and it had been separated from Jaffna not only by language but a 26-year civil war, which brought new levels of barbarity to the attention of the world.
After the war ended in 2009, it took six years for the route used by the Yal Devi, meaning goddess of Jaffna” in Tamil, to be restored. The 339km (211 mile) rail journey now takes just eight hours, though I have been warned about the theoretical nature of its timetabling, despite it reaching speeds that could only have been dreamed of when the line was first inaugurated 120 years ago this year.
The Yal Devi Express pulls into Jaffna station (Photo: Ian Packham)
I’m travelling in the opposite direction to Dhanushka, from Jaffna to Colombo, and without his guiding hand. Only recently added to tourist circuits of the island, Jaffna is closer to India than it is to Colombo, and is still catching up with the south of the island in terms of development. Nonetheless, it’s as warm in ambience as it is in climate.
On Jaffna’s main thoroughfare, Grand Bazaar Road, autorickshaws jostle for space with meandering cyclists, diesel-spouting government buses and occasional free roaming cows.
The Malayan Café, a city institution since its founding in 1951, serves cheap but nourishing curries incorporating ingredients from the central market opposite, where the combined scent of incense, jasmine and ripening jackfruit drifts between stalls stacked with jaggery, the local unrefined sugar.
The Malayan Cafe in Jaffna (Photo: John W. Banagan/Getty Images)
When it comes time to depart, the train, russet red on the exterior, and with functional, late-20th century plastic fittings and leatherette seating, is only a tenth full.
I develop the feeling that only a fool pays extra for a seat reservation, which I have, almost doubling the £3 price tag for a second-class ticket on the daily service. That’s less than my hotel charged me for a single island-brewed Lion Lager. But Dhanushka left me with very strict instructions to obtain a seat reservation, and if nothing else, I want to prove myself worthy of his trust.
The marshy ground beyond the windows of the carriage alternates between carefully tended paddy fields and wild golden grasses that sway in the languid breeze. As we hit our 120km/h (75mph) top speed, the rattling clatter of wheels on rails startles and scatters a small herd of cows, while peahens and black-headed ibis strut about with no concern for either marauding cattle or speeding express.
Wild elephants in Hurulu Eco Park biosphere reserve (Photo: GeographyPhotos/Universal Images/Getty)
There’s no sign of elephants though – while completely wild, Sri Lanka’s estimated population of around 5,000 pachyderms largely stays within protected areas such as Hurulu Eco-Park, where an early morning safari before heading to Jaffna got me within eyelash-counting distance of young females that were as nonplussed by my presence as the birds beside the railway tracks.
Aboard the train, hawkers stroll up and down the aisle with increasing regularity, selling everything from sweet milky Ceylon tea and vegetable roti, to candy floss and cashew nuts coated in a garam masala spice blend unique to each vendor.
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By Anuradhapura, approximately a third of the way south, I’m rather gladder of my seat reservation than I had been, as crowds envelop the carriage doors at each station, doing polite but determined battle to step aboard first and claim the last of the remaining seats.
The seats are comfy and reclining, with significantly more legroom than I’m used to as a frequent traveller on East Midland trains between London and Sheffield.
The train takes a rough north-south line through the centre of the country before slipping westward towards the capital, and almost religious sounding bells at multiple level crossings warn each new community that we’re approaching.
My arrival into Colombo Fort station declares itself through the gradual increase in build-up, narrow alleys and shining skyscrapers hinting at what’s to come. I may have been on board for eight hours, but Colombo has come into view too early for my liking – and, take note East Midlands Railway, exactly on time.
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Controversy surrounds the origins of the temples at Trincomalee where today a modern Hindu Kovil, popularly called Koneswaram has been set up. Though a tradition is quoted in support of the antiquity of the modern Hindu temple dating to the time of a mythical ruler named Kulakoddayan, after the Portuguese Captain General Azavedo destroyed the old temple complex and his successor Constantine de Sa removed the material from the destroyed temples to build a fortalice overlooking the bay, nothing remained there except the Bodhi tree where occasionally offerings were made by different people to their respective deities.
This Bodhi tree like the Bodhi tree at Killiveddi in Trincomalee district (Sansoni Commission Report) and in the Jaffna peninsula (Guruge), was destroyed between 1956 and 1964. The observations by Alexander Alexander, the first British writer (1805) who was a gunner in the Trincomalee garrison in his two-volume book, makes no mention of temples in his time but a small church and people performing some rites from time to time at a spot close to the sea and a young man being ordained which is obviously a reference to an ordination of a Buddhist monk (samanera). He also saw a temple nearby where the occupants looked very austere and on the walls of whose gloomy-looking building were paintings of crocodiles (Makara designs?).
The accounts of the temples given by Fernao de Queyroz, the 17th century Portuguese chronicler based on records left by the Jesuit priest Francis Xavier, who had visited the place and the fathers of the order of Francis and others, which are the first available European observations on the temples, religious practices of the place and about those who were in possession of the temples, make it abundantly clear that the place destroyed by Azavedo and de Sa was a temple complex that was under the chief Buddhist monk (Mahaterunnanse) of Arakan (Rakkhanga-desa in Sinhalese texts) and was administered on the spot by another monk (Terunnanse) of lesser standing and his Ganzes (Ganinnanses). The latter were samaneras or monks in training. Queyroz makes the observation that it would take about 20 years before one could reach the status of a Terunnnanse. Another description gives a post-Portuguese origin to the word Ganinnanse in that they were not fully ordained and wore white robes to evade persecution by the Portuguese after the latter prohibited Buddhist monks and teachers from visiting territories under their control. Another explanation is that Ganinnanses were laymen who remained in (white) robes in order to claim temple property which became hereditary in the family. (Tradition recorded in the Kandyan period; also see by E. R. Sarachchandra).
Trincomalee-Arakan connection
The Buddhist connection between Arakan and Sri Lanka from around the 14th century onwards has been the subject of several scholarly studies by Sir D. B. Jayatileke using the Sinhalese text Curnika (British Library and Colombo Museum), Dr. P. E. Fernando (University Review, 1959 using the same sources) and Dr. Lodewijk Wagenaar, Director of Hague Archives, (RAS Journal, vol. XLVIII) and by the present writer (RAS Academic Sessions 2006). My efforts were directed to the evidence furnished by Queyroz which the other three writers had missed in their studies and which has been selectively used by Tamil scholars (e.g. S. Pathmanathan) suppressing the major part of Queyroz’s evidence which is not supportive of the Tamil tradition.
The known Arakan connection commenced with the founding of Maruk-U in 1433 as the last capital of Arakan when the Golden Age of Arakan Theravada Buddhism saw the import of many copies of Tripitaka which were placed around the image of Mahamuni”. A replica of the Sacred Tooth Relic from Sri Lanka was also placed at Andaw Stupa during the reign of Min-Bin (1531-71). According to the Mahavamsa the link with Arakan was maintained even during the time of Vimaladharmasurya I (1592-1604) who, reversing the process after the Portuguese onslaught on Buddhism, successfully sent envoys to Arakan to invite bhikkus to come to the island to celebrate the much needed Upasampada and bring over Ven. Nandicakka and other monks. Vimaladharmasuriya II also sent a successful mission to Arakan (1693) and invited Ven. Santana to come over. The Colombo Museum Curnika Pota and the British Museum Rakkhangasasana Curnikava and Mahavamsa give some information about the three missions made to Arakan for this purpose. King Kirthi Sri Rajasimha like Parakramabahu VI of Kotte turned to Siam after this source dried up due to political turmoil.
An explanation for the connection of Trincomalee with Arakan, to which Queyroz refers for the first time, is not forthcoming from other sources. Queyroz mentions that the state (of Trincomalee) and the maritime areas including the surroundings of the temples (pagoda) was subject to Mahaterunnanse of Arakan and the temples were administered by the Ganzes of the Sect of Budum” who were subject to him; who also received the produce of lands at Tambalagama and Gantale”, while a Vanea shared the administration of the interior. He states further that the chief of the Ganzes who was a Terunnanse, a man of around 40 years, was converted by Francis Xavier during his visit to Trincomalee. The events described by Queyroz fall between the historical space between 1533, around the time Francis Xavier could have visited Trincomalee and 1623/4 when Constantine de Sa built the fortalice there using the stonework of demolished temples.
The power of the Ganzes of the sect of Budum” over the Vanniya is demonstrated by Queyroz’s reference to the fact that when he became a convert to Christianity he was stoned to death by the people of the former.
Analysis of evidence
There is no reason to doubt the accuracy of the testimony of Queyroz which is based on information left behind by Francis Xavier and the fathers of the order of St. Francis who were in Trincomalee and others. It is the first detailed account of Trincomalee from a Western view that has come down to us. His account of the temples, their possession and administration and the nature of worship conducted there do not correspond with the popular Hindu tradition surrounding them but, obviously, provides an alternative dimension of the real state of affairs during the 16th and 17th centuries from the perspective of an observer who had no partisan interest in the local controversy over the temples. There is no reason for him or his sources to have ignored the Hindu tradition on the Koneswaram temple in preference to what he presented, had such an ancient Hindu tradition been present at the time. Significantly, even the name Konesar or Koneswaram does not appear in Queyroz’s record though he mentions other temples in India by names such as Ramessaram, Conjeevaram, Tripati, Tremel, (Bisnaga), Jaganati, and Vixante but he calls Trincomalee more popular than other temples and describes it as Rome of the Gentiles. Why the silence on the part of the Portuguese chronicler about the name of the temple complex at Trincomalee (he was so meticulous about details) had it been then known as Koneswaram?
This does not mean that he calls it by its Buddhist name either, but he is quite clear when he refers to the Idol of Budum” (Buddha) in this place where sacrifices were made and emphasises that the temples were administered by the Ganzes of the Sect of Budum” whom he says were more numerous in the country and were under a Terunnanse who was subject to Mahaterunnanse of Arakan, that the place was associated with Buddhist worship.
He repeats this in another place adding emphasis. He even makes a distinction between the areas of jurisdiction of the Mahaterunnanse and the Vanea when he says that the former held the state including the surroundings of the temples (pagodas) while the Vanea shared the area. Elsewhere he puts it less ambiguously when he says the Vanea was the lord of the interior of the country, for as we said, the maritime lands were subject to the Terunnanse (book 2, p. 245-6). Queyroz knew enough about Hinduism and Buddhism and the practitioners of the two religions, Brahamins and Terunn-anses/ Gansez respectively, so as not to mix up the two, as his long discourses about the two religions show. He even refers to Jadecas” (Yakdessa as translated by Fr. S. G. Perera) who evidently performed the sacrificial ritual and not to Brahmin priests whom one would expect to be associated with temples of Hindu worship.
The circumstances of the close relations established between Sri Lanka and Arakan during the height of prosperity of Kotte which reached a peak around 1433 when Maruk-U became the capital of Arakan and continued during the rule of Vimaladharmasuriya I of Kandy , are also in favour of Trincomalee having been under the strong influence of Arakan Buddhists. Parallels are found at Buddha Gaya when the kings of Myanmar played a key role as benefactors of that premier Buddhist centre. For example, in 1412, King Dhammacetiya of Pegu sent a contingent of craftsmen under a Sri Lankan merchant to Buddha Gaya to worship the temple and make plans for it (Ven. Dhammika: Buddhagaya).
A few remaining archaeological finds including the Padhanagara built by Aggabodhi V (8th century), the trunk of a stone Buddha statue and a better preserved Buddha Pada” stone lying nearby would confirm Queyroz’s version (Sirisaman Wijetunge: Hela Urumaya and evidence on location).
Nature of worship
The other evidence that Queyroz furnishes concerns the nature of religious worship conducted at Trincomalee. The evidence points to more than a single type of ritual. He refers to three temples of which the one on the highest eminence was the principal one. The one nearest to the sea was given to a sacrificial ritual. The third temple does not figure in the descriptions.
The principal shrine was what attracted the mariners when they spotted it from a distance from the sea. One should not be off the mark if one concluded that this particular shrine was dedicated to a deity venerated by seafarers as it had been usual around the seaports around the island and in other lands. An object for worship of seafarers could have attracted equal attention from mariners of different nations and faiths as the shrine at Devinuvara attracted in the 15th century (demonstrated by the trilingual inscription found at Galle) shows. The shrines at Kataragama, Adams Peak, Madhu and St. Anthony’s Church at Kochchikade are other examples of multiple participation in worship.
Considering that it was a time when a number of powerful and resourceful kingdoms had sprung up in the rest of South East Asia, commencing from Arakan and including the Pegu, Aramana, Sukhotya, Sailendra kingdoms, Sri Vijaya, Champa, Majpahat and others and that the centre of political gravity had passed into his region (except during the period of the rise of imperial Colas), many of which were Buddhist kingdoms practising Mahayanic Tantric forms introduced from Bengal, it could be expected that links with Sri Lanka and South India and Bengal were maintained by the dynasties which ruled over these lands.
The construction in 1005 AD of a Buddhist temple at Nagapattana in the Coromandel coast in South India named Chulamanivarmavihara by a king from Sri Vijaya and Kadaram (Kedah in Malaya peninsula) to which the Cola king Rajaraja dedicated a village for its maintenance, was a good example of this intercourse. Even earlier, Balaraja, another Sailendra ruler, maintained close links with South India. Later, when Colas became hostile to these kingdoms over issues of trade, Trincomalee which was under them could have played a role in the expeditions sent there.
Under the Sri Vijaya kingdom, Avalokitesvara worship became the most popular form of worship. Many examples of these Bodhisattva sculptures have been discovered all over South East Asia as far as the Philippines. Even earlier, this popular form of Bodhisattva worship especially among mariners spread even to East Africa during Kushana times as seen from hordes of Kushana coins discovered here. Trade and religious links between Sri Lanka and the South Eastern kingdoms continued during the heyday of Polonnaruva rule and we see the links continuing during the Dambadeniya rule and later Kotte and Kandyan rule. The Mahayana form of worship which commenced in and around Trincomalee in the time of King Mahasena (3rd century) became more identified with Avalokitesvara worship during the time of its popularity in South Asia. Trincomalee as the southernmost port which served the commercial link with these kingdoms, came under Avalokitesvara worship in a big way. Apart from the fragments of remains of sculptures at Trincomalee, there is host of archaeological remains now exhibited at the National Museum in Colombo (also exhibited by UNESCO in Paris and London as part of the Cultural Triangle project), and of Tara, the consort of Avalokitesvara (note the famous image in the British Museum), to support the presence of Avalokitesvara worship in the Trincomalee area from 7th century onwards.
Tantrism which originated in India, first in the Yogacarya school of Buddhism and in which Nalanda where Vajrabodhi who introduced it to China played a big role (he spent five months in Sri Vijaya on the way to China), took root in South East Asian kingdoms. The Buddhist bairava worship cult as seen from such statues as a Heruka from Biaro Bahal II in Padang Lawas, King Adityavarman in the shape of a Buddhist bairava and others point to the extent to which Buddhism underwent change in these parts under Tantric influences.
The relevance of this discussion is to inquire if a cult of worship of deceased rulers of the island concentrated at Trincomalee as Queyroz refers to. The human sacrifice (as offered to goddess Kali or Durga) that had been practised at shrines on the rock over the sea at Trincomalee (the closest to the sea), which Queyroz refers to as sepulchres of deceased rulers, could have existed side by side in bairava form as was practised in Java.
According to Queyroz’s evidence, there were two types of sacrifice at Trincomalee. One was the one where devotees throw themselves down in sacrifice to their idols reaching the bottom in pieces being persuaded that by that leap into Hell, they are lifted up to the Paradise” (Book 1, pp 66-67). The other sacrifice he refers to on the authority of Antonio Monis Baretto who was sent by Francis Xavier to help Bhuvanekabahu VII in his wars against Sitawaka and Kandy and to convert the King, was to the latter sacrificing 300 men captured in the war against Sitawaka to the idol of Budum” (Book 2, p. 274). It can be reasonably assumed from Queyroz’s description that the second type of sacrifice could also have taken place to the idol in the shrine closest to the sea from where others sacrificed themselves rather than at the shrine which received the veneration of the mariners even though Queyroz refers to the second sacrifice as one made to the idol of Budum”. This aspect was dealt in the earlier article Trincomalee: Where the Spirits of Ancient Lankan Kings Roam” (The Island, 23rd December 2006).
The ancient port of Trincomalee, referred to as Gokanna or Gona Thittha in the Mahavamsa occupied a very strategic and central position in maritime activity in the Bay of Bengal… It was the southernmost point from which ships sailed to South East Asia and further departed and returned after the voyages (Queyroz). The coastline north of Trincomalee harbour was dotted with small landing places. The 8th-century Tiriyaya Sanskrit inscription which was evidently incised by a group of merchant mariners from Northern Indian ports speaks of the amity that prevailed among mariners and between them and the populace. The same inscription refers to the earlier visit of two merchant mariners by the names Tapasra and Vallaka (Pali: Tapassu and Bhalluka) which the tradition associates with the Buddha’s first two lay disciples who traded between the east Indian ports and lands beyond. Queyroz who gives a long description of the port, bay and sea environs says that the Trincomalee, Cottiyar and Batticaloa ports commanded the whole Gulf of Bengal”.
Sri Lanka had maintained close relations with lands across the Bay of Bengal including South East Asia and the Far East. Trincomalee’s place in these maritime links can be assumed on the basis of its strategic and spatial significance. There is substantial evidence in the chronicler traditions of Sri Lanka and those of other lands across the Bay from very early times pointing to close economic, social and cultural relations among them some of which we discussed in earlier parts. The lands of Arakan (Rakkhangadesa), Pagan (Pegu), Ramanna (Aramana), Siam (Ayodhya), Campouchia (Kambuja), and Java (Yava-dvipa), to mention a few, had looked to Sri Lanka for Buddhist texts, relics, learned monks and architects. In later centuries, it was Sri Lanka’s turn to look to these countries for sources of inspiration when Buddhism declined here.
On the Indian side, there are also records going back to the 5th century BC, besides the tradition about the Sinhalese, that connect Kalinga with Trincomalee (Bhaddacaccana). It can also be surmised that that the Kalinga prince who sought refuge on the island and later entered the Buddhist Order landed at Gokanna.
Gokanna and Tirukonamalai
In early historical records of the island present-day Trincomalee has been referred to as Gokanna or by its variants from the 3rd century BC. There were at least seven such references in the chronicler tradition by that name up to the time of the 13th-century inscription of Parakramabahu I. That points to a stable Sanskritic-Pali and Sinhalese tradition relating to the place for over a millennium commencing from pre-Christian times (Dharmadasa).
The term Tiru-kona-malai” appears for the first time in the 10th / 11th century Nilaveli (Tamil) inscription. The first reference to the Konesvaram temple also belongs to the Cola period of history (11th and 12th centuries) (Gunasingham); but where it was located is not indicated. Apart from the Nilaveli inscription, another reference is found in Manankeni inscription of the Cola Ilankesvara-deva. The dates of these two inscriptions which refer to Tiru-kona-malai tally with the date that can be assigned to Kulakudayan, the legendary prince of the Tamil tradition from Cola-mandala who appointed Vanniyas to take care of it. It also fits into the second part of the fable where reference is made to Gajabahu (II) who made endowments to the temple. This king who ruled from Gantalava was known also for his patronage to Hinduism.
The next textual reference to Trincomalee is found in the Portuguese sources which we have discussed above. The name is represented in several forms, each writer preferring his own rendering. Some of these are: Triquilmale (p. 68), Triqulimale (p. 236), Triquinmale, (p. 734) (Queyroz). The chronicler’s attempt at explaining the etymology of Triquilmale” as meaning the mountain of the three Pagodes” could be construed as a reference to places of Hindu worship but this need not be so as the word koil” was a term common to both Tamil and Sinhala (kovila) and denoting an abode of a deity that does not exclude a Buddhist deity. Queyroz seems to have used the Indian usage whoever may be the deity worshipped there; but what is more important is the evidence he brings out of the nature of worship that is discussed below.
The Matale Mahadisawe Kadaimpota, a work of the Kandyan period, mentions Trincomalee as Tiri–mangala” and Tirikunamale”.
The name Gokarna could have been derived from the name of the port Gokarna on the western coast of India, which was sacred to Siva. The attempt to associate the Vayu Purana reference to Gokarna as a place in the East (of Sri Lanka) on the basis of Apte’s translation of the Purana (this has been brought back again by Pathmanathan) has been contested on the ground that the translation is defective (Dharmadasa).
Trincomalee as a place of worship
Going by the Sri Lankan chronicler tradition itself, there is no doubt that Trincomalee has a long tradition of being associated as an important place of worship. Being a major port, it could be expected that it was in the chain of landing and departing places for Buddhist monks and pilgrims who frequently travelled between India and Sri Lanka and other Buddhist countries of South East Asia and beyond later, when Buddhism was the most active of missionary religions.
Besides the tradition and later inscriptional evidence concerning the stupa at Tiriyaya, the first reference in the main chronicles of the island and other works point to the construction of a shrine at the end of the Seru tank enshrining one of the teeth of the Buddha (3rd century BC). The place has been identified as the dagoba in ruins at present-day Thoppur (Somapura) built in the memory of Soma-devi. As we noted, tradition as well as the 8th century inscription refer to the dagoba at Tiriyaya built in the time of the Buddha himself.
As for the shrines at Trincomalee itself, there are conflicting claims. The Mahavamsa states that King Mahasena (3rd century AD) destroyed devalaya and built Buddhist temples there. What these devalaya were is not clear. The tendency had been to treat them as Saiva temples. That is going by the Vayu Purana’s doubtful reference to Gokarna” as a place in the East and the exegesis furnished by the 11th century commentary to the Mahavamsa (tika) which gives the additional information that Mahasena destroyed places of worship of other faiths (kudhitta) including Sivalingas. In the use of key word kudhittha there is definitely an exclusion of reference to Siva temples. Scholars have suggested that these were Jaina temples, which had been present in the island even earlier. Considering that Jains displaced Buddhists even at premier centres of Buddhism like the Nagarjunakonda / Amaravati / Trikuta area in the early centuries, this prospect cannot be excluded. Jainism became popular with Indian traders like Buddhism.
There is no mention of Mahasena destroying places of Hindu (Siva) worship in Trincomalee where he erected the Gonagamka vihara by the sea. The link with Hinduism is a mere hypothesis. Mahasena being an adherent of the Mahayana tradition, destroyed even the premier place of worship of Theravada monks, the Mahavihara. A point to be considered here is if Saivism in the form of linga worship had developed to that extent in the island at the time. The Mahavamsa commentary was compiled at a time when linga worship had penetrated the island under the imperial Colas when the northern parts of the island came under them. The Saiva temples built at that time with linga as the central object of worship can be seen even today at Polonnaruva and not before that. The 12th century Mahavamsa commentary (Tika) (Geiger) exhibits anti-Saivite feelings which could have understandably resulted from the preferential treatment Saivism received under the Cola rule of the island at the time.
There had been other cult practices in the island before Buddhism was introduced and some of the Buddhist shrines were built on spots where these cult practices were obtained. The building of Mirisavetiya at the abode of Yakkha Marichi is a case in point. There, the later tradition obliterated the idea of the Yakkha cult and introduced a rather strange etymology (the king consuming chillies without offering to monks!) to explain the name of the dagoba. The Gokanna area was associated with the Yakkha cult during the time of Pandukabhaya (5th century BC). Mahavamsa evidence shows that cult practices continued there even later in the 6th century (Mahanaga) and the 7th century (Manavamma). These practices continued even in Portuguese times as we noted in Queyroz’s account of sacrifices and the presence of a Jadecas” (Yakdessa) who was killed by the Portuguese captain, and even to British times (Gunner Alexander’s Book on himself, 1805). Probably, it was these early cult practices that Mahasena eradicated before building the Gokanna Vihara and other temples.
The Buddhist temples he built could have been Mahayana temples that centred on Bodhisattva worship. As a port, the place could have been an inviting spot for mariners who frequently used it during their travel between Southeast Asian lands and the Indian subcontinent including Sri Lanka, for the worship of the popular Bodhisattva of the seafarers in these regions, which was Avalokitesvara. The images of this Bodhisattva were erected at other port cities like Weligama, (existing even today), Totagamuva (existed in the 15th century but was destroyed by the Portuguese) and Mantota (destroyed) (see J. H. Holt, Buddha in Crown). Queyroz’s reference to the excitement caused among marines when they saw the shrine from afar in the sea also points to the continued belief in the association of the place with a deity of seafarers.
The origins of the Hindu shrine at Trincomalee (now referred to as Konesaram) are obscure (Gunasingham, CJH, vol. I, no. 1, 1975, p. 67), though fables accord it a very ancient antiquity that does not stand the scrutiny of history. The Hindu tradition of King Gajabahu coming to destroy the Konesaram temple and to build a Buddhist temple in its place being miraculously cured of his blindness when he reached Gantalava and having become a Hindu as a result of the miracle is clearly a reminder of the account of Mahasena in the Pali chronicle of destroying the devalayas and obviously invented to counter that historical tradition. Gajabahu II (11 century AD) who was a contemporary of Parakramabahu I and ruled over the Pacina Desa which incorporated the Trincomalee region was a benefactor of Hinduism. He is the one associated with the introduction of the Pattini cult which the tradition has mixed up with Gajabahu I (Gananath Obeyesekere).
Dr. S. Paranavitana has assigned a 12th-century date to Kulakudayan, the legendary prince from Cola-mandalam, who, according to the fable, Kalivettu, visited Trincomalee having heard of the temple and appointed Vanniyas to provide services to it. That interpretation also fits the reference in the fable to Gajabahu II making endowments to the temple.
All that can be said about these legendary claims that have been more recently documented by Patmanathan, is that the fame of the temples and their wealth had been quite high, so much so that there seems to have been periodic contentions about their control.
The Gokanna Vihara had been well endowed by rulers like Mahasena (3rd century), Aggabodhi II (7th century), builder of Gantalava (Hugh Nevil), Aggabodhi V (8th century), who built the Padanaghara, the remains of which were discovered along with Buddha images of the early centuries) and that kings of Kotte and Kandy continued the practice.
The present Hindu tradition appears to have grown later after the Buddhist monks (Ganezes) were converted (some killed) and when the new generation of South Indian immigrants moved in after the Sinhalese left the place when the temples were destroyed and a fortalice was constructed in 1623/4 by Constantine de Sa. Early 19th century British investigators noted that the Malabar (South Indian) people they met at Gantalava had no knowledge of the place about such an ancient and important reservoir or its destroyed channels, (Brohier) and Trincomalee Government Agent Hugh Nevil’s diary records Tamil residents of Kokkilai directing him to the Sinhalese to find out the etymology of the name of Kokilai. These examples illustrate the situation well. These British officials were not unjustified in concluding that the people they met were late arrivals in these places. So was the evidence of later Hindu idols placed on the foundation of the earlier Buddhist temple at Gantalawa (Brohier).
South Indian workers were brought to build fortifications in Sri Lanka. Even the Matale Maha Disawe Kadaimpota (Kandyan period) refers to Tamil labourers (demala kollanlava uliyam karava) being employed in the Uliyam service to construct the fortress of Trincomalee. As these works were over they settled down in the districts they worked in, as Rycloff Van Goens’s memoir states in respect of the construction of the fort at Galle. Administration reports of Government Agents of Trincomalee also show how masons from Jaffnapatam visited the villages in Kaddukulam Pattu pretending to be tank-menders” and how they fleeced unsuspecting Sinhalese villagers. Similarly, bands of Sepoys brought by the Dutch from Cochin were allowed to settle down in Panama Pattu as husbandmen after their disbanding illustrate the point.
Depopulation of Trincomalee and the district
Historians have attributed the destruction of the ancient Rajarata civilization to frequent invasions from the 13th century onwards. More particularly, they cite the devastation” caused by Magha of Kalinga that is entrenched in the Sinhala-Buddhist psyche and repeated by Buddhist monks, as the main cause for the shift to the southwest. This seems to be an exaggerated view that seems to hide a number of factors during the colonial period commencing from the Portuguese, Dutch and British forays into ancient Rajarata that was referred to as the Vanni.
As the early Portuguese, Dutch and British records reveal, the Rajarata had not been completely abandoned, although the South Indian invaders who had no permanent interest, left when conditions became unfavourable. Queyroz says that when the fortress was built at Trincomalee after destroying the temples, there were large cultivation tracts under them in Gantalava and Tambalagama, whose produce the Ganezes received from some fields, in which, as we have already said, they sowed 3000 amunam of nele, in two crops, each of which made 4000 Moyo of rice, besides other vegetable crops.” The farmers left for the jungles of Kottiyarama (now Somapura Seruvila area) except for 15 or 20 who remained.
The British noted the presence of a line of Sinhalese villagers in the thickly wooded Kaddukulam pattu itself, though reduced to a few households in each village. These were villages like Moraveva, and Gomarankadawala, obviously, villages on the ancient route from Tiriyaya, Kucchchiveli, to Anuradhapura. One notable feature about these villagers was that even under their impoverished conditions, disease ridden and emaciated bodies, they still cared for their village tanks every season.
A few British administrators have rightly put their finger on the real causes of the decline of the ancient Rajarata though their views have not received correct focus in view of the general tendency to speak of the abandonment and shift to the southwest; or the greater interest in commerce as one of the reasons. These were the vexations caused by continuous forays by troops of colonial powers from the time of the Portuguese to the British, the spread of diseases like parangi, introduced by the Portuguese which took a good toll of life in the whole country till the 20th century, cholera and small pox. (Bertolacci and J. P. Lewis).
A study of port cities in the south and west and the east of the island should indicate that trade and commerce had been an ancient feature of the economy of the country which has not been brought into the historical stream despite several studies on ports in the island.
The evidence of Queyroz shows that the Trincomalee area was agriculturally productive in the 16th and 17th centuries and Tambalagama and Gantale (note his spelling) had been yielding substantial crops. Their abandonment resulted after the temples were destroyed and the Ganinnanses who administered the fields were converted or killed and a fortalice was built near the site where the temples once stood. The Dutch were able to increase the yields of crops in the area after they took over its direct administration. They even examined the prospects of renovating the Gantalava tank and channels to further improve agriculture. The final abandonment of the area took place under early British rule when it remained neglected. It was after that new settlers from the South Indian coast and the Jaffna peninsula were introduced.
Conclusion
Portuguese sources have added to our knowledge about historical events in the island. Pof. C. R. de Silva stressed at the Conference on Commemoration of 500 years of Portuguese connection with Sri Lanka held in Paris in December 2005 sponsored by the Gulbeikien Foundation of Portugal, the importance of using new material which has become available to us for interpretation of history. Commenting on the Tirukonacalpuranam, obviously a work of no great antiquity, Dr. S. Pathmanathan stated at the same Conference that the Portuguese as testified by Fernao Queyroz, destroyed this temple (Koneswaram) while several Sri Lankan scholars who participated at the conference, which was said to be evaluating Portuguese evidence from a new light, listened in mute silence.
In the light of the evidence quoted above in this article from Queyroz’s work itself, what was stated by Dr. S. Pathmanathan cannot be considered a correct interpretation of Queyroz’s evidence but a gross underrepresentation, suppression of evidence and misrepresentation. He has completely suppressed Queyroz’s reference to Buddhist monks (Terunnanse and the Ganezes of the sect of Budum) who were subject to Mahaterunnanse of Arakan being the administrators of the temples. Queyroz is quite specific that what was destroyed by the Portuguese were pagodas, which were under the administration of Ganezes of the sect of Budum who were subject to Mahaterunnanse of Arakan, which observation he repeats and their immediate chief, the Terunnanse was converted by Francis Xavier. The additional quotations by Dr. Pathmanathan from the Dutch official Van Sanden and the son of Constantine de Sa or the plan of the temple do not alter the situation (Hindu Temples of Sri Lanka, Kumaran, 2006). His quotes from Charles Pradham can be ignored as of no relevance and importance, and Paul E. Pieris’s five Iswaram” theories were rejected by the Royal Asiatic Society where he presented it.
The question could be raised if the monks of Arakan and their administrators, the Terunnanse and Ganezes of the Sect of Budum” could have been presiding over a complex of temples given to heterogeneous forms of worship. That is not an easy question to answer with the evidence we have. The evidence of the Portuguese chronicler Do Couto on the shrine at Devinuvara concentrates on the destruction of a shrine devoted to Hindu worship (in the form of Vishnu or Upulvan) according to tradition, which was the attraction for mariners. There is a reference to the magnificent chariot several storeys high, which was set on fire; which was characteristic of a Hindu temple; and to other (minor) shrines in the premises, which reference is lacking in respect of Trincomalee pagodas in Portuguese description. (Couto leaves out the Buddhist temple which received the patronage of many Sinhalese kings around which other forms of worship grew) but refers to the Chinese settlement at Devinuvara.
The rituals at Devinuvara and Kataragama shrines were in the hands of Kapuralas, a feature noted in shrines on the Eastern coast as well. Tirukkovil too, as observed by Queyroz was under Ganezes, (Ganinnanses). The Ruined Buddhist stupa in the Dighavapi jungle in the last century was on the verge of being converted to a Hindu shrine (called Cami-male), when my wife’s maternal grandfather, the late G. M. Simon de Silva, a prosperous entrepreneur from Kalmunai/Akkarapattu, saved it by clearing up the place, erecting a flower altar and installing a stone Buddha statue, and establishing a Bhikku to reside there. The Bhikku lived on a tree-top avasa until he was gunned down by a marksman!
Some of this material was presented by the writer at the Royal Asiatic Society Academic Sessions in 2006.
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‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’
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e-Con e-News 02 – 08 November 2025
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‘In a humorous tone, the President recalled pre-election claims that the National People’s Power (NPP) would seize private property if elected to office.’ – see ee Economists, President jests…
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‘Aga Jayasinghe understood the NPP’s decision to continue with the IMF program, & felt it wise for the NPP to not rock the boat too much. Not because he endorsed the IMF program but because he must have felt that the balance of powerwas strongly tilted in favour of the bondholders& local merchant capitalists, who could makethe economy scream by withholding foreign currency, hoarding commodities, downgrading credit ratings, & so on.’– Shiran Illanperuma (ee Focus, Returning to the Source with Aga)
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The manifest motivations behind the mass killing in Canada’s capital Ottawa of almost an entire Sinhala family, and the autumnal conviction this week of the alleged killer, will be relegated to those artificial mists & fogs that regularly emanate from the North Atlantic, and seek to deeply befuddle the world. Leaves fall, and tears fall harder, but even more torrential are their blatant lies. We are told this is Ottawa’s worst mass murder – which is just not true. That the media in Sri Lanka repeat this dangerous nonsense is even worse. Ottawa is named after the Odawa people, whose lands were stolen & their people decimated. Pontiac – a name now remembered only as a popular car brand, which was discontinued – was one of the Odawa leaders, so feared, the English & the French invaders used biological warfare (smallpox) against the Odawa. Any such correction will not be broadcast by an abject and supine media in Sri Lanka, who also claim to take seriously the accusations of genocide by the Canadian government & its politicians, blaming these canards solely on the lobbying by Tamil migrants of Sri Lankan origin, resident there, along with those idiots (idiotic is the opposite of politic by the way) who clearly choose not to admit that the very land they stand on is genocide personified, They simply have no standing to accuse others of any crimes. And worse, this state is bruited about as a success story in multicultural living!
Then, all we are told is that the Ottawa killer watched TikTok videos before his rampage, and was obsessed by videogames, living in a recently emergent suburb where he paid rent to his more ‘established’ victims. He feared having his visa revoked, for not going to the college he was supposedly there to attend, also fearing his family in Sri Lanka would stop funding his existence by the Arctic. Nobody has sought to interview the convicted killer’s family in Sri Lanka. Yet everybody knows that the foreign student game is what is keeping universities in those countries financially afloat (See ee Workers, Australian education partnerships hailed as blueprint for Sri Lanka’s future economy). And that the foreign student game is a type of illegal immigration, which they supposedly abhor. What the media will also not state is that those countries, who refuse to employ their own workers at decent wages to do certain jobs, are only using our workers to weaken the labor power of their own workers, and will happily sacrifice migrants once they get what they wish.
Meanwhile, by their failure to challenge & overcome their capitalist masters, the white working classes of Anglo-North America, Europe & their colonial satrapies (from Australia to Japan) are being dragged by their noses into another mega mass slaughter, another widespread war against us and the rest of the world. The United States of Amnesia is trying to pull us all down with them into their sweet chloroform of forgetting. Such matters become all the more poignant when we consider that many Sri Lankans are choosing to leave the country and seek supposed greener pastures in those very countries. The majority of Arab & Muslim governments’ betrayal of the historic struggle of the Palestinian nation, and their active involvement in the genocidal wars being waged on North & East Africa, tells us that the need to know who our friends & enemies are in this world, is an even more pressing matter. Our workers are being sent off, without any understanding of what awaits them. All they feel is that they too have no future in their own motherland. But, are they ready to don a uniform & die for another country?
We do not know our own country, and its place in the world and its economy, let alone know the role our neighbouring countries play. We even believe the US & English & European media even more than the citizens of those countries believe in them. We even believe as we once did about the USSR, that the world is to be explained by so-called ‘superpower rivalry’, when it is the US & Europeans who have invaded China, rather than the other way about. The larger white war on China can explain much of historical events in the world over the last 80 years (see ee Random Notes). A denial that involves an erasure & whitewashing of the history of colonialism in Asia & Africa and the Americas.
It is in such of state of mindlessness, that we near the 90th anniversary of the founding of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP). Shiran Illanperuma steps into the luminous shadows of the socialist movement in Sri Lanka, recalling its early actors, noticing that much of its history curiously remains unwritten. He therefore glances at the story of the Communist movement in Sri Lanka through the reminiscences of Aga Jayasena, a national organizer of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka.
Jayasena recently departed to meet Marx & Lenin & Stalin & Mao, as scientific socialists like to quip, about the aftermath to their all-too-brief dynamic sojourn on this tuft of planet earth. Jayasena recalls the CPSL’s founding leaders, and their role in the building of mass movements, the trade unions & cooperatives, out of which the power of the Party arose, and the social forces that propels their programs forward. He relates its weaknesses to the underdevelopment of modern industry in Sri Lanka, and the role an industrial proletariat can lay in providing the solid steel of clear progress. This week saw the announcement of the eradication of extreme poverty in Kerala, a state in India where the Communist movement has been strong. India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru marched in their army to topple the world’s first elected Communist government, in Kerala in 1959, a year which saw the assassination of SWRD Bandaranaike in Sri Lanka.
It is therefore apt that Illanperuma (see ee Focus, Returning to the Source with Aga) examines the role that Malayali workers – brought by the English to work in the workshops, ports and railways of Ceylon – the role these workers played in the formation of the socialist movement in Sri Lanka. He also speaks to the need to nurture more equitable links with India’s movements:
‘Not just to bask in the glories of the past,
but to regain a sense of self, a confidence
in our ideas & original aspirations,
& a grounding to forge a way ahead.’
Illanperuma describes the effects of the splits in the Left into sects, and the missed opportunities for coalescences into larger forces, and both the positives & setbacks in forming national coalitions. He also brings up the matter of what exactly is the national question, let alone, of the moment we are in and the strategies for breaking out of this colonial plantation stranglehold.
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Also, in this week’s ee Focus, Ahilan Kadirgamar examines the possibilities midst what he claims to be ‘worst economic crisis ravaging our country since the 1930s’. He looks at the particular capacities for rebuilding rural cooperatives, particularly in the context of the loss of an entire generation. Whether he is only referring to the people of the north is unclear, but the country both north & south, east & west have experienced annihilations of its most dedicated & creative cadre, at regular intervals.
A supporter of the current ruling parliamentarians, Kadirgamar tell us not to expect too much from this week’s budget for 2026, ‘until the IMF program with its austerity measures ends’. He then points to the abject neglect of the rural economy, and points toward the possibilities provided by the planned ‘1,000 producer co-operatives to revive & strengthen’ agricultural & food systems. He too goes back to the source: particularly Karl Marx’s prognostications on the state of the working class & its struggles – in the aftermath of great repression – for a decent wage & conditions of work. Kadirgamar examines the role cooperatives can play in providing ‘decent work, incomes & food to our working people’.
All of this is heard midst the caterwauling & chorus of the ruling merchants & their media – ‘Keep the IMF bailout on track’, all to drown the gnashing & gnawing of the rusted iron claws that seek to perpetuate the colonial import-export plantation fraud run by those who monopolize the national resources of the country.
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Wijeya Group Financial Times’ Monday economist WA Wijewardena eagerly quotes ‘the Dutch economist JH Boeke’ about ‘colonial economies in East Asia [where] there was the coexistence of a modern economy & a backward traditional economy stunting economic transformation’. He believes that this applies to the ‘modern’ digital economy, in a country where offices don’t even answer land phones. It is rather sad, that this purportedly erudite economist has not read SBD de Silva whose classic work refutes exactly such dualities. The so-called modern economy – personified by the import-export plantation economy – was not modern, and the so-called backward peasant economy was no more backward than the so-called modern. We therefore continue SBD’s The Political Economy of Underdevelopment, where this excerpt from Chapter 3 describes the ‘monopolistic structure [that] dominates foreign trade in the colonies’, controlling both imports & exports.’ He shows how the early agency houses, shippers and exporters pre-empted the best locations due to their financial resources, and financed the indigenous retail traders who had no access to the banks. He thereby tracked the nature of the rise of a backward ruling class in Sri Lanka.
While European firms dominated business that was safe, the trading risks were taken by the indigenous and other Asian traders. SBD de Silva also shows how the European businesses declined in the 1930s due to the segregated nature of their existence. He linked ‘the narrow range of interests of European capital in nonsettler colonies’ to ‘the extraterritoriality of the investors’.
Tea growing in Sri Lanka eventually became a corporate enterprise dominated by absentee capital, but it was started ‘by individual planters who were quasi-settlers’. SBD detailed how the nonsettler colonies only obtained small production capital, mostly infrastructure investments. He linkedthe ‘constricted channels of investment of foreign capital (trade & plantations, and not industrial ventures)’ to ‘the impediments imposed by extra-territoriality on the mobility of capital on a world scale. At that time there were no ‘rapid telecommunication and transportation facilities, no internet and jet planes, to enable close management and control of investments. Multinational corporations (MNCs) – ‘the final expression of the internationalization of capital’ were not yet born. ‘The circuits of capital, within each colonial empire, were themselves affected by the division between the settler & the nonsettler colonies. The movement of capital being mainly to the settler territories…’ (see ee Focus)
In the last excerpt from Gustavus Myers’ History of Tammany Hall, we noted how ‘reform’ and cries of corruption were a ploy to divert from the real structures of the capitalist economy: the private expropriation by the monopolies of large corporations of the public surplus. In this ee see how dummy corporations are set up, with brokers taking commissions for ‘paper roads’ never built, with companies then made bankrupt, and records destroyed – the main corporate entities involved are the large transportation businesses – buses & streetcars & trains. The main beneficiaries in this corruption business appear to be the judiciary & the media – the former supplied with clientele and the latter supplied with headlines. Meanwhile this week’s big New York election headlines, claimed yet another reformer…has arisen…
2026 budget proposals included increasing the daily wage of plantation workers by the highest ever increase in history. The news was well received by the Upcountry Tamil community. They lit fire crackers and venerated photos of the President. On the face of it the act seems sensible. Politically it may retain some votes for the NPP. However, what is the economic impact? The writer takes no pleasure from correctly predicting the 2021-24 economic crisis way back in 2013.
Highest Paid Tea Plantation Workers in the World
Compared to other large tea producing countries, Sri Lanka’s tea plantation workers are the highest paid in the world. In addition to their wages, monthly payments are made on behalf of them to their kovil, laundry, barber, trade unions, etc. As a result, most tea plantation companies are running at a loss. The government pays billions of rupees in subsidies to sustain this excessively high cost. Further increasing their salary will worsen this economic deficit and increase the annual burden on the government, the Treasury and taxpayers. Doing meritorious acts using taxpayer funds does not earn merits and it can only ruin the national economy!
Largest Tea Buyers are Sanctioned by the West
Largest tea buyers from Sri Lanka include Turkey, Russia, Syria, Libya, Iran and the UAE. All these countries have various degrees of US-led sanctions. Some have total sanctions while others have limited sanctions. Sri Lanka has been allowed to trade with them despite sanctions subject to certain conditions. Sri Lanka trades with them at the mercy of USA. These sanctions can tighten anytime at the discretion of the US. When that happens Sri Lanka’s tea export earnings will crash. In addition to US sanctions, Russia, Turkey and Iran have also imposed their own conditions to buy Ceylon tea. In 2016 Russia temporarily stopped buying tea from Sri Lanka alleging that tea contained parasites. It turned out that the ban on asbestos imposed by the then regime affected Russian asbestos exports to Sri Lanka and Russia retaliated. Some of the conditions are costly for Sri Lanka to keep and comes into direct conflict with demands by the US-led West. USA, together with the EU and the UK are the biggest export earners for Sri Lanka so they have a say.
Cost to the Environment
The cost of the tea industry to the environment is significant. It has destroyed catchment areas, near catchment areas, biodiversity, food chain of both humans and animals in the region and disrupted the water table. However, sadly, these costs are suffered by the nation as a whole and the industry is not charged a cost.
The impact of environmental destruction due to the tea industry will increase with time. The environment always fights back and when that happens the consequences will be catastrophic. The environmental impact was totally disregarded by British colonialists who introduced tea and tea plantation workers into the region despite very strong protests by the people.
Conclusion
The sum product of cost increases, unaccounted cost to the environment and earnings reduction due to economic sanctions against large tea buyers will be an impending economic catastrophe driven by the tea industry. When this economic pain is felt by all Sri Lankans in the near future, they will term it corruption” and will turn against the ruling party. Tea industry should be kept only to the extent it provides a net export income to Sri Lanka and a net overall profit after considering all the costs. It should not be sustained for the sake of sustaining it.
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The Justice Woodrenton Report found that the shooting of rioters by the military and police during the 1915 riots could not be legally justified, although it deemed the actions to have been taken in good faith for public safety.
Further findings of the report included:
The Commission, led by Chief Justice Sir Alexander Wood Renton and G. S. Schneider determined that the specific shootings investigated during the period of martial law had “no legal justification”.
Despite this, the report acknowledged that the actions of officials were considered to be bona fide (in good faith) and intended to maintain order and public safety. The Ceylon Indemnity Order in Council, 1915, protected Governor Sir Robert Chalmers, Brigadier Malcolm, and other officials from legal action.
The British government did not establish a broader Royal Commission of Inquiry into the general causes and handling of the riots, despite requests from Ceylonese leaders.
The report and the surrounding controversy, including the execution of Captain Henry Pedris, resulted in the recall of Governor Sir Robert Chalmers. This incident also strengthened the local independence movement among the educated middle class, who sought greater legislative power, eventually contributing to the path towards independence in 1948.
The events and the report also exacerbated existing ethnic and economic tensions between the Sinhalese and Muslim communities, influencing the island’s politics for decades to come.
Source: AI Overview
1915 Sinhalese-Muslim riots – Wikipedia
Basnayaka Nilame Vs Attorney General. … Fernando. The trial came up before the District Judge of Kandy Paul Pieris; Sir Stewart …
The 1915 riots in Ceylon were triggered by the Supreme Court’s judgment in February 1915 related to a long-standing dispute over a Buddhist religious procession (perahera) in Gampola.
The specific case was an appeal where the Supreme Court overturned a District Court’s decision that had favored the Buddhist temple authorities of the Wallahagoda Dewala. The dispute centered on the right of the annual perahera procession to pass a newly built Indian Moorish mosque on Ambegamuwa Street with music
Key details:
· The Dispute: The Mosque Trustees objected to the music, citing British colonial legislation (Police Ordinance of 1865 and Local Boards Ordinance of 1898) that regulated noise in towns and required a license for drum beating. The Buddhist authorities argued that the right to hold the procession with music was an ancient custom, safeguarded by the Kandyan Convention of 1815.
· The District Court Ruling: The District Judge, Paul Pieris, initially ruled in favor of the Temple authorities, upholding the ancient rights protected by the Kandyan Convention.
· The Supreme Court Judgment: In February 1915, the Supreme Court bench, led by Justices Walter Shaw and Thomas De Sampayo, reversed the District Court’s decision. They ruled that subsequent local legislation had modified the religious privileges guaranteed by the Kandyan Convention, effectively supporting the restriction on the procession playing music past the mosque.
· The Reaction: This judgment was perceived by many Sinhala Buddhists as an injustice and a sign of the colonial government’s bias towards the Muslim minority, which contributed to rising ethno-religious tension. When another perahera was rerouted by police on May 28, 1915, an altercation broke out near the mosque, escalating into widespread riots that spread across several provinces and led to the declaration of martial law.
· This decision caused wide dissatisfaction among Sinhala Buddhists, who saw it as an infringement on their rights and traditions. The ruling fueled tensions that ultimately erupted into riots a few months later, especially after the same Mosque Trustees in Kandy objected to a procession again, leading to direct conflict.
Martial Law was declared in 1915 in Ceylon by Sir Robert Chalmers the then Governor. The British Government Agent of Kandy was directly responsible for the riots.
The rioting was in consequence of the denial by the GA of the Central Province to the Buddhists of Gampola permission to conduct their
E.W. Perera
procession as of old from their temple, with music rights, through Ambegamuwa Street, to a part of the Mahaweli Ganga. An application was made to the GA by the Trustee/Nilame of the Devale, on August 27, 1912. But the British GA refused to grant his permission, on the ground that the Hambaya Mohameddans (not the Ceylon Moors), who had recently built a mosque in Ambegamuwa Street, objected to the Buddhist procession passing their mosque, with music. The Trustee of the Devale let the preparations for the procession temporarily slide, and instituted an Action in the District Court of Kandy in September 1913, complaining that the GA wrongfully and in breach of the Kandyan Convention (signed in 1815 by the British Government and the Kandyan Chieftains), refused the plaintiff permission to conduct the procession through that portion of the Ambegamuwa Street, within one hundred yards of the Hambaya Mohameddans’ mosque, with the accompaniment of music, as was done for hundreds of years.
With the coming of British Rule, a disturbing element crept in. The Coastal Moors from South India/ identified as the Hambaya Mohameddans (some of the most fanatical and intolerant among the Muslims of India) came to Ceylon in large numbers for purposes of trade, and were allowed to establish themselves in various towns. The Ceylon Muslims somewhat looked down upon these Coastal Moors. They, therefore, erected their own mosques for their worship. They then insisted on the stoppage of all music whenever a procession passed one of their mosques. This was a preposterous and unprecedented demand, which the British GA gladly gave into, in a predominantly Buddhist country of nearly 82% Buddhists, and not even half per cent Coastal Moors! Processions like peraheras play an important part in the religious and national life of the people. The stoppage of this particular procession was bound to lead to trouble. It was the obtuse intransigence of the Coastal Moors (the Hambayas) that was the direct cause of the Riots of 1915. The GA and the British authorities foolishly and short- sightedly backed the demands of the Coastal Moors. In any event, the British adopted the policy of Divide and Rule in all the countries they colonised.
Colonial life in Ceylon: Pic courtesy Srilankaequity.com
In this instance it boomeranged on the British.
For the Diyakapana” ceremony, the procession from time immemorial had gone from the Devale along Ambegamuwa Street to Porutota, to the Mahaweli Ganga, with the accompaniment of music. It had to pass some Christian churches, Hindu temples and even some mosques of the Ceylon Moors. No one objected to this perahera with music, passing these places of worship. These Coastal Moors threatened to riot if the perahera passed with music, within 100 yards of their mosque.
On the refusal of the British GA to grant him a licence, Basnayake Nilame Tikiri Banda Elikewela on September 30, 1913, filed action against the British Attorney General of Ceylon. The plaint was settled by the well-known Kandy lawyer C.A. La Brooy. To this plaint, the AG filed answer through F.C. Liefching, settled by Sir Thomas Garvin – Solicitor General. Sir Thomas was later elevated as a Judge of the Supreme Court of Ceylon. He was assisted by Crown Counsel V.M. Fernando (later Justice Fernando).
The trial in the District Court of Kandy came up before a Christian judge, Sir Paul E. Peiris (D. Litt/Cantab), Barrister, and member of the Ceylon Civil Service. He was one of the cleverest judges of his day surpassing the intellect of many British judges. The Judgment of the District Judge, Sir Paul, permitting the perahera to pass along the streets accompanied by music, was delivered in June 1914. He found that instead of binding the Hambaya Mohammedens of the mosque to keep the peace, the British GA directed the Police to plant pipes 50 yards away from each side of the mosque, and to inform the Buddhists that they should not sound their music while going over these 100 yards. Incidentally, Sir Paul’s daughter Miriam de Saram was a great meditator, though a practising Christian. Two of her sons Rohan and Druvi, are world famous musicians, the former a cellist and the latter a pianist.
At the Trial before Sir Paul, Sir Stewart Schneider with C.A. La Brooy, E.W. Perera, Charles Batuwantudawe and D.R. Wijewardene (owner of Lake House) appeared for the plaintiff. After the DJ Sir Paul gave judgment in favour of the Plaintiff, Basnayake Nilame, the British authorities promptly appealed against this judgment.
We can see to what extent they would go to appease those whom they are sponsoring. The present generation of British rulers is no better. The leopard can never change its spots. The appeal came up before Justice W.S. Shaw and Sir Thomas E. de Sampayo KC, and argued from January 18 to 21, 1915. Sir Anton Bertram KC Attorney General, with James Van Langenburg KC Solicitor General, and V.M. Fernando Crown Counsel appeared for the Govt. B.W. Bawa KC with E.W. Perera and D.R. Wijewardene of Lake House fame appeared for Plaintiff-Respondent Elikawela. This was during World War I (1914 to 1918).
In 1915, the riots between the Sinhalese and the Coastal Moors broke out, and spread to Kandy and other neighbouring areas. The British panicked. They thought that this was to oust them from Ceylon. Governor Sir Robert Chalmers was determined to quell the riots by foul means or fair. He declared Martial Law, with orders to shoot the Sinhalese at sight. Before his arrival in Ceylon he was the financial genius of the British Treasury. He prepared the famous budget of Prime Minister Lloyd George in 1909. As a reward for his services he was sent to Ceylon as Governor. He was no administrator. He lived in an ivory tower in Queen’s House, Colombo, and Queen’s Cottage in Nuwara Eliya. He was a Pali scholar. Chalmers Granaries in Pettah was named after him. Now it houses the SL Customs.
Herbert Dowbeggin the IGP enlisted the British planters to quell the riots in the Central Province. Several Kandyan Chieftains were killed. Edward Henry Pedris (the son of William Pedris) was court martialed and shot dead in a gruesome manner by the British. It is reported that Edward Pedris’ father was prepared to give his son’s weight in gold to the British to save his life. Isipathanaramaya in Greenland Road (now Isipathana Mawatha) was built by Edward’s father in his memory.
The great patriot Lawyer E.W. Perera braved the submarine-infested seas and sailed to England to make known the situation in Ceylon to the British authorities in London. It is said that this trip was financed by another patriot, Barrister F.R. Senanayake (brother of D.S. Senanayake). E.W. Perera whilst in England made a nuisance of himself to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, by persistently getting some Irish Members of Parliament to put awkward questions about the atrocities taking place in Ceylon by the British, in the suppression of the riots. The Secretary of State called upon Governor Chalmers for a report. It is said that E.W. Perera risked his life by smuggling a Shoot at Sight” Order of the Governor, stitched into his shoe, when he set sail. Had it been detected in Ceylon, he would have surely been shot. Such were the dirty tactics of the British.
The whole country was inflamed by the atrocities committed by the Governor, the IGP and the Commander of the Army. Several leaders such as D.S. Senanayake, F.R. Senanayake, Charles Batuwanthudawe, the Hewavitharanes, Proctor A.A. Wickremasinghe of Kegalle were incarcerated and were to be shot. They committed no crime but agitated against the British as members of the Temperance Movement. One man who was perfectly unafraid was Proctor Wickremasinghe (father of Lawyer Winston and father-in-law of General Wijekoon) who boiled with indignation when he learnt of the wanton shooting of the poor villagers. When once roused by any injustice, nothing could stop him.
After E.W. Perera’s representations in England, and after being released from jail, DS, FR and Wickremasinghe were elected to a committee to collect necessary material, and a Memorial was sent to Bonar Law, the Secretary of State for the Colonies. Many commissions were appointed. The British here knew that the Ceylonese were going hell for leather for Independence, if nothing was done to redress the grievances of the Sinhalese.
Tamil Leaders headed by Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan KC, and Sinhalese Leaders spoke in one voice. Governor Sir Robert Chalmers was recalled, and Sir John Anderson was sent to replace him. Though it appeared that Chalmers made an ignominious exit he was later made Lord Chalmers. This was no punishment for atrocities committed, but a reward for maintaining their policy of Divide and Rule.
To restore order, Governor Anderson gave peremptory orders that the perahera was not to be interfered with. The Coastal Moors climbed down and cooled their fanaticism. In 1917, Sir John Anderson himself attended the perahera as did the Sinhalese Kings of old, and the perahera marched thereafter along Ambegamuwa Street in all its splendour and glory, with the accompaniment of music.
Sunday Times
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Colombo, Nov 8. (Daily Mirror) – The Indo-Lanka bilateral trade volume has grown exponentially, but Sri Lanka appears to be a loser with a trade gap heavily in favour of India, Parliament was informed today.
Raising a question under Standing Order 27 (2), National Democratic Front (NDF) MP Ravi Karunanayake said that the Free Trade Agreement between the two countries entered into force 25 years ago and that both sides completed tariff liberalisation by 2008.
He said Sri Lanka’s exports to the Indian market amounted to only USD 884 million last year, whereas imports stood at USD 3.76 billion during the period.
Asserting that the FTA is now outdated and non-tariff barriers stand in the way of realising the full potential of trade, he said the proposed Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) is the solution. He recalled that India had asked for the appointment of a chief negotiator to resume talks on ETCA.
“We cannot ignore the global context. India is well on track to become the world’s third largest economy by 2027. As transformation unfolds, Sri Lanka should position itself as a partner, influencer and facilitator in India’s supply chains, logistics corridors and services integration,” he said.
He asked the government to declare its position in this regard.
Trade Minister Wasantha Samarasinghe said he will provide his answer in a week.
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Colombo, Nov. 9 (Daily Mirror) – Archbishop of Colombo Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith has raised serious concern over what he described as an inappropriate sexual education program” proposed for inclusion in Sri Lanka’s school curriculum next year.
Speaking at the reopening ceremony of the renovated St. Stephen’s Church in the Meerigama–Kinadeniya area, the Cardinal said the initiative—scheduled to begin in January under planned education reforms—is being developed under the influence of international organizations.
He noted that the proposed curriculum seeks to introduce sexual education from Grade 6, with plans to train teachers and organize related seminars. Is this really education? Isn’t it the parents’ responsibility to teach such matters to their children at the right time?” he questioned.
Cardinal Ranjith further alleged that the program includes lessons on same-sex relationships and birth control, claiming these components are supported by foreign agencies such as the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).
They have given money to the government and the Education Ministry, printed books, and are now implementing a plan that misleads our children,” he said.
He warned that the program, scheduled to commence on January 27, could undermine the nation’s cultural and moral values. This is an attempt to destroy our children. They are trying to bring the values of a decayed Western world that has lost religion and morality into our country,” he added.
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The Sri Lanka Sovereignty Forum expresses its deep concern and categorical opposition to the recent statement made by Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, pledging to fully implement the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.
Such a declaration represents not merely a political position, but a direct challenge to the sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity of the Republic of Sri Lanka.
The 13th Amendment was imposed under foreign duress in 1987, without the consent of the Sri Lankan people, and remains one of the most divisive and externally engineered constitutional impositions in our post-independence history.
Key Concerns:
1. Externally Imposed Amendment:
The 13th Amendment and the Indo-Lanka Accord were products of Indian coercion, signed under threat of military intervention. It cannot be regarded as a legitimate act of sovereign consent.
2. Threat to National Unity:
The devolution of land, police, and administrative powers to Provincial Councils risks creating quasi-separatist regional structures, undermining the unitary nature of the State safeguarded by Article 2 of the Constitution.
Further, Article 9 enshrines the duty of the State to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana — an obligation that cannot be divided across nine provinces or subjected to regional authority.
3. Contradiction to the Spirit of the Constitution:
Successive Supreme Court rulings and constitutional experts have affirmed that sovereignty is indivisible. Any attempt to transfer core powers of the State to regional units compromises the constitutional supremacy of Parliament and national security.
4. Irresponsible Political Opportunism:
At a time when Sri Lanka requires strong national unity, economic stability, and disciplined governance, such promises — made to appease foreign interests or secure minority votes — are reckless and dangerous.
Our Position:
The Sri Lanka Sovereignty Forum reiterates that:
· The 13th Amendment must be reviewed, not expanded.
· National security and territorial integrity must take precedence over political expediency.
· Devolution must never become division.
· True reconciliation can only arise from equal citizenship, economic empowerment, and unified national identity, not from federal-style fragmentation paving to separatism. The unilateral declaration of independence in 1990 is an example that cannot be forgotten.
We urge all political leaders to act with patriotism and foresight, resisting all forms of external pressure and partisan manipulation that threaten the sovereignty of Sri Lanka. The people of this nation have sacrificed too much to protect her unity to allow any leader to barter it away for political gain.
We urge citizens to pledge allegiance with political parties & politicians who undertake to protect the territorial integrity & sovereignty of Sri Lanka not be agents for foreign nations.
Sri Lanka Sovereignty Forum Guardians of the Nation’s Unity and Independence
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From 1983 to 2009, the Sri Lankan Army engaged in an extended conflict known as the Eelam War, which saw a significant number of soldiers deployed in combat zones for prolonged periods. This relentless exposure to warfare led to a considerable incidence of combat stress among the troops. It was crucial to examine the effects of combat trauma on soldiers. Between March 2002 and December 2006, a clinical study was conducted involving 824 Army personnel who were referred to the psychiatric unit at the military hospital in Colombo due to various battle-related physical and psychological issues, as well as disciplinary infractions. Each soldier underwent a structured face-to-face interview conducted by the Consultant Psychiatrist of the Sri Lanka Army, utilizing the PTSD Check List based on the DSM-IV criteria. The assessment focused on their combat experiences, personal circumstances, and current mental health status. Out of the 824 servicemen evaluated, 56 were diagnosed with full-blown Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), while an additional 6 exhibited partial PTSD symptoms. Those suffering from PTSD faced numerous psychosocial challenges that adversely impacted their military performance, family relationships, and social dynamics. The identified issues included low life satisfaction, a suboptimal state of physical well-being, diminished motivation, suicidal thoughts, substance abuse, social isolation and instances of domestic violence. To address these complex problems, affected combatants received a combination of pharmacological treatment and psychological therapies aimed at alleviating their symptoms and improving their overall well-being.
Key Words: Sri Lankan Army Servicemen, Eelam War, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder
Introduction
The protracted armed conflict in Sri Lanka, lasting three decades, has given rise to a new cohort of veterans who are increasingly vulnerable to chronic mental health issues stemming from their extensive exposure to warfare. Over 100,000 personnel from the Sri Lanka Army experienced combat situations, either directly or indirectly, during this tumultuous period. Many of these soldiers faced traumatic events that are far beyond the realm of typical human experience, including enduring life in a war-torn environment, fear stemming from threats of enemy assaults, witnessing the deaths and injuries of fellow soldiers, handling human remains, and hearing the desperate cries of the wounded, all while feeling powerless to provide assistance. Such harrowing experiences have profoundly altered their psychological well-being.
As the conflict escalated, particularly during the Eelam War, the Sri Lankan military engaged in nearly 20 major military operations against insurgents from 1987 to 2009, deploying its full combat strength for over 25 years. The culmination of this conflict came in May 2009, when the Sri Lankan government announced a decisive victory over the LTTE, or the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. However, this military success was accompanied by substantial social repercussions, as both combatants and civilians continue to grapple with the psychological aftermath of the war. A considerable number of soldiers have been diagnosed with Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), highlighting the enduring impact of combat trauma on their lives.
The Sri Lankan Armed Conflict
The armed conflict in Sri Lanka was distinct from other global conflicts, characterized by its specific dynamics and underlying issues. This protracted struggle primarily involved the Sri Lankan government forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), a rebel group advocating for racial separation. Initially marked by small-scale guerrilla attacks, the conflict escalated into a full-scale war that predominantly affected the northern regions of the island. From 1976 until its end in 2009, the LTTE executed numerous assaults on both military and civilian targets, resulting in significant casualties and injuries. The group gained notoriety as one of the most formidable terrorist organizations worldwide, leading to its designation as a banned entity in several countries, including the United Kingdom, the United States, India, and Canada.
Employing modern weaponry and unconventional tactics, such as the use of child soldiers and suicide bombers, the LTTE posed a considerable challenge to the Sri Lankan military, which was compelled to mobilize its entire force for nearly three decades. The conflict, known as the Eelam War, became one of the longest-running conflicts in contemporary history. The war left behind a legacy of profound psychological trauma, manifesting as paralyzing anxiety, grief, and hopelessness among the affected populations. The Eelam War also resulted in a significant number of soldiers suffering from combat-related stress, yet the psychological impact on these combatants has received minimal attention. Tragically, the mental scars inflicted by the conflict have not been adequately addressed, and the lingering effects of combat trauma continue to haunt those who served.
Methodology
This research was carried out by the Visiting Psychiatrist of the Sri Lanka Army, with the approval of the Medical Advisor of the Sri Lanka Army Medical Corps. Spanning from March 2002 to December 2006, the study involved a thorough screening of 824 Sri Lankan Army personnel from infantry and service units who were referred to the Psychiatric Ward at the Military Hospital following various stress-related symptoms and disciplinary infractions. Notably, this investigation took place while the soldiers remained on active duty. The participants were primarily referred by medical officers from the outpatient department, as well as consultants from both medical and surgical units at Palaly Military Hospital, Victory Army Hospital in Anuradhapura, Colombo, Panagoda and various other military healthcare facilities.
The servicemen exhibited a range of psychological issues, including behavioural disturbances, psychosomatic disorders, symptoms of depression and anxiety, self-harm tendencies, suicide attempts, substance abuse, and stress-related misconduct. The sample comprised 824 individuals, predominantly male (806), with a small female representation (18). Throughout the study, strict client safety protocols were adhered to, ensuring that informed consent was obtained and that the anonymity of participants was maintained. Each soldier underwent a structured face-to-face interview utilizing the PCL-4 (PTSD Checklist for DSM-4) is based on the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (DSM-IV), which was published in 1994. (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). This assessment tool was adapted from similar trauma questionnaires employed globally to effectively identify cases of PTSD.
Results
Study results among the Sri Lankan Army soldiers and officers were as follows: The PTSD rate was 6.7% following analysis of the questionnaire from 824 combatants.
PTSD Full criteria 56 / Partial PTSD 6
The level of exposure to combat was notably higher for individuals deployed in the northern and eastern regions of Sri Lanka. Consequently, a significant proportion of participants in the study exhibited responses that met the criteria for major depression, generalized anxiety disorder, or post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) after their service in these areas.
Among the 824 Sri Lankan combatants assessed, 135 individuals, representing 16.38%, were diagnosed with Adjustment Disorder. Additionally, 129 combatants, or 15.65%, were found to have Depressive Disorder. The study also identified 78 individuals, accounting for 9.46%, with various psychiatric conditions, including Schizophrenia, Bipolar Affective Disorder, and Acute Transient Psychotic Disorder. Furthermore, 65 combatants, or 7.88%, were diagnosed with Somatoform Disorder, while 89 individuals, representing 10.8%, were identified with Dissociative Disorder. The assessment revealed that 27 combatants, or 3.27%, suffered from Traumatic Brain Injury, and 29 individuals, accounting for 3.51%, were diagnosed with Alcohol Abuse and Dependence, as well as Substance Abuse Disorder.
The combatants with full-blown symptoms of PTSD were found to have with following associations:
Those who have served in the operational areas (for more than 3 years)
45
Sustained grievous injuries –
15
Sustained non-grievous injuries –
22
Witnessed Killing-
49
Past attempted suicides-
17
Experienced childhood trauma
30
Research indicates that the experience of active combat can significantly contribute to the development of stress-related disorders, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), among those who have participated in such intense and often life-threatening situations. The psychological impact of engaging in combat is profound, as individuals are frequently exposed to traumatic events that can overwhelm their coping mechanisms. This exposure not only affects their mental health during and immediately after their service but can also lead to long-term psychological challenges. The symptoms associated with PTSD, such as flashbacks, severe anxiety, and emotional numbness, can severely disrupt the lives of combatants, making it essential to understand the relationship between combat exposure.
Discussion
The recognition of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) as a distinct diagnostic category emerged with the publication of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-III), largely influenced by the clinical observations of Vietnamese war veterans (Dadic-Hero et al., 2009). In contrast, despite the onset of the Sri Lankan armed conflict in the early 1980s, PTSD remained largely unacknowledged as a significant mental health issue affecting soldiers for an extended period (Jayatunge, 2014).
This study represents the first investigation into combat-related PTSD within the Sri Lankan context, offering a foundational understanding of the psychosocial challenges faced by combatants involved in the Eelam War. Notably, the research was conducted while many of these individuals were still actively serving in the military, underscoring its relevance and timeliness. Structured interviews were carried out in the Sinhalese language, allowing for a comprehensive assessment of each combatant’s military deployment history. In certain instances, the study also involved discussions with commanding officers and family members, ensuring that cultural dimensions of trauma were adequately addressed.
The prevalence of PTSD within military populations is well-documented, attributed to the high frequency and nature of traumatic experiences encountered in combat zones (Romanoff, 2006). Research by Clancy et al. (2006) indicates that factors such as age, extensive combat exposure, and both pre- and post-military traumas contribute to heightened PTSD symptoms.
Sri Lankan combatants experienced prolonged exposure to combat, surpassing the durations faced by veterans of World War II, Vietnam, Korea, and the Gulf War. As a result, a significant number of these soldiers have developed PTSD and other trauma-related mental health disorders, with many cases remaining undiagnosed.
Combat exposure significantly alters the psychological landscape of military personnel. Those who have faced the traumas of war are particularly vulnerable to developing post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), as highlighted by Friedman et al. (1994). Research by Collie and colleagues (2006) suggests that nearly 30% of individuals who have served in combat zones may experience PTSD. Furthermore, combatants often grapple with a range of mental health issues, including depression, traumatic brain injury, and substance abuse, as noted by Kane et al. (2013). Gaylord (2006) emphasizes that combat veterans are susceptible to the adverse effects associated with deployment. The current study reveals that a striking 80.35% of combatants diagnosed with PTSD had spent over three years in combat zones, indicating that the length of exposure to combat is a significant risk factor for developing this debilitating condition.
In addition to the challenges faced by combat veterans, the prevalence of PTSD is also notably high among adult survivors of childhood trauma, including sexual and physical abuse. Research conducted by Ehring and colleagues (2014) underscores that early adversities, such as emotional neglect, parental loss, and abuse, are critical risk factors for the emergence of various psychiatric disorders in adulthood, including PTSD, as supported by findings from Anda et al. (2006) and Burri et al. (2013). The current study further reveals that 53.57% of soldiers diagnosed with PTSD reported having endured adverse childhood experiences, such as physical and sexual abuse, neglect, and the loss of parental figures, highlighting the profound impact of early trauma on mental health outcomes in later life.
The National Vietnam Veterans Readjustment Study, which took place between 1986 and 1988, revealed that the lifetime prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among Vietnam veterans was 31% for men and 27% for women, with current prevalence rates at 15% and 9%, respectively, according to the Department of Veterans Affairs (2007). In contrast, the estimated rates of PTSD among veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts are approximately 11% and 18%, respectively, although these figures are believed to be underreported (Hoge et al., 2004; Nacasch et al., 2010).
A recent investigation into Sri Lankan combatants shows a significantly lower rate of PTSD, recorded at 6.7%, compared to veterans from Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. This difference may be due to various cultural and religious influences that serve as protective factors against developing PTSD. These elements not only provide solace but also help in finding meaning in traumatic experiences and encourage quicker post-traumatic growth and recovery after trauma. However, it is important to note that the sample in this study was not randomly selected; rather, it consisted of individuals who were referred for treatment and psychological evaluations. Consequently, the findings may not accurately represent the broader reality of combat trauma within the Sri Lanka Army, suggesting that the actual prevalence of PTSD could be significantly higher, with rough estimates indicating rates between 12% and 16% among soldiers.
In this research, six soldiers were identified as having partial PTSD. The term “partial PTSD” is used in the literature to describe individuals who do not fully meet the diagnostic criteria for PTSD but still exhibit significant symptoms (Kulka, Schlenger, & Fairbank, 1990; Gudmundsdottir & Beck, 2004). Stein and colleagues (1997) note that those with partial PTSD may be missing one or two of the three necessary avoidance or numbing symptoms, as well as one of the two required hyperarousal symptoms. Breslau, Lucia, and Davis (2004) emphasize that PTSD is typically associated with the most severely affected trauma victims, who can be clearly differentiated from those with subthreshold PTSD. However, Dickstein et al. (2013) point out that individuals exhibiting subthreshold PTSD symptoms are at an elevated risk for psychological and functional impairments, including a higher likelihood of suicidal thoughts.
Among the six Sri Lankan soldiers diagnosed with partial PTSD, significant functional impairments were evident, manifesting as difficulties in marital relationships, parenting, and overall quality of life. Sri Lankan soldiers returning from war encounter a range of psychosocial challenges. Pearrow and Cosgrove (2009) highlight that veterans often experience heightened stress levels due to combat and the associated traumatic events, which can severely disrupt their functioning both during active duty and upon reintegration into civilian life. This pattern was similarly observed in Sri Lankan soldiers suffering from PTSD, who displayed various work-related and psychosocial dysfunctions. Issues such as domestic violence, substance abuse, suicide attempts, and self-harm were prevalent among these individuals. The symptoms stemming from combat trauma significantly affected their marital relationships, vocational stability, and social interactions, underscoring the profound impact of their experiences on their daily lives.
Individuals diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) often experience a range of comorbid psychiatric conditions, including depression, various anxiety disorders, and issues related to alcohol or substance abuse and dependence, as noted by Friedman et al. (1994). The presence of these comorbid disorders can significantly hinder both the prognosis and treatment outcomes for those suffering from PTSD, as highlighted by Abram et al. (2013). Epidemiological studies reveal that a considerable majority of individuals with PTSD also fulfill the criteria for at least one additional psychiatric disorder, with a notable portion having three or more such diagnoses (Brady, 2000). In Sri Lanka, combatants with PTSD have been observed to frequently present with other psychiatric issues, including depression, substance use disorders, and, in some cases, psychosis.
The primary approaches to treating PTSD encompass both psychotherapy and pharmacological interventions. Current guidelines advocate for psychotherapy to be the first-line treatment for PTSD (National Collaborating Centre for Mental Health, 2005). Among the medications commonly prescribed, antidepressants, particularly selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), have been widely utilized (Davidson, 2000; Davidson & Connor, 1999; Cukor et al., 2009). Notable therapeutic interventions identified by Spinazzola, Blaustein, and van der Kolk (2005) include prolonged exposure therapy, cognitive processing therapy, cognitive restructuring, and eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (EMDR), all of which have shown efficacy in treating PTSD.
In Sri Lanka, combatants suffering from PTSD receive a combination of pharmacological treatments, such as antidepressants, mood stabilizers, antipsychotics, and pain relievers, alongside various psychotherapeutic approaches, including Cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT), EMDR, and Rogerian therapy. The pharmacological treatments aim to alleviate acute PTSD symptoms and improve sleep quality. Rogerian Person-Centred Therapy provides a supportive environment for combatants to express and process their repressed negative emotions, while Cognitive Behavioral Therapy has been effective in enhancing their social functioning. A study conducted in 2005 involving eighteen Sri Lankan combatants treated with EMDR revealed that twelve participants experienced significant clinical improvement after just five to six sessions of this therapy.
Among the traditional therapies, Thovilaya has been identified as a conventional healing method. It is a form of psychodrama geared to heal the patient as well as his environment. Spiritual therapy also plays a vital role in treating soldiers with combat trauma. Spiritual therapy, especially Buddhist psychotherapy, helps the war victims to find meaning and achieve post-traumatic growth.
In Sri Lanka, a considerable number of former combatants have reintegrated into civilian life without undergoing any prior screening, leading to various readjustment challenges. The psychosocial rehabilitation of these war veterans has been acknowledged as an essential aspect of recovery in the country. To effectively meet the diverse needs of combatants affected by the war, a comprehensive array of interventions is necessary, encompassing social, educational, occupational, behavioural, and cognitive strategies.
Conclusion
This study marks the first investigation into combat-related posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in Sri Lanka, focusing specifically on soldiers from the Sri Lankan Army who served during the Eelam War. A total of 824 soldiers were subjected to clinical interviews utilizing the PTSD Checklist for DSM-4, which identified 56 individuals exhibiting full-blown PTSD symptoms. The findings underscore the emergence of combat-related PTSD as a pressing mental health concern for these veterans. Those grappling with the aftermath of war-related trauma encounter significant difficulties across various facets of their lives, including personal relationships, job performance, and social engagements. The long-term effects of such trauma have profoundly impacted their mental health and overall functionality. To effectively address and alleviate the consequences of combat trauma in Sri Lanka, it is imperative to implement targeted interventions. Additionally, further research is crucial to thoroughly assess the extent of combat-related trauma among these veterans, ensuring they receive the essential psychosocial support and treatment necessary for their recovery.
Acknowledgments
1) Gen (Dr) Dudley Perera – The former Medical Advisor -Sri Lanka Army Medical Corps
2) Gen (Dr) Sanjeewa Munasinghe – Colonel Commandant of the Sri Lanka Army Medical Corps
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During the British Occupation of Ceylon (1796-1948), the judiciary ultimately supported the colonial administration’s “divide and rule” strategy through its judgments. By weakening traditional indigenous systems of justice and elevating Roman-Dutch law and aspects of English common law, the British-controlled courts eroded traditional Buddhist authority and custom, thus aiding colonial objectives and hindering the freedom struggle.
British judicial system and colonial strategy
Replacement of traditional systems: After the conquest of the Kandyan Kingdom in 1815, the British extended a unitary judicial system across the entire island. This move effectively replaced the traditional Kandyan justice system and marginalized the role of native officials and traditional laws.
Hierarchical court structure: A modern, British-style court system was established with a Supreme Court and appellate courts that replaced traditional adjudication methods. The British judicial system also included an appeal to the Privy Council in London as the final arbiter, cementing British control.
Introduction of colonial-era laws: The British introduced new legislation, such as the Penal Code of 1883, which reflected Victorian-era moral standards. These codes criminalized acts against “the order of nature” and had a lasting impact on Sri Lankan law, with some provisions remaining in place for over a century.
The Judiciary, the freedom struggle, and the Buddha Sasana
The 1915 riots: The colonial judiciary played a direct and biased role during the 1915 riots. British officials used the judiciary to quell the unrest by imposing martial law and incarcerating Sinhalese leaders, some without trial. The British government’s subsequent rewarding of officials involved suggested their actions were aligned with colonial policy.
Weakening the Buddhist establishment: Through judicial and administrative means, the British placed the institutional privileges of Buddhism on an equal footing with other religions, eroding its historically “foremost place”. In court cases concerning religious property, the British judges often relied on Roman-Dutch or English legal principles, undermining traditional Buddhist customary law.
Favoring elites and divisions: The judiciary’s structure and the administration’s policies created new divisions within Ceylonese society.
Favoring certain groups: British policies favored certain segments of the Tamil elite, providing them with more education and government jobs, and later creating political rivalries and communal demands that weakened the national independence movement.
Creating a new elite: The British-educated elite, both Sinhalese and Tamil, who worked within the colonial system, were often at odds with more radical, indigenous leaders, which fragmented the independence movement.
Legal obstacles for the poor: The British judicial system introduced complex and expensive legal procedures that favored the wealthy, making access to justice difficult for the poor. This was particularly evident in matters concerning land and small claims, which benefited the colonial land acquisition agenda.
According to the Portuguese Historian Fernão de Queirós, and other sources detailing the Portuguese colonial period, many Buddhist and Hindu temples were systematically destroyed in Sri Lanka to make way for the construction of Christian churches
Temples and corresponding churches mentioned in historical accounts
Based on available historical accounts, including some that reference Queirós’s work, specific sites of temple destruction and church construction include:
Kelaniya Temple: The historic Kelaniya Raja Maha Viharaya was completely demolished by the Portuguese in 1575. The Church of St. Anne was later built on the same site.
Devundara Temple: A large “thousand-pillar” Buddhist and Hindu temple in Devundara (Dondra) was destroyed, and a church dedicated to Our Lady of Guidance (Nossa Senhora da Guia) was built in its place.
Nallur Kandasamy Kovil: This significant Hindu temple was razed to the ground by Filipe D’Olivera, the Portuguese commander of Jaffna. The stones from the temple were used to build a church in Nallur and the Jaffna fort.
Pattini Devales: Some popular Catholic churches, such as the Kochikade church in Colombo and the Madu church in Mannar, were built on the ruins of former Pattini Devales.
Other Buddhist sites destroyed by the Portuguese
While not explicitly linked to a replacement church in the search results, Queirós and other chroniclers mention the destruction of several other prominent Buddhist sites:
Saman Devale in Ratnapura
Sunethra Devi Pirivena in Kotte
Vidagama Pirivena in Raigama
Wijebahu Pirivena in Totagamuwa
Temples in Nawagamuwa, Mapitigama, and Wattala
Note
Queirós, a Jesuit priest, wrote his chronicle, The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon, documenting the 150 years of Portuguese involvement in the island. While he did not visit Sri Lanka himself, his work documented the events of the period, including the destruction of temples. Historians acknowledge that Queirós’s full work contains many accounts of the Portuguese campaign to destroy non-Christian places of worship and proselytize the local population.
Source: AI Overview
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conversion to Christianity and subsequent actions were a significant turning point in Sri Lankan history, widely viewed as a betrayal of Buddhism by the Sinhalese majority. His actions were heavily influenced by the Portuguese Christian missionaries and had lasting negative impacts on the Buddhist religious structure in his kingdom.
Influence of Portuguese Missionaries and Conversion
Early Influence: As a young prince, Dharmapala was tutored by Franciscan priests under the supervision of his maternal grandfather, King Bhuvanekabahu VII. This early exposure and education by the missionaries laid the groundwork for his later conversion.
Political Circumstances: After the assassination of his grandfather in 1551, Dharmapala ascended the throne but became a puppet ruler heavily dependent on Portuguese military support for his survival against rival claimants, especially King Mayadunne of Sitawaka.
Formal Conversion: In 1557, he formally renounced Buddhism and was baptized as Dom João Dharmapala Peria Bandara, the first Christian king in Asia. His queen also converted, taking the name Dona Catherina
Betrayal of Buddhism
Systematic Repression: Dharmapala became a willing collaborator in the systematic repression of Buddhism within his domain.
Destruction of Temples: He allowed the Portuguese to ransack and burn down highly venerated Buddhist temples, including the historic Kelaniya Temple and the Sunethra Devi Pirivena in Kotte.
Gifting the Kingdom: The most controversial act came in 1580 when, having no heir, he signed a “Deed of Gift” bequeathing his entire Kingdom of Kotte to the King of Portugal upon his death. This was seen as a complete surrender of Sinhalese sovereignty and a profound betrayal of his royal inheritance to foreign invaders.
Aristocracy Conversion: Following the King’s conversion, many members of the Sinhalese aristocracy also followed suit, further weakening the traditional Buddhist establishment and generating widespread hostility towards Christianity among the populace.
Consequences
Dharmapala’s conversion and his subservience to the Portuguese led to the near extinction of Buddhism in the territories under Portuguese control. The majority of the Buddhist population opposed him, leading them to support rival kings like Mayadunne and his son, Rajasinha I of Sitawaka, who resisted Portuguese power and defended the Buddhist faith. This era marked a tragic chapter of colonial oppression and a significant cultural and religious shift in Sri Lankan history.
Courtesy: AI Overview
Repression of Buddhism in Sri Lanka by the Portuguese
The Battle of Gannoruwa remains a symbol of the resilience and strength of the Kandyan Kingdom, a turning point in the Buddhist Sinhala resistance to colonial rule.
The Battle of Gannoruwa In 1638, the Battle of Gannoruwa marked the final defeat of the Portuguese in Sri Lanka. They sought to capture the Kandyan Kingdom, but King Rajasinghe II had other plans. The Portuguese forces, led by Diogo de Melo, marched toward Kandy with confidence, expecting an easy victory. However, the Kandyan army was prepared and strategically trapped the invaders near Gannoruwa. The result? A complete annihilation of the Portuguese forces. Most were killed in the fierce battle, and only a few managed to escape. This decisive victory not only ended the Portuguese ambitions in the Kandyan region but also solidified Rajasinghe II as one of the most formidable kings in Sri Lankan history. The Battle of Gannoruwa remains a symbol of the resilience and strength of the Kandyan Kingdom, a turning point in the Buddhist Sinhala resistance to colonial rule.
Mulleriyawa: Blood & Glory | How Sri Lanka Defeated the Portuguese
Step back into history and witness one of Sri Lanka’s greatest battles—the Battle of Mulleriyawa (1562). Led by the fearless Tikiri Bandara and King Mayadunne, the Sinhala forces crushed the Portuguese invaders in a legendary fight for freedom. Discover the tactics, the bravery, and the legacy that shaped our nation’s pride. Join us on this journey through Sri Lanka’s heroic past and see how our ancestors stood strong against colonial powers!
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Colombo, Nov. 7 (Daily Mirror) – Opposition Member of Parliament from the Jaffna district Dr. Ramanathan Archchuna, was seen fast asleep during the budget speech, which concluded a short while ago.
The presentation of the 2026 Budget commenced at 1.30 p.m. and continued until nearly 6.00 p.m.
The budget speech was presented by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake.
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Colombo, Nov. 7 (Daily Mirror) – The President seems to be confused with his new neo-liberal free market ideology and his party’s protectionist industrial policy production economy concept, SJB MP Dr. Harsha de Silva said today.
“The President was like a parish priest preaching bana at a Buddhist temple. Totally confused with his new neo-liberal free market ideology and his party’s protectionist industrial policy production economy concept,” Dr. De Silva said.
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Colombo, Nov. 7(Daily Mirror) – President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is currently presenting the Budget 2026 in Parliament, unveiling a series of allocations and reforms.
So far, the proposals reflect a reform-driven and inclusive direction — highlighting investments in health services, digital infrastructure, education, and support for vulnerable groups. The budget emphasizes fiscal consolidation, digital transformation, and inclusive development, with notable investments in healthcare, transport, rural infrastructure, and welfare.
Macroeconomic & Fiscal Direction
The 2026 Budget targets a deficit of 5.2% of GDP, reflecting continued fiscal consolidation.
State revenue is expected to rise to 15.3% of GDP by 2026, aligning with debt sustainability targets.
Debt-to-GDP ratio will be reduced to 95%, and further to 87% by 2030.
Inflation will be maintained below 5% through disciplined monetary policy.
The economy is projected to grow at 7% annually, driven by investment and productivity-led expansion.
A competitive bidding system for government procurement is introduced to ensure fair pricing and eliminate irregularities.
E-procurement and digital asset management systems will be launched in 2026.
The Social Security Contribution Levy will be charged at the point of import, manufacture, or sale of vehicles, effective April 2026, exempting after-sales transactions.
The Special Commodity Levy on imported coconut and palm oil will be replaced with the standard VAT-based tax structure, effective April 2026.
Public Sector Employment & Benefits
All employees serving over six months under Public Administration Circulars 25/2014 and 29/2019 will be granted permanent appointments.
Rs. 110 billion allocated for the second phase of the 2025 salary revision, effective January 2026.
Rs. 20 billion allocated for the second phase of pension revisions.
Distress loan limit for public servants increased from Rs. 250,000 to Rs. 400,000 at 4.2% interest, with Rs. 10 billion allocated for disbursement.
Festive advance for public employees increased from Rs. 10,000 to Rs. 15,000.
Agrahara Insurance Scheme contributions increased by Rs. 75 minimum and Rs. 150 for higher tiers.
Rs. 250 million allocated to raise the railway gatekeeper allowance from Rs. 7,500 to Rs. 15,000 per month.
75,000 new recruits to be added to the public service in technical, revenue, and law enforcement roles.
Rs. 12.5 billion allocated for vehicles and machinery for government institutions and to replace vehicles for outgoing parliamentarians.
Housing & Urban Development
Rs. 15 billion under the Urban Regeneration Project to construct housing in Colombo and suburbs (Applewatta, Madampitiya, Fergusson Mawatha, Obeysekarapura, Stadiumgama, Colombage Mawatha, Torrington Place).
Rs. 3 billion for 70,000 houses and Rs. 7.2 billion for 10,000 houses under the A Place of Your Own – A Beautiful Life” program for low-income families.
Rs. 4.29 billion, with assistance from the Government of India, for 2,000 houses for Malayagam estate workers in multiple provinces.
Rs. 840 million allocated for resettlement of unauthorized settlers along the Kelani Valley Railway.
Rs. 1.18 billion to renovate old government-built apartment complexes.
Rs. 2 billion allocated for urban development feasibility studies in 10 cities including Jaffna, Eheliyagoda, Batticaloa, Chilaw, and Matara.
Rs. 900 million for solid waste management, equipment, and vehicles for local councils.
Rs. 500 million to expand Matale City to four lanes and prepare a traffic management plan for Hatton.
Rs. 100 million allocated for a pilot project for stray dog and pet management in urban areas.
Roads, Transport & Connectivity
Rs. 34.2 billion allocated for road development, including Rs. 10.5 billion for the Central Expressway (Potuhera–Galagedara) and Rs. 20 billion for the Rambukkana–Galagedara segment.
Rs. 1.5 billion allocated for Ruwanpura Expressway land acquisition and reassessment.
Rs. 1 billion allocated to complete Kurunegala–Dambulla Expressway land acquisition.
Rs. 1 billion for a comprehensive national road-safety program.
Rs. 250 million allocated for short-term flood mitigation and Rs. 500 million for long-term flood control projects.
Rs. 24 billion for rural road construction and Rs. 2.5 billion for rural bridges.
Rs. 790 million for equipment upgrades at SLTB depots and workshops.
Rs. 2.06 billion to replace engine units in 307 SLTB buses.
Rs. 3.6 billion for 600 new long-distance SLTB buses.
Rs. 3.3 billion to procure five new Diesel Multiple Units (DMUs) for Sri Lanka Railways.
Agriculture, Livestock & Irrigation
Rs. 91.7 billion allocated for irrigation infrastructure, including restoration of Senanayake Samudraya, Gal Oya, Rajanganaya, Huruluwewa, and Minneriya.
Rs. 5 billion allocated for the Lower Malwathu Oya Multipurpose Project.
Rs. 50 million to recommence the Mundeni Aru Project.
Rs. 3 billion for the renovation of the Milco Badalgama Factory.
Rs. 1 billion each for cattle and swine breeding and milk production (aiming for 75% self-sufficiency by 2030).
Rs. 600 million for the Jaffna Coconut Triangle development.
Rs. 250 million to install solar panels at the Dambulla cold storage facility.
Fisheries & Coastal Development
Rs. 350 million for the Valaichchenai Fishing Harbour development.
Rs. 500 million for wharf infrastructure to improve the livelihoods of fishing communities.
Rs. 100 million each for life-saving equipment for fishermen, satellite-based fish-ground tracking systems, and aquaculture development centres.
Health, Social Welfare & Inclusion
Rs. 11 billion for medical faculties in state universities.
Rs. 4.2 billion for the Suwasariya Ambulance Service.
Rs. 1.5 billion to introduce Primary Healthcare Centres nationwide.
Rs. 200 million to establish a National Cardiologic Hospital in Colombo.
Rs. 250 million to provide a monthly Rs. 10,000 allowance for thalassaemia patients.
Rs. 500 million for day-care centres for children with disabilities, including autism.
Rs. 750 million for AI Service Centres.
Rs. 1 billion to relocate Dambulla and Deniyaya Hospitals.
Rs. 570 million for a Community Science and Health Survey.
Rs. 50 million for educational support for differently-abled children, and a Rs. 5,000 monthly allowance for those pursuing higher education.
Mahapola Scholarship increased by Rs. 2,500.
3% of all state recruitments reserved for persons with disabilities.
Employment, SMEs & Women’s Empowerment
Rs. 5.9 billion in loans for small and medium enterprises.
Rs. 800 million for a Sustainable Agricultural Loan Fund.
Rs. 240 million allocated for self-employment and women entrepreneurs, and Rs. 200 million for women’s welfare programs.
Estate workers’ daily wage to increase from Rs. 1,350 to Rs. 1,750 by January 2026, with a government attendance incentive.
Rs. 2 billion from the Foreign Employment Bureau to establish a pension scheme for migrant workers in 2026.
Digital Transformation & Innovation
All government payments to become fully digital, with no fees for QR transactions below Rs. 5,000.
Digital ID cards to be issued by March 2026.
Establishment of a Virtual Economic Zone to attract investment and innovation.
Five-year tax concession for digital communication towers.
Installation of 100 new telecom towers nationwide.
Broadband vouchers for low-income students to improve digital access.
Rs. 6.5 billion allocated for the Clean Sri Lanka Initiative to enhance sanitation and environmental sustainability.
Governance & Reform Commitments
900 state bungalows to be transformed into Public-Private Partnership (PPP) ventures.
Introduction of a residence visa system for tourists.
Expert committee to draft a Judicial Code of Ethics.
The President reiterated zero tolerance for corruption:
Regardless of position, those engaging in fraud or corruption will be punished.”
Sri Lanka’s Budget 2026 positions the nation for a sustained post-crisis recovery, steering toward a resilient, technology-driven, and inclusive economy.
As of 5.45pm
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Sri Lanka’s economy has shown solid signs of recovery in 2025, but the rebound remains partial, with output still below pre-crisis levels and poverty rates significantly elevated, according to the World Bank’s latest Sri Lanka Development Update titled Better Spending for All. The report projects growth of 4.6% in 2025, supported by steady industrial and service sector activity, but warns that the recovery must be reinforced through fiscal prudence, private sector investment, and structural reforms.
The World Bank notes that while the country has made measurable progress since its 2022 economic collapse, the gains are uneven. Inflation remains subdued, and foreign inflows have stabilised, but high food prices, weak job creation, and persistent poverty continue to pose challenges. Poverty rates, though declining, are now double the levels seen in 2019. Many families have yet to recover lost livelihoods, and nearly 10% of the population lives just above the poverty line.
According to the report, Sri Lanka’s economic output remains below its 2018 level, highlighting the fragility of the recovery. Malnutrition, particularly among vulnerable communities, remains a serious concern, even as headline indicators suggest macroeconomic stabilisation.
Uneven recovery amid fiscal constraints
The World Bank estimates that Sri Lanka’s economy will grow by 4.6% in 2025 before moderating to 3.5% in 2026, with the current account expected to stay in surplus, buoyed by services exports and remittances. However, reserve accumulation has slowed as external debt servicing resumes. Public revenues have strengthened, but capital spending has been weak, resulting in a narrower fiscal deficit.
The Bank’s analysis finds that while inflation has stabilised and credit growth has picked up, overall demand remains subdued, with private consumption and investment leading the modest rebound. The monetary easing cycle has reduced lending rates, boosting private sector credit growth to nearly 20% year-on-year by mid-2025. Still, the report warns that sustained recovery will depend on the government’s ability to maintain macroeconomic stability and deepen structural reforms.
Medium-term growth prospects are expected to hover around 3%, with consumption-led growth and limited contributions from investment and exports. Without substantial policy action, the World Bank cautions, Sri Lanka’s growth could stagnate below potential, undermining poverty reduction efforts.
Reforms needed to sustain growth
To consolidate recovery, the World Bank calls for reforms to boost private sector participation, reduce barriers to trade and investment, and modernise tax and regulatory systems. The report stresses that private capital — rather than public expenditure — must drive future growth, given Sri Lanka’s limited fiscal space.
It recommends policies that make it easier for businesses to invest, hire, and expand by addressing inefficiencies in land, labour, and capital markets. The Bank highlights that easing these constraints could unlock new investment, attract foreign capital inflows, and generate employment.
Revitalising private sector-led job creation is a key priority, particularly as Sri Lanka’s labour market remains sluggish. Real wages and participation rates are still below 2019 levels, underscoring the need for more dynamic employment policies. The report adds that higher growth that raises household incomes is critical for sustained poverty reduction and improved resilience to economic shocks.
Fiscal reforms are also essential. The World Bank urges Sri Lanka to broaden its tax base, strengthen tax administration through digital systems, and improve taxpayer engagement to enhance compliance. Shifting from indirect to direct taxation, it says, would make revenue mobilisation more equitable and sustainable.
Public spending efficiency under scrutiny
A major theme of the Better Spending for All report is the need to optimise existing public spending. More than 80% of Sri Lanka’s expenditure goes to public sector wages, welfare benefits, and interest payments, leaving little fiscal room for productive investments in infrastructure, health, and education.
At an average of 19.7% of GDP, the country’s overall spending remains below regional and lower-middle-income benchmarks. The World Bank emphasises that rather than expanding expenditure, Sri Lanka must improve how existing funds are allocated and managed.
Key recommendations include reforms to manage the public wage bill more effectively. Although Sri Lanka’s wage bill, at 5% of GDP, appears modest by international standards, the public sector employs nearly 15% of the national workforce — much higher than in comparable economies. This has resulted in low average pay and challenges in retaining skilled staff.
Real wages in the public sector have fallen sharply — by about one-third between 2020 and 2023 — while compensation structures have become fragmented due to widespread ad hoc allowances. The Bank suggests rationalising pay structures, introducing a national compensation commission, and modernising payroll management systems to improve efficiency and transparency.
Revamping capital investment
On public investment, the World Bank notes that Sri Lanka’s capital expenditure remains limited at just 3.4% of GDP and is often poorly prioritised. Project implementation has been slow, with less than 80% of planned capital spending executed in recent years.
The report identifies major inefficiencies in project appraisal, approval, and monitoring systems, which have constrained infrastructure delivery. The World Bank recommends focusing resources on near-complete projects, redirecting funds from stalled initiatives, and establishing unique project identifiers to track progress across ministries.
Maintenance spending on infrastructure has also been inadequate, leading to higher long-term costs. Increasing allocations for regular upkeep and adopting a more rigorous project selection process are seen as crucial steps for improving investment efficiency.
Outlook and risks
While Sri Lanka’s near-term growth outlook is broadly positive, the World Bank warns of significant downside risks, including global uncertainty, tightening external financing conditions, and domestic policy slippages. Sustaining recovery will require consistent policymaking and political commitment to reform.
The Sri Lanka Development Update complements the World Bank’s South Asia Development Update (October 2025 edition), which highlights regional growth of 6.6% this year but warns of a slowdown ahead. It notes that reforms promoting trade openness, technology adoption, and job creation will be critical for maintaining momentum across South Asia.
For Sri Lanka, the World Bank concludes that the immediate priority is not higher spending but better spending—making every rupee count by improving efficiency, transparency, and accountability.
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The Vatican was associated with the Portuguese Inquisition in Goa and Ceylon (Sri Lanka), as it authorized the establishment of the Inquisition in the Portuguese territories and Popes sanctioned Portuguese conquests for the propagation of the Catholic faith. However, the Goa Inquisition was primarily an extension of the Portuguese Inquisition and operated under the authority of the Portuguese Crown, with significant autonomy from direct, day-to-day Vatican control.
Key points of the association:
Papal Sanction and the Padroado: The Vatican (Holy See) granted the Portuguese Crown the Padroado (patronage) through a series of Papal Bulls (e.g., Romanus Pontifex in 1454). This gave Portugal a monopoly on trade and the responsibility/right to propagate the Catholic faith in newly discovered territories in Asia and elsewhere.
Establishment of the Tribunal: The Holy See granted permission for the Inquisition to be established in Portugal itself, which subsequently extended its operations to its colonies, including Goa, in 1560. St. Francis Xavier, a prominent Jesuit missionary, formally requested the establishment of an Inquisition in Goa in a 1545 letter to the King of Portugal to address what he perceived as heretical practices among “New Christians” and the “scandalous” behavior of some Portuguese colonists.
Doctrinal Oversight: The Inquisition was a church court designed to maintain Catholic orthodoxy and fight heresy, aligning with the broader goals of the Counter-Reformation as defined by the Council of Trent.
Operational Control: While the Grand Inquisitor in Portugal was appointed by the Pope, they were chosen by the King, giving the Portuguese Crown significant control over the institution’s operations both in Portugal and its colonies. The actual implementation and its often brutal methods in Goa were carried out by Portuguese colonial administrators and clergy.
Ceylon Connection: The religious jurisdiction in Ceylon fell under the Archbishopric of Goa through the Padroado system. This connection remained until the late 19th century when the Holy See, through the Congregation of Propaganda Fide, began appointing Vicars Apostolic directly, thus ending Goa’s jurisdiction in Ceylon.
In essence, the Vatican provided the overarching mandate and authorization for the Inquisition and the missionary enterprise in the Portuguese Empire, but the specific, often harsh, implementation in Goa and the broader colonial territories was managed by the Portuguese state and local church officials under the Padroado system.
