By Sarath Wijesinghe President’s Counsel (LL.M (UCL London)), former Ambassador to UAE and Israel, former Chairman of the Consumer Affairs Authority, President of the Lanka Ambassador’s Forum – United Kingdom, Solicitor in England and Wales

The tertiary and vocational education sector plays an important role in shaping the socio-economic landscape of any nation, and Sri Lanka is no exception. However, it can be observed that the efficiency and effectiveness of Sri Lanka’s Tertiary and Vocational Education Commission (TVEC) have come under scrutiny due to various inefficiencies within its framework.
The TVEC serves as a cornerstone in the nation’s educational endeavors, overseeing the tertiary and vocational education sector’s regulatory framework. Established to ensure the quality, relevance, and efficiency of educational programs, the TVEC is vital in in shaping the skills and competencies of Sri Lanka’s workforce. As a primary entity in the area of human capital development, TVEC’s mandate extends to accrediting institutions, updating curriculums, and facilitating partnerships between academia and industry to meet the evolving demands of the global economy. Here, we strive to highlight several critical areas where key reforms are urgently needed, emphasizing the importance of adopting a holistic approach to revamp the TVEC.
In essence, the necessary transformation of Sri Lanka’s TVEC is not just about rectifying isolated inefficiencies but requires a comprehensive, multi-dimensional approach. By acknowledging and rectifying key shortcomings within the commission, embracing change and prioritizing education
reform, Sri Lanka can better harness its human capital potential and enhance its competitiveness on the global stage.
First, it can be observed that addressing the stagnation in updating syllabuses and curriculums is paramount to enhancing the quality of vocational training. In today’s fast-paced and dynamic job market, educational programs must remain agile and responsive to industry demands. By regularly revising and modernizing syllabuses, the TVEC can ensure that graduates are equipped with the latest skills and knowledge needed to excel in their chosen fields. This proactive approach not only enhances the employability of Sri Lankan graduates but also leads to innovation and entrepreneurship, driving economic growth and prosperity.
Establishing comprehensive collaboration and partnerships between the TVEC, industry stakeholders, and educational institutions is essential. By actively engaging employers and industry experts in the curriculum development process, the commission can ensure that vocational training programs are aligned with current market trends and industry needs. This collaborative approach not only enhances the relevance and effectiveness of vocational education but also strengthens the link between education and employment, reducing skills gaps and unemployment rates.
One of the critical reforms needed within the TVEC is the implementation of a probation period before immediate suspensions. Currently, the absence of such a mechanism leads to rash decisions that can have detrimental effects on educational institutions. Instituting a probationary period would allow for a fair assessment of an institution’s performance, providing an opportunity for improvement before resorting to drastic measures. This proactive approach not only fosters a culture of continuous improvement but also ensures that the commission’s actions are fair and just, ultimately bolstering the credibility and stability of the education system.
Moreover, investing in technology and infrastructure is crucial to modernizing Sri Lanka’s vocational education sector. By leveraging digital tools and resources, the TVEC can enhance the delivery of educational content, facilitate remote learning opportunities, and reach a wider audience of students. Additionally, upgrading physical infrastructure, such as vocational training centers and laboratories, is essential to providing students with hands-on learning experiences and practical skills development. These investments not only improve the quality of education but also enhance the overall learning environment, fostering creativity, innovation, and collaboration among students and faculty.
Furthermore, promoting lifelong learning and skills development is necessary to ensure the long-term success and resilience of Sri Lanka’s workforce. By offering continuous training and upskilling opportunities, the TVEC can empower individuals to adapt to changing job market dynamics and pursue new career pathways. Additionally, promoting a culture of lifelong learning creates a mindset of innovation and agility, positioning Sri Lanka as a hub for talent and expertise in the global economy. The critical bottleneck in the operations of Sri Lanka’s TVEC stemming from the shortage of resources and personnel is a multifaceted challenge that demands immediate attention. The inadequacy in the number of assessors and administrative staff has profound repercussions, manifesting in prolonged delays in accrediting institutions and issuing
certifications. This bottleneck not only frustrates the aspirations of students eager to enter the workforce but also obstructs the seamless operation of vocational training centers, thereby impeding their capacity to contribute effectively to the nation’s economy.
The shortage of resources and personnel within the TVEC can be considered to have created a domino effect in the country, amplifying the inefficiencies inherent in its operations. The backlog in accreditation processes not only undermines the trust and confidence of stakeholders but also undermines the credibility of vocational education in Sri Lanka. Both existing as well as previous students of affected institutions are left in limbo, uncertain about their educational and career prospects due to the protracted delays in obtaining necessary certifications and the reputation of the institutions from which they obtained their qualifications. Moreover, vocational training centers, deprived of accreditation, are constrained in their ability to attract students and secure funding, further exacerbating the resource crunch and perpetuating a cycle of underperformance.
Addressing the resource constraints faced by the TVEC is imperative to improve its efficiency in accrediting institutions and issuing certifications as well. This involves recruiting and training more assessors and administrative staff to expedite accreditation processes and reduce delays. Investing in capacity-building initiatives and providing ongoing professional development opportunities can enhance the competency and effectiveness of TVEC personnel, enabling them to handle the increasing workload and meet the growing demands of the vocational education sector. Furthermore, streamlining registration procedures for institutions offering foreign qualifications is crucial to eliminating unnecessary bureaucratic hurdles and facilitating the integration of Sri Lankan graduates into the global workforce. Local regulatory bodies ought to take steps to recognize credentials issued by reputable international bodies without imposing localized and inefficient requirements, thereby enhancing the efficiency of the accreditation process and promoting greater mobility and recognition of qualifications on an international scale. This streamlined approach not only benefits individual students by expanding their opportunities for further education and employment abroad but also strengthens Sri Lanka’s position as a competitive player in the global knowledge economy.
In addition to these reforms, taking further steps to establish greater collaboration and partnerships between the TVEC, educational institutions, industry stakeholders, and international accrediting bodies can further enhance the quality and relevance of vocational education in Sri Lanka. By harnessing the collective expertise and resources of all stakeholders, the commission can develop more innovative and industry-aligned educational programs, thereby better preparing students for success in the global workforce.
As has been observed, one of the most significant hurdles facing the TVEC is the effectiveness of its staff. Insufficient training, resources, and capacity-building initiatives can undermine the competency of personnel and hinder their ability to perform their duties efficiently. Deficiencies in staff effectiveness can lead to delays in accreditation processes, errors in certification issuance, and overall inefficiencies in the functioning of the commission. To address this challenge, it is imperative to invest in ongoing professional development programs tailored to the specific needs of TVEC staff. These programs should encompass a wide range of topics, including regulatory compliance, industry trends, technological advancements, and customer service skills.
Additionally, implementing performance evaluation mechanisms can help identify areas for improvement and ensure that staff members are held accountable for their performance, thereby enhancing overall efficiency and effectiveness within the commission.
The requirement for institutions offering foreign qualifications to also re-register with the TVEC poses additional challenges that need to be addressed as well, as such institutions are already registered with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other bodies such as the British Council in order for them to have been accredited by foreign vocational qualification issuing bodies. One of the primary concerns is the rigid approach to course duration, which overlooks the importance of competency-based learning and hampers the flexibility needed to accommodate diverse student needs and abilities. Unlike in foreign countries where the length of a course may vary based on individual student progress and mastery of competencies, Sri Lankan institutions are expected to adhere strictly to their own prescribed timelines. This inflexible approach not only undermines the quality of education but also restricts the ability of institutions to tailor their programs to meet the needs of students effectively.
Moreover, the outdated nature of the Tertiary and Vocational Education Act of 1990 presents a noteworthy obstacle to the commission’s effectiveness. The legislative framework governing the operations of the TVEC has not kept pace with the evolving needs of the education sector, thereby hindering its ability to adapt to changing circumstances and address emerging challenges. Revising this legislation is essential to ensure that it reflects contemporary educational standards, promotes innovation, and fosters collaboration between different stakeholders, including academia, industry, and government. This process should involve comprehensive consultations with relevant stakeholders to identify areas for improvement and develop a legislative framework that is conducive to the advancement of tertiary and vocational education in Sri Lanka. In other countries, the legislation and governance are developed constantly in order to assist the progress of its citizens. For instance, in the United Kingdom, government ministries, such as the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Trade, Ministry of Food, Ministry of Agriculture, and various state institutions, play a direct role in regulation, mirroring the functionality of bodies like the Rail Regulator and other regulatory entities in the UK and Europe. Another notable example is the Philippines, where a significant portion of the population are overseas workers who bring in substantial foreign revenue to the country as a result of their progressive regulatory bodies streamlining the process. However, the effectiveness of regulators in Sri Lanka remains a subject of doubt.
In today’s digital age, the integration of technology is paramount for enhancing educational delivery, streamlining administrative processes, and fostering innovation within educational institutions. However, the TVEC’s inadequate IT infrastructure and the lack of proficiency among its staff in utilizing digital tools and methodologies hamper its ability to support the development of Sri Lankan institutions effectively. Investing in IT infrastructure and providing comprehensive training to TVEC staff in the use of digital technologies is essential to overcome this barrier. By harnessing the power of technology, the TVEC can improve communication and collaboration with educational institutions, streamline accreditation processes, and provide valuable resources and support to foster innovation and excellence in teaching and learning.
Furthermore, the arbitrary suspension of institutions by the TVEC has far-reaching consequences that extend beyond administrative measures, impacting the lives and futures of students and tarnishing the reputation of affected institutions. Abrupt suspensions deprive existing students of the opportunity to complete their education and obtain certification from the awarding body, causing significant disruption and uncertainty. Moreover, the reputational damage inflicted by unofficial announcements of suspensions on social media platforms such as Facebook exacerbates the challenges faced by suspended institutions, making it difficult for them to regain trust and credibility even after addressing the issues raised by the TVEC.
To address these issues, the TVEC must adopt a more transparent, fair, and collaborative approach to suspension processes. Providing written notices to institutions outlining the reasons for suspension, allowing sufficient time for them to address identified issues, and offering support and guidance throughout the remediation process are essential steps to minimize the adverse impact on students and institutions. Additionally, the TVEC should refrain from using unofficial channels such as social media to announce suspensions and instead adhere to established communication protocols to ensure fairness, accountability, and consistency in its actions.
In conclusion, the key points addressed here are as follows:
•
Absence of Probation Period in the Tertiary and Vocational Education Act (No. 20 of 1990)
The current legislation lacks adequate provisions for instituting a probationary period before immediate suspensions, leading to hasty decisions without allowing institutions time to rectify alleged issues.
•
Outdated Syllabuses and Curriculums
Despite being crucial in generating foreign revenue through vocational training, TVEC’s failure to update syllabuses and curriculums hampers the quality and relevance of education provided.
•
Shortage of Resources and Personnel
Insufficient staffing and resources within TVEC lead to significant delays in assessing and accrediting institutions, particularly affecting those offering National Vocational Qualifications (NVQs).
•
Inefficient Accreditation Process
TVEC’s accreditation process for vocational training institutes lacks efficiency and adequate speed, resulting in delays and setbacks for institutions dependent on their approval.
•
Localized Requirements for Foreign Qualifications
TVEC’s insistence on additional and localized registration for institutions offering foreign qualifications poses challenges, especially regarding the duration of courses, which should ideally be competency-based rather than strictly timed based on local standards.
•
Lack of IT Adequacy
TVEC’s inadequate IT infrastructure impedes the development of Sri Lankan institutions, hindering their ability to keep pace with technological advancements and educational innovations in the world.
•
Unfair Suspension Practices
Abrupt suspensions of institutions by the TVEC disadvantage existing students who are unable to obtain certifications from the external reputable awarding bodies, causing reputational damage to both current and graduated students. Ideally, the TVEC should provide written notices and allow sufficient time for institutions to rectify issues before resorting to suspension.
•
Lengthy Upliftment Process After Suspension
Institutes suspended by TVEC face prolonged periods of upliftment due to staff shortages within the commission, preventing them from resuming courses and negatively impacting their short-term and long-term reputations.
•
Unofficial Announcement of Suspensions
TVEC’s use of unofficial channels, such as Facebook, to publish suspensions causes irreparable damage to institutions’ reputations before they are given the opportunity to address issues, leading to prolonged consequences even after resolutions are reached.
Reimagining Sri Lanka’s Tertiary and Vocational Education Commission is thus not merely a matter of addressing isolated inefficiencies but requires a comprehensive and progressive approach. By implementing reforms such as establishing probationary periods, updating syllabuses regularly, addressing resource shortages, and streamlining registration processes, the nation can unlock the full potential of its human capital and propel itself towards sustainable growth. Critical issues such as staff effectiveness, legislative framework modernization, IT adequacy, and fair suspension processes demand urgent attention. Investing in staff training, revising outdated legislation, enhancing IT infrastructure, and ensuring transparency in suspension procedures are vital steps to ensure an environment conducive to educational advancement and innovation.
With concerted efforts and strategic reforms, Sri Lanka can position itself as a global leader in tertiary and vocational education in the future, empowering its citizens with the skills and knowledge needed to thrive in the 21st-century economy. The time for action and change is now, and by embracing the necessary changes rather than being constrained by shackles of outdated systems, Sri Lanka can pave the way for a brighter, more prosperous future for the generations to come.

Talk with Chatura

Volume 30 in the series De Gruyter Contemporary Social Sciences

 Requires Authentication Published by De Gruyter 2023

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783111203454Cite thisShare this

Overview

About this book

Now in Paperback

This book provides a broad picture of Sri Lanka’s on-going political and economic crisis as the culmination of several centuries of colonial and neo-colonial developments. The book presents the Sri Lankan crisis as an exemplification of a broader global existential crisis facing more and more debt trapped countries, especially in the post-colonial Global South. The book’s in-depth case study raises important questions pertaining to sovereignty and political and economic democracy in Sri Lanka and the world at large.

The book also explores the emergence of the crisis in the context of the accelerating geopolitical conflict between China and the USA in the Indian Ocean. It ponders if the debt crisis, economic collapse and political destabilization in Sri Lanka were intentionally precipitated to the advantage of the Quadrilateral Alliance (USA, India, Australia and Japan).

Moving beyond geopolitical rivalry, the book juxtaposes Sri Lanka’s political-economic crisis with the broader ecological crisis of climate change and sea-level rise.

The book concludes with a consideration of the ethical dilemmas behind the debt and survival crisis in Sri Lanka and across the world. It points out a range of social movements and initiatives in Sri Lanka and the Global South which subscribe to collective and ecological alternatives and a Middle Path of sustainability and social justice.

• Timely and well-researched
• A global perspective on the Sri Lankan crisis
• Offers ecological and collective alternatives as crisis resolution

Author / Editor information

Asoka Bandarage, California Institute for Integral Studies, San Francisco, CA, USA.

Reviews

“In this well-written, well-researched scholarly text, Asoka Bandarage brilliantly combines a detailed historical analysis of the political and economic crisis in Sri Lanka and a global ethical perspective pertaining to similar crises elsewhere in the world.”
T. Lalithasiri Gunaruwan, Professor, Department of Economics, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka

“A very useful analysis providing depth and background to understanding the current Sri Lankan economic crisis. Bandarage goes well beyond the standard tropes of ‘policy errors’ or culture/identity-based explanations, to locate the Sri Lankan experience in the wider context of profit-, technology- and finance-driven globalization.”
Jayati Ghosh, Professor of Economics, University of Massachusetts Amherst, USA

“Crisis in Sri Lanka and the World is a most timely book – and urgently needed for the world that is at a critical crossroads of extreme and accelerating possibilities. For alternatives that are just and sustainable, the crisis needs to be understood both historically as well as in the contemporary context. I cannot think of very many who can do that – both with scholarship and passion – with a fusion of global as well as local and holistic perspectives as Asoka Bandarage has been able to do here.”
Sajed Kamal has taught at Boston University, Northeastern University, Antioch New England Graduate School, and Brandeis University

“A powerful, riveting and in-depth analysis of the structural and destructive legacy of colonialism on post-colonial and debt-trapped countries like Sri Lanka … Dr. Bandarage’s superb book is well-researched, expertly synthesized and presented with rigor in an engaging and accessible writing style. It is a tremendous achievement and a must-read for every scholar and student of history, colonialism, underdevelopment, hegemonic domination and ecological disasters. Its cutting-edge scholarship is of critical importance in the fields of economics, political science, environmental studies and policy coordination at the national and international level.”
Filomina C. Steady, Professor Emerita, Anthropology and Africana Studies, Wellesley College, USA

“Crisis in Sri Lanka and the World is a valuable addition to any library or private collection concerned with the historical roots and future of the crisis in Sri Lanka and its global implications. In these pages Professor Bandarage writes with urgency and clarity of her nation, its situation in relationship to a history of colonialism, neoliberalism, complex global issues, and climate change. She brings to the table a deep understanding of contemporary international complexities, and the reality of climate change for the world today. Her appeal to a more compassionate understanding of human nature and consciousness itself could not be more timely.”
Allan Leslie Combs, Ph.D., Professor Emeritus of Consciousness Studies and Director of the Center for Consciousness Studies, California Institute of Integral Studies

“Bandarage’s book … is a must-read for those seeking alternative methodological stances and more comprehensive perspectives on the analysis of socio-economic crises in emerging economies … . Crisis in Sri Lanka and the World stands out as a refreshing and much-needed addition to the body of literature addressing the Sri Lankan crisis of the 2020s. It provides a holistic viewpoint, highlighting the multifaceted nature of the crisis and tracing its origins back to Sri Lanka’s historical evolution from colonial times. Crisis in Sri Lanka and the World is perhaps the only comprehensive publication written from such a holistic approach so far … .”
W. D. Lakshman, Professor Emeritus, University of Colombo

“In Crisis in Sri Lanka and the World, Asoka Bandarage provides a profound and compelling analysis of the contemporary dilemma that goes far beyond conventional approaches. Using an in-depth case study of Sri Lanka, the book provides an incisive analysis of the structural and ideological roots of the interrelated global political, economic and existential crisis. It traces the trajectory of colonialism and neoliberalism which has given rise to environmental and social destruction including economic inequality, debt, poverty and political instability in Sri Lanka and the Global South. While delineating the prevailing system of exploitation and destruction, the book brings clarity and direction to the urgency of change. Going beyond a mere critique of capitalism, the book questions the paradigm of domination and the underlying dualism of self versus the other and calls for a shift towards a partnership approach to life which upholds the ethic of interdependence and harmony. This is a very thorough and insightful work of great value internationally to policymakers and activists in the environmental, social justice and peace movements and to all concerned with resolving the survival crisis facing us.”
Roberto Savio, Inter Press News Service, World Social Forum, Othernews, University for Peace of the United Nations

by Gomi Senadhira Former Director General of Commerce, can be contacted via senadhiragomi@gmail.com.) Courtesy The Island

Fig.01

A few years ago, a Washington-based consultancy group, Global Financial Integrity (GFI), released a shocking report on how countries lose billions of dollars through illicit financial flows. One of the main instruments through which such illicit financial flows occur is trade misinvoicing by importers and exporters who deliberately falsify the stated prices on invoices (underinvoicing exports and overinvoicing imports). That report pointed out that Sri Lanka lost on average US$1.6 billion per year during the period 2008–2017. In 2017, the loss was US$1.85 billion.

The report is largely based on the analysis of data submitted by governments each year to the United Nation’s Comtrade database. Though some differences in data are possible due to the cost of shipping and insurance, those cannot account for some of the large gaps in the data. When those large gaps are closely scrutinized, line by line, the true magnitude of misinvoicing can be identified.

The table below illustrates the significant value gap in Sri Lanka’s trade with Thailand, which signals the possibility of large-scale misinvoicing. In 2022, the value gap, most of which could result from overinvoicing imports and underinvoicing exports, was $64.5 million. This was higher than the total export value recorded by Sri Lankan Customs ($57.7 million). By addressing this problem through a customs cooperation arrangement (which does not require a comprehensive FTA) Sri Lanka may be able to gain up to $50 million. That is much higher than the projected gains from the FTA! In addition to that, a substantial amount could be collected as additional taxes. (See Fig. 1)

Interestingly, the gap in export data is mainly due to large gaps between Sri Lankan export data and Thai import data for precious stones and semi-precious stones (HS 7103). These gaps, illustrated in the table below, point to the possibility of large-scale underinvoicing by Sri Lankan and Thai gem traders. In 2022, Sri Lanka’s precious stones and semi-precious stones (HS 7103) exports were valued at $32.7 million by Sri Lankan Customs. However, during that year, Thailand imported $53.3 million worth of precious stones and semi-precious stones from Sri Lanka. The value gap was $20.6 million. (See Fig. 2)

It is widely known within the gem industry how Thai traders manipulate prices in the gem market and avoid paying taxes through false declarations. A few months ago, this was even raised at the Parliament’s Sectoral Oversight Committee on Environment, Natural Resources, & Sustainable Development, chaired by Mr. Ajith Mannapperuma. During the discussion Sri Lankan gem traders complained that they are at disadvantageous position by price manipulation and false declarations by Thai gem merchants and urged government to intervene.

Did our negotiators, or the Sri Lankan Embassy in Bangkok, address this issue during the five years of negotiations?

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍යාංශය සම්මත මෙහෙයුම් පටිපාටියකට(SOP) අනුකූලව Xiang Yang Hong 3 චීන විද්‍යාත්මක පර්යේෂණ නෞකාවට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ගැඹුරු මුහුදෙහි පර්යේෂණ කටයුතු සඳහා 2024 ජනවාරි 05 වැනිදා සිට 2024 මැයි මාසය දක්වා ලබා දුන් අවසරය අත්හිටුවා ඇති පසුබිමක, එකී විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍යාංශයේ අවසරය හා ශ්‍රී ලංකා වරාය අධිකාරියේ අනුදැනුම මත ඉන්දීය නාවික හමුදාවට අයත් INS Karanj සබ්මැරීනයට පසුගිය පෙබරවාරි 03 වැනි දින මෙරටට පැමිණීමට ඉඩකඩ සැලසීම, ඉදිරියේදී බරපතළ රාජ්‍යතාන්ත්‍රික වියවුලකට මුල පිරිය හැකි බවට ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණේ ජාතික සංවිධායක, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී ජයන්ත සමරවීර මහතා අනතුරු අඟවයි.

පිටකෝට්ටේ පිහිටි ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණේ ප්‍රධාන කාර්යාලයේදී පැවැති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකට එක්වෙමින්ඒ මහතා මෙසේ අනතුරු ඇඟවීය.

චීන පර්යේෂණ නෞකාවට ජාත්‍යන්තර පටිපාටියකට අනුකූලව ලබාදී තිබූ අවසරය, ඉන්දියාවේ රාජ්‍යතාන්ත්‍රික අධිපතීත්වය හමුවේ හකුළා ගත් ‘රනිල් රාජපක්ෂ පාලනය’ ඉන්දීය යුද සබ්මැරීනයකට මෙරටට ඇතුළු වීමට ඉඩදී නිහඩව බලා සිටීම පිළිබිඹු කරන්නේ මෙම පාලනය වේගවත්ව යමින් සිටින ‘ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ඉන්දියාවේ 29 වැනි ප්‍රාන්තය බවට පත් කිරීමේ ගමන’ මිස අන් කිසිවක් නොවන බව ද ජයන්ත සමරවීර මහතා පෙන්වා දුන්නේය.

ජාත්‍යන්තර සමුද්‍ර නීතිය අනුව, මේ ආකාරයට තම අසල්වැසියාට රාජතාන්ත්‍රික ත්‍රස්තවාදියෙකු ලෙස බලපෑම් කිරීමට ඉන්දියාවට නොහැකි බවත් එසේම ඉන්දියාවේ බලපෑමට යටත් වී ඉන්දියාවට ‘එක් හැන්දකින්’ සහ චීනයට ‘තවත් හැන්දකින්’ බෙදීමට ‘රනිල් රාජපක්ෂ පාලනයට’ නොහැකි බවත් ඒ මහතා අවධාරණය කළේය.

‘රනිල් රාජපක්ෂ පාලනය’ යමින් සිටින්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව, ඉන්දියාවේ 29 වැනි ප්‍රාන්තය බවට පත් කිරීමේ වේගවත් ගමනක් බවට වන ප්‍රධානතම පිළිබිඹුව වන්නේ ඉන්දියාව සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අතර එට්කා ගිවිසුම අත්සන් කිරීම” බව කී සමරවීර මහතා, එමඟින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ රැකියා වෙළඳපොළ සහ සාමාන්‍ය වෙළඳපොළ තුළ ඉන්දියානුවන්ට සමාන අවස්ථා ලැබෙනු ඇති බව ද සඳහන් කළේය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ විදුලි බල පද්ධතිය සහ ඉන්දියාවේ විදුලි බල පද්ධතිය ඒකාබද්ධ කිරීමට යෝජිත ව්‍යාපෘතිය මෙන්ම ඉන්දියාවේ දනුස්කොඩි සිට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ තලෛමන්නාරම අතර ඉදිකිරීමට යෝජිත පාලම් හා උමංමාවත් යන කාරණා පිළිබිඹු කරන්නේ ද ‘රනිල් රාජපක්ෂ පාලනය’ මේ වන විට ශ්‍රී ලංකාව, ඉන්දියාවේ 29 වැනි ප්‍රාන්තය බවට පත් කිරීමට යන ගමන බව ද ජානිපෙ ජාතික සංවිධායකවරයා වැඩිදුරටත් සඳහන් කළේය.

ඉන්දියාවෙන් විදුලි බලය සපයාගන්නා සිකීමය” අද ඉන්දීය ප්‍රාන්තයක් බවත් වරායවල් නොමැති නේපාලය, අද ඉන්දියාවේ බරපතළ ග්‍රහණයට නතු වී ඇති බවත් පෙන්වා දුන් ඒ මහතා එම තත්ත්වයන් තේරුම් ගනිමින්, මෙම අර්බුදකාරී මොහොතේ සියලු ලෝක මිතුරන්ගේ උදව්වෙන් නැගී සිටීම ‘රනිල් රාජපක්ෂ පාලනයෙන්’ බලාපොරොත්තු විය නොහැකි බව ද කීය.

ඉන්දු – ලංකා ගිවිසුමට අත්සන් තබා, පළාත් සභා පිහිටුවා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ ඉමහත් ඉන්දීය ආධිපත්‍යයකට පාර කැපූ හිටපු ජනාධිපති ජේ. ආර්. ජයවර්ධනගේ බෑණා, අද තම මාමාට නොහැකි වූ සියල්ල ඉටු කර දීමේ කොන්ත්‍රාත්තුව ඉන්දියාවෙන් ලබාගෙන ඇති බවත් එම කොන්ත්‍රාත්තුව ජනතාවගෙන් නොසඟවා, ඊට එරෙහිව ජනතාව පෙළගැස්වීම මේ මොහොතේ කර හැරිය නොහැකි වගකීමක් බවත් සමරවීර මහතා වැඩිදුරටත් අවධාරණය කළේය.

අනුරුද්ධ බණ්ඩාර රණවාරණ
මාධ්‍ය ලේකම්,
ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණ

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Feb 8 (Daily Mirror) – The largest inscription ever in Sri Lanka, found from the Dimbulagala Monastery grounds, belongs to the beginning of the second centrury BC or earlier than that, Sri Jayawardenapura University History and Archaeology professor Karunasena Hettiarachchi said.

Addressing the media, he said 60 percent of this inscription was unreadable and 40 percent was readable.

“This inscription was written in Brahmi characters. We found that 24 Brahmi characters were used on the inscription. At least 1,000 characters were used. Moreover, there are several rare symbols, which have never been seen by officials through their previous inscriptions,” he said.

According to the signs, characters, and unique symbols, the committee had decided to announce that the inscription belonged to the beginning of the second centrum BC or earlier than that.

The Polonnaruwa Archeology Office found the largest inscription ever found in the country on July 10, 2023, at the Dimbulagala Monastery grounds.

Buddhasasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs Ministry Secretary Somaratne Vidanapathirana, said that eleven expert committee members, comprising Vice President of the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka Archaeologists, specialized in epigraphy, Ms. Malini Dias and Prof. Karunasena Hettiarachchi, were appointed on January 17, 2024, to issue a report after exploring a 45-feet-long and 18-feet-high inscription.

The inscription was recovered by the villagers of Dimbulagala. Accordingly, initial steps in exploring the inscription were completed on November 18, 2023, Vidanapathirana said.

Meanwhile, Buddhasasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs Minister Vidura Wickramanayaka, told the media that the printed copies of the inscription should be available to the public and that they must conduct more studies to reveal the history.

Courtesy Hru News

In his address to Parliament on Wednesday (Feb. 7), President Ranil Wickremesinghe unveiled the government’s agenda and shared that they hope to alleviate the tax burden on citizens as the economy stabilizes through the implementation of key economic reforms.

Highlighting the government’s commitment, President Wickremesinghe emphasized the potential for a revision of the Value-Added Tax (VAT) percentage, which recently rose from 15% to 18% at the beginning of 2024. Recognizing the strain this increase places on many individuals, he reassured that the government is actively addressing the issue.

Following the ceremonial opening of the Fifth Session of the Ninth Parliament, the Head of State presented the government’s policy statement to the House.

President Wickremesinghe highlighted a significant surge in tax registration, citing a rise from 437,547 in 2022 to 1,000,029 by the conclusion of 2023, marking an impressive 130% increase. He emphasized that as the tax network expands, the burden on both individuals and organizations will diminish accordingly.

Moreover, he pledged to enhance the benefits provided to the populace in tandem with the government’s increasing revenue. This commitment reflects the government’s proactive stance in addressing economic concerns and ensuring the welfare of its citizens.

“As government revenue increases, we will take measures to increase benefits for the people accordingly.

The tangible growth we are experiencing is evident in the current societal discussions. Not long ago, conversations centered around the challenges posed by power cuts, demanding uninterrupted electricity. Today, the discourse has shifted to electricity bills. Previously, concerns were raised about the exorbitant black market price of petrol, with talk of spending days in fuel queues. Now, the focus is on new oil companies investing in Sri Lanka. Issues related to the scarcity of vegetables have transformed into discussions about the prices of carrots. The prior scarcity of paper for book printing is now replaced by discussions about VAT.

Indeed, VAT poses a burden for many, and we are not oblivious to this fact. We are systematically addressing this issue. In 2022, there were 437,547 registered taxpayers, a number that surged to 1,000,029 by the end of 2023— an impressive 130 percent increase. As the tax network expands, the burden on individuals and organizations will diminish.

Continuing our economic reforms, we aim to alleviate the tax burden as the economy stabilizes. There is also room for a potential revision of the VAT percentage.” President

Courtesy Hiru News

In a significant development, Sri Lanka’s impending debt restructuring indicates a pivotal shift towards addressing its debt obligations, despite the current absence of repayment to foreign countries and external commercial bases. The restructuring underscores the imperative need to fulfill these obligations, utilizing both rupees and dollars.<

As of September 2023, Sri Lanka’s total debt burden stood at a staggering US $91 billion, indicating a prolonged timeline for debt settlement. To navigate this challenge, the nation must source funds locally to meet its debt obligations, thereby mitigating the risk of falling into the debt trap once again.

Although debt restructuring offers potential reductions in annual payments, Sri Lanka still faces an annual repayment of approximately US $3 billion. This unsustainable payment pattern necessitates a recalibration of income and expenditure balance, particularly given the acute nature of the budget deficit. Notably, government revenue for the year amounted to Rs. 4,127 billion, with a significant portion of Rs. 2,651 billion allocated for debt repayment.

Since the 1950s, Sri Lanka’s governance model has been heavily reliant on extensive borrowing, fostering a debt-centric economy. This approach, entrenched within both leadership and the populace, facilitated various concessions, including free rice distribution, subsidized electricity, educational initiatives, and government job proliferation. Election promises were diligently fulfilled upon assuming power.

In light of these challenges, Sri Lanka faces a critical imperative to break free from the shackles of a debt-driven mentality to secure its future. The elimination of the debt economy is paramount, necessitating a concerted focus on building a robust, independent economy. Rapidly increasing export income and foreign investment serve as crucial components of this transformative journey.

The nation’s ongoing economic reforms lay the foundation for creating a competitive, digital, and green economy. Central to this process is the eradication of corruption and social modernization, acknowledging corruption as a significant impediment to progress.

While corruption remains pervasive, addressing it demands a systematic and formalized approach, underpinned by stringent legal mechanisms and scientific methodologies executed by proficient officers. The enactment of the Anti-Corruption Act represents a significant step in this direction, emphasizing the importance of impartial implementation for all to witness.

In conclusion, Sri Lanka stands at a critical juncture, poised to embark on a transformative journey towards debt repayment and economic revitalization. By prioritizing fiscal responsibility, fostering sustainable growth, and combatting corruption, the nation charts a path toward a prosperous and resilient future.

“Despite not currently repaying any loans from foreign countries and external commercial bases, the impending restructuring signals a shift towards debt repayment. To fulfill these obligations, both rupees and dollars are essential.

By September 2023 our total debt burden was US $ 91 billion. It will take a considerable period of time to settle this debt. In order to meet our debt, we need to source the funds locally. It is imperative that we generate this income; otherwise, we risk falling into the debt trap once again.

As a result of debt restructuring, we will be able to reduce the annual payment. Nevertheless, even under such a situation, we will still have to pay around US$ 03 billion per year. We cannot continue to be paying in this manner. We need to create a balance between our income and expenditure. Our budget deficit is at an acute stage. This year government revenue stood at Rs. 4,127 billion and expenditure was Rs. 6,978 billion. Out of this Rs. 2,651 billion is for debt repayment. This clearly indicates our debt burden.

Since the 1950s, our approach involved extensive borrowing, encompassing all aspects of governance. Leaders and the populace became accustomed to this debt-centric economy, with concessions provided on various fronts, including free rice distribution, subsided electricity bills, educational endeavours, and the proliferation of government jobs. Promises made during elections were diligently fulfilled upon assuming power.

We must break free from the shackles of a debt-driven mentality to secure the future of our country.

The elimination of the debt economy is paramount, and we need to focus on building a robust, independent economy.

Rapidly increasing export income and foreign investment are crucial components of this transformative journey.

Our ongoing economic reforms lay the foundation for creating a competitive, digital, and green economy.

Central to this process is the eradication of corruption and social modernization.

While corruption is widely acknowledged as a scourge in our nation, it&rsquo;s crucial to recognize that a systematic and formal set of rules is essential to combat it. Shouting about catching thieves is ineffective without a strong legal system and a scientific approach, executed by trained officers.

Merely bringing corrupt individuals to justice is not a comprehensive solution; prevention is equally critical. Strict rules to deter corruption and severe punishments for offenders must work in tandem.

The enactment of the Anti-Corruption Act is a significant step in this direction, and its impartial implementation is evident for all to see.” – President

Courtesy Hiru News

Taking into account the daily complaints reported to the police stations that children and women are being sexually abused in public transport services, a special operation was carried out across the island yesterday (07) as per the instructions of Acting Inspector General of Police Deshabandu Tennakoon.

In response to mounting concerns over the safety of passengers, law enforcement conducted a targeted operation resulting in the arrest of 42 suspects. Among them were 18 individuals implicated in cases of sexual assault within public transport services, while the remaining 24 were apprehended for related offenses, including solicitation.

The police headquarters emphasized the strategic deployment of officers, with many operating undercover in civilian attire to closely monitor public transport hubs and routes. This approach aimed to address the heightened risk faced by commuters during peak usage times.

Courtesy Hiru News

The much-debated Online Safety Act has been placed under the purview of the Ministry of Public Security, as announced in an Extraordinary Gazette notification issued by the Presidential Secretariat.

Effective from 07 February, the Online Safety Act will fall under the purview of the Ministry of Public Security, as outlined in the gazette. This legislation, aimed at regulating online content, was passed in Parliament with amendments on 24 January. However, its implementation has been met with criticism from opposition politicians and activists who argue that it threatens freedom of speech.

The contentious nature of the Bill has drawn attention not only from local activists and organizations but also from diplomats and international bodies, who have highlighted various problematic aspects of the law.

According to the Sri Lankan government, the Online Safety Bill, initially published in the government gazette on 18 September, aims to address several issues, including the prohibition of certain statements in online communication, prevention of misuse of online accounts for illicit purposes (both authentic and inauthentic), and the suppression of financing and support for dissemination of false information.

The transfer of the Online Safety Act to the Ministry of Public Security comes amidst ongoing debates and concerns regarding its potential impact on freedom of expression and online discourse within Sri Lanka.

Courtesy The Island

Gammanpila

Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU) leader Udaya Gammanpila, MP, yesterday (06) alleged that the decision to issue freehold titles to farmers could cause a catastrophic situation.

Declaring that President Ranil Wickremesinghe had launched the first phase of the Urumaya programme with an eye to the presidential polls, the former Power and Energy Minister asked whether the government was prepared to face a fresh crisis as a large number of farmers mortgaged their land because of wide scale poverty/indebtedness among them.

Addressing the media at the PHU office, at Pita Kotte, lawmaker Gammanpila emphasised that the previous government had refrained from issuing freehold titles.

MP Gammanpila said that a vast majority of politicians wouldn’t dare to criticise the incumbent government over this highly irresponsible move as they feared farmers would turn against them. The ex-Minister said that whatever the consequences he wouldn’t hesitate to warn the country and the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government of the danger of issuance of freehold titles to farmers.

Gammanpila told The Island that the possibility of influential companies, both local and foreign, seeking to exploit the farmers’ situation couldn’t be ruled out.

MP Gammanpila said that a significant number of farmers could lose their land overnight and end up in towns.

President Wickremesinghe announced the plan to issue freehold titles in his Budget 2024. 

Editorial  The Daily Mirror

Anura Kumara Dissanayake is presently in India. The head of the JVP/NPP alliance is actually on an official visit to India, at the invitation of the Indian government. Believe it or not, AKD – as he is popularly known – has in addition to holding discussions with Indian External Affairs Minister, Jaishankar, also held meetings with Indian Defence Advisor, Ajit Doval!

The JVP has come a long way from its initial foray into international analyses where in 1971 it saw Lanka’s only real proletarian worker group (the Indian Tamil estate workers) as Indian fifth columnists; it spoke of uprooting tea bushes and replanting these areas with potatoes.

In the late 1980s, the JVP warned the Sinhala electorate of Indian expansionism, and led a bloody revolt based on its opposition to the establishment of the Provincial Councils system. Today, the JVP has embraced Provincial Councils. 
Last October, AKD was in the American heartland speaking to JVP/NPP supporters surrounded with American and Sri Lankan flags. 

Prior to his leaving for the US, in a post on X, the JVP/NPP leader said, the US Ambassador Ms Chung visited him in his office to congratulate him on his forthcoming visit to the US.
At that meeting, the according to AKD’s post, the party leadership ‘drew the attention’ of the Ambassador, to the need for urgent mediation by the United Nations to prevent the ongoing humanitarian catastrophe resulting from the war between Israel and Palestine.

Not a condemnation of the genocide Israel is committing in Palestine, but drawing attention of the US to the need for urgent mediation by the United Nations to prevent the ongoing humanitarian disaster due to the continuing war between Israel and Palestine…”

Apparently, the JVP has come a long way from its earlier stance on justice worldwide.
The invitation of the JVP/NPP leader to visit India, by the Indian government is an acknowledgement of ground realities in Lanka. 

The party is growing in popularity. India needs to be in a position to avoid misunderstandings with a possible government-in-waiting – especially with a possible upcoming Presidential and Parliamentary election in Lanka due to be held later this year.

Meanwhile, AKD visited the US to meet party supporters last year. The US is well-known for its refusal to grant visas to radical Socialist political leaders. It even refused former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s son Namal – a sitting Lankan MP – permission to visit the US in 2022. 
In March 2022, Namal Rajapaksa in an interview with Reuters said he was not allowed to enter the United States despite having a valid visa.
AKD faced no such difficulties. 

Even on the economic front, the vision of the NPP/JVP alliance appears to have changed, especially regarding its stance vis-à-vis the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Today, the alliance backs President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s efforts in seeking and implementing an IMF bailout to rescue the Lankan economy. 
The JVP has come a long way from its earlier die-hard Marxist line. It appears to advocate a ‘flexible Marxism’ whatever that means. Via its new thrust, AKD and his JVP/NPP alliance seem to have become the darling among the Western powers.

A number of prominent members of the alliance are visiting Western capitals. With invitations from India and visits to the US, the alliance has stolen a march over political rival, Premadasa’s Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) which continues to be embroiled with internal disputes.

But has the JVP/NPP alliance really changed? In the universities, students complain of strong-armed tactics used to force them into taking particular courses of action. Senior members of the alliance like Dr. Ms Harini Amarasuriya insist they will renegotiate the IMF deal.

The alliance knows well that agreements once signed, and financial help once accepted cannot be renegotiated. A withdrawal from such agreements will drag the country back to the mayhem and chaos of the 2022 era. 
The question facing Lanka at the next poll is, whether we vote for a government or a President who will take us forward, or drag us back to the chaos of 2022.   

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Leader of the alliance National People’s Power (NPP) Anura Kumara Dissanayake (left) during a current visit to India is seen in conversation with External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar. Dissanayake, who is also the leader of the JVP, is heading a delegation of the NPP to India on a five-day, three-city visit, covering New Delhi, Ahmedabad, and Thiruvananthapuram.

The National People’s Power (NPP), the political alliance led by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), undertook a tour of India, setting the stage for political development ahead of the presidential elections slated for the last quarter of this year. Its leader, MP Anura Kumara Dissanayake, held talks with both Indian External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval on Monday and with Indian Foreign Secretary Vinay Mohan on Tuesday, further elevating the importance of the visit. The NPP Leader Dissanayake led the party delegation, which included senior legislator Vijitha Herath, NPP Secretary Nihal Abeysinghe and executive committee member Prof. Anil Jayantha.

After the meeting, Dr. Jaishankar took to ‘X’ and said Pleased to meet @anuradisanayake, Leader of NPP and JVP of Sri Lanka this morning. A good discussion on our bilateral relationship and the mutual benefits from its further deepening. Also spoke about Sri Lanka’s economic challenges and the path ahead.”

Online media platforms affiliated with the party have interpreted the visit as India’s recognition of Dissanayake’s potential to win the presidential elections

India’s invitation to the NPP leaders was not an arbitrary gesture. The party’s prominence has surged due to its popularity among people after the economic crisis and Aragalaya, which resulted in former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa relinquishing his powers. Since then, foreign envoys, including both former Indian High Commissioner Gopal Baglay and current High Commissioner Santhos Jha, have met with Dissanayake and other leaders of the party. U.S. Ambassador Julie Chung also interacted with the NPP leaders at an official level, indicating that the party has become a force to be reckoned with since polling only three percent of the votes in the 2019 Presidential Elections. Therefore, one cannot merely dismiss this visit as part of India’s regular interaction with political parties across the spectrum in the country. The invitation has been timed against the backdrop of a recent survey by the Institute for Health Policy, a local research institution, which shows that Dissanayake is the most preferred candidate to win the presidential elections.

From India’s perspective, it offers an exploratory opportunity to understand the JVP, a party that has historically advocated an anti-Indian stance. During the 1988/1989 insurrection led by the JVP, the party even referred to the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) as the ‘Monkey Force’ and advocated for its expulsion from the country. India had not made significant efforts to engage with the JVP in the past because it lacked political strength among the Sri Lankan populace. However, the political landscape has changed significantly, and the JVP’s current visibility and popularity merit international recognition.

The NPP also views the invitation as an opportunity, given its political importance and relevance. Online media platforms affiliated with the party have interpreted the visit as India’s recognition of Mr. Dissanayake’s potential to win the next presidential elections, though nothing can be ruled out in the ever-changing political and social environment.

Rather than solely for economic reasons, India cannot afford to weaken its ties with Sri Lanka, its closest maritime neighbour

India’s ties with Sri Lanka are crucial from cultural, economic, geographical, historical, political, and geostrategic perspectives. Maintaining healthy ties with India is essential for any party in power in Sri Lanka. India’s relevance is particularly prominent today due to its robust economic growth and influence in the international arena. The NPP recognises this reality and has embraced the invitation to liaise with Indian leaders.

Rather than solely for economic reasons, India cannot afford to weaken its ties with Sri Lanka, its closest maritime neighbour. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership, India has shown a proactive approach in the Indian Ocean Region, as reflected in the SAGAR Initiative (Security and Growth for All in the Region”) launched in Mauritius in 2015. India vigorously pursues its interests in the region and seeks access to the Indian Ocean. Sri Lanka occupies a crucial position in India’s foreign policy, particularly in pillars such as ‘Neighbourhood First’ and ‘Act East.’

Today, India has invested in connectivity projects with Sri Lanka due to its strategic location in the Indian Ocean. It has provided financial assistance, secured energy projects, and proposed infrastructure development plans, including a land bridge and undersea pipelines for fuel distribution. India’s focus on strategic connectivity projects underscores its desire for robust and stable ties with Sri Lanka.

Containment of China is another major aspect of India’s interests in Sri Lanka. India aims to ensure that no government in Sri Lanka leans towards Beijing. Better relations with Sri Lanka are even crucial for India, especially in the context of strained relations with pro-China governments in neighbouring countries like the Maldives.
Like its current outreach to the NPP, the Indian leaders built similar ties with the leaders of the Rajapaksa Government well ahead of the 2019 elections. Ajit Dowal used to meet with Gotabaya Rajapaksa regularly months ahead of the 2019 presidential elections at neutral locations such as Singapore. Those meetings were not officially declared, though.  For the first time, India has invited a prospective presidential candidate openly this time.  

During the 1988/1989 insurrection the JVP even referred to the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) as the ‘Monkey Force’ 

Despite its evolving focus on Sri Lanka, India maintains its principal stance on the Tamil national question, advocating for power-sharing based on the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.
The JVP, a fundamental ally of the NPP, has been opposed to India from the outset. The JVP should clarify its stance and provide insights into its approach towards ongoing connectivity projects with India, including the development of the Trincomalee Oil Tank Farm.

By Shivanthi Ranasinghe Courtesy Ceylon Today

This year is to be an election year. If schedules are maintained, we should have a new government before the end of 2024. Whether we would continue to have the same president is hard to predict. There may be few new faces, but in the whole it will be the same faces that have dominated Sri Lankan politics for the past couple of decades. All an election does is shuffle their seats. Some of those who sat on the government side will sit on the opposition side and vice versa. There are also some who will continue to sit on the government side, no matter which government comes to power. 

The only thing we can be quite certain of is that the political front may end up even more weakened than it is currently. Somehow, this possibility does not bother many. Most would like to see the present lot stripped off their power. Removing the present powers from their positions has become more important than empowering representatives on our behalf. Such is the contempt we have for our politicians. 

Apolitical President is Not Feasible 

As much as we would like to fantasise of a parliament without any of the present 225 faces, it is however not a realistic dream. In 2019, we voted in an apolitical president. Though a very well known face, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was not a politician, but a retired military and a civil servant with a proven track record. The fact that he was not a politician was what attracted most of the votes. 

He did not go to Parliament alone but with a team of his own. Professionals who had excelled in their own respective professions made up this team. None of them had any prior political interactions. Some in this team took their roles as Members of the Parliament (MP) while others took 

up top positions in the administration. Their entry into politics answered a long-standing call for the educated to be in charge of our administration. 

However, before long their political naïveté made a difficult job impossible. Eventually, President Gotabaya was forced to resign and even leave the country for a while for his own safety. Most in his team are no longer on speaking terms with him or each other. 

Our takeaway from this unsavory episode is that the president of this country must be a politician. That politician must have enough experience to network and balance between different political forces. It is not enough that the candidate comes from a political background. 

President Gotabaya came from a political background as solid as solid gets. His father was in close ranks with SWRD Bandaranaike since independence. Together, they saw the birth and rise of the alter ego of the then ruling party – the UNP. Since then, his elder brothers – namely Mahinda and Chamal Rajapaksa – worked as SLFP MPs and held important portfolios in SLFP dominated governments. 

At the peak of their political careers, Mahinda Rajapaksa became president of Sri Lanka.  Before, that he was the Prime Minister. Chamal Rajapaksa was the Speaker. Though Gotabaya Rajapaksa stayed out of politics throughout this time, he played a strong support role to his brothers. In fact, President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s unparalleled success was having an extremely loyal and capable Defense Secretary – a luxury President Gotabaya himself did not have. 

Since we have written off non-politicians as worthy candidate for presidency, we are faced with quite a conundrum. We are not happy with our present politicians. At the same time, we are not confident of new faces. 

New Presidential Aspirants 

Interestingly, despite the general census consensus that presidency must be filled only by a politician, it has not stopped non-political actors from aspiring for the job. So far, a media conglomerate and a business tycoon had both stated their willingness for the job. One of these candidates has already started landing debilitating punches at his opponents and other entities that will win him applause. 

He is particularly proud of the punch he shot at the incumbent US Ambassador Julie Chung. The fact that these verbal shots at local rallies fail to neutralise interfering foreign forces is lost on this erudite presidential aspirant. 

Meanwhile, various groups are organising themselves on different platforms to forge a path towards a system change. At this point, they are confident of their ability to walk the talk. It will be interesting to see the progress of these entities. Even more interesting than their progress would be the solutions they come up with and the issues they are willing to tackle. Right now though, all we hear is the phrase, system change” that is being bandied about. We also hear catch phrases as prosperity”, security”, corruption-free” being tossed around. Yet, these end goals need to be better defined. Change could be good but it is important to understand that with any change, losing out is also part of the package. 

At the risk of sounding cynical, it appears that many of the actors who are eager to get on the bandwagon seems intent on filling a vacuum. However, whether they have a clear understanding of the challenge they are asking for or solutions to meet these challenges is not very clear. Without this clarity, system change” will continue to be a myth. 

ranasingheshivanthi@gmail.com

උපුටාගැණීම අද දෙරණ

පනත් කෙටුම්පත් එක පිට එක පැමිණි කාලයක් උදා විය. රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ජනාධිපති ධුරයට පැමිණි දා සිට පෙරට එන පනත් කෙටුම්පත් පිළිබඳ සංවාදය සමාජයේ බරපතළ තිගැස්මක් ඇති කළේ ය. 

ත්‍රස්ත විරෝධී පනත් කෙටුම්පත, දූෂණ විරෝධී පනත් කෙටුම්පත, මහබැංකු පනත් කෙටුම්පත සහ මාර්ගගත ක්‍රමවල සුරක්ෂිතභාවය පිළිබඳ පනත් කෙටුම්පත ආදිය, සමාජය තුළ ප්‍රමුඛ සංවාදයක් ඇති කළ පනත් කෙටුම්පත් ය. මෙම කෙටුම්පත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සභාගත කළ විගසම සමාජය තුළ බරපතළ කැලඹීම් ඇති විය. 

විශේෂයෙන් ත්‍රස්ත විරෝධී පනත් කෙටුම්පත (ATA) පිළිබඳ සාකච්ඡා කිරීමේ දී එය සමාජය තුළ දරුණු විවේචනයන්ට භාජනය වූ හැටි බව අපට සිහි කළ හැකි ය. නීතිඥ ප්‍රජාව, සමාජ ක්‍රියාකාරිකයන්, වෘත්තීය සමිති, විපක්ෂ දේශපාලන කණ්ඩායම්, බලපෑම් කණ්ඩායම්, විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය ශිෂ්‍යයන් හා සෙසු බොහෝ සමාජ කණ්ඩායම්, ත්‍රස්ත විරෝධී පනත් කෙටුම්පතට එරෙහි ව විවේචන එල්ල කරන්නට වූහ. කෙසේ වෙතත් එල්ල වූ ප්‍රබල විවේචනය හා විරෝධතා හමුවේ ත්‍රස්ත විරෝධී පනත ආපස්සට ගැනීමට අධිකරණ හා ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදක අමාත්‍ය ආචාර්‍ය විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂට සිදු විය. සමාජය ඉල්ලා සිටියේ ත්‍රස්තවාදය වැළැක්වීමේ පනත (PTA) වහා ඉරා දමන ලෙසයි. ඊට විරුද්ධ ව අන්තර් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයීය ශිෂ්‍ය බල මණ්ඩලය, වෘත්තීය සමිති, මානව හිමිකම් සුරැකීමේ ආයතන හා වෙනත් පාර්ශ්ව වරින් වර සංවාදයන් ඇති කළේය. 
විශේෂයෙන් අන්තර් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයීය ශිෂ්‍ය බල මණ්ඩලයේ හිටපු කැඳවුම්කරු වසන්ත මුදලිගේ දින සියයකටත් අධික කාලයක් සිරගත කිරීමේ සිද්ධියත් සමඟ ත්‍රස්තවාදය වැළැක්වීමේ පනත පිළිබඳ සාකච්ඡාව තීව්‍ර විය. උක්ත පනත අවභාවිත කරමින් සමාජ ක්‍රියාකාරිකයන් මර්දනය කිරීමට ආණ්ඩුව උත්සාහ කරන බවට විවිධ පාර්ශ්වයෝ චෝදනා එල්ල කළහ. වසන්ත මුදලිගේට ඇප ලබා දෙමින් කොළඹ ප්‍රධාන මහෙස්ත්‍රාත්වරයා සිය තීන්දුව තුළ සඳහන් කර තිබුණු කරුණු ද ඒ මොහොතේ ආන්දෝලනයට තුඩ දුන් කාරණයක් බවට පත් විය. ත්‍රස්තවාදය වැළැක්වීමේ පනත යටතට වැටෙන කරුණක් වසන්ත මුදලිගේ හා සම්බන්ධ ව නොපවතින බව මහේස්ත්‍රාත්වරයා සඳහන් කර තිබිණි. කෙසේ වෙතත් ත්‍රස්තවාදය වැළැක්වීමේ පනත අවභාවිත වීම සහ ඊට උචිත, සාධනීය ප්‍රතිචාරයක් දෙනවා වෙනුවට ආණ්ඩුව සිදු කළේ, පැවති පනතටත් වඩා දරුණු ගණයේ පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමකි. නව ත්‍රස්ත විරෝධී පනතට අනුව වෘත්තීය සමිතිවල ක්‍රියාවලිය පවා ත්‍රස්තවාදී ක්‍රියා ලෙස අර්ථකථනය කළ හැකි බවට එම පනත විවේචනය කළ බොහෝ පාර්ශ්ව සඳහන් කළේ ය.

මේ ආදී අමුතුම පන්නයේ පනත් රැගෙන එමින්, හකුලා ගනිමින්, සංශෝධන එකතු කරමින් හා කෙසේ හෝ ඒවා සම්මත කරගනිමින් ආණ්ඩුව අමුතුම වූ උත්සාහයක නිරත වෙමින් සිටියේ ය. මීට පෙර දූෂණ විරෝධී පනත කෙටුම්පත ද සම්මත කර ගත් ආණ්ඩුව ඉකුත් ජනවාරි 24 වනදා මාර්ගගත ක්‍රමවල සුරක්ෂිතභාවය පිළිබඳ පනත් කෙටුම්පත ද වැඩි ඡන්දයෙන් සම්මත කර ගත්තේ ය. ඒ, අධිකරණයේ නීති විවරණ හා සංශෝධන සහිත ව ය. ඊට පක්ෂ ව ඡන්ද 108ක් සහ විරුද්ධ ව ඡන්ද 62ක් හිමි විය. ඒ අනුව පනත් කෙටුම්පත වැඩි ඡන්ද 46කින් සම්මත වී ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ බලපැවැත්වෙන නීතියක් බවට පත් විය. 

කෙටුම්පතට එල්ල වූ ප්‍රධානම විවේචන සහ ආණ්ඩුවේ පිළිතුරු

කෙටුම්පත් ඉදිරිපත් කරමින් ආණ්ඩුව ඉදිරිපත් කළ ප්‍රධානම තර්කයක් වූයේ, සමාජ මාධ්‍ය නිසි නියාමනයකට ලක් කළ යුතු බවත් වර්තමානයේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ සමාජ මාධ්‍ය අයාලේ යමින් පවතින බවත් ය. කාන්තාවන්ට සහ ළමුන්ට සමාජ මාධ්‍ය තුළ ආරක්ෂණයක් නැති බවත් ආණ්ඩුව පැවසුවේ ය. පනත් කෙටුම්පතේ කාරක සභා විවාද අවස්ථාවේ දී පනත් කෙටුම්පතට පක්ෂ ව අදහස් දැක්වූ ආණ්ඩුවේ මහජන නියෝජිතයෝ, සිය හදවත් තුළ ඇති අනුපමේය ස්නේහය ප්‍රකට කළ හ. සමාජ මාධ්‍ය නිසි නියාමනයකට ලක් කිරීම යනු, කොන්දේසි විරහිත ව එකඟ විය යුතු පැහැදිලි කාරණයකි. නමුත් ආණ්ඩුව දැරූ උත්සාහයන් ගේ ඉතිහාසය සියුම් ව පරීක්ෂා කිරීමේ දී මෙවැනි පනත් කෙටුම්පත් ගෙන ඒමේ සත්‍ය චේතනාව කුමක් දැයි හඳුනාගැනීම සඳහා යම් යම් ඉඟි මතුකර ගත හැකි ය. උසස් පෙළ සිසුන්ට විභාගය හෙට කියා තිබිය දී අද විදුලිය ලබා නොදුන් ආණ්ඩුවකට දරුවන් කෙරෙහි හදිසියේ ම හට ගත් මෙම අරුම පුදුම අනුකම්පාව කුමක් විය හැකි ද?

සමාජ මාධ්‍ය යනු, මේ යුගයේ ලෝකය තුළ පවත්නා ප්‍රබලම බලපෑම් කණ්ඩායම්වලින් එකකි. රූපවාහිනිය, පුවත්පත ආදී මාධ්‍යන් අභිභවා අතිශය ප්‍රබල ලෙස සමාජ මාධ්‍ය පෙරට පැමිණ ඇත. ප්‍රවෘත්ති, විනෝදාස්වාදය, කාලීන වැදගත්කම්, විවේචන, විවාද, සංවාද ඈ ආදී අසීමාන්තික අවකාශයක් පුරා සමාජ මාධ්‍ය විසිරී ගොස් හමාර ය. සමාජ මාධ්‍යයේ බලපෑම දේශපාලනය කෙරෙහි සෘජුව ම හා තදින් ම බැඳී ඇති බව ද අමතක කළ නොහැක. එම බලපෑම ශ්‍රී ලංකාව කෙරෙහි ක්‍රියාකාරීවීම ඇරඹුණේ, 2015 පැවති මෛත්‍රී – මහින්ද ජනාධිපතිවරණ ඡන්ද සටන සමඟිනි. එම ඡන්ද සටන සඳහා ඉතා බරපතළ මැදිහත් වීමක් සමාජ මාධ්‍ය සිදු කළේ ය. ඉන් පසු සමාජය තුළ ඇති වන සෑම ක්‍රියාවකට ම සාපේක්ෂ ව සමාජ මාධ්‍ය කථිකාවක් නිරායාසයෙන් ම ඇරඹීම සාමාන්‍ය ක්‍රියාවක් බවට පත් විය. 2019 ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපති වීමේ ඡන්ද සටන සඳහා ද ඉතා ප්‍රමුඛ බලපෑමක් සිදු කළේ සමාජ මාධ්‍ය යි. ඉන් පසු ඇති වූ ආර්ථික අර්බුදයත් සමඟ ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ ධුරයෙන් ඉවත් කිරීමේ ඓතිහාසික අරගලය තුළ ද නිර්වචනය කළ නො හැකි මට්ටමේ කාර්‍යයක් ඉටු කළේ සමාජ මාධ්‍ය යි. 

කෙසේ හෝ පියවි දෑසින් දකින පියවි කනෙන් ඇසෙන මිනිසකුට නම්, වත්මන් ආණ්ඩුව කෙරෙහි තදබල මහජන අප්‍රසාදයක් පළ වී ඇති බව හඳුනා ගැනීම අපහසු නොවනු ඇත. එහි පැහැදිලි කැඩපත බවට පත් ව ඇත්තේ ද සමාජ මාධ්‍ය යි. මහජන නියෝජිතයන් ඉතාම තදින් විවේචනය කරන, ඔවුන්ට බරපතළ ලෙස අපහාස කරන සමාජයක් අපට හඳුනා ගත හැකි ය. මහජන මතය තුළ එවැනි හැසිරීමක් පිළිඹිබු වීමේ සමාජ විද්‍යාත්මක යථාර්ථය කුමක් ද? පනත් හරහා වාරණය කිරීමෙන් හා පුරවැසියන් දණ්ඩනයට ලක් කිරීමෙන් එකී මහජන මතය වෙනස් කළ හැකි ද? මේවා න්‍යායික ව සාකච්ඡා කොට විසඳා ගත යුතු ගැටලු ය. 

සංශෝධන සහිත ව ඉදිරිපත් වූ පනත් කෙටුම්පත යටතේ වැරැදි ලෙස අර්ථකථනය කර කර ඇති කරුණු කිහිපයක් පහත ආකාරයට හඳුනාගත හැකි ය.

* ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ සිද්ධියක් පිළිබඳ අසත්‍ය ප්‍රකාශ සන්නිවේදනය කිරීම
* අපහාසයට හේතු වන අසත්‍ය ප්‍රකාශ සිදු කිරීම
* අසත්‍ය ප්‍රකාශ මඟින් කැරලි ගැසීමක් සිදු කිරීම සඳහා නිකරුණේ ප්‍රකෝප කරවීම
* අසත්‍ය ප්‍රකාශ මඟින් ආගමික රැස්වීමකට බාධා කිරීම
* ආගමික හැඟීම්වලට රිදවීමේ ඒකාන්ත චේතනාවෙන් අසත්‍ය ප්‍රකාශයක් සන්නිවේදනය කිරීම
* ආගමික හැඟීම් නිග්‍රහයට පාත්‍ර කිරීම සඳහා ඒකාන්තයෙන් සහ ද්වේශ සහගත ලෙස අසත්‍ය ප්‍රකාශයක් සන්නිවේදනය කිරීම
* මාර්ගගත ක්‍රම හරහා අසත්‍ය සන්නිවේදනය කිරීමෙන් වංචා කිරීම
* අනෙකකු ලෙස පෙනී සිටීමෙන් වංචා කිරීම
* සාමය කඩ කිරීමක් සිදු කිරීම සඳහා ප්‍රකෝප කරවීමේ චේතනාවෙන්ම අසත්‍ය ප්‍රකාශයක් මඟින් චේතනාන්විත ව ම නින්දා කිරීම
* කැරැල්ලක් හෝ රජයට විරුද්ධ ව වරදක් ආදිය සිදු කිරීමට සැලැස්වීමේ චේතනාවෙන් අසත්‍ය ප්‍රකාශයක් සංසරණය කිරීම
* හිරිහැර සිදු කිරීම සඳහා සිද්ධි පිළිබඳ ප්‍රකාශ සන්නිවේදනය කිරීම
* ළමා අපයෝජන
* වරදක් සිදු කිරීම සඳහා ‘බොට්’ සෑදීම හෝ අවභාවිත කිරීම
* කොමිෂන් සභාවේ විධානයකට අනුකූල ව කටයුතු කිරීම පැහැර හැරීම

පනත ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම හා ප්‍රායෝගිකය

කෙසේ හෝ මේ මොහොත වන විට ‘මාර්ගගත ක්‍රමවල සුරක්ෂිතභාවය’ නමැති පනත් කෙටුම්පතට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ අනුමැතිය ලැබ, එය ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ වලංගු නීතියක් බවට පත් ව ඇත. එබැවින් තවදුරටත් පනත් කෙටුම්පත සම්මත වීමට පෙර පැවති විරෝධතා ආදිය ගැන සාකච්ඡා කිරීමෙන් ප්‍රයෝජනයක් නැත. සිදු කළ යුත්තේ, මේ මොහොතේ සිට, පනත හා එය ක්‍රියාත්මක වීම පිළිබඳ සාකච්ඡා කිරීම යි. 

අද දෙරණ ‘බිග් ෆෝකස්’ වැඩසටහන හා එක් වූ ප්‍රවීණ මාධ්‍ය විශ්ලේෂක හා විචාරක නාලක ගුණවර්ධන මහතා අද (26) මෙම පනත ප්‍රායෝගික ව ක්‍රියාත්මක වන ආකාරය පිළිබඳ අදහස් රැසක් ම පළ කළේ ය. 

පනත් කෙටුමපත ඉදිරිපත් වූ සමයේ, එනම් කෙටුම්පත පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සභාගත කිරීමෙන් සති දෙකක් යන තුරු ඊට අභියාචනා සහ පෙස්සම් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට මහජනතාවට, සිවිල් සංවිධානවලට හා වෙනත් පාර්ශ්වයන්ට අවස්ථාව හිමි වේ. ඒ ආකාරයේ පෙස්සම් 45ක් මාර්ගගත ක්‍රමවල සුරක්ෂිතභාවය පිළිබඳ කෙටුම්පතට එරෙහි ව අධිකරණයේ ගොනු වී තිබිණි. එහි වගන්ති 57න් වගන්ති 31ක් සංශෝධන සහිත ව සම්මත කළ යුතු බව අධිකරණය විසින් දැනුම් දී තිබිණි. සංශෝධන රහිත ව තුනෙන් දෙකකින් සහ සංශෝධන සහිත ව සරල බහුතරයකින් ලෙස කෙටුම්පත සම්මත කළ හැකි බව අධිකරණය කථානායකට දැනුම් දී ඇත. කෙසේ වෙතත් කථානායක අස්සන් කොට සම්මත වූ කෙටුම්පත ප්‍රසිද්ධ ලියවිල්ලක් බවට පත් වන තුරු අධිකරණයේ නිර්මිතය (සංශෝධන කළ යුතු ආකාරය හා ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව හා ගැටෙන අවස්ථා පිළිබඳ අධිකරණයේ විවරණය) හා සම්මත වූ කෙටුම්පත සමාන ද වෙනස් ද යන්න පිළිබඳ පැහැදිලි ව කිව නො හැකි බව නාලක ගුණවර්ධන මහතා අවධාරණය කළේ ය. 

මෙම පනත ‘ඇත්ත නැත්ත තීරණය කිරීමේ පනත’ ලෙස නාලක ගුණවර්ධන මහතා හඳුන්වා දුන්නේ ය. කෙසේ වෙතත් ඇත්ත නැත්ත අතර පරතරයක් පවතින බවත් එම අතරමැදි තත්ත්වය තුළ අර්ධ සත්‍යය, සම්පූර්ණ අසත්‍යය වැනි තත්ත්වයන් පැවතිය හැකි බවත් ඔහු සඳහන් කළේ ය. ඒ අනුව යම් කිසි පැමිණිල්ලකට අදාළ ව යම් කාරණයක් අපරාධමය වරදක් බව ඔප්පු කරන්නේ, පංච පුද්ගල කොමිසමකින් බවත් එය කෙතරම් ප්‍රායෝගික ද යන්න ගැටලු සහගත බවත් ඔහු පැවසීය. 

”මිලියන 15ක විතර ජනතාවක් ලංකාවෙ ඇතුළෙ දවසකට තමන් ගෙ අදහස් සමාජ මාධ්‍ය තුළ පළ කරනවා. එතකොට මෙච්චර පිරිසක් අතින් සිදු වන දේවල්වලට අදාළ ව පැමිණිලි විභාග කරන්නේ මිනිස්සු පස් දෙනෙක් ඉන්න කොමිසමකින්. මේක කරන්න පුළුවන් වෙයි ද?” යනුවෙන් ඒ මහතා ‘බිග් ෆෝකස්’ වැඩසටහන හා එක් වෙමින් සඳහන් කළේ ය. 

”ලංකාවෙන් බාහිර ව සේවා සපයන ගෝලීය සමාගම් කොහොම ද මේ ලංකාවේ තියන නීතියකට යටත් කරලා ඒකේ වගවීමට නතු කරගන්නේ? ඒ වගේම ගෝලීය සමාගම්වල ආසියානු සන්ධානය අවස්ථා 03ක දී මහජන ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍යාංශයට විස්තරාතමක ව ලිව්වා, මේ යන්ත්‍රණය ඇතුළේ තාක්ෂණික ව කරන්න බැරි දේවල් ගැන. ඒ වගේ ම ජාත්‍යන්තර මානව හිමිකම් යටතේත් කරන්න බැරි දේවල් තියෙනවා. ඒවත් ඒ අයට කරන්න බෑ කියලා කිවුවා. ඒ වගේම තමා මේ පනත යටතේ, යම් කිසි ප්‍රකාශයක් සිද්ධ කළාම අදාළ ප්‍රකාශනය සිදු කරපු කෙනා ගෙන් කොමිසම කරුණු විමසන්නේ නෑ. එතකොට මේක ඒක පාර්ශ්වීය යි. ඒ වගේම ‘චේතනාව’ සද්භාවය’ වගේ යෙදුම් අර්ථකථනය කර ගැනීමේ දීත් ප්‍රායෝගික ව ගැටලු මතු වෙනවා. මිනිහෙක් ගේ සිත තුළ තියන දේ දැනගන්න පුළුවන් තාක්ෂණයක් තවම ලෝකෙට හඳුන්වලා දීලා නෑ. අරම වෙන්නත් පුළුවන්, මෙහෙම වෙන්නත් පුළුවන් වගේ දෙගිඩියාවෙන් තියන නීති හදන්න බෑ. එහෙම වුණොත් ඒවා පොලීසිය වගේ ආයතන තමන්ට ඕන විදියට අර්ථකථනය කරගන්න පුළුවන්”. 

මාර්ගගතවල ක්‍රමවල සුරක්ෂිතභාවය පිළිබඳ පනතේ සඳහන් වැරැදි 14 තුළ ඇති කරුණු කිහිපයක් පිළිබඳ නාලක ගුණවර්ධන මහතා සිය විමර්ෂණාක්ෂිය යොමු කළේ ය. එහි එකඟ විය හැකි දේවල් සහ ගැටලු සහගත තැන් ද පවතින බව ඔහු පැවසීය. අධිකරණයට අපහාස කිරීම, ළමා අපයෝජනවලට අදාළ 23 වැනි වගන්තිය වැනි වගන්ති කොන්දේසි විරහිත ව එකඟ විය හැකි කරුණු බව ඔහු පැවසුවේ ය. කෙසේ වෙතත් එහි ඇති සමහර කරුණු ද දැනට පවතින දණ්ඩ නීති සංග්‍රහය තුළ පවතින බව ඔහු අවධාරණය කරයි. පෞද්ගලික විශ්වාසය මත හුවමාරු කරගත් ඡායාරූප, වීඩියෝපට ආදිය පසුකාලීන විරසක වීම් හේතුවෙන් පළිගැනීම සඳහා භාවිත කිරීම පිළිබඳ මෙතෙක් පැහැදිලි නීතියක් නොතිබි බවත් නව පනත යටතේ ඊට නීතිමය ආවරණයක් ලබා දී ඇති බවත් ඔහු සඳහන් කරයි. කෙසේ වෙතත් ළමුන් හා කාන්තාවන්ට අදාළ ව මෙම පනතේ ඇත්තේ, වගන්ති 02ක් පමණක් බව නාලක ගුණවර්ධන මහතා පවසයි. 

ආගම පිළිබඳ ඇති නීති තුළ ද ගැටලුකාරී තත්ත්වයන් ඇති බව ඔහු සඳහන් කළේ ය. ආගම්වල අපහාස කිරීම් පිළිබඳ 1950 දශකයේ සිට පවතින නීතිය අදටත් බලාත්මක බව ඔහු සඳහන් කරයි. එය මාර්ගගත ක්‍රමවලට ද අදාළ වන බව ඔහු ගේ මතය වී ඇත. නමුත් නව පනත හරහා ආගම පිළිබඳ සිදු වන වැරැදි අර්ථකථනය කිරීමේ යම් ව්‍යාකූලත්වයක් ඇති බව නාලක ගුණවර්ධන මහතා සඳහන් කළේ ය. සියලු ආගම් විවේචනය කරන හේතුවාදීන් ගේ සංගමයේ පුද්ගලයකු ‘දෙවියන් නැත’ යනුවෙන් ප්‍රකාශයක් සිදු කළහොත් ‘දෙවියන් ඇත’ යනුවෙන් විශ්වාස කරන අයකුට පෙර ප්‍රකාශය සිදු කළ පුද්ගලයාට විරුද්ධ ව කොමිසමට පැමිණිලි කළ හැකි බව ඔහු පැවසීය. 

නිසි නියාමනයක් සහිත ක්‍රමවේදයකට විරුද්ධ නොවන බවත් ප්‍රකාශනයේ නිදහස, මූලික මිනිස් අයිතිවාසිකම්, ස්වාභාවික යුක්තිය සහ වින්දිතයන්ට සාධාරණය ඉටු කිරීම වැනි කාරණා සඳහා මෙම පනතෙන් අවංක ආවරණයක් ලැබිය යුතු බවත් ප්‍රවීණ මාධ්‍ය විශ්ලේෂක හා විචාරක නාලක ගුණවර්ධන මහතා අවසාන වශයෙන් සඳහන් කළේ ය.

Letters and Politics

Guest: Shireen Al-Adeimi is a non-resident fellow at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft and assistant professor of language and literacy at Michigan State University’s College of Education.

T

Courtesy News18

Sri Lanka’s foreign minister Ali Sabry (Image: Reuters file)

Sri Lanka and India resumed talks on the Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement in Colombo at the 12th round in October last year. The original talks were stalled after several rounds of talks between 2016 and 2018 due to political and trade union opposition

Sri Lanka on Tuesday said it has plans to establish a free trade agreement with India by the end of 2024, Foreign Minister Ali Sabry said here as the cash-strapped island nation tries to spur economic growth.

Similar Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) would be worked out for Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, and China too by the year’s end, Sabry told reporters here.

These agreements will open up new markets for the cash-strapped Sri Lankan businesses, contributing directly to the nation’s economic growth. The government continues to struggle to restructure its external debt on the one hand and has raised utility rates and taxes on the other.

Sri Lanka and India resumed talks on the Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement in Colombo at the 12th round in October last year. The original talks were stalled after several rounds of talks between 2016 and 2018 due to political and trade union opposition.

Last week, Sri Lanka inked an FTA with Thailand. This has already provided Sri Lanka access to a USD 2.2 billion market, representing a significant advancement,” the foreign minister said.

In the 1990s, exports contributed a significant 30 per cent to Sri Lanka’s GDP, compared to 15 per cent today,” Sabry said adding, This decline reflects a missed opportunity to capitalise on the global market, unlike neighbouring countries that actively pursued FTAs.” The main reason behind Sri Lanka’s export struggles is its limited market access. While focusing primarily on the domestic market, countries like Vietnam and Bangladesh actively expanded into larger international markets through FTAs. This strategic move fuelled their export-driven growth, leaving Sri Lanka behind,” Sabry added.

In April 2022, after Sri Lanka declared its first-ever sovereign default since gaining independence from Britain in 1948, the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was thrown out through a public agitation and the incumbent President Ranil Wickremesinghe took over. He put in place unpopular economic reforms to supplement a bailout from the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Feb 06 (Daily Mirror) –  Speaker  Mahinda Yapa Abeywardana today said he has no authority to accept or reject any amendments from anyone including the Supreme Court to the Online Safety Act and that the sole authority of such exercise is vested with Parliament.

The Speaker was referring to remarks that have been made by opposition members including Leader of the Opposition Sajith Premadasa, who had accused him of violating the Constitution in endosing the Online Safety Bill.  

After the said amendments were presented and considered at the committee stage the Online Safety Bill was duly passed in Parliament after the Third Reading, as is the process for any bill thus presented. At that time, the Attorney General also issued a certificate that these amendments are in accordance with the Constitution, as guided by the Supreme Court’s determination. In this whole process, the Speaker has no role or authority to propose, accept or reject any amendment/s and/or recommendation/s suggested by any party including the Supreme Court, where the sole authority of such exercise is vested with the house of Parliament, i.e. its Members, often with majority vote.,” he said in a statement.

Thus, the Speaker stated that the Online Safety Bill was passed by Parliament in accordance with the Supreme Court’s determination, as was confirmed by the Attorney General’s Department. Since the legislative process of Parliament takes place jointly with the Attorney General’s Department and the Legal Draftsman’s Department, there is no opportunity to act in a manner that is not in accordance with a Supreme Court determination regarding a Bill or in violation of the Constitution.

Though it is encouraging to see the improvement in conscience of some of the Members whose very conduct warranted the Attorney General’s Department to be present in the final committee stage to ensure compliance with Supreme Court determinations (since the Provincial Councils Elections Amendment Act of 2017), if the members concerned could specifically mention what recommendations were ignored, the respective authorities may be able to respond to such allegations, since the Speaker has no discretion on such matters as explained above. It’s regrettable that those who ought to know this process better are stating otherwise, and the insinuation that the Speaker can enact laws and make amendments to bills at his discretion is an insult to their own legal and constitutional knowledge,” he said.

Any Member of Parliament is welcome to come and peruse all the documents and the proceedings of the passing of the Online Safty ACT, No. 9 Of 2024, and consult the officials that have the knowledge of the subject to understand things better,” he added.  

He reminded all Members that discrediting Parliament or undermining its credibility will not do one better, as in a democracy, the parts are judged by the whole and not the other way around

Courtesy Adaderana

The Cabinet of Ministers has granted approval to import 15,000 tonnes of cashew nuts in shell since the country’s annual requirement of cashew nuts in shell has not been met due to the fact that the crops have not been harvested as expected in the last season. 

Joining the Cabinet press conference held in Colombo today (06), Cabinet Spokesperson Minister Bandula Gunawardena said that the country’s annual requirement of cashew nuts in shell is around 25,000 Metric Tonnes.  

However, currently only 12,500 tonnes of cashew nuts can be procured locally and the cashew industry in the country is facing a very unfortunate situation as the crop has not been harvested as expected in the last season, according to the Minister.

Therefore, the Cabinet of Ministers has approved the proposal presented by the Minister of Agriculture and Plantation to import a maximum of 15,000 tonnes of cashew nuts in shell for this year and then to import a quantity determined by a committee consisting of senior officials of the relevant ministries during the period from December to April when the local cashew harvest is not available in the next 4 years.

Courtesy Adaderana

The expenditure of the upcoming Presidential Election and General Election must be managed using the Rs. 10 billion allocated in the 2024 Budget, the Cabinet of Ministers has noted.

At the Cabinet meeting on Monday (Feb.05), the ministers took into account the fact that the budgetary allocation made within the financial stamina of the government and the financial provisions have to be managed to cover the expenditures of the two elections.

Further, it was observed that the funds required for conducting Provincial Council and Local Government elections should be released from the 2025 Budget, due to the limited financial situation.

The lawmakers were of the view that, after conducting these two elections in 2025, revisions for the applicable laws should be introduced subject to amendments of the parliament, if required, based on the scheduled recommendations to be presented by the test commission to the parliament declared by the Extraordinary Gazette No.2354/06 dated 16 October 2023, as well as established under Test Commissions Act (Authority 393) No. 17 of 1948.

The Cabinet of Ministers also decided to grant their concurrence to take necessary measures based on the submissions made by the President.

Courtesy Adaderana

SLPP MP Keheliya Rambukwella, who is currently in remand custody, has tendered his resignation as the Minister of Environment.

Accordingly, he had submitted his letter of resignation as the Minister of Environment to President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who has accepted the resignation.

The former Health Minister was remanded on 03 February, following his arrest by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) on 02 February, in connection with the procurement of substandard human intravenous immunoglobulin (IVIG).

Later that day he was admitted to the Prison Hospital on medical recommendation.

The arrest came hot on the heels of pressure from civil society activists and health sector trade unionists, who called for the immediate apprehension of the lawmaker.

Prior to the apprehension of Rambukwella, seven arrests had been made in connection with the drug procurement scam. But the fifth accused was later released on bail. 

As such, the former Health Secretary, the Director of the Health Ministry’s Medical Supplies Division (MSD) and three other officials of the same division, as well as the owner of the company, which is said to have supplied the substandard batch of immunoglobulin vials, now remain in custody on remand.

In October 2023, the NMRA revealed that forged documents were found to have been submitted for Customs clearance to procure a batch of 22,500 vials containing human immunoglobulin, an antibody produced by blood plasma cells, which later failed the quality tests.

The product, which was said to have been manufactured by Livealth Biopharma Pvt Ltd. India and imported by a local medicine supplier called Isolez Biotech Pharma AG (Pvt) Ltd. However, the India-based manufacturer has denied having a hand in this fraudulent activity and communicated to the NMRA that it has neither manufactured, supplied nor exported these products to any party.

After the human immunoglobulin scandal came to light, Rambukwella was stripped of health ministerial portfolio and was appointed as the Environment Minister in a Cabinet reshuffle in October. Dr. Ramesh Pathirana was appointed as the Health Minister in addition to his current portfolio as Minister of Industries.

Shenali D Waduge

Two stand out leaders of post-independence remains without a doubt Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike & Mahinda Rajapakse. Mrs. B was clear in her policy of non-alignment & pivotal decisions taken against western interests resulted in the creation of the JVP & LTTE movements to be unleashed as necessary. We cannot overlook the role of the Catholic Action that sought to oust her via a military coup. It is in looking back and analysing numerous incidents of post-independence Sri Lanka as well as the manner post-independent former colonies were manipulated, that we can begin to understand the odds against Sri Lanka. Mahinda Rajapakse faced the wrath for his decision to end LTTE, thus putting to naught decades of investments put in for a movement that was attached to many other agendas. Where he erred was in believing that with the fall of the LTTE everything would be honky dory and failure to read the signals from the statements issued by the UN/UNHRC and the Western bloc of nations that were pussyfooting the LTTE, who were not too happy about rewriting their agenda & sought revenge. Their eye-for-an-eye project was either foolishly ignored or a coterie of treacherous advisors, family, friends & fellow Ministers made sure President Rajapakse overlooked the dangers at play.

The new plan came in the form of the pivot to Asia clearly outlining what was going to be in store for Sri Lanka. The enemy works from within & externally & it is a Rajapakse folly in not being able to identify friends from foes, lacking the foresight to at least keep a tab on those that were unreliable. In taking all on board, allowing all to do as they pleased, the Rajapakse’s began to distance friends & loyalists and embrace foes camouflaged as friends. In all probability even insiders of the family would have been compromised and playing crypto roles, marking time until they received instructions”. It is an enigma that a charismatic and street-smart leader as Mahinda Rajapakse could put his guard down and not read the writings on the wall. Dangers which could have been averted were made worse, diplomatic debacles and many faux pas began adding up. No efforts were made to mitigate or negate spiralling issues that were being tabulated for the final onslaught that came towards end of 2014 where media smear campaigns combined truths, half-truths & fake stories into a campaign that was virtually accepted by all simply because the Rajapakse camp was not interested to negate the lies & clear their name or were simply not bothered what the nation thought of them. The saving grace was the individual charisma that continues to keep the candle burning.

Post-yahapalana began immediately after the defeat of the LTTE – where it was probably decided that like Mrs B, Mahinda Rajapakse could not be trusted and had to go. The power of paid campaigns was such that even Northern voters who didn’t even know what the common candidate president looked like cast their vote just as they did for the former army commander in 2010. What commenced post 2009 using the UNHRC and diplomatic bullying, aggravated to create regime change in 2015 with international interference and intervention taking place with impunity. Post-2009 Sri Lanka was bombarded with successive UNHRC resolutions, scores of anti-SL/Rajapakse reports and surveys to discourage tourism and media campaigns in a multipronged bid to build a cohesive negative outlook about the Rajapakse rule across Sri Lanka & rest of the world. Totally ignored was the development taking place in the North & East, the return to normalcy for the people who did not fear suicide attacks & bombs. It must be noted that the West & India were in competition against Mahinda Rajapakse – befriending him to outsmart him or take him unawares using multiple players that surrounded him as pawns.

We are all aware of the treacherous Acts passed during this period and the manner that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was weakened and made vulnerable. Unfortunately, the poor breed of Parliamentarians of all colors resulted in either watching meekly while ever ready to raise their hands to pass anything so long as they could enjoy the fruits of power. A trait the interventionists know very well to manipulate them.

All other leaders of post-independence Sri Lanka barring perhaps Mr SWRD & R Premadasa were easily inclined to peddle the western agenda. Ironically,  both SWRD & Premadasa were assassinated and this is a clue and shows both to have also belonged to the unreliable” category of leaders, the ones that the west could not afford to place complete trust in. Mrs B & Mahinda Rajapakse were the other 2 and only Mahinda Rajapakse remains & explains why he is a target of character assassinations by all those in the payroll of the interventionists.

The West/India & its intelligence agencies, development agencies, monetary agencies, diplomatic pressure groups, faith-based organizations, NGOs, media outlets especially social media & entities revamped under the UN & associated entities and went full throttle against the Rajapakse regime. Ironically, some of these heads have been placed in important positions by the Rajapakse’s themselves. With so many anti-nationals working against the nation, it is commendable that there are still a considerable number of people who are able to read through the anti-national slurs by those playing prominent roles camouflaging their vocabulary and actions pretending to be nationalists” and patriots”. Many of these professionals, corporates, academics, actors, actresses, cricketers etc who came forward in 2022 to represent the people are nowhere to be seen now when the country’s situation is far worse than in 2022 and we are sitting on a volcano, with no loans being paid but more loans being taken, more credit lines accepted so that the upper coterie class can enjoy life at the cost of the ordinary masses whose farmlands are being subtly taken away, who are being taxed, whose ability to earn is reducing, who cannot afford to feed their families. But for the key organizers of 2022 it is a mardi-gras and none are bothered that every tranche of IMF loan is dependent on giving up Sri Lanka’s national security, weakening the military, seeking revenge on the forces that defeated LTTE (eye-for-an-eye project), taking away our land & placing it in foreign hands partnered by the corporates that sponsored the 2022 aragalaya. The aim is to bring the people to their knees to agree to accept any terms. This is why they are hitting the people’s stomachs while ensuring enough of fuel is available for the elite!

The pre-yahapalana & then yahapalana eventually ended with Easter Sunday attacks, while we know the perpetrators, we are still baffled by the context and modus operandi behind the attacks. Even without this attack, the yahapalana PM & President knew they were on their way out and explains why towards the end of rule haphazard decisions, weakening of intel & monetary laws as well as unprecedented amounts of loans were taken to intentionally dump burden on the successors. While only a handful would have been in the know about covid, that ended up a major turning point in Sri Lanka.

Next comes the question of the extent of political deals for power & the question of handing over power as part of the deal. This is certainly giving rise to questions of whether the nationalists were fooled & taken for a ride simply to gain power and create an unconventional means to use a non-electoral methodology to hand over power to their favored poster-boy to carry-through the neoliberal objectives which got delayed during yahapalana and which are going gun-ho currently, taking advantage that MPs in Parliament wishing to cling to power & enjoy power are unlikely to go against any of the anti-national treacherous acts to which they are happily raising their hands.

Mahinda Rajapakse’s silence is surprising & noteworthy. His silence though disappointing would not diminish the status he has at national level but it would dampen his eventual exit from politics. Every leader should bow down on a high note of achievement. Unfortunately all of Sri Lanka’s leaders have failed in this respect.

Nevertheless, this island nation toils to weather all kinds of storms. Within – we have a segment of elite society who have got used to a very cosmopolitan and artificial lifestyle and are easily aroused if their comforts are impacted. Most of the elite families have their roots across the shores and those that are indigenous do not wish to strengthen, protect or preserve  their heritage and are happy to do cosmetic justice by sponsoring annual events & nothing must beyond that. The majority of the majority have been victims of the capitalist open economy and the middle class amongst them are caught in debt-traps from loan sharks. The education system has been intentionally designed to ensure patriotism and nationalism are confined to lip-service at protests or in parliament & to gain popularity while the DNA of the ancestors who sacrificed life and limb to protect the nation remains embedded in a handful of nationalists who can see the writings on the wall, who are well read on geopolitics and can foresee the outcome for the nation. Their warnings go unnoticed or are brushed aside as conspiracy theories. But all that they have warned have come to pass.

At present the enemy has breached all pillars and ruthlessly dismantling the nation through Acts/Bills, academic theories, media propaganda and numerous ethno-religious groups and organizations.

Amidst all this – the politicians are living in a cuckoo land, believing that they can enjoy power so long as they raise their hands in appeasement. Little do they know, it is they who will face the eventual wrath and be the first that would not be forgiven for betraying the nation.

The younger MPs espousing a political career must realize there has to be a nation with land to be a leader – with land/energy/economic/national sovereignty of Sri Lanka at stake, the younger politicians have no future once the deals get sealed as is happening.

Can Mahinda Rajapakse set things right and do justice to those who placed their trust in him or will he join the deal makers?

Shenali D Waduge

By Dr Tilak S. Fernando.

Many individuals want to leave Sri Lanka because of the ever-increasing cost of living, the lack of medicine available to patients, and the new tax formula. The latest is that the  routine surgical operations  are to be placed on hold due to hospital drug shortages. The  former Minister of Health was remanded by Maligakande Magistrate until 15^th Feburuary 2024, after  being listed as the eighth suspect in  the case  in connection  with  the procurement of substandard human immunoglobulin. Every  Deputy Solicitor Genaeral appearing for the prosecution, has been accusing the former Minister of Health of amending the  locating process of the Government imports  and the type of medicine, which made the Court to reject bail by terming him as a suspect under the Public Property act..

 People have  suddenly started to starve due to the increased prices of commodities. Parents drink tea and eat only them  buns these days (media reports) as their children do not understand the situation, because parents do not want to keep children starving.

During Mrs. SirimavoD Bandaranaike era.

Some years back, during Mrs Bandaranaike’s regime, when imports were banned altogether, people used to leave the country because of the shortage of red onions and sugar; having  had to stand on long queues to obtain clothes, bread etc. It was akin to lining up for hours to get petrol and gas a year ago, when the current President Ranil Wickremaasinghe took over the respsonaibibilty, when all the others in the oposition members backed out !

Despite, he lost completetly during the last election, even his Parliamentary seat! He lost all the  UNP Parliamentatary seats,  including his own seat.  He was ultimately lucky that the UNP supported him to be the only one seat that  he was selected by the UNP. Today,  it is  tragic that people were starving due to a lack of food or cannot purchase at high prices , especially the vegetables where everything is soring upwarads! So many children are malnourished due to the scarcity of nourishing food. It has been highlighted internationationally!

 Other Countries

Unlike in the past, today, there are more opportunities in countries like the Middle East, Singapore and Malaysia. In the olden days, only professionals could migrate to the UK. There were only students from bourgeois and wealthy families in the UK. At first, the UK opened its doors to first-generation of Africans and West Indians. They were seen walking on Sunday mornings, well-dressed, to the church. The first generation of Africans were West Indians, who were peace-loving people and became the nucleus of the UK’s British Rail, London Transport, and local councils. At the same time, many females were absorbed into hospitals as nurses and auxiliaries. The generation of migrant children had a missing link in them  that  they appeared to be quite hostile !

Sri Lankans

During the past two decades, immigrants to London arrived from various parts of the world. The early Sri Lankan community in London consisted of a few professionals who migrated to the UK on work permits along with students. With the increase in population in the UK, especially gave birth to second-generation of immigrants, thus, it became self-important. The black July incident in July 1993 (Sri Lanka) gave easy access to refugees with all fabricated  and real stories in both Sinhala and Tamil communities. Tamils gained financial and moral support from the LTTE.

Today it is a different kettle of fish. Tamil intellectuals who went to Europe,  Canada  and America formed a group known as the ‘Tamil Diaspora’ and worked against the Sri Lankan government at all levels, negatively influencing the country’s progress. Some have become billionaires in phone telecommuncications and others have developed   into entrepreneurs, and some are involved with money markets.

The LTTE was responsible for helping refugees to become entrepreneurs. In the UK, in several towns, Tamil supermarkets and shops are visible, and they make moeny all sales, including Sri Lankan vegetables, spices and Sunday newspapers. Sinhala communities in the UK did not get support or assistance from the Tamil community at all.  After being in the UK for five years, the so-calld ‘refugees’ qualified to become residents. They became nostalgic and became familiar names such as Baker Street, Charing Cross, Paddington and Wimpole Street, what they had read from text books. Immigration acts  have become renewed every now and  then.

Refugee Needed to sweat much more.

Refugees sweated much more than they used to in Sri Lanka. At the end of the day, they married girls from villages back home and produced children. They could drive new brand new, posh cars and detached houses similar to what they had seen in Colombo! But they felt a vacuum in their hearts. They thought of their simple living in Sri Lanka, but after being labelled ‘refugees’, they could not visit home conditionally. They did realise the resentment, being that their skin colour is different from white, but they had to live like second-class citizens.

At initial Stages

At first, refugees were confined to 8 x 6 cold rooms. It happened to everyone; black sheep, dropouts, incorrigibles and the show-offs amongst the cream of the elite from the prestigious Colombo colleges pursuing their degrees in UK Universities. For some of them, money meant nothing! They received bank drafts from their parents monthly, from foreign banks and Swiss banks, where parents had ‘ external accounts’ with numerous banks . Others , of course, saved up every penny to pay college fees, and survive and attempted to find a higher job in London or to settle down in England.

Unlike their Tamil colleagues, the Sinhala masses did not get help or  any assistance or such as cooperation from the Tamil communinity. Yet, they were courageous. The whole of immigration laws were to become changed. There were victimised doctors and engineers, as well as more refugees, who turned a new life in home away from home.

For those who want to abandon Sri Lanka, there is a message from the writer that there is no country like home where one can keep one’s head up and walk in the streets, without feeling self-guilty of being a second-class citizen. The writer has lived abroad for a considerable period in London and, when advised, people tend to think it is out of jealousy the advice is he is given! But they don’t realise until they realise what a mistake one has committed!

Other Countries

In a country like Italy, one could save the total salary as one has to live in the same house looking after a senile adult. Not only that, if one is so lucky one gets a Villa written under  the person’s name, where the owner has written a  last Will, the very the person, who was looking after when alive! One is able to  enter the Italy when  there is someone who pay council tax!

first, refugees were confined to 8 x 6 cold rooms. It happened to everyone, black sheep, dropouts, incorrigibles and the show-offs amongst the cream of the elite from the prestigious Colombo colleges pursuing their degrees in UK universities.

There  have been victimised doctors and engineers, as well as more refugees, who turned a new life in their home away from home..

Mental distress is the greatest of all. Although it is frustrating in the present economic ruin, the situation is hoped to ease with time. Rather than taking bold decisions to leave the motherland, one should think of the free education the professionals have reached today and think twice about abandoning the country! Once  ond leaves the country, there is no coming back, and one has to do any job to survive.

At least, knowing that the Tamil diaspora is willing to invest in Jaffna and the East is encouraging. This year the seventy-sixth independence celebrations held at the Galle Face Green ceremoniously. President Ranil Wickremasinghe hopes  that everyone  will help Sri Lanka when the country is in a diabolical financial state.

tilakfernando@gamil.com

BY Prof Manouri Senanayake, President Servants of the Buddha Courtesy The Island

The Servants of the Buddha look forward to welcoming Dr. Elizabeth J Harris who will deliver her first ever public oration. The orator is an academic attached to the Dept of Theology and Religion in University of Birmingham UK and a Senior Research Fellow in the Edward Cadbury Centre for Public Understanding of Religion. She is the President of the UK Association for Buddhist Studies and Former President of the European Network on Buddhist-Christian studies; and has for many years been committed to Inter-religious understanding. Holding a PhD from University of Kelaniya on Buddhist Studies, she is no stranger to Sri Lanka.

An academic, a researcher and an author, to name but a few of her books I will begin with those most popular, which are Buddhism for a Violent World and Religion, Space and Conflict in Sri Lanka where she points out that eradicating roots of violence by Buddhist Teachings is possible today as it was in the time of the Buddha. Another is a collection of essays titled Journey from Christianity to Buddhismwhich was featured on BBC Radio broadcasts. Dr.Harris’s voice is not infrequently heard over BBC Radio 3, reciting poems, quotations and excerpts on Buddhist thinking.

Particular mention is necessary of the book Ananda Metteyya the First British Emissary of Buddhism; a publication of the Buddhist Publication Society Kandy. (1998); which describes the life and work of Allan Bennet one of the first Englishmen to have been ordained as a Bhikkhu. This writing is relevant to the upcoming Oration. It was Ven. Ananda Metteyya who inspired a group of English-speaking Ceylonese Buddhists to initiate the Dissemination of the Buddha’s Teachings in English, while he emphasized the need to teach monks to communicate in English.

In keeping with the times, the new Hall they erected for this task resembled a church. Its opening ceremony in1903 saw Bhikkhu Ananda Metteyya (a.k.a. Ananda Maitriya) deliver a stirring inaugural speech. Subsequently the Hall was named after him. The venue of this oration is this historic Maitriya Hall.

The Oration is organised by Servants of the Buddha, a lay Buddhist Organisation which is in its 103rd year. The Society’s objectives are the study, practice and dissemination of the authentic Teachings of the Buddha. As such they engage in Discussing the Dhamma on a weekly basis, in English, every Saturday. The long, unbroken record of weekly Dhamma Talks in English continued uninterrupted during the ‘Covid Lockdown’ by changing on to the virtual platform. This brought wholesome results of attracting an enthusiastic International audience and broadening the scope of the Society. The Dhamma talks by erudite Bhikkhus and learned Lay-persons are accessible on the society’s YouTube channel.

Past Presidents over ‘a-century-long’ history include Dr Cassius Pereira (later Ven. Kassapa of Vajiraramaya). the country’s first Sri Lankan Chief Justice Hema Basnayake, Alec Robertson, Rajah Kuruppu and Anoja Wijeyesekera among others. Past Patrons are Venerables Kassapa, Narada and Piyadassi of Vajiraramaya. Links with Vajiraramaya in Bambalapitiya continue to date, The current Patron and Co-Patron are Ven Vajiraramaye Nanasiha Thero and Ven Olande Ananda Maha Thero. .

The Oration will be held on Saturday 10th February 2024 from 4.30 pm- 6.00 pm, in the Maitriya Hall Mettarama, Lauries Road Colombo 4.

Topic is : What did early western converts find attractive in Buddhism?

A Case Study on Allan Bennet / Ven. Ananda Metteyya

Servants of the Buddha are delighted Dr Elizabeth Harris accepted their invitation. Arriving at her own cost she will share her insights on the period of history when the Society was founded; and the stupendous amount of work done by the far-seeing Bhikkhu Ananda Metteyya.

Attendance at this event is by invitation. If interested please email Maitriyahall01@gmail.com

The doors of Maitriya Hall are open to the public. Life Membership is granted to locals and the diaspora who are Buddhists, on recommendation by an existing member.

බෞද්ධ කටයුතු පිලිබඳ විශ්ලේෂක දෙශාඅභිමානී සුර්ය වංශ රත්න විභූෂණ පාලිත ආරියරත්න

ඉන්දියාවට ආ පළමු මිෂනාරි වරයා –St. Thomas, The Apostle came by sea, along with Jew-merchants and first landed at Maliyankara near Cranganur (Kodungalloor) on the Periyar estuary north of Kochi (Cochin), about the year A.D.52.

අස්ගිරි මලවතු නායක හිමිවරුන්ගේ අවධානයට මහනුවර අවට බොදු ගම්මාන ගොදුරු කරගන්නා ලෝකල් (දේශීය නමුත් පාරම්පරික පුරවැසි බාවය නැති)හා ඉන්ටර් නැෂනල් (විදේශීය)මිෂනාරි හා ගයිඩ් කත

ආරම්භය අභ්‍යන්තර කරුණු හංගා:

1.පාරදිගේ ඉබාගාතේ යන මිෂනාරීන්.
2.දුප්පත් පොහොසත් වෙනස හා අනිකුත් දත්ත මොවුන්ට ලබාදෙන්නේ කවුද ? විමසා බැලිය යුතුය.
3.අසල සිටි හැඩි දැඩි ළමුන් කිවේ ඔවුන් ආගමක් ගැන දෙඩු බවයි.
4.මිෂනාරි සමුහයක් අසලගෙදරකින් පල්ලම් බසී පිටු පස නිවසේ අනාරක්ෂිත ප්‍රදේශයෙන් ඇතුල්වූ ඔවුන් දොරට තට්ටු කර දොර ඇරිමේදී . ඔබලා කවුද? ඇයි මෙහේ කියද්දී ඔවුන් හද්දීසියේම ඉදිරි ගේට්ටුවෙන් පිටමන් වෙයි.
5. මහනුවර විදි හා ඉන් අවට ගම්මාන දැඩි ලෙස මෙසේ හැරිවීමට ගොදුරු කරන්නේ අනාගත ආගමික යුද්ධයක් සදහාද ?.
6. ලෝකයම එක් ආගමට ගැනීමට මොවුන් වෙහෙසෙන්නේ ඇයි ? .
7. සංහැදියාව යනු සාමාන්‍ය නීතිද කඩා සංචාරක විසා බලපත්‍ර යටතේ ඇවිත් බොදු අප බිලිබැමද ?.
8. ලෝක විනාශය සිංහල බොදු අපහට සාමාන්‍ය දෙයක් බව මොවුන් තව දන්නේ නැද්ද ?.
9. දැනට මේ දුර්වල රාජ්ජ්‍ය පාලනය හා අනෙකුත් දේශපාලනික කෙන්හෙලි කම් නිසා දවසින් දවස අනාථයින් වන අප ජාතියට ආගමේ නාමයෙන් නිද්‍ර පෙති බෙදා ගෙදර එකෙක් හෝ හරවා බුදුපහන පහත් කොට සලකා වෙනත් ආගමිකයෙක් පිළිමයක් වෙනම කාමරයක හෝ තනිව තබා ඉන්න හිටින්න අවසානයේ නිදහසේ ජිවත්වි  පස්පවූ නොකට කිසිම මිනිසෙකු ගැහැනියකින් බැනුම් නොඅසා සිටින ප්‍රසිද්ධ උපාසක උපාසිකාවන් තම ආගමට හරවා මොවුන් බොදු අපහට අපහට දෙන ශාන්තිය තුල ඇති ගුප්ත නිහැඬියාව ඉතා භයානකය.
10.බුද්ධ ශාසනයට අගතියක් වනවිට ඒ ගැන දැන්වීමට විශේෂයෙන්  බුද්ධ ශාසනයට වන කෙනෙහිලි සම්බන්දයෙන් වාර්තා කිරීමට සැම ගමක නීති කේද්‍රීය මධ්‍යස්ථානයක්  පොලිසිය හා කැටුව ඇති කර ගැනීම අනාගත ආගම් අතර ගැටුම් වලක්වා ගැනීමට උපකාරී වේ.

පසුවදන: උඩ අංක සමග නැවත කියවා මේ හැංගු කරුණු ගැන අවධානයට ගන්න

1.අවධානයට – මොවුන්ට මුදල් ගෙවා ලංකා සිතියම කියාදෙන්නේ කවුද?.
2.අසල සිටින ග්‍රාමසේවක නිලධාරී තුමෙකුවත් වැඩිය පරික්ෂා නොකරන කරුණු මොවුන් කරන්නේ ඇයි?.
3.අවධානය ළමා අයිතිවාසිකම්. විශේෂයෙන් බොදු දරුවන්හට කරන අගතියක්.
4.දෙන්නෙක් ගැහැණු හා පිරිමි දෙදෙනා කොරියානු හෝ චීන විය හැක අනික් ගයිඩ් කත ලංකාවේ කෙනක් විය හැක. අවධානය- සංචාරක මග පෙන්වන්නෙකු වුවත් පිට රට වැසියෙකුට මග පෙන්වීමට බලපත්‍රයක් ගත යුතුය නමුත් මෙම කතට  මෙම බලපත්‍ර නිකුත් කරන්නේ ආගමික කල්ලිවලින්ද?.
5.අවධානය-  දැනට සිංහල බෞද්ධයන් දේශපාලනිකව සමහර තැන්හි එකිනෙකා බෙදී මරාගන්නා ආකාරයේ සිද්ධි දේස  බැලීමෙන් මෙවැනි ආගමික උමතු වාදීන් වැඩිවී අප එකිනෙක මරාගන්නා කාලය වැඩි ඇතක නොවන බව මාධ්‍ය වේදීන් වන අපහට ඉවෙන් මෙන් දැනේ.
6.ඔවුන් පමණක් සුද්ධ වන්තයින් වන නිසාද? අපි පවුකාරයන්ද ?
7.සංචාරක විසා මගින් ආගම හැරිවීම් හා දේශපාලනික කටයුතු කිරීම නීති විරෝධී වේ.
8.මේ ඇතිකරන්නේ නවලෝකය ඇති කිරීමද? එක් ආගමක් පමණක් ලෝකයේ තිබිය යුතු යන බව මිත්‍යා විශ්වාසය ක්‍රියාත්මක් කිරීමක්ද?
9.-අවධානයට- පන්සල් කමිටු, ග්‍රාමසේවක මහතා, අවට අනෙකුත් ආගමික මධ්‍යස්ථානය තුල ඉන්න නිහතමානී පුජක පුජකවරියන් මෙවන් පුද්ගලයන්ගේ තොරතරු ගමේ ග්‍රාම ආරක්ෂා කමිටුවල රැස්කර තබා රහස් පොලීසය වෙත ලබා දියයුතුය.
10. දැනටමත් ඇති තරම් නීති තිබේ

පාඨක ඔබ හට තේරුම් යන හා නොතේරුණු කරනු තිබිය හා ඒ වගේම මේ ලිපිය ලියන කතෘ වන මාහටත් වඩා කරුණු දන්නා ගරු ස්වාමින් වහන්සේ කෙනෙකු, අන්‍යාගමික පුජකයෙකු , නීතිඥ තුමෙකු, පොලිසියේ උසස් නිලධාරී තුමෙකු හෝ රහස් බුද්ධි ඔත්තු සේවාවන් වල මහතෙකු හෝ දැන දැනම ආගම් ප්‍රචාරයේ යෙදෙන මිෂනාරියෙකු විය හැක.

නමුත් අප සියල්ල දන්නේ මේ පහත සදහන් නීති  කරුණු පමණි ඒ කුමක්ද ? අප දැනට දන්නා කරුණු අනුව අන්‍යාගමික කරණය හෝ ආගමික ප්‍රචාරය නීති විරෝධී හා තහනම් බවය.

කරුණු විමසුම :

 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම වියවස්තාවේ 10 සහ 14(1)e  වගන්ති වලින් සහතික වී ඇත්තේ සෑම පුරවැසියෙකුටම තම ආගම ඇදහීමේ ප්‍රත්‍යක්ෂ කර ගැනීමේ පිළිපැදීමේ සහ පුහුණු වීමේ මූලික අයිතියක්. ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව අන්‍යාගම්වලට ලැබී ඇත්තේ තම ආගම ඇදහීමේ මූලික අයිතිය මිස තම ආගම පැතිරවීමේ අයිතියක් නොවේ.

19/2003 ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය තීරණය.එකෙන් පැහැදිලිව කියනවා ආගම් ප්‍රචාරය කිරීමේ අයිතිය මුලික අයිතියක් ලෙස ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව පිළි නොගන්නා බව. සදාචාර සම්මත ක්‍රමවලින් පවා ආගම් ප්‍රචාරය කිරීම තුලින් පවා කෙනෙකුගේ මුලික අයිතිය වන නිදහස් චින්තනය බලපෑම් කිරීම නීති විරෝධී බව.

 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම වියවස්තාවේ 10 සහ 14(1)e  වගන්තිවලින් සියළුම ආගම් වලට සිය අයිතිය ලබා දිය යුත්තේ නමවැනි ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් බැදී ඇති බුද්ධ ශාසනය ආරක්ෂාව සහ පෝෂණය සැලසෙන අයුරින්ය.

යම්කිසි තැනක කවර අන්දම හෝ ආගම් ප්‍රචාරයත් හෝ බෞද්ධයාට හිරිහැර වන අන්දමේ ආගම් ඇදහීමක් හෝ බුද්ධ ශාසනයට හානියක් වන ආගමික ක්‍රියාවක් හෝ ආගමට හරවා ගැනීමත් හෝ අනවසර පල්ලි ඉදිකිරීමක් හෝ  සිදු වන්නේ නම් එය ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට පටහැනි නීති විරෝධී ක්‍රියාවක්.

2023 ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණ නඩුව ආයුර් වේද සංශෝධන පනත සම්බන්ධව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ අවසාන තීරණ නඩුවේදී බුද්ධ ශාසනය රජයේ යුතුකමක් බැවින් බුද්ධ ශාසනයට විරුද්ධව ධනකාරී හෝ රිනකාරී වරදක් කරන ඕනෑම අයෙකුට නඩු පැවරිය හැකිබව හා වන්දි ලබා ගැනීමට හැකි බව තීරණය කර තිබීම.

විදේශීය රටක පින්තුරයක් දොරට තට්ටු දාන මිෂනාරි වරුන් උපුටා ගැනීම ගූගල් මඟින්

අවසානය :

ඔබේ ගමේද මෙව්වැනි නීති විරෝධී අන්‍යාගමික කරණය සිදුවේනම්, බුද්ධ ශාසනය නීතියට පටහැනි නීති විරෝධී ක්‍රියාවක් වේනම්:

පොලිස්පති වෙත ටෙල් I G P වෙතට අන්තර් ජාලය තුල දැන්වීමෙන් හෝ ඕනෑම් කෙනෙකු හට ඔහුට හෝ ඇයට වුන අගතිය හුවාදක්වා මෙම කුඨ පුද්ගලයා ඇතළු සියල්ලන්ගෙන්ම ඕනෑම ගාණක වන්දියක් ලබාගත හැක. බුද්ධ ශාසනයේ පැවැත්ම අරමුණු කරගෙන ඇන්ට්‍රිය දමන්න:

https://www.telligp.police.lk/index.php?option=com_complaint&view=complaintමේ ලිපිය ලියා තැබූ මාගේ නිවසටත් මොවුන් මෙසේම පැමිණියා ප්‍රධාන විහාරස්ථාන හා පොලසි පති තුමන් දැනුවත් කොට තිබේ.

සිංහල බෞද්ධ ප්‍රතිපත්ති කේන්ද්‍රයෙන් බුද්ධ ශාසන නිතිය ගැන ජනපතිගෙන් විමසීමෙන් පසු අපලද ලිපිය.

Note:

There is no fundamental right to convert another person to his religion. Born again or any other proselyting activity would affect the vary existence of Buddhism.

මේ මේ මෑතකදී බලහත්කාරයෙන් ආගමට හැරවීම ජාතික ආරක්ෂාවට බලපාන බවට ඉන්දියානු ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය පැවසුවේය.

බලහත්කාරයෙන් ආගමට හැරවීම ජාතික ආරක්ෂාවට, ආගමික නිදහසට සහ හෘද සාක්ෂියේ නිදහසට බලපෑ හැකි ඉතා බරපතල ප්‍රශ්නයක්” බව එම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය ප්‍රකාශ කළේය 2022 නොවෙම්බර් මාසයේය. බිලයන 1.408 වටා වැඩියෙන් ඉන්න ජනතාවක් ජිවත් වෙන ඉන්දියාවේ ජාතික ආරක්ෂාවට ආගමට හැරවීට බලපනවානම්. එම කර්තවයේම නියැලෙන සමහර ආගමික කල්ලි මගින් සිදුවෙන ලෝක ක්‍රියාවක් වන මෙම මර උගුල ලංකාවේ සිටින මිලියනෆ 22.16 බල නොපාන බව මෙම රට තුල සිටින කාට කිව හැකිද?

ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආණ්ඩු ක්‍රම වියවස්තාවේ 9 වෙනි වගන්තියට උඩින් පියබා යා හැකි, සිටිය හැකි හෝ ආයතනයක් හෝ පුද්ගලයෙක් අපරට තුල සිටිය නොහැක. එසේ සිටිනම් එය ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආණ්ඩු ක්‍රම වියවස්තාවට එරෙහි අපරාධයක් වේ. 9 වෙනි වගන්තියෙන් ආරක්ෂා කරන්නේ බුද්ධ ශාසනයය. ගුණ ධර්ම වලින් සපිරි අප ලක්වැසි ජනයා බෞද්ධ වුවද අබෞද්ධ වුවද පිරුණු වී කරල් මෙන් බිමට නැමේත. එනම් ඉතා නිරහංකාරව බුදුරජානන්වහන්සේ වන්දනාමාන කරන්නේ සිහි නුවනින් යුක්තව බුදුරජානන්වහන්සේ දෙසූ ධර්මයේ හරය, සත්‍යය හඳුනා ගත් බැවිනි.

තිලෝගුරු අමා මෑණි ශාක්‍ය මුනි ගෞතම බුදුන් වහන්සේ සත් ධර්මය චිරාත් කාලයක් වැජබේවා.

දිව්‍ය ලෝකේ හෝ අපායේ යාමට පෙර අපි මෙහි එනම් ලෝකය තුල කරන හොඳ නරක ගැන කථා කිරීමට කාලය පැමිණ තිබේ. පස් පවු දස අකුසල් දුරලමු. නීති විරෝධී වැඩ අත්හරිමු.

බෞද්ධ ධජය ඔසවමු…

ඔබ සැමට තෙරුවන් සරණයි!

බෞද්ධ කටයුතු පිලිබඳ විශ්ලේෂක දෙශාඅභිමානී සුර්ය වංශ රත්න විභූෂණ පාලිත ආරියරත්න ‘ජාතික බෞද්ධ බලවේගය කැදවුම් කරු හා සභාපති, සිංහල බෞද්ධ ප්‍රතිපත්ති කේන්ද්‍රයේ නිර්මාතෘ,  සෙන්කඩගල සිංහ ද්වාරයේ සිට 2024-02-25

TCFBI PEC සභාපති සදාචාර විරෝධී බෞද්ධ ආගමට හැරවීම සොයා බැලීම හා පර්යේෂණ

TCFBI ජාත්‍යන්තර සම්බන්ධීකාරක.

By Anbarasan Ethirajan BBC News

The expected arrival of a Chinese research ship in the Maldives this week has escalated tensions between Beijing, Delhi and Male.

Officially, the vessel Xiang Yang Hong 3 is there to “make a port call, for rotation of personnel and replenishment”. In short, an entirely innocuous stop.

But that is not how it is being seen in Delhi. Instead, the ship’s presence is at the very least a diplomatic snub. At worst, some fear, it could be a mission to collect data which could – at a later date – be used by the Chinese military in submarine operations.

China experts, however, have shrugged off their concerns.

“The Chinese ships carry out scientific research work in the Indian ocean. Its activities on the high sea are entirely legitimate,” Zhou Bo, a former People’s Liberation Army Senior Colonel, told the BBC.

“Sometimes the ships need replenishment – like fuel, food and water. So, they berth in a third country port, which is normal. So, the Indian government shouldn’t make any fuss about it. Indian Ocean is not India’s Ocean,” asserted Mr Zhou, who is now with the Tsinghua university in Beijing.

But this is not the first time that China – which competes for influence with Delhi in the Indian Ocean amid a long-standing dispute over their Himalayan border – has sent one of its ships sailing close to Indian waters.

Two Chinese naval submarines made a port call to Colombo in 2014 and two Chinese research vessels visited Sri Lanka, close to the tip of southern India, in the past two years, much to the displeasure of India.

The arrivals came as China, which has loaned billions of dollars to Colombo, made significant inroads into Sri Lanka.

The research ship, Xiang Yang Hong 3, had in fact originally planned to visit Colombo for replenishment before proceeding to the Maldives. But that has been shelved for now, according to Tharaka Balasuriya, the junior foreign minister of Sri Lanka.

“During this one year we want to develop our technology and expertise so that we can join in these research activities on an equal basis,” he told the BBC.

However, Colombo’s decision to stop the research vessels is being seen as a response to India’s strong objections to such visits by Chinese vessels.

• Maldives ultimatum on troops deepens row with India

India’s objections however, have made little difference in the Maldives.

The Maldives, which consists of about 1,200 coral islands and atolls in the middle of the Indian Ocean, has long been under India’s sphere of influence. But Mohamed Muizzu, who took over as president in November and is regarded as pro-China, wants to change that.

He campaigned on an ‘India Out’ platform, asking Delhi to withdraw about 80 Indian military personnel based on the island. India says the troops are in the island nation to maintain and operate three reconnaissance and rescue aircraft, donated by Delhi years ago.

The Maldivian government has set an ultimatum to Delhi to withdraw its troops by 15 March, two days before the country’s parliamentary polls.

Following talks in Delhi last week, the Maldivian foreign ministry said India had agreed “to replace the military personnel” and that the first batch will leave by 10 March and the rest by the second week of May.

In December, Mr Muizzu’s administration also announced that it would not renew a hydrographic survey agreement with India that was signed by the previous government to map the seabed in the Maldivian territorial waters.

Relations have in fact deteriorated so much that none of the senior leaders of the Maldivian government attended a recent event organised by the Indian High Commission in Male to mark India’s 75th Republic Day.

China, meanwhile, rolled out the red carpet to Mr Muizzu when he went on a five-day state visit to Beijing last month. Since that trip, high-level Chinese officials have visited the Maldives. Mr Muizzu has also announced several Chinese-funded infrastructure projects.

The sudden shift in Male’s position towards China has raised concerns in Delhi, which attaches strategic significance to the island nation.

China, with its rapidly expanding naval forces, would likely also want access to such a strategically important location – something India wants to prevent.

“Of course, the Maldives is very important; it is the southern Oceanic flank of India,” Shyam Saran, a former Indian foreign secretary, told the BBC.

“Just like we had serious reservations about what was happening in Sri Lanka, we will have serious reservations about that may happen in the Maldives,” Mr Saran said.

But it is not just Delhi worried about the relationship with Male.

The opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) and others have been urging Mr Muizzu’s government for a course correction, saying it’s not in the country’s interests to antagonise a giant neighbour like India. Last week the MDP said it was even contemplating moving impeachment proceedings against Mr Muizzu.

As a small island nation, the Maldives depends on India for most of its food, infrastructure building, and technological advancement. Many Maldivians go to India for medical treatment.

• Maldivians debate India’s ‘boycott’ of their nation

“Most people here think that government has taken the hostility against India a bit too far and that it is totally unnecessary,” Aik Ahmed Easa, a lawyer in Male affiliated with the opposition MDP, told the BBC.

“The Maldives is a small country. But this is going into a dangerous phase where we are getting into the middle of the Asian superpower rivalry,” he said.

The Maldivian President’s office and the foreign minister did not respond to requests for comment.

China has greater strategic ambitions and it’s likely to send more ships to the Indian Ocean region for oceanographic research or to protect its commercial interests, experts say. For India, the challenge will be how to counter Beijing’s growing assertive influence in an area that Delhi perceives as its backyard.

Mr Zhou says Chinese aircraft carriers and their support vessels will eventually reach the Indian Ocean. If India disrupts restocking supplies for these ships in a third country – like Sri Lanka – then Beijing will be “furious”, he says.

Courtesy Adaderana

The Criminal Investigations Department (CID) has arrested a 46-year-old suspect in connection with the torching of President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s private residence in 2022.

The suspect has been identified as a tuition class teacher in the Boralesgamuwa area, according to police.

On 09 July 2022, then-Prime Minister Wickremesinghe’s private residence in Cinnamon Gardens was set ablaze by anti-government protesters.

Courtesy Adaderana

February 5, 2024   01:56 pm

Leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) Anura Kumara Dissanayake has met with India’s Minister of External Affairs Dr. S. Jaishankar on Monday morning (05 Feb.).

During the meeting, the parties discussed the exiting bilateral relationship between the two countries, and the mutual benefits that could be reaped from its further deepening.

Taking to ‘X’ (formerly Twitter), Dr. Jaishankar added that they also spoke about Sri Lanka’s economic challenges and the path ahead”.

India, with its Neighbourhood First and SAGAR policies, will always be a reliable friend and trusted partner of Sri Lanka”, the Indian Minister assured.

A delegation of the JVP party comprising of JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake, senior legislator Vijitha Herath, Secretary Nihal Abeysinghe and executive committee member Prof Anil Jayantha, left for Delhi, India early this morning, on an official invitation of the Indian government, as per a statement issued by the party.

Courtesy Hiru News

President Ranil Wickremesinghe has initiated the ‘Urumaya’ land ownership program aimed at empowering farmers through freehold titles.

In a ceremony held in Dambulla, President Ranil Wickremesinghe awarded the initial set of ‘Urumaya’ land deeds to recipients. The ‘Urumaya’ land ownership program is a part of the President’s initiative to empower farmers by providing freehold titles to two million families.

This aims to enhance economic independence, foster rural development, and ensure sustainable livelihoods for agricultural communities.

This initiative highlights the importance of empowering agricultural communities and ensuring sustainable livelihoods for families across the country.

Courtesy Hiru News

The Sri Lankan cabinet has granted approval for the cultivation of cannabis for export purposes, marking a significant move towards harnessing the economic potential of the plant.

The cabinet paper, presented by Diana Gamage, Minister of State for Tourism, received favorable responses, with the minister expressing her satisfaction with the decision.

The cultivation of cannabis&nbsp;is expected to open up new avenues for economic growth, and the government plans to attract foreign investors for this venture.

The Sri Lanka Board of Investment will play a crucial role in inviting and facilitating foreign investments in cannabis cultivation and exploring diverse opportunities for economic development.