His excellency The President (Thru Deputy Minister of ,Ports Aviation and Road Development)
As the Chairman of the Advisory Board under the Export Development Board, I am reaching out to discuss an exciting opportunity for Sri Lanka, particularly in the context of developing our marine and offshore industry, including nautical tourism within the framework of a blue economy.
In recent years, the Export Development Board has been advocating for the development of Trincomalee, positioning it as a hub for the repair and construction of platforms as well as converted ships used in the oil industry.
Notably, the Port Authority completed a feasibility study in 2021, funded by the Asian Development Bank, which outlined the potential of this initiative as a significant source of income generation for the country.
During my tenure as Chairman, I was involved in a subsequent feasibility study that identified Clappenburg in Trincomalee as an ideal waterfront location for establishing facilities where local and foreign contractors could operate.
The Corporate Plan recognised the establishment of a shipyard and offshore construction yard as vital to generating foreign income and creating employment opportunities for our skilled workforce, many of whom are currently migrating abroad to pursue opportunities in countries like Korea, Romania, and the UAE.
With the foundational concepts already laid out, I respectfully request your Excellency to engage the Ministry of Ports, the Ministry of Industries, and the Board of Investment (BOI) to generate interest among large foreign conglomerates to invest in this venture.
Furthermore, while India holds certain development rights in Trincomalee, actual investment beyond IOC’s storage tanks has been minimal.
We must also consider the underutilized development of the tank farm in Trincomalee, the pipeline from India to Sri Lanka, and potential projects such as the Adani wind power initiative and green hydrogen generation. Collaboration with foreign companies, including Tata, Abans, and L&T, alongside established Singaporean or Korean yards could catalyze the development of an offshore construction yard in Trincomalee.
Trincomalee’s potential for generating energy through wind, wave, or solar power structures is immense, and we should leverage our land and resources to build a competent offshore Center of Excellence in our port city.
While we are training engineers and software developers to drive digitalization, the need for skilled workers in the industry remains critical. Additionally, bringing in Chinese investment for a refinery in Hambantota and tank farm development in Trincomalee could further strengthen our industrial capacity.
It is essential to revolutionize vocational training to meet industry demands, which have, in the past, suffered due to political interference.
By empowering our youth to work in our own heavy industrial sectors, we can stem the tide of skilled labor migration.
The Industrial Development Board (IDB) of the Ministry of Industries could undertake land development in collaboration with the Port Authority to manage the harbor front, creating necessary infrastructure such as berths and mooring buoys to accommodate ships and rigs.
To expedite the development of Trincomalee, I propose appointing a dedicated Minister or State Minister specifically focused on advancing the blue economy. This strategic leadership can accelerate initiatives to generate foreign income and create employment opportunities for our youth.
Thank you in advance for considering this vital proposal for the future of our marine and offshore industry.
I look forward to your support in making Trincomalee a leader in blue economy initiatives.
An MOU to develop an LNG power project on the East Coast of Sri Lanka, near the coveted Indian Ocean Trincomalee Deep Sea Port, with India and the United Arab Emirates was signed on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Sri Lanka by President Anura Dissanayaka.
The multicultural Eastern Province was decimated during the 30-year war between the Liberation Tigers or LTTE and the Sri Lanka military, when Israel’s Mossad agents operated from bases in the Batticaloa District to set up and train Sri Lanka’s Special Forces, some of which were later linked to Batalanda and other terror and torture house operations by State-run and other Paramilitary Groups accused of disappearences in the South during the so called JVP insurrection 1988-1990.
Israel’s Secret Service, Mossad agents, along with veterans of the British Special Air Services (SAS) , and Keenie Meenie (KMS Group, now Saladin, London) Mercenaries, were imported to Sri Lanka by the Washington-backed J.R. Jayawardena regime in the early eighties after the staged Pogrom/ Riots of 1983. These foreign intelligence agencies and mercenaries were brought to Sri Lanka purportedly to set up and train Special Forces to fight the war against the LTTE. Training Camps were set up in the Eastern Province to train the Special Force in Batticaloa District, where local people called the white mercenaries Mossadu” (cf. Phil Miller’s book, Keenie Meenie: The British Mercenaries who got away with War Crimes”).
What emerged in Sri Lanka was a classic Cold War Proxy war between the LTTE then backed by India closely allied with the Communist Soviet Union/Russia and the US-and Western allies backed regime of Yankie Dickie J.R. Jayawardena, destroying ancient patterns of co-existence among Sinhala and Tamil-speaking people in Sri Lanka. The ensuing internationally networked and run Dirty War in Sri Lanka was called an indigenous, internal ethnic conflict”.
Weaponization of Religion/s in Eastern Province by Foreign Intelligence Agencies- Past and Present
Ethno-religious identities were fragmented and fully Weaponized at the time as part of counter-terrorism operations with Mossad training- as is the case in Israel. From 1984 Israel’s Mossad operated in the Eastern Province. In Colombo they worked out of the Israeli Special Interest Section at the US embassy.
The Kathankudi Mosque Massacre was staged to destroy close relations between Muslims and Tamils in the East, and the LTTE expelled Muslims from Jaffna in 1990. Not coincidentally, Kathankudi was where the leader and members of the ISIS-claimed 2019 Easter Sunday suicide bombers hailed from. The mysterious Evangelical Zion Church was also set up in Batticaloa as part of the Cold War Weaponization of Relgion/s.
Ancient patterns of co-existence and intermarriage among Muslims and Tamils who share the unique matrilineal Kudi System of kinship and descent documented by many social scientists in the Eastern Province, were targeted and broken as in Palestine by Mossad and Shin Bet which destroyed brotherly / sisterly relations between Palestinian Muslims and Christians and Jews to set up the State of Israel. As per counter-terrorism operations.
Is history set to repeat itself in the Eastern Province of Sri Lanka, once again with I2U2 entrenching itself in Trincomalee and religion/s again being weaponized?
Recently, a mysterious boat load of Rohingya Muslims was parachuted into the eastern Seas and Mullaithivu. Red flags should fly in Sri Lanka with the I2U2 (India, Israel, and United Arab Emirates cooperating to build an LNG power plant in Trincomalee given the Mossad Chabad Houses mushrooming in Sri Lanka and Israeli Tourist and Agri-businesses in Arugambay and Kantalai?
Is the US drawing India and Sri Lanka into its latest Indian Ocean Quad, the West Asia war machine via the I2U2?
Few Sri Lankan Geopolitical Pundits, researchers and think tanks seem to know or care about the I2U2, but maybe they should? This, especially as another predictable Disinformation andCover Up investigation of the external Master-mind of the ISIS-claimed Easter Sunday Terror Attacks, who also removed the cell phones of the culprits and gamed the data unfolds, targeting a bit player called Pillayan.
I2U2 : The Aspects and the Prospects
Ishani Agnihotri | 16 August 2022
Established at the Foreign Ministers’ meet in October, 2021, I2U2 stands for India, Israel, United Arab Emirates (UAE), and the United States (US) quadrilateral partnership. The leaders of the above four member countries met (virtually)[i] for the first time on 14th July, 2022. Combining complementary strengths and capabilities to fulfill mutual socio-economic interests, the new Quad partners look forward to bolstering cooperation and partnership in the region – as indicated in the inaugural summit.[ii]
The changing dynamic of West Asia has however made the foreign policy sphere rife with speculation on the strategic and geopolitical prospects, and the viability of this newly formed mini-lateral. It is in this light that this issue brief examines the aspects of this newly formed body, and the potential prospects of cooperation that lie ahead. With a brief understanding of the purpose of this new Quad, the paper studies the nature of existent bilateral relationships between members, their individual divergent geopolitical interests, and the factors that bring them together, exploring the road ahead.
The Purpose of I2U2
I2U2 identifies 6 areas of cooperation and investment, namely – water, energy, transportation, space, health, and food security. It intends to mobilise private sector capital and expertise to help modernise infrastructure, develop low carbon development pathways for industries, improve public health, and promote the development of critical emerging and green technologies in the member countries.[iii] The countries deny any military angle to their cooperation with the agenda of the mini-lateral focused on the economic and infrastructural development.[iv]
The Nature of Relationship between the Four Member States
Two federal republics, a Jewish democratic state, and a monarchy – the four I2U2 member countries share comprehensive economic, military, and political bilateral relationship with each other. The US is the largest trading partner for both, India and Israel. India, on the other hand, is the second largest trading partner of UAE (2021) and the third-largest Asian trade partner of Israel (2019). India-UAE Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) also entered into force recently (February, 2022). In terms of trade in defence, India was the largest importer of arms in 2017-21 with Israel and the US being its third and fourth largest defence supplier respectively.[v] India is also the largest buyer of Israeli military equipment.[vi] The countries are also co-participants in different military exercises, like, the Blue Flag air combat exercise (Israel), or the Desert Flag exercise (UAE), which saw the participation of both India and the US along with other countries.
Bilaterally, India shares prolific relationships with the three other members; boasting of a ‘Global Strategic Partnership’ with the US, ‘Comprehensive Strategic Partnership’ with the UAE, and 30 years of successful diplomatic relationship with Israel. Indian expatriates today make up roughly 30 per cent of UAE’s total residents – double of the original Emirati ethnic population themselves.[vii] US and Israel also share a Strategic Partnership relationship. US was the third country to establish formal diplomatic relations with UAE post its independence in 1971. The strategic proximity of their relationship is exhibited in the fact that UAE hosts the busiest US air base in the wold for surveillance flights, Al Dhafra.[viii] It also hosts the busiest US Navy port of call, Jebel Ali.[ix] Furthermore, the signing of the Abraham Accords brokered by the US in August, 2020 has led to full normalisation of ties between the Jewish state of Israel and the Arab UAE.
The thriving bilateral relationships however do not mean that the four countries share same ideological and strategic interests. For instance, Iranian rivalry is central to the US and Israeli outlook of West Asia. India and UAE, on the other hand, continue to find ways to engage with Tehran. India’s historical and cultural relationship with Iran, though pressured under Western sanctions, continues to thrive as witnessed during the recent diplomatic exchanges between the two states.[x],[xi] Similarly, the rise of China has had different meanings for the four countries in discussion. While the US eyes the rising Chinese footprints in the region and Indo-Pacific with adversarial sight, India has a tight rope to walk with its current belligerent neighbour. Israel and UAE, on the other hand, have been observed to be benefitting from the rising Chinese economic investments in the region. China and UAE recently upgraded their ties to Comprehensive Strategic Partnership status.[xii] There has also been increased defence and technical cooperation between China and Israel which has caused concerns in Western nations, particularly the US. The Chinese investment in the construction of container terminals in Haifa port (Israel) and Khalifa port (UAE) as part of its flagship Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) further exacerbates the US security concerns in the region.[xiii]
The pending resolution of the Palestinian issue is also a point of divergence in the relationship shared by these four countries. For example, the Arab-Israel rivalry and the two states solution advertised by the UN is known to have shaped the West Asian geopolitics since 1947. India also calls for a peaceful resolution of Israel-Palestine issue.[xiv] In the light of these dynamics, India-Israel bilateral relationship remained mostly restricted to technology, defence and agriculture until recent high level visits post 2014.[xv] Economics, energy, and the emerging geopolitical trends have now paved way for a more realist outlook in the current century as witnessed in the signing of the Abraham accords.
What brings the Four Nations Together?
The creation of I2U2 is seen as one of the key dividends of the Abraham Accords that intends to pave the way for normalisation of Arab-Israel ties.[xvi] Today, Israel has newly established diplomatic relationships with four Arab League countries, namely UAE, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco. The evolving geopolitical, economic, security and social realities of the region are encouraging new diplomatic dialogues. For example, the Neom Meeting between Saudi Crown Prince and Israel Prime Minister was held in November, 2020.[xvii] With the potential coming together of the West Asian region, the four nations’ foreign ministers’ meeting was held in a hybrid format last year. India, Israel, UAE, and the US, explored possibilities for joint infrastructure projects in transportation, tech, maritime security, economics and trade, as well as for additional joint projects. In this meeting, the Ministers decided to establish a forum for economic cooperation to take forward their maiden dialogue which eventually led to the current format of I2U2. In the event of this converging foreign policy interests of the otherwise socially and regionally diverse countries, it becomes essential to understand what brings these nations together.
The four members of I2U2 seem to be bound by two major interests – the regional geopolitical footprint expansion and the global socio-economic security. For the US, the creation of this alliance serves two purposes, firstly, it negates the notion” of the US withdrawal from West Asia, and secondly, it strengthens its strategic footprints in the region by fulfilment of the long term American commitment towards Israeli economic, political and strategic integration in the region.[xviii] For Israel and UAE, the two nations bound by economic realism, this alliance can create blueprint for effective West Asian future cooperation.[xix] The founding membership of this Western mini-lateral also reaffirms the leadership role that India holds today in consolidation of the South Asian rimland. I2U2 offers India a platform to more openly engage with Israel and other Arab countries beyond bilateral means to benefit economically, socially and geopolitically in the region.
Speaking of the global socio-economic security interest, the world, as we know today, is witnessing a new set of emerging challenges beyond the conventional threats. If the global growth was at risk (as reported by the UN)[xx], the COVID-19 pandemic, increasing competition for global dominance, and the current Russia-Ukraine war have made the economic and social costs of dwindling growth more visible. Supply chains break-down, trade wars, energy insecurity and geopolitical-economic issues have been observed to pull down the global economic recovery attempts.[xxi] Whereas ecologically, the food insecurity, declining soil productivity, global warming, and climate change threaten the long term survival of the societies itself.[xxii] It is in this light that the convergence of different capabilities becomes important to counter the forces of unsustainability – as depicted in the agenda for I2U2.[xxiii]
What Benefits Lie for the Four Nations?
For the US, the ‘West Quad’ allows for expansion of the geographic scope of its relationship in the region – securing the East Mediterranean Coast to the Persian Gulf axis. This becomes important when viewed in conjunction with the speculated development of the Russia-China-Iran triangle in the region.[xxiv] It will also help the States reinvigorate the partnerships which suffered during the previous presidency of Donald Trump. A stable, connected and cooperative West Asia further ensures the security of the US’ socio-economic interests and investments in the region as its policy focus expands to the Indo-Pacific.[xxv]
I2U2 also presents India with an opportunity to play global leadership role alongside the US while keeping its strategic autonomy and national interests intact. Deepening of ties with the West Asia region as a whole presents holistic diplomatic and infrastructural connectivity channels for India. This can benefit both, the large Indian diaspora in West Asia, as well as India’s own economic and political interests. For example, the realisation of India-Arab-Mediterranean Corridor, as a next step of India – West Asia connectivity, can provide economically viable alternate trade routes connecting the Indian subcontinent to the European Mainland.[xxvi] The prospective completion of this supply chain corridor will not only benefit the people to people connect but will also strengthen India’s trade and energy security.
The newly formed diplomatic ties between Israel and UAE also have the potential to benefit the West Asia region at large. For UAE, it impresses upon the growing prominence of the country in the Gulf region with its cosmopolitan high economic profile. Whereas for Israel, it presents opportunity for initiation, expansion and solidification of formal diplomatic ties with other Arab states. A successful cooperation between Israel and UAE within the American umbrella and Indian support can open doors for realisation of economic relationship between Israel and Saudi Arabia as a next step.
While on paper this new found grouping is said to be entirely focussed on economic and infrastructural development, one cannot completely ignore the security and geopolitical issues which surround the four member states. Different scholars have questioned the viability of this union when it comes to conflicting ideological and national interests; the response to Iranian threat being a case in point.
Convergence in Divergence
As noted by Winston Churchill, We have no permanent friends, but permanent interests”. The combined fear of weaponisation of Iranian nuclear program is known to bring diverse nations together complemented by American support. While there exists an anti-Iran front, there also coexists a sense of balance in the region when viewed from UAE and Indian perspective. India has been working with and around Western sanctions to maintain the strategic warmth of its historic relationship with Iran.[xxvii] This also becomes important in the light of recent Chinese strategic overtures in the region.
China is overtly known for making its economic inroads into West Asia since the beginning of this century.[xxviii] Although Chinese investments in Israel, UAE, and other Gulf countries have remained economic till now, the surfacing of Iran-China Strategic Partnership Agreement bodes deeper engagement in the region. The growing Chinese economic, and now strategic, heft in the region, bodes a possibility of competition and contestation in the region in the race for polarity. The I2U2 goals would thus benefit by disengaging the forum’s economic and development agendas from the member states’ individual security and strategic interests. The denial of any military angle in the first summit of the grouping hints in this direction.
The Road Ahead
I2U2 offers a unique combination of Israeli innovative technology, US global industrial expertise, Emirati economic resources and Indian market leadership together to present sustainable competitive opportunities that can benefit the global economic order today. In light of current global turmoil like the COVID-19 pandemic fall-outs and the ongoing Russia-Ukraine crisis, the areas of cooperation identified by this grouping namely – water, energy, transportation, space, health, and food security – are both short term requirements and long term imperatives. The burgeoning global population, and the declining planet capacity, in conjunction with potentially destructive multipolarity contestations, can thus use responsible leadership to attain balance in the above domains.
As far as India is concerned, it is no longer content to be passive recipients of outcomes in the West Asian region, and it is with this understanding with which Delhi is becoming more proactive about deepening its relationships in the region. Rather than waiting for the ties to take shape organically or mere reciprocation to events as they occur, I2U2 presents India with a much suited leadership role for shaping the global socio-economic security structure. However, it remains equally essential for the member states to not lose out on the above global goals for individual geopolitical interests. A stable, less volatile, and cooperative West Asia holds hope for the otherwise restive world today.
*****
* Ishani Agnihotri, Research Intern, Indian Council of World Affairs, Sapru House, New Delhi. Disclaimer: The views are of the author.
Endnotes
[i] Omri Nahmias, (2022, July 14), Leaders of Israel, US, India and the UAE meet for the inaugural ‘I2U2’ virtual summit, Retrieved from The Jerusalem Post: https://www.jpost.com/breaking-news/article-712091, Accessed on July 18, 2022
In the ceaseless cycle of Samsara, where beings traverse the realms of existence, the teachings of the Buddha shine as a beacon of wisdom and liberation. The Corporate Body of the Buddha Educational Foundation, based in Taipei, Taiwan, has committed itself to the noble task of sharing these profound teachings by offering Dharma books and materials freely to practitioners around the world.
For many years, I have been privileged to receive their Dharma gifts, which have been a transformative force in my spiritual journey. The books I received during my early adulthood—such as the treasured Pirivana Poth Wahanse—helped me embrace the Dharma deeply and find guidance in the Buddha’s timeless wisdom. These books were not just for me; they became gifts I shared with others. Neighboring households, libraries, and friends were introduced to these sacred teachings, creating ripples of positive impact within our community.
In my home, these books have remained a source of inspiration and spiritual growth. My late mother, in her final years, immersed herself in the teachings they provided. Until her passing, she found comfort and strength in their pages—a reminder of the Buddha’s compassion and the path to liberation. Today, I continue this legacy by exploring titles such as The Gift of Well Being and Loving and Dying.
Loving and Dying, published in 1993 by the Malaysian Buddhist Meditation Centre and gifted to me in 1994by the Buddhist Foundation in Taipei, Taiwan, holds a special place in my spiritual journey. It is a book of profound insights that has deeply resonated with my wife and me as we immerse ourselves in its teachings. One particularly moving reminder from the book encapsulates the Buddha’s ultimate wisdom: Yes, all Buddhists should remember that the Buddha’s last reminder to us was to strive on untiringly to attain the wisdom that can liberate us from birth and death.”
The Corporate Body of the Buddha Educational Foundation’s mission exemplifies the spirit of dana (selfless giving). Their generosity allows practitioners to embrace the Buddha’s teachings without barriers, spreading light and hope to those seeking peace in their lives. Their offerings include materials in multiple languages, such as English, Hindi, Sinhala, French, Tibetan, and more, ensuring accessibility for Dharma friends across cultures and continents.
This foundation’s work deserves recognition and support. They have called upon individuals and organizations to help promote their mission by sharing information through newsletters, publications, TV productions, and websites. By doing so, we can help amplify their outreach, ensuring that more people gain access to their invaluable free resources.
As an author and publisher dedicated to protecting and promoting Buddhism, I feel deeply compelled to contribute to their noble cause. Through my writings, I aspire to highlight their efforts and inspire others to support their work. Together, we can help ensure that the Buddha’s wisdom continues to illuminate lives and guide beings toward liberation from the Samsara.
I also encourage Dharma friends to explore their offerings and share them with others. All materials are provided strictly for free distribution and cannot be sold, reflecting the purity of their intentions and dedication to the Dharma.
The foundation has requested updates to contact details to ensure seamless delivery of materials. I humbly urge recipients to provide the necessary information so that these gifts continue to reach those who need them.
For further details about their offerings or to access their Dharma resources, please visit their official website at
www-old.budaedu.org.
With gratitude for their work and the impact it has had on my life and the lives of others, I extend my heartfelt wishes to the venerable monks and staff of the foundation. May their efforts flourish and bring every living being closer to the light of enlightenment.
Contact Information: Fax: +886-2-2391-3415 E-mail: overseas@budaedu.org Air Mail: 11F, No.55, Hang Chow South Road, Sec. 1, Taipei City, Taiwan (Post Code: 100)
May these Dharma gifts transform lives as they have mine, spreading peace, wisdom, and the boundless compassion of the Buddha across the world.
With highest regards,
Palitha Ariyarathna
Ceo and Founder, Ceylonwatch” Analyst of Buddhist Affairs Desha Abhimani Surya Vansa Ratna Vibhushan Senkadagala Sinha Dwaraya TCFBI PEC President, Unethical Conversion of Buddhist TCFBI International Co-ordinator Hela Abimani National Foundation – Secretary, Founder, Sinhala Prathipaththi Kendraya, President Jathika Bawuddha Balawegaya, Author, Publisher, and Journalist
The government’s efforts to create a perception that Sivanesathurai Santhirakanthan, alias Pillayan, is involved in the Easter attacks have failed, says former parliamentarian Udaya Gammanpila.
He stated this at a media briefing today (16).
Former State Minister Chandrakanthan was arrested on the 8th of this month, pertaining to investigations into the abduction and disappearance of Professor Sivasubramaniam Ravindranath, a former Vice-Chancellor of the Eastern University.
The arrest comes 18 years after the alleged abduction, which is said to have occurred on December 15, 2006.
Pillayan, who was arrested under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), is currently being held in the custody of the Criminal Investigation Department on a 90-day detention order.
Attorney-at-Law Gammanpila met with Pillayan and held discussions for half an hour yesterday (15).
Will a peaceful and sustainable multipolar world be born when the rising economic weight of emerging economies is matched with rising geopolitical weight, as argued by renowned economist Jeffrey Sachs in his recent Other News article?[i]
There is no question that, as the US-led world order collapses, a new multipolar world that can foster peace and sustainable development is urgently needed. BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) was established to promote the interests of emerging economies by challenging the economic institutions dominated by the West and the supremacy of the US dollar in international trade. Asia alone constitutes around 50% of the world’s GDP today. China is expected to become the world’s leading economy and India, the world’s third largest economy by 2030.
But does economic growth alone reflect improvement in the quality of life of the vast majority of people? And should it continue to be the central criteria for a new international order”?
Unfortunately, BRICS appears to be replicating the same patterns of domination and subordination in its relations with smaller nations that characterize traditional imperial powers. Whether the world is unipolar or multipolar, the continuation of a dominant global economic and financial system based on competitive technological and capitalist growth and environmental, social and cultural destruction will fundamentally not change the world and the disastrous trajectory we are on.
Despite many progressives investing hope in the emerging multipolarity, there is a deep systemic bias that fails to recognize that the emerging economies are pursuing the same economic model as the West. This means we will continue to live in a world that prioritizes unregulated transnational corporate growth and profit over environmental sustainability and social justice. China Communications Construction Company and the Adani Group are just two examples of controversial Chinese and Indian conglomerates reflecting this destructive continuity.
Is India, as Professor Sachs says, providing skillful diplomacy” and superb leadership” in international affairs?[ii] Look, for example, at India’s advancing vision of Greater India,” Akhand Bharat (Undivided India) and behavior towards its neighboring countries. Are these not strikingly similar to US strategies of hegemonic interference?
While India promotes its trade and infrastructure projects as enhancing regional security and welfare, experiences in Nepal demonstrate how Indian trade blockades and electricity grid integration with India have made Nepal dependent on and subordinate to India in meeting its basic energy and consumer needs. Similarly, Bangladesh’s electricity agreement with the Adani Group has created a situation allowing Adani to cut power supply to Bangladeshi consumers.
Since the fall of the Sheikh Hasina regime, there have been widespread demands to cancel the deal with Adani, which is seen as unequal and harmful to Bangladesh. Similarly, recent agreements made with Sri Lanka would expand India’s “energy colonialism” and overall political, economic and cultural dominance threatening Sri Lanka’s national security, sovereignty and identity.[iii]
During Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Sri Lanka, April 4-6, 2025, according to reports in the Indian media, some seven to ten agreements were signed to strengthen ties in defense, electricity grid interconnection, multi-product petroleum pipeline, digital transformation and pharmacopoeial practices between the two countries. The agreements have been signed using Sri Lankan Presidential power without debate or approval of the Sri Lankan Parliament. The secrecy surrounding the agreements is such that both the Sri Lankan public and media still do not know how many pacts were made, their full contents and whether the documents signed are legally binding agreements or simply Memoranda of Understanding” (MOUs), which can be revoked.
The new five-year Indo-Lanka Defense Cooperation Agreement is meant to ensure that Sri Lankan territory will not be used in any manner that could threaten India’s national security interests and it formally guarantees that Sri Lanka does not allow any third power to use its soil against India. While India has framed the pact as part of its broader Neighborhood First” policy and Vision MAHASAGAR (Great Ocean)” to check the growing influence of China in the Indian Ocean region, it has raised much concern and debate in Sri Lanka.
As a member of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD)—a strategic alliance against Chinese expansion that includes the United States, Australia and Japan—India participates in extensive QUAD military exercises like the Malabar exercises in the Indian Ocean. In 2016, the United States designated India as a Major Defense Partner and in 2024, Senator Marco Rubio, current US Secretary of State, introduced a bill in the US Congress to grant India a status similar to NATO countries. In February 2025, during a visit to the USA by Modi, India and the US entered into a 10-year defense partnership to transfer technology, expand co-production of arms, and strengthen military interoperability.
Does this sound like the start of a new model of geopolitics and economics?
Sri Lankan analysts are also pointing out that with the signing of the defense agreement with India, there is a very real danger of Sri Lanka being dragged into the Quad through the back door as a subordinate of India.”[iv] They point out that Sri Lanka could be made a victim in the US-led Indo-Pacific Strategy compromising its long-held non-aligned status and close relationship with China, a major investor, trade partner and supporter of Sri Lanka in international forums.
The USA and its QUAD partner India, as well as China and other powerful countries, want control over Sri Lanka, due to its strategic location in the maritime trade routes of the Indian Ocean. But Sri Lanka, which is not currently engaged in any conflict with an external actor, has no need to sign any defense agreements. The defense MOU with India represents further militarization of the Indian Ocean as well as a violation of the 1971 UN Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace and the principles of non-alignment—which both India and Sri Lanka have supported in the past.
Professor Sachs—who attended the Rising Bharat Conference, April 8-9, 2025 in New Delhi—has called for India to be given a seat as a permanent member in the UN Security Council gushing that no other country mentioned as a candidate …comes close to India’s credentials for a seat.” But would this truly represent a move towards a New International Order,” or would it simply be a mutation of the existing paradigm of domination and subordination and geopolitical weight being equated with economic weight, i.e., might is right”?
Instead, the birth of a multipolar world requires the right of countries—especially small countries like India’s neighbors—to remain non-aligned amidst the worsening geopolitical polarization of the new Cold War.
What we see today is not the emergence of a truly multipolar and just international order but continued imperialist expansion with local collaboration prioritizing short-term profit and self-interest over collective welfare, leading to environmental and social destruction. Breaking free from this exploitative world order requires fundamentally reimagining global economic and social systems to uphold harmony and equality. It calls on people everywhere to stand up for their rights, speak up and uplift each other. In this global transformation, India, China and the newly emergent economies have significant roles to play. As nations that have endured centuries of Western imperial domination, their mission should be to lead the global struggle for demilitarization and the creation of an ecological and equitable
Towards a New International Order?: India, Sri Lanka and the New Cold War – Other News – Voices against the tide
Culture, traditions, values, and rituals are not written by politicians — they are carved into the soul of a nation. Governments may pass laws, leaders may come and go, but the heartbeat of a civilization lives in its people. No politician, no policy, and no personal agenda can erase what generations have carried in faith, sacrifice, and memory.” As such the decision by both the President & PM not to attend any Sinhala Buddhist New Year celebrations is disappointing especially when the PM decided to only attend a Hindu religious celebration in a kovil. With teams drawing up both their itineraries well in advance, this omission was nothing but intentional & should go down in history with disgust & distaste.
With the open economy, commercialism & consumerism man/women & child have been turned to commodities. As such the modus operandi has been to distance the individual from his clan. All that had kept a family together is being subtly dismantled to isolate the individual. Customs like bowing down to elders has been laughed at. Being modern is not being disrespectful. Culture & kindness never goes out of style. While world attention has been drawn to artificial” intelligence, what is being ignored is the natural intelligence of the mind which is far greater & more powerful than any computer system working on algorithms & filters. Elders are walking libraries. They can share with you wonderful stories you will never enjoy on Netflix. Don’t wait till they’re gone to learn from them.
Notice how the media is being used to erase language by mixing words from other languages. These are all pre-planned initiatives to erase the identity of people. A generation that mocks tradition grows up confused. Look at the lives of those who mock tradition & customs. They present an outward confident self but inside they are fighting their confused self.
It is important for all to realize that we are the vehicle for the continuity of our culture. Education system has failed to show how our ancestors have carried the flame & passed it on to us to carry not to blow it out. In Sri Lanka, ayubowan is more than just a greeting, it’s a blessing. Thus our culture, our values, our Buddhist heritage are not just decorations. They are the backbone, our identity and it is our duty to protect them.
No smartphone, no wi-fi can match a happy family. Modern is not forgetting what made us strong for thousands of years. The magnificent monuments, the ancient architecture, the irrigation marvels were all built without modern technology, not by people graduating from ivy league universities or anyone who had passed O/L or A/L with distinctions. Modern & development has so many restrictions. There were no doors, windows or massive gates for fear of rogues & rapists. There were no cameras watching our movements. Do we really have the freedom that the ancient people enjoyed?
It is unfortunate that many have come to consider culture as merely an annual event wearing a national dress grudgingly following what parents demand. Culture is about how we think. How we live. How we treat our parents, grandparents & others.
When Buddhists stop going to the temple, teaching dhamma lessons to our children – it is not becoming modern. We are creating a lost generation. This is probably part of the agenda.
Children need to be taught discipline, they must also be taught to know their mother tongue or feel shy to speak it. Schools should not be a place for marks. It must be a place for morals. This is what is lacking today in both student & teacher. Teach maths but team Metta, teach science but also teach Sila, teach ambition but also teach Anicca (impermanence) these are lessons that are eternal truths.
It is unfortunate that for foreign funding, personal scholarships etc policy makers are sacrificing the foundation of this nation. Those who write policies, syllabuses & laws are committing a major mistake in removing Dhamma from schools, erasing history in the name of bogus neutrality”. Social media is full of ugly messages making children & even adults believe that Buddhist values are old fashioned”. Falsely believing so will usher a future of people with less integrity, less humanity and no wisdom. A country that forgets its roots will fall not with an explosion but with slow decay. We can see it happening because people with no values, no integrity & no character are in seat of governance & decision making.
The youth must be intelligent enough to not fall for the traps. Don’t accept the lie that tradition is boring. Don’t be ashamed of your culture. Be proud of it. Be a generation that remembers not a generation that thinks it fashionable to forget. Be modern in skill but ancient in spirit. Wear modern clothes but remember your sila.
Look around the lives of youth who claim to belong to the new generation” how happy are they? Do you not notice there is something missing in their lives? This experiment has failed. These youth become guineapigs of lust, drugs & all types of narcotics, their bodies are used that by the time they are of a mature age they have nothing more to enjoy. What should have been enjoyed phased out has been experienced in their teens & these children become psychologically traumatized beings.
We are fully aware of the plot & plan to erase the culture & history of Sri Lanka.
School curriculums are being altered, history is being re-written, diluted or removed especially content related to ancient civilizations & national heroes. Some experts” are promoting Sri Lankan” history when such never existed. Important cultural & religious teachings are being rebranded & claimed controversial”, Sri Lankan students are taught about foreign revolutions and not the heroic efforts of their kings & theroes who protected the Nation. The outcome is simple – youth cut off from their roots grow up with no loyalty to the land that raised them. This is the goal.
Inspite of the Constitutional provision to protect & foster Buddhism/Buddha Sasana temples, pirivenas, cultural centres & local arts are being intentionally neglected, given less funding or those that hate Buddhists are being appointed to govern them. Sacred rituals are mocked, ancient customs are called backward” except when a party wants votes of the majority. Cultural festivals are reduced to commercial events ignoring the spiritual significance. Without respect & support these entities collapse – this is obviously the goal.
There is a new frenzy to promote secularism” this is again intentionally attempting to remove the Buddhist foundation of Sri Lanka. This project involves subtle removal of religious values from education, media, public life in the name of modern” but with intent to dislodge the place of Buddhism, thus the call to change the Constitution which is nothing but to remove Article 9 & Article 16.
Media is being used to redefine the identity of Sri Lanka glorifying modern lifestyles, mocking traditions, promoting foreign ideals, imported cultures. When people are regularly indoctrinated with foreign ideals & values they subtly begin to forget who they are & what they should stand for apart from a wise handful.
The most damaging outcome is by passing laws that undermine heritage to intentionally weaken religious institutions, change status of national language, undermine historical religious protections (Article 9 / Article 16) & promote globalization instead of national culture. When laws stop protecting the national identity, the national identity begins to get erased. This is the goal.
All these may appear unimportant but a nation that forgets its culture becomes vulnerable to division to foreign control & to spiritual collapse. When there is no history, there is no pride in people. If people pride in foreign values, these foreign nations will easily manipulate them. When tradition is forgotten, there is no unity. When this happens, the nation is weak & made vulnerable. When there are no values there is no direction. People end up like zombies and gypsies, no sense of where they belong.
The scenario should now be clear to imagine
How can we overcome these dangers – we need to educate outside the system, teach the real history. We need to support temples, pirivenas & local artists who value our culture & traditions. We need to hold leaders accountable – when they attempt to rewrite or ignore history.
We need to celebrate our culture publicly, proudly & unapoligetically.
US President Donald Trump’s tariff war has rocked global markets and could trigger significant shifts in the world order. Initially dismissed as a mere threat during his campaign, the tariffs unleashed by Trump from the White House have escalated, with China and other countries retaliating. These economic measures, while targeting rivals, may also escalate geopolitical tensions, raising fears of a larger conflict.
US President Donald Trump’s tariff war has shaken the global markets and threatens to bring seismic change in the world order. As Trump announced a tariff plan during the US Presidential elections last year, many world leaders perhaps considered it a threat and bluster. But in the White House, Trump has unleashed waves of tariffs on its trade partners. With many countries, especially China choosing to retaliate with counter tariffs, the trade war is getting uglier by the day.
While slapping tariffs and putting in place trade barriers are aimed at hurting rivals economically, they could potentially stoke geopolitical tensions and eventually turn into conflicts. As globalsuperpowers engage in trade war and flex military muscle, thereare always chances of countries forming coalitions against one another, leading to World War III.
It is worth noting that Trump has been aggressive not only on trade front but also on using military power. He has threatened Iran of bombing in case it doesn’t seal a nuclear deal. Earlier, he came up with the idea of taking over Gaza. Trump has himself warned of World War III if the Russia-Ukraine conflict does not end.
Why Donald Trump is ramping up production of this new nuclear weapon
Amid ongoing power tussles, the US is believed to have started ramping up its nuclear arsenal.A New York Post report said that the US has hastened production of ‘gravity bomb’ because of an urgent” and critical” threat from rising global tensions. The gravity bombs are considered 24 times more powerful than the one used on Hiroshima during World War II.
What is a Gravity bomb?
Gravity bombs are bombs that are dropped from a nuclear-capable aircraft. They are hugely destructive. A single B61-13 gravity bomb is nearly 24 times more powerful than the one dropped on Hiroshima.
The Department of Defense in October 2023 announced that the US will pursue a modern variant of the B61 nuclear gravity bomb, designated the B61-13, pending Congressional authorization and appropriation.
The B61-13 will strengthen deterrence of adversaries and assurance of allies and partners by providing the President with additional options against certain harder and large-area military targets,” it said.
There have been growing concerns around the world on the spread of nuclear weapons. It is believed that China is well on the path to match the number of nuclear weapons deployed by the Russians and the Americans.
The 2022 Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) observed that US competitors continue to expand, diversify, and modernize their nuclear forces while increasing reliance on nuclear weapons. See video here
The announcement yesterday by US President Trump of a 90-day pause in the implementation of his so-called reciprocal tariffs,” ostensibly to allow negotiations to take place, is another expression of the deepening economic and financial crisis of American imperialism and its state.
The move came amid growing signs that the entire financial system—in particular the US Treasury market—was just days or even hours away from a meltdown on the scale of the crises of September 2008 and March 2020, or potentially even greater.
In announcing the pause, Trump revealed the essential core of his tariff hikes by escalating the economic war against China—the world’s second-largest economy—which all factions of the US political establishment regard as an existential threat to American global hegemony.
Trump declared that, because China had retaliated against US tariff hikes, tariffs on Chinese goods would be raised to 125 percent effective immediately.”
In an earlier period, such an economic blockade would have been recognized as an act of war.
While the reciprocal tariffs” on all other countries are being temporarily suspended, the 10 percent tariff on all goods entering the US will remain in effect.
In the lead-up to the announcement, the selloff on global stock markets continued. Even more significant, however, was the selloff in the US Treasury market—a foundation of the global financial system—which drove yields sharply higher. This mounting financial turmoil was a key factor in Trump’s decision.
According to a person described as close to the White House,” cited by the Financial Times:
Trump is fine with Wall Street taking a hit, but he doesn’t want the whole house to come down.
A number of factors were driving the mounting crisis in the Treasury market. Hedge funds and other major investors, reeling from cumulative losses in the stock market amounting to hundreds of billions of dollars, were facing margin calls from the banks—that is, demands to provide additional funds as collateral to maintain the credit lines essential to their operations.
As markets plunged, the only available source of additional cash was the sale of Treasury holdings. Had this continued, it could have triggered a panic on the scale of March 2020, when the Treasury market froze and the US Federal Reserve intervened, injecting trillions of dollars into the system within days to restore stability.
It became apparent that foreign investors and governments—which hold roughly one-third of US Treasury bonds—were beginning to pull out of the market.
There were also signs that hedge funds were being forced to unwind their so-called basis trades,” a strategy that profits from small differences between the price of Treasury bonds and their corresponding futures contracts. Because the price gap is minimal, these trades rely on massive leverage, with the total volume estimated at around $1 trillion.
Fears were emerging that China, the second largest holder of US Treasury bonds, could start to shift out of dollar assets in response to Trump’s economic war against it.
The dollar has been falling on currency markets, raising growing questions about how long it can maintain its role as the global reserve currency under conditions in which US policy is a major source of instability and uncertainty.
Summing up the worsening situation, longtime analyst Ed Yardeni remarked that the selloff of US Treasuries—usually considered a safe haven during periods of financial stress—was a sign that the Trump administration may be playing with liquid nitro.”
Larry Summers, the treasury secretary under Clinton, said yesterday that the events of the previous 24 hours were a warning that a serious financial crisis wholly induced by US government tariff policy” could be looming.
Following the announcement, Wall Street went into raptures. The NASDAQ jumped nearly 12 percent—its biggest one-day gain since 2008—while the S&P 500 rose by 9.5 percent, and the Dow surged 8 percent.
As with every action of the Trump administration, the events of yesterday were steeped in corruption and criminality. Just before the markets opened—and several hours before the public announcement of the pause”—Trump posted on social media that this is a great time to buy.” It will be left to future investigation to uncover how many billions were made by the Trump family and the gang of fascists operating in and around the administration.
Trump and his acolytes will claim that the growing number of countries now seeking negotiations on tariffs—and his erratic, on-again, off-again methods—are proof of his supposed great skill in securing beneficial deals for American capitalism.
Nothing could be further from the truth. Trump’s gyrations are not signs of strength but the personified expression of the deepening crisis of American imperialism and its state, for which he has no solution.
Government debt stands at $36 trillion and is rising daily, on a trajectory universally acknowledged as unsustainable.” Interest payments alone are approaching $1 trillion annually and are rapidly becoming the single largest expenditure in the US budget.
The trade deficit is running at around $1 trillion, having increased by 17 percent over the past 12 months.
Domestically, consumer spending and confidence are both falling, and hundreds of millions of workers and their families face further reductions in their living standards as prices escalate on goods from China—which make up a large share of household consumption—due to the tariff hikes.
Business confidence is in tatters due to the uncertainty generated by the administration’s policies. A 90-day pause for negotiations with the dozens of countries targeted by reciprocal tariffs” will do nothing to reverse this collapse. Recession is very much on the horizon.
No one knows what will come out of the talks. But the idea that countries like Vietnam, Thailand and Cambodia—as well as several impoverished African nations—could take any action capable of resolving the US trade deficit is ludicrous.
The major powers—such as Japan and the European Union—have no solution either. And no one, including Trump, has any idea what will happen after the pause.”
There is one aspect of the pause” that follows a clear logic. It is part of a broader drive to corral countries into a US-led global offensive against China. This is especially evident in Southeast Asia, where the economic threats directed at regional countries are aimed at pressuring them not to move closer to Beijing.
The message being delivered is: Align yourselves with the US on the key issue of national security,” that is, the preparation for war against China, and make major concessions to the US not only on economic issues but on foreign policy as well or you will suffer the consequences.
The escalation of the tariff against China to historically unprecedented heights is the form through which this diktat is being delivered.
Trump’s actions yesterday have pulled the US back from a full-scale financial crisis that could have erupted as early as over the weekend. But what took place yesterday was not a resolution of the crisis but just a step towards the next one, which will take an even more explosive form.
This is because Trump’s so-called liberation day,” April 2, was not a negotiation tactic but the destruction of what remained of the post-war international trading order. It cannot be put back together again. All the so-called guard rails” put in place after 1945 to prevent the type of crisis which erupted in the 1930s and led to war no longer exist.
There is a madness in the policy of the Trump administration—but it is a madness with an objective basis. As it flails from one economic improvisation to the next, confronting a crisis for which it has no solution, the administration is carrying out a systematic assault on democratic rights and erecting the framework of a dictatorship in the United States. And whatever conflicts exist within the state apparatus, all factions are united in their determination to defend a capitalist system that is hurtling toward catastrophe.
Trump—the grotesque and criminal personification of American imperialism—along with the representatives of ruling classes in every country, will use the pause” to coordinate their responses to international rivals and sharpen their weapons against the working class at home, in preparation for the eruption of class struggle they all fear and know is coming.
The international working class must soberly take stock of the events of the past week. The worst mistake it could make is to think that with the pause” the crisis has somehow passed. It has not.
Accordingly, just as the capitalist ruling classes are making their preparations for what is to come, so must the working class, in the US and internationally. That preparation involves above all the political struggle for the program of socialism, as the only viable solution to the deepening crisis of the capitalist system that is so vividly on display.
In an increasingly uncertain world, India’s decision to ‘learn’ from China’s agricultural successes serves as a potent reminder.
In the winter of 1955, the prime minister’s residence in New Delhi welcomed a distinguished Chinese scholar. For a fortnight, he lived under the same roof as Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi – sharing breakfast and dinner each day, and engaging in long, meandering walks and conversations afterward. The camaraderie was so profound and productive that Nehru even highlighted the scholar’s incisive insights in his fortnightly letters to the chief ministers of India’s states.
What, one might ask, could have prompted the Indian prime minister to extend such above-and-beyond hospitality to a Chinese scholar? The answer lay in the identity of the guest – none other than the renowned Chinese economist Chen Hansheng. Nehru’s insistence on hosting Chen and engaging in such repeated, in-depth discussions stemmed from a keen desire to absorb the latest lessons in economic development emanating from China.
The slogan Hindi-Chini bhai–bhai (Indians and Chinese are brothers),” often evokes images of the close coordination during the Bandung Conference and the joint advocacy for the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. Yet, few recall that over 70 years ago, India was swept up in a far-reaching wave of enthusiasm for learning from China” in the realm of economic development.
In November 1954, on the eve of India’s implementation of the Second Five-Year Plan, Nehru learned of the groundbreaking achievements of China’s First Five-Year Plan. His reaction was twofold: a genuine elation for the remarkable progress of a fellow Asian giant, as well as an acute sense of competitive urgency. These Western countries have had 150 years or more of industrial growth…We are not going to have 100 years in order to make good,” he remarked. Our problem, therefore, are essentially similar to those of other underdeveloped countries in Asia. It is for this reason that I was particularly interested in what was happening in China and I said that the most exciting countries for me today were India and China.”
Privately, Nehru also revealed his determination to prevail in this developmental contest with China:
We differ, of course, in our political and economic structure, yet the problems we face are essential the same. The future will show which country and which structure of Government yields greater results in every way.”
For India’s top officials, China represented the only nation that shared many of India’s own characteristics. Both countries had been victims of imperialist and colonial exploitation; both grappled with acute human-land resource tensions, widespread unemployment, and stagnating productivity; and both faced the daunting challenge of amassing surplus capital to fuel rapid industrialisation. Most importantly, both aspired to a similar political ideal: the pursuit of economic equality and social justice.
For developing nations, the greatest challenge in achieving rapid industrialisation lay in securing sustainable financial backing, cultivating a sufficiently large market, and keeping inflation in check – all of which required a deeper exploration of agricultural potential. India’s most pressing obstacle at the time was a resource constraint”: while the thrust for rapid industrial growth demanded an unprecedented increase in agricultural output, the latter could not meet the soaring industrial needs without diverting critical investment away from industrial development.
At this juncture, the Chinese model emerged as a beacon of hope. It was Chen, who revealed to Nehru that after completing its socialist transformation of agriculture, China had dramatically boosted the efficiency of human labour, animal power, agricultural inputs – and even the use of manure. This revolutionary drive had propelled China’s agricultural output to surge by as much as 35 to 40 percent over five years, all without a noticeable increase in resource input. Such results offered India a promising solution to its most intractable resource dilemma.
Throughout the mid-1950s, dozens of Indian officials from the Congress party, both houses of parliament, the ministries of food and agriculture, and the National Planning Commission undertook visits to China. They sought counsel from China’s top governmental organs, including the Communist Party’s Central Committee, the State Council, and the National Planning Commission. Both Nehru and India’s economic helmsman, P.C. Mahalanobis, were so impressed by China’s socialist construction achievements that they found themselves deeply moved.
Even at a time when Sino-Indian relations were strained, Mahalanobis conceded in interviews that China provided a better model of development for India than the advanced western countries.” China’s experience – demonstrating that even subsistence agriculture, when reorganised through land reform and rural reorganisation, could support a leap in industrial development – was nothing short of remarkable.
Nehru himself, after returning from China, spoke frequently of the rapid growth of industrial and agricultural cooperatives there. His admiration and curiosity were such that he immediately ordered the formation of several study delegations to China to probe the causes behind its agricultural boom. In 1956, the National Planning Commission dispatched an Agricultural Cooperative Study Group” to China with a mandate to investigate, down to the details, the strategies behind China’s cooperative model – a mission that would later evolve into the well-known Patil Committee. Concurrently, the Ministry of Food and Agriculture sent a separate Agricultural Planning and Technology Study Group” to examine the secret” behind China’s dramatic productivity gains.
Both delegations arrived in China in mid-July 1956, spending two months traversing eight provinces and visiting at least twenty rural cooperatives. The ministry group even engaged in in-depth discussions with experts from China’s Ministry of Agriculture and the National Planning Commission. V. T. Krishnamachari, then vice-chairman of India’s National Planning Commission, discovered that China’s rural reforms had increased agricultural output by 15 to 30% in just two to three years. Sweeping land reforms – redistributing land equally – had spurred farmers to embrace collective projects with renewed zeal, from reclaiming wasteland to constructing dams and digging wells. In one province, within a single season, 300,000 wells and 100,000 dams were built, effectively doubling the irrigated area. Even in the task of collecting farmyard manure – a laborious, unglamorous chore – the Chinese mass exhibited extraordinary enthusiasm, amassing 70% of the required quantity even before the next fertilisation season.
The ministry group reached a similar conclusion: China’s experience shows that given certain conditions, it is possible through cooperatives to organise rural manpower resources so as to ensure a higher level of employment for all members of the community and not merely those who happen to have fair-sized agriculture holdings. This is significant for our future development.”
Inspired by China’s achievements, Nehru became convinced that land reform could well improve the efficiency of existing resources, enabling increased agricultural output without extra investment. He even used China’s example to scold the agriculture ministry for its complacency in assuming that only additional resource inputs could boost production. In one of his letters to the chief ministers, he says:
[China] where millions of cooperative farms have sprung up, how then, are we to increase this [agricultural] production? We know for a fact that some other countries have rapidly increase their food production in the last few years without any tremendous use of fertilizers. How has China done it? China’s resources in this respect are not bigger than ours. China is at the same time laying far greater stress on industrial development and heavy industry than we are. Yet, they are succeeding in increasing their agricultural production at a faster pace than we are. Surly, it should not be beyond our powers to do something that China can do.”
Inspired by this Chinese experience, Nehru in 1958 launched what was perhaps the most progressive and historically significant land reform in India’s history – the Nagpur Resolution. The resolution promised to complete comprehensive land reforms, including imposing ceilings on land holdings, by the end of 1959, and it vigorously promoted the movement toward rural cooperatives: surplus rural land was to be collectively owned by the village community rather than held by individuals, and cooperatives composed of landless labourers would manage its use.
Although the ambitions of the Nagpur Resolution – and the broader big-push industrialisation strategy that India wholeheartedly embraced – ultimately fell short due to a host of internal and external challenges, the spirit of mutual assistance, reciprocal learning, and cooperative exchange between China and India, born out of that fervour for learning from China,” continues to resonate powerfully today.
In an increasingly uncertain world, revisiting India’s learning from China” episode serves as a potent reminder: China and India remain the only two nations in the world with populations exceeding one billion, and as each other’s largest neighbours, they are uniquely positioned to rekindle that cooperative spirit and become true partners in development.
*Keji Mao is an analyst at the International Cooperation Center, the founder of the South Asia Research Brief, and visiting fellow at the Harvard-Yenching Institute
Voters are unforgiving. Sri Lankan voters can be quite nasty, merciless and even violent if they realize they have been taken for fools.
If a political party wins power by deceiving people through lies and false promises, depending on the severity of those lies its lifespan will be cut short. The biggest public demand before the elections in 2024 was to severely punish politicians of the former regimes. People did not ask for free bread, rice, gas or other free goods. They didn’t even ask for development or political solutions. Instead, the north, south, east, west and the centre of the country demanded punishing former national leaders and their supporters. It is a very easy deliverable but the NPP regime has failed to deliver it. NPP regime must act quickly and decisively on this and make people happy by punishing key political figures responsible for the 76-years of rot. Otherwise, the NPP regime goes home before the next national election.
2024 parliamentary election was the first and only election where the entire nation (barring just one district) voted for one political party in complete ethnic and religious unity. Most Buddhists voted for the NPP and so did most Christians, most Hindus and most Muslims. It never happened before. In doing so, they did not demand sectarian political solutions or other tribal demands. It took 100 years since elections were introduced to achieve this noble milestone in 2024. However, people in the north, south, east, west and the centre of the country had 2 demands – punish former national leaders and their henchmen severely and extract the loot they took away from countrymen. Just 2 demands. What’s better is meeting these demands dilutes the rivals of the NPP regime which is an added advantage for it. However, the NPP regime has let people down. At least so far. If they think that they could hold on to power through lies, false promises and deceit, they are mistaken. On one hand people will pull out their support extended so far to the regime exposing it to collapse. On the other hand, rival politicians and their clans will regroup and strike the government hard when and where it hurts most forcing it to relinquish power.
People know that the president and the prime minister have a soft corner for their former parliamentary colleagues but people don’t. Thus far the NPP has failed to overcome these personal affiliations of its 2 leaders which has angered the general public. Putting personal interests over public and national interest is a grave mistake of the NPP if it continues doing so.
Inexperience is not an excuse for the NPP. It must learn the tricks of the trade quickly and put them into practice. Otherwise, it must face an angry, ruthless and an unforgiving electorate. No more lies.
The theatre enthusiasts, who saw Maname in its maiden presentation in Colombo and before that at rehearsals in Peradeniya, saw its significance and artistic value. Many years later, this group wrote up their recollections for Sunday newspapers. They also provided contributions to publications issued to mark Maname anniversaries, such as the Silver Jubilee of Maname” (1981). Sarath Amunugama wrote Maname mathak vee” for Sarachchandra’s 100th birth anniversary.
These writings are informative and perceptive. They should be brought together. I have therefore added further essays to this series on Maname, in order to present extracts from these writings with a few observations of mine. There is repetition. That could not be avoided.
I was taken to see Maname at Pushpadana School hall in Kandy. My father, who had seen theatre in London in his student days, was very enthusiastic. I was intrigued by the actors going round and round in a circle, but that was all. I saw no significance in Maname. I went home and forgot about Maname.
Sarath Amunugama has also gone to the same performance. He was then an Advanced Level student at Trinity College. His reaction was different. He saw the value of Maname. Maname made a permanent impact on me, said Sarath. [1] Maname showed that we could develop a creative modern Sinhala culture.
The Pushpadana performance would have been the second performance of Maname and the first for Kandy and Peradeniya. Sarath Amunugama says there was a large audience, mainly of university academics. Their Volkswagen cars were parked in a row by the school. Kandy intelligentsia, it appears, was also informed and they too had turned up to see Maname. That is why my family was there.
Commentators have pointed out that the year in which Maname appeared was a significant one. The year was 1956. Bandaranaike’s electoral triumph of 1956 brought about a political transformation which heralded the common man’s era, the birth of linguistic nationalism and a social and cultural revival of unprecedented magnitude, said K.H.J. Wijedasa.[2]
1956 was also the year which marked the birth of three classical landmark artistic creations in the fields of Sinhala drama, cinema and fiction namely Ediriweera Sarachchandra’s ‘Maname’, Lester James Peiris’s ‘Rekhawa’ and Martin Wickremasinghe’s ‘Viragaya,’ he said.
Ralph Pieris ‘Sinhala Social Organization’ was also published in 1956. This dry academic tome was enthusiastically received and eagerly read. It was translated to Sinhala as ‘Sinhala samaja sanvidanaya’. That increased the readership for the book.
Why Maname was such a huge success sixty years ago and why is it so popular even today asked K.H.J. Wijedasa. Maname gripped the imagination of both the westernized urban audience as well as the traditionalists. It introduced a new genre to the Sinhala theatre. Its lyrics, music, choreography, costumes and make up heralded a new trend in theatre, he said. The musicality of Maname is undoubtedly a major factor in its artistic success. The new stylized dramatic medium with beautiful melodies and choreographed dances was intriguing.
Maname conjured up a special world that our audiences had not seen before. Larger than life players in unusual costumes and distinctive make-up walking the stage in a mild dance like manner (gamana) talking in an unfamiliar way and telling the story in melody, rhythm and drum, all beautifully integrated, gave the audience an uncanny feeling, concluded Wijedasa.
I remember vividly the first night performance of Maname. As the curtain rose and the rich chant of the Pothegura (narrator) filled the auditorium, I sat spellbound at what seemed to me a theatrical miracle. Sarachchandra’s total transformation of theatrical aspects he had taken from the traditional rituals and folk plays, into a sophisticated modern drama, the bare stage emblazoned with colourful costumes by the artist Siri Gunasinghe, the sheer poetry of the verse enhanced by Sarachchandra’s creative use of music and dance, left me and the audience stunned”, said Ranjini Obeyesekere, in an oration she delivered in 2014 to mark the birth centenary of Sarachchandra.[3]
Here was something new, exciting, and different from anything seen in the Sinhala theatre so far, breaking away from the western influenced fourth wall proscenium dramas and opening new directions for the Sinhala theatre. As I walked out, dazed and excited I remember meeting Regi Siriwardene, at the time the leading critic for the English newspapers, and he was equally transfixed. We talked briefly, at a loss for words to express our excitement, Ranjini concluded.
Amaradasa Gunawardena who was at the first performance, as a member of the Maname team recalled that as the concluding song ‘Mangalam suba mangalam wewa jayasiri mangalam’ came to an end, a great applause arose and continued without ceasing. There was a call for the dramatist.
Those days there was no curtain call and Sarachchandra was reluctant to appear. What need is there for the people who came to see the play to see me,” he said. Gunasena Galappatti, Arthur Silva and I pushed him on to the stage . He stood there to receive applause, which he had never expected, said Amaradasa.[4]
After this performance the cast was invited ot dinner by Somi Meegama. Somi was a well known patron of the arts. [5] Sarachchandra had other elite contacts as well. He knew Esmond Wickremesinghe and his wife Nalini, the daughter of DR Wijewardene. Nalini hadhelped to get Maname on gramophone record.[6] She had provided sponsorship through the Sinhala Institute of Culture for Sarachchandra’s plays to be performed in Colombo [7]
The first Maname cast deserves special mention. Lionel Fernando who played the role of Chief of the Foresters in the original cast[8] recalled It was around July 1956 when Sarachchandra held a couple of auditions for those who were willing to help him in this new venture. I was among those who were keen to join it. Several months of rehearsals followed.
Years later, Indrani Wijesinghe reminisces: After the annual vacation, we returned to the campus, for the second academic year, there was good news awaiting us that Dr. Sarachchandra was going to produce a drama and anyone interested could meet him at an audition. Once inside the audition room I was at completely at ease, when I discovered that all who had gathered there were in the same boat, Trilicia, Hemamali, Trixie, Swarna, Lionel,.” [9]
Hemamali tells us how she entered the world of Maname in that historic year, 1956:So one damp and drizzly Saturday afternoon, Piyaseeli Sirisena and I walked up Sangamitta Hill, past Sangamitta Hall, to the secluded B Bungalow that was the Sarachchandra residence. It is funny how little details retained in your memory suddenly spring to mind when you try to reminisce.
My most vivid image of that rather hesitant walk up to the Sarachchandra door is of a rain-drenched Thumbergia creeper, its few remaining blossoms, beaten down but bravely glistening with raindrops trembling upon the velvety petals like dew. Even with the drizzle outside, the door was open. Shaking the raindrops off our hair and clothes, we entered a world of chaos and buzzing activity”, concluded Hemamali.
I have always wondered how the University suddenly produced such fine singing undergrads , who were able to launch Maname so successfully with a few months of rehearsals. It appears that they had been performing under Sarachchandra for several years before and understood each other.
The first University departments to move to Peradeniya from Colombo in 1952 were the Oriental and Arts faculties. There was plenty of cultural activity in Peradeniya for them, all of it centered on Sarachchandra, noted Sarath Amunugama. Sarachchandra connected each year with the dozen or so talented students newly arrived into these two faculties. He had no use for the rest . He had a talent for associating with the young undergrads, said Amunugama.
There were enough good singers in each batch and Sarachchandra organized ‘singing groups.’ They sang so well that when Sarachchandra had musical evenings at his house in Sanghamitta hill, students at Sanghamitta Hall used to listen at their balconies.’
Sarachchandra also made his singers perform before an audience. Sarachchandra organized song recitals at the University . He would select the songs, roneo them and train the singers at his home. We practiced every evening.” Amaradeva and others who were visiting him also took an interest in these rehearsals, reported Amunugama. After training for 2 weeks they would give a musical evening at the Arts theatre.
Sarachchandra also started a carol group which sang bhakthi gee at Wesak. He never had to look for students for these projects. The undergrads, specially the girls, ran to join when they heard that Sarachchandra was planning a musical evening or bhakthi gee performance , said Amunugama.
Amunugama’s information can be accepted. He was close enough . He entered University in 1957 , the year after Maname and gained almost immediate access to that magic circle which surrounded Sarachchandra, noted Ajit Samaranayake..[10] Practically every evening students used to gather at Sarachchandra’s house, Amunugama recalled They included Gunadasa Amarasekera, Gunasena Galappaththy, Dayananda Gunawardena as well as visitors such as Amaradeva. This was in the 1950s, the first decade at Peradeniya . By the time I, (Kamalika Pieris), entered University, Sarachchandra had left Sanghamitta Hill. As far as I know, there were no singing groups either.1961 was spent rehearsing Sinhabahu.
We must recognize the special talents of the original cast of Maname, noted Sarath Amunugama. Those who entered Peradeniya in the 50s and 60s came from central schools. They had been taught by clever dedicated teachers and were the best products of the school.
Theycame from schools which had encouraged song, dance and music. Classical music was in the syllabus, so they could play tabla, sitar as well as sing. The music for Maname came from those who had studied at Horana Central, where they had learned to play oriental instruments. HL Seneviratne, Hemapala Wijewardene, Kithsiri Amaratunge came from Horana.Their background helped the cast to adapt to the Nadagam style and benefit from the teaching of Gunasinghe Gurunnanse.
The young undergraduates who took part in Maname were unaware that they were creating history. When we read the reminiscences of those pioneering actors and actresses we begin to feel the youthful ebullience with which they undertook the task, said Dharmadasa.
Despite the exultant praise of the very small but distinguished first audience of scholars, journalists and critics who gathered that night, it didn’t occur to any of us that we had placed our own humble footprints in a notable venture, said Shyamon Jayasinghe. [11]
Shyamon recalled, it was simply an innocent collective enjoyment that we experienced. To me and our team of actors and organizers it meant simply the culmination of a six month period of sheer fun and camaraderie in rehearsing the play, nothing more. We did it for the enjoyment.
At the auditions Sarachchandra tested their singing, not acting ability, said Shyamon.[12] We rehearsed for about five months. Sarachchandra allowed us to perform as we wished and only corrected our mistakes. He did not instruct us. cut He drew out our abilities and creativeness.
Those were, perhaps, the best of our times. The days when Maname was created and the immediate aftermath, continued Shyamon. Rehearsals in the Arts block at Peradeniya campus, the great Sarachchandra by our side, guiding us along. The venerable Charles Silva Gunasinghe Gurunnanse, Nadagam expert from Ambalangoda, teaching the dance steps.
I remember Trilicia singing “Lapa nomavan sanda se somi gunena” with a subtle erotic movement of her body. We hardly realized then we were in the process of creating history, but there was commitment all round. That was one reason for the high quality of the show, concluded Shyamon. [13]
I can remember Professor Sarachchandra rehearsing his plays again and again. It is not only the use of emotive words- words that have dhavani in them, it is the pitch and the notes in which it is sung, the poise of the actors that brings about an effect in the audience, and in this Sarachchandra is a real master, recalled Garvin Karunaratne.[14]
The play was a success because the two leading male roles were played by mature men and not by twenty year old undergrads . If the characters had been played by young undergrads, the response would have been very different. Maname would have been a flop.
Certainly, Sinhabahu (1961) was performed by undergrads, some actors were weak and the first performance was like a dress rehearsal but by then the audience knew to spot the potential in a Sarachchandra play and ignore the natural limitations of a University production.
But Maname was different. Maname was vitally important. Although he auditioned several persons to take the role of the Veddha King no one was able to sing in the tone Sarachchandra wanted the Veddha king to sing. Sarachchandra was thinking of abandoning the play. Then Edmund Wijesinghe came along.
When Edmund sang the very walls of the Junior Common Room seemed to listen in hushed silence to the rich timbre of his voice that resonated with a suppressed violence that was also right for the role of the Vedda King. In fact the very awkwardness of his stance and movements fit the image of the feral character perfectly, said KNO Dharmadasa.
Hemamali Gunasekera recalls how Edmund Wijesinghe’s voice contrasted dramatically with the mellow richness of Ben Sirimanne’s voice. Ben was Prince Maname, a mature student who had entered Peradeniya as a school-teacher and was reading for the Diploma in Education. He had some experience in singing and playing an instrument.[15] Hemamali found him mature, unflappable and gentlemanly, with his pleasant mellifluous voice and gentle ways” , putting her completely at ease during the rehearsals.
Shyamon who gave a memorable performance as Poteguru recalled that the role of Potegura was new to the Sinhala theatre of the time. Sarachchandra did not know how to present this character, neither did Shyamon.
But at the first performance as the curtain was about to rise, when he saw Hemamali and others costumed and ready, and in my opinion, probably heard the rustle of the audience, and realized this was it , Shyamon had a moment of epiphany. He saw the significance of his role. He must introduce the play in a dynamic manner. He recalled in a video interview with Boston Lanka in 2013 that his first speech got a terrific response from the audience.
Sarachchandra was always at the performance, with sitar or tempura, said Shyamon. Sarachchandra was always present at a performance, agreed Sarath Amunugama. That was probably because the actors were amateurs and not professionals. They were students with other things on their minds, tutorials to write and exams to prepare for.
Sarachchandra seems to have followed this policy for his other plays too. Pushpamala Iriyagolle who was in the chorus of Sinhabahu told me one day at Sanghamitta, ‘we sang flat yesterday, and Professor Sarachchandra was furious. He was glaring at us from the wings..” I did not know till then that Sarachchandra was present in the wings at every performance.
The Maname actors concentrated on their performances. The adults saw the potential and the national impact the play would make. At least two senior lecturers were actively helping, Ananda Kulasuriya and Siri Gunasinghe. The costumes and make up provided by Siri Gunasinghe differed for each character. The costumes of Poteguru, Maname, princess, Veddah king, veddhas, all differed in style and colour, said Amunugama .
The rest of the Department of Sinhala also knew about the play. Academics from other Departments were also supportive. Ralph Pieris I am told was also there, helping.” He was a friend of Sarachchandra. Ralph told me that he was one of the persons who had advised the reluctant Sarachchandra that the play must open at the Lionel Wendt.
This is a photograph of the original cast, crew, producers and the association that was responsible for creating Maname, the Sinhala Drama Circle. The year would probably have been 1957. It is a formal photograph, probably framed and hung at University of Peradeniya . it is a historic photograph.
When I took my copy of the photograph to a print shop to get it enlarged and sharpened, the shop refused to accept payment, saying it took very little time and cost nothing. I think they were showing respect for Maname.
Attention should be paid to the contribution made by successive generations of Peradeniya undergrads, in the 1950s, 1960s, and thereafter, to the success of Sarachchandra’s plays. One critic spoke of Sarachchandra’s cohort of student actors and actresses who enthusiastically and devotedly participated in his plays.
The contribution of these undergraduate performers has not been sufficiently appreciated. Several generations of talented undergraduates helped to launch a string of Sarachchandra plays at Peradeniya. Rattaran”, Kada Valalu”, Maname”, Elova gihin Melova ava” and Sinhabahu,” were the first of these. I recall seeing Somalatha Subasinghe,in Elova Gihin, at the open air stage at Hilda Obeyesekera Hall . She had terrific stage presence.
There was also Vella Vehum performed by a talented set of minor employees of the University. They had asked Sarachchandra to write a play for them. I saw it at Trinity College Hall. It was good.
Sarachchandra continued to produce new plays in the years after I had left the University . Loma Hansa Natakaya” and Pemathi Jayati Soko” were , I think, first performed by Peradeniya students. This means a continuous supply of talented undergrads for about 20 years. I think the Sinhala Drama Society also functioned throughout this period.
As I pointed out earlier, there was only one University then, so all the talent ended up at Peradeniya. Some of the actors, such as Jayalath Manoratne and Somalatha Subasinghe later made their own contribution to Sinhala theatre. They became admired actors, playwrights and directors.
Maname and Sinhabahu are the two most popular Sarachchandra plays. They are shown regularly in Colombo and elsewhere year after year. These two plays are also perennials in the Sinhala theatre collection. Sinhabahu has also made it to the Guiness Record book.
Terrence and Malini Ranasinghe, who met through Sinhabahu, are listed in the Guinness Book of World Records as the two actors who have performed the same role for the longest time. Terrence and Malini have acted as Potegura and Suppa Devi in over 5,000 performances of Sinhabahu, from 1961 to 1991, a total of 30 years, said Guinness.[16] ( continued)
• ‘Garvin Karunaratne writes again today. I have read his Dahanayaka & red-onion affair several times in the Island. His telephone handling at the Marketing Department’s Tripoli HQ resembles Mountbatten’s war operations room.’”
We did use phones in a remarkable way to move veg and fruit from far away to Colombo.
It was always a hive of activity from the time I parked my Hillman Minx at eight or nine and walked in. The attempt was to see that all the produce available at the Producer fairs were purchased at a higher price. The telephones rang again and again and our lorries did move fast to bring the produce. We got so many oranges at Tripoli that we even built a makeshift grader to grade them by size.
In the outstations we had to be in the good books of the Government Agent, so that we could walk in to his office and use his special phone to get to Tripoli. He too had a few phones and one phone was special as we could dial Tripoli Market to get approval to purchase everything the producers brought to the Fairs.
Economic theory that we learned from books tell that a number of traders would compete and offer higher prices. But I had known that this never happens at the Fairs. The traders are in a group and offer low prices. As dusk sets in the producers are at their mercy as they must sell. It was the Marketing Department that did give good prices and I hope to see a Marketing Department being formed soon after the election.
It is sad that we being blessed with rain and shine cannot produce all our food. Once we did produce all the rice we needed- that was in 1956-1970, when we gave a ration of rice free to everyone. I have never heard of that being done in any other country . Mind you the MD Cannery did make Sri Lanka self sufficient in all fruit products within three years 1956 to 1958, We even exported pine apple rings and pieces- eight percent of what we made went abroad earning dollars. Tomatoe Juice was the drink that Professor Sarathchandra liked most.
Once in Matara I set up a Crayon Factory. It took three months of nocturnal experiments locked up in the science lab at Rahula College Matara for my Planning Officer to find the recipe to make crayons. Then I summoned Sumanapala Dahanayake the Member of parliament for Deniya who happened to be the President of the Moraka Cooperatives to set it up with the cooperative funds he held, I had no authority to use coop funds for that but I did authorize. Sumane purchased all the ingredients, pot and pans and burners in a day, twenty youths were found in the next day and we- myself and Vetus Fernando my Plnning Officer moved in with some six officers and working pell mell for two weeks on a 24 hour basis we trained the youths and filled two large rooms with Crayons. We showed the crayons to Minister Subasinghe and he came down to open sales the very next day and lo we did sell Coop Crayon islandwide all done at the end of the third week. In about the fifth week we approached the Controller of Imports Harry Guneratne as we got wind that he was about to authorize imports of crayons. We did convince him that he should give our Crayon Factory a small allocation of forex to import dyes. He wanted the Ministers approval. Sumane and I went to meet Minister Illangaratne who not only approved a cross allocation, never done earlier but also happily shouted to the Import Controller to ban the import of |Crayons.
Over to our President . Dear Excellency we did work fast once and allayed poverty. I am certain that you can do it better. I was only a GA. Excellency you are the President of Sri Lanka. You can do it.
The other day, while we were chatting after dinner, my friend Fasal Izzadeen asked me, Rohan, who was the best prime minister Sri Lanka ever had?” I told him I couldn’t name the best prime minister, but I could name the best prime minister Sri Lanka never had.” A bit surprised, he asked, Who is he?” Lakshman Kadirgamar (LK), The Cake That Was Baked At Home,” I said without batting an eyelid.
This remarkable patriot and intellectual of our country completed his secondary education at Trinity College, Kandy, where he excelled in academics and a variety of sports, including cricket, rugby, and athletics, earning the most prestigious award a sportsman can achieve at his alma mater, the Trinity Lion.” He then entered the University of Ceylon in 1950 and graduated with a Bachelor of Laws (LLB) degree in 1953. Afterward, he joined Ceylon Law College and passed all his examinations with flying colours. He was admitted to the Ceylon Bar in 1955. Later, he attended Balliol College at the University of Oxford for postgraduate studies, where he became president of the Oxford Union in 1959. LK obtained a Bachelor of Letters (B.Litt.) in 1960.
He was an expert in commercial, industrial, labour, property, and international law, practicing in Sri Lanka and the UK. In 1991, he was appointed as a President’s Counsel.
Achievements in the International Spear
There were two notable career achievements in the international sphere. First, he became the first-ever person to conduct a formal investigation of a country on behalf of Amnesty International when he investigated the insurgence of Buddhist-Catholic violence in Vietnam in 1973. The other is that he served as a consultant at the International Labour Organisation in Geneva and as director of the Asia-Pacific region at the World Intellectual Property Organisation.
His findings in the Vietnam affair were very interesting. He interviewed a vast cross-section of people that included Buddhist monks, Catholic priests, professors, teachers, professionals, and ordinary people both young and old. Although political and religious extremists in Ceylon sought to create the impression that a religious war between Buddhists and Catholics was fought in that country, he realised that it was not so.
The struggle was against the autocracy of a powerful family created by Ngo Dinh Diem. Diem, who was in exile, returned to the country to become the prime minister at the request of the last emperor of Vietnam, Bao Dai (Keeper of Greatness”). Dai’s government was backed by the US. Diem then ousted the emperor at a referendum and made himself president of South Vietnam in October 1955. Diem established an autocratic regime that was staffed at the highest levels by members of his own family who were Roman Catholics. His preference for fellow Roman Catholics made him unacceptable to Buddhists, who were an overwhelming majority in South Vietnam. When the National Liberation Front, or Viet Cong, from North Vietnam launched an increasingly intense guerrilla war against his government, he used heavy-handed and ineffective tactics to suppress them, which deepened the government’s unpopularity and isolation.
When forces killed several people at a rally celebrating the Buddha’s birthday, Buddhists began staging large protest rallies, and three monks and a nun immolated themselves. Those actions finally persuaded the USA to withdraw its support from Diem, and his generals assassinated him during a coup d’état. Thereafter the struggle was for unification of the country and rid of USA forces, which Vietnamese achieved in April 1975.
Leaving Ceylon
LK left Ceylon in 1971 following the JVP insurrection that year, moving to England and practising in London for three years.
LK served in 1974–6 as a consultant for the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Then in 1976, he took up an appointment with the World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO), in which he was appointed in 1983 to the newly created post of Director for Asia and the Pacific.
LK was the author of several scholarly articles published in international legal journals such as the Modern Law Review, South African Law Journal and Conveyancer and Property Lawyer. He served as Director, Industrial Property Division, and Director, Development Cooperation and External Relations Bureau for Asia and the Pacific at WIPO until he was overlooked for the post of Deputy Director General.
He resigned in May 1988 and moved back to Sri Lanka in the following year.
Going into Politics and becoming Minister of Foreign Affairs
In the general elections held on August 16, 1994, the People’s Alliance secured the largest number of seats in parliament, and on August 19, its leader, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga (CBK), became prime minister.
Soon after this victory, she attempted to persuade LK to enter politics. Although LK was initially hesitant, he decided to join CBK when her mother, Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, phoned him and convinced him to join her daughter’s cabinet. LK would have realised that his knowledge and experience were crucial for navigating the country he loved through this tumultuous period.
He was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs on August 19, 1994, the same day CBK assumed the role of Prime Minister.
CBK then achieved a landslide victory in the presidential election held on November 9, 1994, and took the oath as the fourth executive president of Sri Lanka.
LK was reappointed as Minister of Foreign Affairs on November 12, 1994. He took over the ministry during the peak of the country’s civil war between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Moreover, the country’s image had been significantly impacted by the riots and suppression of the JVP insurgency in the 1980s. The European Parliament alone passed 18 resolutions, along with several in the Geneva-based Human Rights Council, against Sri Lanka, influenced by LTTE lobbyists concerning her human rights record.
Assessing the situation, LK, being a professional himself, aimed to transform the Sri Lankan Foreign Service into a genuinely professional entity, similar to those in developed countries. He accomplished this to a certain extent, as noted by senior career diplomat Kalyananda Godage in his article for the Daily Mirror titled “Lakshman Kadirgamar: A brilliant lawyer, an intellectual, and above all, a principled humanist.”
LK played a key role in enhancing Sri Lanka’s relations with numerous countries and sought to establish the nation as a responsible member of the international community.
He then worked tirelessly to isolate the LTTE internationally, advocating for the group to be recognised as a terrorist organisation. His diplomatic efforts led several countries, including the United States and the European Union, to ban the LTTE, which deprived the organisation of a primary source of funding.
LK became the number one enemy of the LTTE.
When Shane Warne justified Australia’s decision not to play in Colombo during the 1996 Cricket World Cup by claiming he would be killed by a bomb while shopping, the quick-witted LK reportedly responded, “Shopping is for sissies.”
CBK’s Second Term as President
CBK won the 1999 presidential election despite being nearly killed in an LTTE assassination attempt at her final rally three days before Election Day.
She appointed her mother, Sirimavo Bandaranaike (Mrs.B), as prime minister, and LK was reappointed as Minister of Foreign Affairs. Due to her declining health, Mrs.B stepped down in August 2000 and passed away after a brief illness on October 10, 2000, at the age of 84. CBK appointed Ratnasiri Wickremanayake as the prime minister to succeed her mother.
LK’s address at the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly, held on 23rd September 1999, was significant for Buddhists worldwide and especially for Sri Lankans.
LK at UN General Assembly
He stated: Allow me, therefore, to suggest to this august Assembly that as third millennium of human history opens it would be fitting to recall the immense contribution to the understanding of the human condition that the teachings of Buddha made two thousand five hundred years ago. I suggest further, Mr. President, that it would be appropriate to honour the Buddha by declaring that Vesak, the sacred day for the Buddhists the world over, be observed as a special day by the United Nations. Mr. President, a Resolution to this effect sponsored by a number of countries will be introduced in the General Assembly, at the current sessions of the assembly. The Government of Sri Lanka would commend this resolution to the attention of the General Assembly.”
UN then adopted its resolution A/RES/54/115 summarised as: Resolves that without cost to the UN, appropriate arrangements shall be made for international observances of the Day of Vesak at UN Headquarters and other UN offices, in consultation with the relevant UN offices and with permanent missions that also wish to be consulted.”
LK, a Tamil Christian, successfully presented the case for implementing the recommendations made at the World Buddhist Conference held in Colombo in 1998, which urged that Vesak Day be declared an International Holiday.
Recession in 2000
Many economic projects initiated by the CBK government failed, and the country was in recession by 2001.
The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in real terms contracted by 1.4 percent. This marked the first negative growth reported since independence in 1948. The lowest growth recorded previously was 0.2 percent in 1971, a year when economic activities were crippled as a result of a youth insurrection led by the JVP.
The temporary deviation of the economy in 2001 from its long-term growth trend of approximately 5 percent per annum reflected a negative outcome from several factors that impacted both the aggregate supply and aggregate demand sides of the overall economy (Central Bank of Sri Lanka Annual Report – 2001).
At this stage, a few ministers betrayed the PA government and joined the UNP. Chandrika dissolved the government, and the general election was held on 5th December 2001. The PA lost the election. Ranil Wickramasinghe formed a government with UNP and those dissident MPs of PA, which was called UNF or United National Front.
Ranil signed a ceasefire agreement with Prabakaran, the LTTE leader, initiated by the Norwegian government in February 2002. However, Ranil made several politically unpopular strategies to resurrect the economy and put it back on track.
Ranil managed to get the help of the international community to organise a conference on the reconstruction and development of Sri Lanka in Tokyo on the 10th of June 2003. The participating donor countries and international organisations have demonstrated their willingness to extend assistance to the entire country, to a cumulative estimated amount, above US $4.5 billion over the four years, 2003-2006. However, there were conditions attached based on peace negotiations between the government and LTTE.
The JVP considered the actions of UNF as an anti-people, pro-imperialist, pro-separatist programme and had discussions with Chandrika’s SLFP to ally with a programmme based on people-friendly policies to stop the re-colonisation and division of Sri Lanka.
The former Foreign Minister Kadiragama too was very critical of the ceasefire agreement.
The SLFP and the JVP formed the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) in January 2004.
Request by JVP to Appoint LK as Prime Minister
According to then JVP leader Somawansa Amerasinghe they requested the President Chandrika Kumaratunga to appoint Kadiragama as the Prime Minister because they considered he was a true Sri Lankan in every sense of the word.
Somawansa later wrote in an article published by Sunday Times, He was an example to those of us within our country of the model Sri Lankan embodied within himself, the characteristics of what being a Sri Lankan was all about – rising above narrow racial, religious and other divisions, but at the same time being a personification of all that is Sri Lankan – tradition and culture, tolerance, patience, and equanimity. Although he was, as most would acknowledge, the best Foreign Minister of independent Sri Lanka, we felt that the Foreign Minister’s portfolio was too small a place for a man of his stature.”
Somawansa further said, We saw in Mr. Kadirgamar a person who was proud of his origins. He was proud to be a Sri Lankan. He stood up to the international community and spoke to them as their equal.”
When an interviewer from BBC asked LK whether he was a traitor to the Tamil people he said “People who live in Sri Lanka are first and foremost Sri Lankans, then we have our race and religion, which is something given to us at birth”. “We have to live in Sri Lanka as Sri Lankans tolerating all races and religions.”
To prevent the deterioration of the country’s security, as pointed out by the JVP, President CBK dissolved parliament.
The general election was held on April 2, 2004, which was won by the UPFA. The cabinet of the new Alliance government included four members from the political bureau of the JVP.
However, Chandrika never appointed LK as Prime Minister.
The Cake Was Baked At Home
The Oxford Union unveiled a portrait of their 1958-59 president LK, on the 18th of March 2005. This was a great honour bestowed by the Oxford Union on only 15 others in its 183-year history.
He made a short speech at the ceremony where he said, “I would like to, if I may, assume that I could share the honour with the people of my country, SRI LANKA. I had my schooling there, my first university was there, I went to Law College there and by the time I came to Oxford as a postgraduate student, well, I was relatively a mature person. Oxford was the icing on the cake but the cake was baked at home.”
Then on the 18th of February 2015, LK’s portrait was unveiled at his first University, the University of Peradeniya senate room by the then Vice Chancellor of the University, Prof. Athula Senaratne.
Thus two universities in the world honoured him by unveiling his portraits.
LK was assassinated by the LTTE on August 12, 2005. An LTTE sniper shot him as he was exiting the swimming pool at his private residence in Cinnamon Gardens, Colombo 7. However, the LTTE denied responsibility for LK’s assassination.
Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, Executive Director, Centre for Policy Alternatives wrote: LTTE denials notwithstanding, the government and the police investigators have come to the clear conclusion that the LTTE is responsible for the killing. And from this stem the consequences for the peace process and ceasefire. (Refer his article published in The Morning Leader of 17 August 2005 under the title “Kadirgamar killing: Blow to Peace”)
This great patriot’s 93rd birthday falls on April 12, and this article serves as a tribute to the best Foreign Minister Sri Lanka ever had and the Best Prime Minister Sri Lanka Never Had.”
If LK had not assassinated and succeeded in bringing peace (which he probably would have achieved), the grateful Sri Lankans of all races would have elected him as their President. If that had happened, Sri Lanka wouldn’t have faced the political and economic problems she experienced in the last two decades.
‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’
e-Con e-News 06-12 April 2025
‘There is also a military build-up going on in the US base in Diego Garcia,
including B-52 heavy bombers with a range of 10,000km.’
– MK Bhadrakumar, ‘Steve Witkoff’s Iran mission’
*
Sri Lanka is 1,925km from Diego Garcia in the Chagos Archipelago. Delhi is 4,026km from Diego Garcia. The USA’s ‘eco-friendly’ vehicles of mass destruction boast they can flatten anything over double that distance, Gaza-styleee! Unimpededly, they hope. And they may surely try. India or Sri Lanka certainly have no means to respond in kind on US real-estate. Yet there has been a deafening silence from the media in India, as in Sri Lanka, over England recently handing over that archipelago, that is not theirs, for such horrific purposes – kicking out the original inhabitants – to the US, for another 100 years, in this purportedly ‘post-colonial’ age – once prematurely tagged and effusively celebrated by our funded social-scientists – ‘post-colonial’, a trope adorning many a dollared PhD thesis.
India, after all, is said to have waged, or backed, a 30-year war of terrorism, on Sri Lanka, due to Sri Lanka’s then-President JR Jayewardene’s attempt to hand over the strategic port of Trincomalee to the US. Yet, not a word about Diego G. So what goes? Could last week’s ‘agreements’ with India lead to a division of the country, after some pretext is concocted, and include India invading the North & East of Sri Lanka, while the US invades the South?
*
• The US government is impounding countries’ gold reserves, throwing out diplomats from their country, sanctioning people & tariffing trade. They are imprisoning and deporting foreign students for criticizing the US’ foreign military policies. They are exporting migrants as purported ‘criminals’ to third countries. Rule of law, huh? Meanwhile, their so-called NGOs (multinational banks & corporations, included) fly capital in & out at will, while loudly complaining about feeling cramped. Sena Thoradeniya has been closely tracking the blatant & published interferences of US & Indian officials in the internal affairs of our country, led by a constantly going but never-departing ‘killer dwarf’ US Envoy. Thoradeniya ponders if ‘They want to make Sri Lanka a partner in their Indo-Pacific’ war games. He wonders, ‘Who amalgamated the Indian Ocean with the Pacific Ocean?’, evincing a nostalgia for his childhood cartography: ‘East of the Indian Ocean was bounded by the beaches of Western Australia was the Geography we knew!’ Alas, for map makers and sellers. One wag this week pointed out, when you buy a map of India, you get 2 maps for the price of one, for they always include Sri Lanka. Inclusive indeed!
Thoradeniya concludes, ‘President Anura Kumara is trapped by previous agreements & Ranil Wickremasinghe’s commitment to take up commanding the USA’s ‘Combined Maritime Force’s Combined Task Force 154, CMF-Bahrain.’ He speculates if the ‘Malima government would sign the SOFA (Status of Forces Agreement) which Sirisena did not sign’, while noting that the USA’s ‘ACSA (Acquisition & Cross Servicing Act) [was] extended by Sirisena in 2017 without exit clause or duration’ (see ee Focus, Departing US Envoy Julie Chung’s Interference in the Tri-Forces)
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• ‘The second Trump administration continues to intensify a New Cold War’ and ‘Peace in the Indian Ocean is once again at stake’, reckons Shiran Illanperuma. India’s participates in ‘the Quad (consisting of the US, Australia, & Japan), which is a component of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy to contain China.’ He yet optimistically examines the strivings of Asian & African countries, led by Sri Lanka’s dynamic Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere, to adopt UN Resolution 2832 – the ‘Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace’ (see ee Focus, Sri Lanka’s Defense Agreement with India & the Prospects for Peace in the Indian Ocean)
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• This week saw England send their Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) Deputy Chief Economist Fergus Cumming to Sri Lanka, to fish for business contracts here. You have to credit the English for their slimy crass! Then again, the FCDO’s origins lie in their ‘Secretary of State for War, for the Colonies’. The red carpet for Cumming’s visit began unrolling weeks ago with the so-called revelations by the BBC’s camel division al Jazeera, about the Batalanda abattoir, which will certainly not enable England’s fabled ’truths & reconciliations’. It is meant to only inflame divisions within the country, for the JVP (& not just them, but other ‘human rights experts’ as well) too would have to answer for their roles. The English then laid down sanctions against military officers. And now they send a businessman to fish for contracts! How’s thaaat! Craving market and visa access, this merchant oligarchy has to submit to these charades? Why can’t the nation come together to examine how the English bestowed a political economy on this country to enable such conflagrations? Former China PM Zhou Enlai once remarked: ‘The English left time-bombs in Asia.’
In 1942, England poured 10,000s of Indian, African and English troops into Sri Lanka (then colonial Ceylon) to stage a last stand against Japan, which had evicted them from Malaysia and Singapore. India’s national movement was also in full swing (see ee Focus, When England Poured Armies into Lanka). The English then temporarily withdrew, ‘granting’ an independence, strangled at birth, to ensure remote control over the polity and a continuation of the colonial import-export plantation oligarchy. Midst attempts to remove ourselves from an administration of ‘Brown Englishmen’, Sri Lanka’s oligarchy sought, albeit half-heartedly (given the country was led by another compromised ‘Brown Englishman’) to join in the Non-Aligned Movement.
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‘Unable to overcome the pattern of colonial underdevelopment
and the imperialist onslaught of coups & counterinsurgency,
the 3rd World debt crisis ushered in a shift from a spirit of cooperation to the
law of competition. This crisis was used to divide & discipline the periphery
& reincorporate it into a global market on terms favourable to multinational capital.’
– SBD de Silva, The Political Economy of Underdevelopment
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• The US government has declared economic war on the rest of the world, states US economist Michael Hudson. He recommends that to protect ourselves, we ‘must suspend dollar debt service’. He feels it is ‘inevitable’ that ‘countries will find themselves obliged to make their economies no longer dependent on US exports or dollar credit’, thereby ‘creating a new world economic system’.
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‘Trump is telling the rest of the world that they must be losers –
& accept the fact graciously in payment for the military protection
that it provides the world, in case Russia might invade Europe or
China might send its army into Taiwan, Japan, or elsewhere…’
– M Hudson (ee Economists, Trump’s tariff
threats could destabilize the global economy)
*
We see such hallucinatory US projections about a bellicose Russia & China regularly planted in their compliant media in Sri Lanka. And not just in their robotic lip service, EconomyNext. Hudson also riffs on the rote diversions of economists: The oft-quoted David ‘Ricardo’s model and US neoclassical theory [are] simply an excuse for hard-line creditor policy.’ JM Keynes ‘emphasized that, if creditors want to be paid, they have to import from the debtor countries to provide them with the ability to pay’. ‘The political problem of the world’s overhang of dollar debts is that the US is acting in a way that prevents debtor countries from earning the money to pay foreign debts denominated in US dollars.’
The USA’s IMF meanwhile needs ‘more time’ to ‘gauge the impact of global shocks on Sri Lanka’s economy’! They also speak of ‘Recent external shocks and evolving developments.’ Really! The IMF can’t bring itself to say their master has been preparing these ‘shocks’ quite openly for many months! Didn’t they game this scenario? These ‘reciprocal tariffs’ have been claimed as ‘an invitation’ to create equity, but it’s actually a demand, that the world submit to joining their wars on China or whoever else. The Silicon Valley billionaires, who have financed these present gaggle of the USA’s major politicians, are also ‘extremely’ anti-China, just like their ‘Democratic Party’ predecessors. And contrary to the ‘free trade’ bible of economists here, these eggheads also openly supportmonopolies, declaring ‘competition is for losers’, and ‘monopoly is the condition of every successful business’. There you go!
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• Meanwhile, the present imperialist economic trap we find ourselves in has been laid for over 3 decades, where colonized governments were consistently ‘told that the only way we can develop is through export-led growth’. The media’s economists, of the so-called Left & Right, have also parroted this scripture. They have never considered giving our own workers a fair deal as a good option. They see ‘wages as a cost, not as a source of our own domestic demand & market’ (see ee Quotes, Jayati Ghosh)
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‘The Trump administration’s use of the term ‘reciprocal tariff’ is misleading.
Reciprocity implies equity, yet the kinds of goods which the US & Sri Lanka trade
can hardly be equated. While Sri Lanka exports labor-intensive products
such as apparel to the US, it imports capital-intensive products such as machinery
& pharmaceuticals. Meanwhile, unlike the US, Sri Lanka does not
have the exorbitant privilege of printing the world’s reserve currency.’
– Shiran Illanperuma, ee Economists, Trump’s tariffs could intensify SL’s debt crisis
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The brown head of England’s Standard Chartered Bank in Colombo acts ‘surprised’ at Trump’s ‘reciprocal tariffs’, They repeatedly use this trope, and it helps us identify those economists, thinktanks & politicians who are bribed by the US, English & EU governments to mimic such economic hogwash – for ‘reciprocal’ it is definitely not! And shouldn’t such bribes be included in their calculations of imports & exports? Nope, ‘services’ are excluded. The Sunday Times’ Namini Wijedasa, a stipendiary of Japan’s NHK & England’s Economist, has been deliciously lubed with some ‘Woman of Courage’ Award by the US government for her investigative journalism on ‘corruption’, even as that US regime has yet again legalized the bribing of foreign officials! And she loves it. We doubt the Sunday Times would dare investigate that! Wijedasa too provides a ‘service’: she ‘vows to fight for system change’. Tariff that!
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Services, servants, domestic & civil & public,
like the word serf, service has its origins, according
to that equally capricious Oxford English Dictionary (OED)
in: ‘Middle English: from Old French server,
from Latin servire, from servus ‘slave’…
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• There is very little discussion on how multinational banks & corporations control 80% of world trade, and this includes goods & services. Very little is reported on how much of Sri Lanka’s export trade includes costs inflated by importers & exporters to pay for the foreign machineries involved. The fake garment trade (it is not an industry), yearning for US market access, imports pins, needles, machines, threads, resins & fabrics & fuel. CIC & CTC & Unilever are major importers of chemicals, many deadly. US exports services including computer software, Starlink, and Sri Lanka students also spend millions of dollars each year to study in the US, none of which are captured in the trade data… Firms such as booking.com operate in the country so far tax-free, as does Uber, McDonald’s, Burger King, Baskin-Robbins, Pizza Hut, Domino’s, etc. (see ee Economy, Sri Lanka services imports, open door for US brands should figure in tariff talks: NCE’s Marikar)
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• This ee Focus concludes for now our look into Anglo-American tobacco monopoly Ceylon Tobacco Company in Sri Lanka. It examines the early attempt of CTC’s English- and US-owned parent British American Tobacco (BAT) and linked ‘private’ tobacco corporations in Europe to form ‘leviathans’ through one of the 3 largest mega corporations outside the USA. They wished to take advantage of the formation of the European Economic Community to enable a huge home market to set up the formation of even large monopolies (on the pretext of countering China?), heralding England’s entry into that market. Apparently beleaguered by concerns for health, It looks at their efforts to move into and monopolize agricultural supplies, packaging, production machinery, as well as scientific & technical research. Very interestingly it examines BAT (CTC’s) link to CIC (Imperial Chemical Industries – ICI), who led the recent media war against organic fertilizer.
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• An Island article on a Nexus Research seminar turns out to be ‘creatively’ composed by AI… Some AI programs report the article is 66% AI, others insist it is 100%! How reliable are AI checkers? This is what has happened to merchant capitalist journalism. Why not? What is most interesting is that the unattributed article completely overturns what the speakers said, and instead repeats the US-IMF bible! Knowing the record of some of the Nexus speakers, we know they would never have said such things… Meanwhile, much of the Island’s online sections are embarrassingly defunct and outdated. Their ‘foreign news’ is totally the English government (BBC)’s view of the world.
The other top user of AI parading as ‘news’ is EconomyNext, which is supposed to be a Sri Lankan news site, but is a US lip-service. Every EN headline has to remind readers that it is in Sri Lanka… It then simply repeats the IMF rah-rah-rah, sometimes providing fake demurrals, as passed on to their naked Advocata & Verite & IPS choristers screeching falsettos. Their top reporter – famous for throwing softball questions to hardballed US envoys – is blacker than a black cat in a black room on a starless moonless night, but his reportage is whiter than a white cat in a blinding snowfall! (see ee Economists, Dr Kohona: developing countries should covet China model)
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• In the end, trying to submit to imperialist whimsy is a waste of time. Has been a major waste of time. & will be… For they will keep changing their demands. The moral of the story is that the slave master has the right to change (or even lose!) their mind. And it is the brave unarmed slave who dares remind: ‘But you said this’ etc. Appealing to logic & morality & ethics etc is a Jewish slave’s tricks, according to the German ‘philosopher’ F Nietzsche. It makes ee wonder if the word ‘negation’ in dialectical materialism comes from the ‘negro’… the ‘nigger’ who say ‘No!’ And not just in the night…
The liberals claim politics and economics are separate. Yet, their elections, are the most expensive democracy that money can buy. And after robbing us for 500 years they say we owe them. The debt is now the whip, and we supposedly must agree with their computations, despite the science of mathematics and arithmetic…
‘The phrase ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is often attributed to the 19th-century French economist Frédéric Bastiat. Its origins are contentious and may be traced back to another Frenchman Montesquieu, ‘emphasizing the civilizing effect of commerce’ However, Benjamin Franklin is quoted by Marx: ‘War is robbery, commerce is generally cheating.’ And the US and their media do all that very very well.
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Meanwhile, as ee wishes our readers, supporters and critics, a very super new year, we would love to be a co-sponsor of this latest of fictional awards in our prize-giving-and-taking colonial nation:
‘The British Council and the Gratiaen Award Trust are honoured
to announce the inauguration of the John D’Oyly Award. Nominations
should be submitted each year, one month before – with winners
announced on – March 02, the day of the 1815 Kandyan Convention.
Judges will include: the English High Commissioner, the US Envoy,
CEOs from Standard Chartered Bank, Hongkong & Shanghai Bank,
Unilever and Ceylon Tobacco Co., and non-voting unofficial members
chosen from leading NGOs and English Departments across the country.
The French and German envoys will be admitted in case of disagreement
among the English. The Indian envoy will also remain on standby. Those
nominated need to exhibit distinct character traits akin to those by which,
according to the known fictions, ceded Lanka to an English colonialism
that had failed to militarily conquer the highland kingdom of Sinhale. The
award is being funded off the interest of undeclared tea and other exports.
Send your nominations to ee, we have a long list already…Again, a really happy new year awaits us, once we truly free our country by building a modern industrial society…
The Sacred Tooth Relic of Buddha enshrined in the Dalada Maligawa is revered as the legitimacy & beholder of the authority of the King (ruler) & its protection by the ruler is crucial for the stability of the Nation. The Tooth Relic which was originally enshrined at the Abhayagiri Temple in Anuradhapura during the rule of King Kithsiri Mevan. Ever since, every King has protected & guarded the Sacred Tooth Relic which is the palladium of kingship. This has been constitutionally enshrined via Article 9 and Article 16 and is binding of all.
When the capital shifted from Anuradhapura to Polonnaruwa, after liberating the country from Chola rulbe, King Vijayabahu constructed the Atadage to house the Sacred Tooth Relic. Every King who ruled the Nation has venerated the Tooth Relic, guarded & protected it with veneration because it was synonymous with his Rule & more importantly Righteous Rule. The Adhammika Suthraya explains the importance of righteous rule for when a ruler is corrupt everyone below him also becomes corrupt. The Dalada Siritha” lays out the rituals to be followed.
What is the significance of the Sacred Tooth Relic to the Governance of Sri Lanka?
The Sacred Tooth Relic is the symbol of Divine Legitimacy – it is more than a religious symbol, it is a divine endorsement of the Rulers/President’s kingship/Rule. Whoever held the Tooth Relic was seen as the legitimate ruler of the land approved by Buddha. You may recall how the colonial rulers always made attempt to steal the Tooth Relic to legitimize their invasion. Thus possession of the Tooth Relic was a claim to political power & religious authority over the State.
The Sacred Tooth Relic has been enshrined in special temples through history. Its protection was central to the Stability of the State. This is a prerequisite even in present governance.
National Unity – The Tooth Relic was the unifying force that brought people of Sri Lanka together, under one banner, with Buddhism enshrined as the dominant faith & protector of all via the Noble Buddha’s Principles & Buddha’s Jurisprudence which was the foundation for not only the legitimacy of the ruler by the foundation for a peaceful & prosperous nation.
Whether the ruler is King or the President, the Sacred Tooth Relic is a symbol of the King’s legitimacy & it is his duty to protect it & follow the established rituals coming down through history.
Protector of the Tooth Relic – by the King/President as Custodian of Buddha Sasana
Performing Rituals & Ceremonies – the King/President along with the Maha Sangha must continue all rituals with reverence as has continued
Ensuring Justice & Protection – the King/President must ensure Buddhist principles are followed within the kingdom as per Dharmishta rule which implies in line with Buddhist ethics, spiritual teachings of Buddha & Buddhist jurisprudence (Buddha Sasana Legal system)
Defending the Nation from external threats. The Sacred Tooth Relic was a symbol of the nation’s unity, if the relic was under threat, it was seen as a threat to the Nation itself. Thus, the Unitary State of Sri Lanka must be protected. There cannot be 9 Dalada Maligawa’s. There is only one & only one for whole of Sri Lanka, which implies no devolution/separation of power.
The Ruler/President requires to be
Righteous & Moral (he is called the Dharma Raja – Righteous King) – one who embodies the principles of Buddhism in his leadership. This essentially translates to mean a ruler who not only carries out ceremonial roles by mentally & physically undertakes to protect the Relic & upholds moral standards in both personal & political life.
Righteous ruler must be just, wise, compassionate & ethical in dealings with ALL PEOPLE
Righteous ruler must show devotion to Buddhism, hold deep respect for the Sacred Tooth Relic, uphold all rituals & commit to righteous rule of the Nation.
Ruler/President must rule by example – he is the moral & spiritual leader of the people. He must live by Buddhas moral codes. If not his leadership is seen as invalid & illegitimate. He is expected to personally exemplify the virtuesof generosity, morality, patience, and wisdom.
What if the Ruler/President does NOT FOLLOW the rituals & responsibilities?
If the Ruler/President fails to follow rituals or disrespects the Tooth Relic, it was a sign for the Buddhists to reject the ruler as he had by his actions lost the blessings of the Buddha. As the Relic is a symbol of Rule, failing to protect the relic symbolized the loss of divine legitimacy. When spiritual authority of the ruler is undermined it automatically impacts the governance & leads to internal strife within the kingdom. Thus, if there is internal strife within the kingdom it indicated the Rulers wavering in his duties.
When such a scenario unfolds, it leads to disastrous effects like natural calamities, droughts, famine, floods which are seen as divine punishment for the rulers/President’s failure to perform his duties. A rulers/President’s misdeeds bring other more dangerous misfortunes like external interventions, invasions, foreign military presence and eventual loss of political power.
Loss of People’s Support – People who believe their prosperity is tied to the moral integrity of the ruler/President & his adherence to Buddhist rituals would result in their loss of faith in him. This could result in rebellion, political unrest & rise of dissenting factions. To negate this belief, there are well funded campaigns to make people distanced from religion, rituals but the more people drift to immoral values the worse the situation for the nation becomes.
Exile or overthrow – the divine beings are aware of rulers/Presidents who pretend to be ceremonial custodians to those who are righteous rulers. Rulers who have failed to follow rituals & defied the Tooth Relic have been overthrown and their kingdom has been punished or living in disgrace. People can be fooled, but the Sacred Tooth Relic & the divine beings that guard it cannot be fooled.
Rulers who failed to venerate/protect the Sacred Tooth Relic & the consequences to the Nation.
King Kassapa (477-495ce) – came to power by usurping the throne by killing his father King Dhatusena & forcing brother Moggallana into exile. Thus his rule was seen as illegitimate. In order to secure his rule, he moved the Sacred Tooth Relic to Sigiriya (newly built capital) but he did not protect it as his predecessors did. King Kassapa’s reigh was marked by internal unrest, political instability, people lost faith in him & these led to his eventual downfall in 495ce when his brother returned from exile & defeated Kassapa in battle. Kassapa committed suicide.
King Rajasinghe II (1620-1645) – He too failed to protect the Tooth Relic & faced significant challenges as a result. The Portuguese captured the Sacred Tooth Relic was a severe blow. Eventually King Rajasinghe worked to resist Portuguese rule by seeking help of the Dutch but the loss of divine favor had long lasting effects on the stability of the nation because of his failure to protect the Tooth Relic.
King Bhuvanakabahu VI (1480-1513) – His reign was marked by political instability & conflict with foreign powers & collapse of centralized authority. Without the divine legitimacy symbolized by the relic, his rule was seen as illegitimate” by the People.
King Senarath (1604-1635) – He too failed to protect the Tooth Relic. The Portuguese continued to expand their influence and took control of the coast. The failure to protect the Tooth Relic resulted in the loss of spiritual protection which paved way for foreign occupation & meant the kingdom had to endure conflict.
King Vikramabahu III (1357-1374) – He too failed to protect the Tooth Relic & faced both internal & external challenges including Chola invaders.
Who were the Righteous Rulers
They ruled upholding Buddhist principles, protected the Sacred Tooth Relic, ensured prosperity & unity of the Island & were true Dharma Rajas.
King Devanampiyatissa (247-207bce) – first king to embrace Buddhism, constructed the Maha vihara (Great Monastery) in Anuradhapura & his reign marks the beginning of state-sponsored Buddhism in Sri Lanka. He governed by the Dhamma, showed compassion to all living being even wildlife. He created wildlife sanctuaries (first in the world) & established religious institutions, education & culture.
King Dutugemunu (161-137 bce) – unified Sri Lanka under one flag with intent of protecting the Buddha Sasana. Defeated Elara but also honored Elara with a monument with a decree to pay respect demonstrating Kingu Dutugemunu’s magnanimity in victory. He built the Ruwanweliseya stupa & restored many temples. He remains one of the most beloved kings in Sri Lankan history.
King Valagamba (103-89-77 bce) – lost his throne to South Indian invaders, lived in exile for 14years & regained the kingdom ruling righteously. He was responsible for the preservation of Buddhist scriptures (Tripitaka) in written form to preserve the oral tradition. He sponsored the writing of the Pali Canon at the Aluvihara Rock Cave Temple. He is revered as the king who saved the Dhamma for future generations.
King Parakramabahu (1153-1186 ce) – He is known for his motto not even a drop of water that comes from the rain must be allowed to go to the sea without being made useful to man” – He promoted agriculture, irrigation & Buddha Sasana. His famed Parakrama Samudra, temples & restoring ancient stupas, economic development & good governance is part of his legacy.
King Vijayabahu 1 (1055-1110ce) – He rescued the island from Chola invasion & restored Buddhism, brought theros from Myanmar to revive the monastic order, rebuilt Buddhist monastic community, temples & schools, established strong foreign relations especially with Buddhist nations.
King Kirti Sri Rajasinghe (1747-1782 ce) – He led a religious revival by inviting theros from Thailan (Siam) & helped re-establish the higher ordination (Upasampada) lineage of Buddhist theros. He restored temples, promoted Buddhist education & helped compile Buddhist texts. He strengthened the Siam Nikaya and actively participated in Buddhst rituals & festivals especially those involving the Sacred Tooth Relic.
King Sri Vickrama Rajasingha (1798-1815) – the last King of Sri Lanka.
Thus, the Righteous Rulers followed
Adherence to Dhamma – ruling according to the Principles of Dana” (generosity) Sila” (morality) & Karuna (compassion)
Protecting the Buddha Sasana – Contributing to the preservation, protection & propagation of Buddhism including the Sacred Tooth Relic
High Moral Governance – ruling with justice & compassion to improve lives of the people
National Unity & Cultural Identity – based on Buddhist values
As part of his royal duty & claim to legitimacy he did protect & venerate the Sacred Tooth Relic however towards the later part of his reign, his rule was marked with controversy & misrule, having become intoxicated & derelicting his duties to the Buddha Sasana. Though he belonged to the Nayakkara dynasty, he had royal lineage & he ruled as a protector of Buddhism in line with Sinhala-Buddhist traditions. He did not attempt to replace Buddhism with Hinduism. He performed the traditional rituals & participated in the Dalada Perahera & restored Dalada Maligawa but his style of leadership began to change & departed from Buddhist principles. As a result he lost the support of the Buddhist theros & even neglected duties of the Dalada Traditions which made his lose his legitimacy. This turned him into a tyrant, his own chiefs began to betray him, the Kandyan chieftans lost faith in him until the British took over & ruled Sri Lanka. Thus, ended 2300 years of Sinhalese Buddhist monarchy.
In terms of post-independence Sri Lankan leaders, given that the Sacred Tooth Relic is symbolic of Righteous Rule, every post-independence leader has to be judged based on their adhered to the following Dalada Sirith
Personal & Public veneration of the Sacred Tooth Relic
Protecting & Promoting the Buddha Sasana
Participating in Sacred Rituals of the Buddha Sasana
Ruling justly & in line with the Dhamma & Buddhist Jurisprudence
Upholding the unity & moral order of the Nation
Avoiding corruption, abuse & cruelty to even sentient beings.
Thus, the Dalada Exposition of the Sacred Tooth Relic to be held from 18 April to 28 April is directly connected to the righteous governance in Sri Lanka & cannot & should not be regarded as merely a ceremonial parade to please Buddhists or as a cultural festival.
That it is sacred reaffirms the covenant between the Rule, the People & the Dhamma. It reflects the ancient rule that sovereignty is not granted solely by the people, but sanctified through righteous rule, with the Sacred Tooth Relic as a living symbol of divine authority & moral duty.
To revere the Sri Dalada outwardly, violating the Dhamma inwardly is to break this trust of not only the citizens but also of the divine beings (devas), the protectors of the Buddha Sasana who are silently observing whether leaders uphold the virtues of generosity, truth, compassion & justice expected of them.
If a ruler or government uses the Dalada merely for pageantry, while engaging in corruption, injustice, revenge or oppression they are not only misleading the peope, they risk inviting karmic consequences foretold in our chronicles.
As history shows, leaders who fail to honor the sacred duty entrusted by the Dalada Sirith not only fall but take the nation down with them.
Therefore, this Dalada Exposition should be a sacred reminder to the State, to the People that rightful rule arises from moral integrity & not from military power or political manipulation.
In the eyes of the devas & generations to come, a leader is measured not by grandeur, not by his words but how deeply he/she embodies the Dhamma.
How far have present day rulers lived up to the Dharshmista leadership expected of them?
Thus, every step of the Perahera echoes not only through the streets of Kandy, but through the hearts of those in power as a call to return to righteous, compassionate & selfless governance – this is the true legacy of the Dalada.
The exposition of the Sacred Tooth Relic took place historically during times of disaster & strife. People participated alongside the Ruler to seek refuge in the Buddha. In times of disaster People of the Nation took salvage in the Buddha, just as the daily social contract by Buddhists in the morning & evening by reciting pansil. That the Dalada exposition is taking place in 2025 reconfirms the decision to again take refuge in the Buddha. This categorically re-establishes the grundnorm that Article 9 of Sri Lanka’s Constitution cannot be changed.
My recent visit to Maduwanwela Walawwa, a site purportedly steeped in Sri Lankan history, left me with a profound sense of disappointment and concern.
While the historical significance of the location is undeniable, its current state of disrepair and the restrictive policies in place raise serious questions about the commitment to preserving this heritage for future generations.
The lack of proper maintenance is immediately apparent upon entering the premises. Structures are visibly deteriorating, and a pervasive odor of bats, particularly noticeable on the upper floors, creates an unpleasant and frankly, concerning environment.
This neglect not only detracts from the visitor experience but also actively contributes to the further decay of the historical fabric of the building.
Adding to the frustration is the inexplicable prohibition of photography and videography within the Walawwa.
While the desire to protect artifacts is understandable, the complete ban, extending even to recording the guide’s narration, feels excessively restrictive.
This policy is further compounded by the absence of readily available, comprehensive written materials or books for visitors seeking more in-depth information.
In an age where visual documentation and personal note-taking are commonplace for learning and remembrance, this absence is a significant disservice to those genuinely interested in the site’s history and architecture.
Furthermore, the architectural style of Maduwanwela Walawwa struck me as distinctly different from typical Colonial European designs prevalent in Sri Lanka.
Instead, the construction and layout bore a noticeable resemblance to the architectural traditions of South India.
Even the attire of the individuals present evoked the imagery of priests from the Orthodox Christian churches of South India, further fueling this observation.
While I am not a scholar of architecture or history, these impressions were strong and warrant investigation by experts.
It is my firm belief that the controlling authorities must recognize the urgent need for intervention at Maduwanwela Walawwa.
The current state of neglect is alarming, and without immediate and comprehensive repairs, this historically significant site risks irreversible damage and eventual loss, echoing the fate of its previous extensions.
Maduwanwela Walawwa holds the potential to be a compelling testament to Sri Lanka’s rich past.
However, its current state of disrepair and the restrictive policies hinder its ability to educate and inspire.
I implore the relevant authorities to prioritize the preservation of this historical gem before it is too late.
Urgent repairs, coupled with a more visitor-friendly approach that encourages learning and documentation, are crucial to ensuring that Maduwanwela Walawwa endures for generations to come.
Boredom is an underexplored but significant emotional state with implications for mental health. In the modern digital age—where attention is continually stimulated and information is instantaneously accessible—the experience of boredom may be more frequent, and perhaps more distressing, than in previous generations.
Boredom is a transient affective state commonly perceived as dull or unpleasant. O’Hanlon (1981) described it as arising from monotonous tasks or limited external stimulation, while Barbalet (1999) conceptualized it as a discrete emotional experience. Typically regarded as negative (Danckert et al., 2018), boredom prompts individuals to seek novelty or escape the perceived stagnation, often resulting in mind-wandering and restlessness.
Universally, boredom is defined as the aversive state of wanting, but being unable, to engage in satisfying activity (Eastwood et al., 2012). Deng et al. (2022) associate boredom with self-dysregulation and attentional failure. It has also been linked to increased nostalgia (van Tilburg et al., 2012) and may reflect a lack of progress toward personally meaningful goals (van Hooft et al., 2018) or meaningful relationships, accompanied by diminished control over one’s life (Steele et al., 2013).
Despite its ubiquity, boredom remains understudied in the field of mental health (Bench & Lench, 2013). It is often identified as a symptom of diminished meaning or purpose (Binnema, 2004) and a precursor to impulsive behaviors (Dittmar & Drury, 2000). Associations have been found between boredom and substance misuse (Lee et al., 2006), problem gambling (Mercer et al., 2010), and reduced performance in academic and occupational settings (Li et al., 2024). Students experiencing boredom may underperform, while employees facing job boredom may suffer decreased productivity and deteriorating well-being.
Importantly, boredom has also been associated with serious psychological concerns. It is recognized as a risk factor for anxiety and depression (Olié et al., 2022) and contributes to poor psychological well-being more broadly (Weiss et al., 2022). It is closely intertwined with experiences of loneliness and social isolation (An et al., 2013) and may contribute to post-psychotic mood disturbances (Todman, 2003).
The COVID-19 pandemic further underscored the psychological impact of boredom. Prolonged social isolation and service disruptions heightened feelings of stagnation and meaninglessness. Tam et al. (2023) suggest that individuals who perceived boredom negatively experienced greater psychological vulnerability during this period.
Yet, boredom is not inherently detrimental. Emerging research reveals its adaptive potential when approached reflectively. Carroll et al. (2010) suggest that boredom can stimulate challenge-seeking, creativity, and prosocial behavior. Bench et al. (2012) argue that it encourages the pursuit of new, more fulfilling goals. When reframed as a signal for reorientation—rather than simply avoided—boredom can support resilience and psychological growth.
In summary, boredom is a complex, underappreciated emotional state with clear mental health consequences. It is associated with psychological distress, impulsivity, and diminished well-being, yet it may also motivate meaningful change and adaptive engagement. As digital environments reshape how we experience attention and engagement, understanding boredom becomes increasingly relevant. Future research and clinical practice must consider how to both mitigate its risks and cultivate its transformative potential—by encouraging rest, embracing boredom as a reflective state, and integrating boredom-tolerance into resilience-building programs.
Dr. Ransirini de Silva PhD is a Senior Lecturer in Psychology and a Clinical Psychologist. She is the Head /Psychology & Counselling Department of Psychology & Counselling, Faculty of Health Sciences, The Open University of Sri Lanka.
Dr. Ruwan M. Jayatunge M.D. PhD is a Medical Doctor and a Clinical Psychologist, also a member of the (APA) American Psychological Association. He is a guest lecturer at Sri Lankan and North American universities.
References
An, J., Payne, L. L., Lee, M., & Janke, M. C. (2023). Understanding boredom and leisure in later life: A systematic review. Innovation in Aging, 7(8), igad109. https://doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igad109
Bench, S. W., & Lench, H. C. (2013). On the function of boredom. Behavioral Sciences, 3(3), 459–472. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs3030459
Bench, S. W., & Lench, H. C. (2019). Boredom as a seeking state: Boredom prompts the pursuit of novel (even negative) experiences. Emotion, 19(2), 242–254. https://doi.org/10.1037/emo0000433.
Binnema, D. (2004). Interrelations of psychiatric patient experiences of boredom and mental health. Issues in Mental Health Nursing, 25(8), 833–842. https://doi.org/10.1080/01612840490506400.
Carroll, B. J., Parker, P., & Inkson, K. (2010). Evasion of boredom: An unexpected spur to leadership? Human Relations, 63(7), 1031–1049. https://doi.org/10.1177/0018726709349864.
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Leader of the ‘Sarvajana Balaya’ alliance and Member of Parliament Dilith Jayaweera challenged the government to table the recently signed defense agreement with India in Parliament.
Addressing a public meeting held in Avissawella, MP Jayaweera claimed that the government will not disclose the agreement under any circumstances.
In the past few days, the NPP government has signed seven agreements with Indian Prime Minister Modi. However, MP Vijitha Herath delivered a lengthy statement in Parliament regarding these agreements. Yet, he failed to provide any information about their actual content. Instead, he suggested that those seeking details should file a request under the Right to Information Act —and he made this suggestion in Parliament itself,” Jayaweera said.
He further stated that the government has now reached a truly regrettable position, and that no previous administration has acted in this manner.
If the content of this agreement cannot be disclosed due to diplomatic reasons, the government should at least have the backbone to admit that and explain why. They should say, ‘Yes, we signed it, but for this reason, we will not make it public,’” he expressed.
No one knows what these agreements contain—and it appears that no one will be allowed to know,” Jayaweera stressed.
The Sinhala Aluth Avurudda or the Sinhalese New Year is celebrated in the month of Bak according to the traditional lunar calendar of the Sinhalese people. The name ‘Bak’ comes from the Sanskrit word ‘bhagya’ meaning ‘fortune’. The month of ‘Bak’ corresponds to April in the Gregorian calendar, which is commonly used in Sri Lanka today as it is in other parts of the world. Although there is usually little conspicuous seasonal change experienced in the course of the year in tropical Sri Lanka except for a relatively hot August and a relatively cool December, the month of Bak is associated with a delightful vernal atmosphere, and an unusual freshness in nature enhanced by spring blossoms and azure skies despite occasional showers. This also used to be the time that the ripened paddy was gathered in, which gave rise to a pervasive sense of plenty, especially to rural Sri Lanka in days gone by.
The Bak festive season centres around a national cultural event which is unique in a number of ways. In deference to the obvious cultural kinship between the majority Buddhist Sinhalese and the majority Hindu Tamils, the British colonial rulers named it the Sinhala Hindu New Year. It is probably the only major traditional festival that is commonly observed by the largest number of Sinhalese and Tamils in the country. Its non-ethnic non-religious (secular) character is another distinctive feature. This festival cannot be described as ethnic because it is celebrated by both the Sinhalese and the Tamils, yet not by all of them either: only the Sinhalese Buddhists and the Hindu Tamils participate in it, the Christians in both communities having nothing to do with it. On the other hand, it is a non-religious celebration in that not all Buddhists nor all Hindus in the world take part in it; only the Sinhalese Buddhists and Tamil Hindus do. (I owe this description of the non-ethnic, non-religious nature of the Aluth Avurudda to Professor J.B.Dissanayake’s explanation of the subject in his booklet The April New Year Festival {Pioneer Lanka Publications. London.1993}).
In terms of traditional astrological beliefs, the sun is said to complete one circular movement across the twelve segments of the zodiac in the course of the year, taking a month to traverse each constellation. The arbitrary beginning of this circular solar progress is taken to be Aries (Mesha), which is conventionally represented by the zodiacal sign of ‘the ram’. Having travelled from Aries to Pisces (or Meena usually represented by the drawing of ‘two fish’), the sun must pass from Pisces to Aries to begin a new year. The solar new year (known as the Shaka calendar, a solar calendar that is used in astrology) is reckoned from this transit (Sanskrit ‘sankranti’, meaning transition or movement), which comes a week or two after the beginning of the new year according to the Sinhalese calendar. The Vesak Festival, which marks the dawn of the Buddhist new year, comes at least another month later. The Aluth Avurudda centres on the ‘transit’ of the sun from Pisces to Aries. It is remarkable for Sinhalese Buddhists to thus celebrate the beginning of the solar new year, rather than their own Buddhist new year. So the Aluth Avurudda appears to be in homage to the sun god, which is significant for an agrarian community. So the Aluth Avurudda is basically a harvest festival, a kind of thanksgiving to the sun, the source of all life on earth. The word ‘avurudda’ seems to have a connection with the Sinhala word for sunlight ‘avva’. The Sinhala word ‘avva’ implies both the light and heat that come from the sun. (Sunbathing for getting warm in cold weather, especially by old people, used to be referred to as ‘avva tapinawa’). Naturally, the Aluth Avurudda is also called the ‘Soorya Mangalyaya’ or the Sun Festival.
Because of the increasing popular attention that it receives in Sri Lanka nowadays, the first of January seems to eclipse the New Year in April in terms of the popular recognition it enjoys. Those of us who enjoyed the Sinhala Aluth Avurudda as the main secular festival of the year may wonder with some justification whether it is now beginning to be shelved as yet another cultural anachronism”, which received an unfortunate boost in recent years.
This is indeed a regrettable state of affairs. Institutions such as the Aluth Avurudda and the various Esala Peraheras are vitally important cultural legacies we have inherited from the past, and they help sustain and define our identity as a people. In the face of the inexorable advance of misunderstood modernism and globalization, the threat of cultural obliteration and loss of national identity is very real.
The Aluth Avurudda is a part of our rich cultural heritage, which includes among other similar treasures the historic dagabas, tanks, sculptures, paintings, and specimens of ancient literature. Who among us, the inheritors of such an ageold culture, can be indifferent to the loss of this incomparable legacy? True, we must modernize, and participate in the emerging world order so as to keep pace with the rest of the international community in science and technology, and in the advancement of the general quality of living that it makes possible; yet, it would be most unfortunate if we were so foolhardy as to throw overboard the cherished possessions from the past in the name of progress.
These things have come down to us through the ages because they are ingrained in our history and culture. For thousands of years our ancestors – the indigenous inhabitants of this island – built up a highly organized agrarian civilization based on the principles of harmonious coexistence with nature, non-violence, tolerance and peace. The Aluth Avurudda wonderfully demonstrates our national ethos with its characteristic emphasis of the renewal and reaffirmation of goodwill within families and among neighbours, and in the series of ritualistic practices and observances that are meant to revitalize an essential link between human beings and nature.
I have vivid memories of how the Aluth Avurudda festivities were held in the remote villages of the Nuwara Eliya District in the late fifties and early sixties when we were still children. The Avurudda was an event we looked forward to for a whole year through interminable months of school, and ups and downs of childish fortunes (such as exam success or failure, friendship or fighting among playmates). At this time of the year we were invariably aware of a general awakening in nature. It was the time when the paddy was harvested and the fields were left fallow for a few weeks, allowing us children to romp about and play ‘rounders’; it was the time when exotic birds with bright plumage like the ‘siwuru hora’ (golden oriole) sang from the flower-laden trees; it was the time when the humble dwellings of the peasants were cleaned and whitewashed, adding to the sunny brilliance of the surroundings. Unlike children today, we had more time to play, because tuition and cramming was almost unknown then and nature had not yet been replaced by TV and computer in engaging the aesthetic sense of the young. The impression we got from observing the multitude of Wordsworthian ‘beauteous forms’ in the environment was that even nature joined us in our joy – a very positive sort of ‘pathetic fallacy’!
The sighting of the new moon was the first of the Avurudda rites. Then came ‘bathing for the old year’ as it was called, bodily cleansing, followed by the ‘nonagathe’ period (literally, a period without auspicious times); being considered inappropriate for any form of work, this idle period was entirely devoted to religious observances and play. Cooking and partaking of milk rice, starting work for the new year, anointing oil on the head, and leaving for work were the other practices. All these rites were performed at astrologically determined auspicious moments. Although belief in astrology and other occult practices is contrary to the spirit of Buddhism, in the villages it was the Buddhist monks themselves who prepared the medicinal oils in the temples and applied these on the heads of the celebrants, young and old, while chanting ‘pirith’ so as to ensure their good health for the whole year. In this way, the Aluth Avurudda traditions touched every important aspect of life: physical wellbeing, economy, religion, and recreation.
Children and adults walked in gay abandon about the village dressed in their new clothes visiting friends and relatives amidst the cacophony of ‘raban’ playing and the sound of firecrackers set off everywhere. The aroma of savoury dishes and smell of sweetmeats arose from every household. Visitors were plied with all sorts of sweetmeats. Amidst all this visiting, playing and merrymaking everybody was careful to be at home for the observance of the rites at the astrologically appointed times.
It never occurred to us (or to our parents, I am sure) to question the necessity, or disbelieve the efficacy, of these rites. The sun was a god; the shining thing in the sky was not the god himself, though; it was only his shining chariot! We really sympathized with him over the uncertainty and anxiety he was supposed to undergo during the interregnum between the demise of the old year and the dawn of the new, i.e. the period of ‘transit’ (sankranthi). The ‘Avurudu Kumaraya’ – the New Year Prince – was as real in our imagination as the Sun God. That we didn’t see him in flesh and blood was in the nature of things, too.
Today the Aluth Avurudda means much less significant to us than it did in the past. Our response to the theme of the festival has lost much of its emotional content. Those rites, auspicious times, and astrological beliefs are nothing more than irrelevant superstitions to many. Most of those who still follow the customs associated with the Aluth Avurudda do so as a concession to tradition, out of a sense of nostalgia. Our failure to participate in the joyous experience which the Aluth Avurudda was in our childhood is a very significant loss. The mystique charm and the sense of the numinous (holy, divine) which informed the event have evaporated.
Not all is lost, though. The Sinhala Hindu New Year still remains a powerful symbol of the renewal of hope for the future and a reaffirmation of our bond with nature and our commitment to the time-honoured values of our forefathers. It is truly a celebration of life and a life affirming culture.
(The above is an updated version of an article written by the author and published in The Island in 2001.)
Talks of a land bridge between India and Sri Lanka are buzzing once again. Those who feel nostalgic about the time when there was some kind of connectivity miss the point that it was built by the British to bring down slaves from India to Sri Lanka cheaply. While it served a colonial purpose, it has no utility today unless India is looking to do a colonial move against Sri Lanka.
Though Colonial Britain officially agreed to end slavery in 1833, it never gave up that lucrative industry until after WW2. According to British records close to a million South Indians were brought into the island from 1833 to 1860. It continued well into the 1940s. For all purposes they were slaves who were forced to put their finger print on paper to denote consent to receive meagre amounts of food and were swiftly put on ships or trains and sent to their destinations. Slaves brought from India’s Malabar Coast were classified as Malabar People and slaves from the Coromandel Coast were classified as Coromandel people. In 1911 both terms disappeared from the national census and in their place emerged new ethnic groups.
This large influx of slaves from South India devastated Sri Lanka economically, environmentally, socially, politically and militarily. Instead of useful crops, scant arable land was wasted for tobacco, tea and other crops with massive devastation caused to the environment, catchment areas, native dwellers who revolted against it and to native flora and fauna. Those who came to the island from India with just the clothes on them acquired wealth at the expense of natives over the years in an island with very limited resources. The rise in the wealth of communities brought from India directly corresponds to the poverty of natives as the island nation did not have large amounts of resources for all. Had no colonial population movement occurred, the islanders would have been far better off in every aspect of their lives.
If a new land connection is built between the two nations it will not be any different – nothing good will come to Sri Lanka through it. If it goes ahead, each community will have to think for themselves and carve up their exclusive ethnicity-based nation each within the island like western Europe did just before it started to develop rapidly. That is the only way they will be safe from the next wave of colonial occupation and slavery.
Operation Colombo and Operation Condor were covert operations carried out in the 1970s in Chile and South America, primarily aimed at eliminating political dissidents and leftist groups after the US-backed Coup against Chile’s democratically elected President Salvador Allende. This operation is a stark representation of state terrorism, where government employed systematic violence and human rights violations to maintain power and suppress opposition, often through extrajudicial killings and forced disappearances.
5 Must Know Facts
Operation Colombo and Condor involved several countries, including Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay, which collaborated to track down and eliminate leftist activists who were viewed as threats to their authoritarian regimes.
The operation was known for its brutality; many victims were abducted, tortured, and killed without any legal process, embodying state-sponsored terrorism.
It is estimated that hundreds of people were killed or disappeared during Operation Colombo, highlighting the extent of human rights abuses committed under the guise of national security.
The operation was initially disguised as a crackdown on criminal activity, but it quickly became clear that the primary goal was to silence political dissent and eliminate opposition figures.
Many details of Operation Colombo were kept secret for decades, with official narratives attempting to downplay or deny the extent of the violence and repression involved.
Review
What were the main objectives of Operation Colombo and how did it exemplify state terrorism?
The main objectives of Operation Colombo were to locate, capture, and eliminate political dissidents who posed a threat to military regimes in South America. This operation exemplified state terrorism by using systematic violence and intimidation tactics against civilians to instill fear and suppress any form of opposition. The government actions during this operation were characterized by extrajudicial killings and forced disappearances, fundamentally violating human rights.
In what ways did Operation Colombo relate to the broader context of state terrorism during the Cold War era in Latin America?
Operation Colombo was part of a larger pattern of US-backed state terrorism that emerged in Latin America during the Cold War, where US-backed military governments implemented violent measures against perceived leftist threats. These actions were often supported or overlooked by foreign powers fearing communism’s spread. The collaboration among South American dictatorships during this period exemplified how geopolitical tensions influenced domestic policies, leading to widespread human rights violations under the pretext of anti-communism.
Evaluate the long-term impacts of Operation Colombo on society and human rights advocacy in South America.
The long-term impacts of Operation Colombo on society included a pervasive climate of fear and mistrust among citizens toward their governments. The operation’s legacy has fueled ongoing human rights advocacy efforts across South America as victims’ families seek justice and accountability for the atrocities committed. Additionally, it has spurred legal reforms aimed at preventing future abuses and fostering greater respect for human rights, highlighting the need for transparency and accountability in governance.
A coordinated effort among South American dictatorships in the 1970s and 1980s to target leftist opponents and dissidents across national borders, involving kidnapping, torture, and murder.
Dictatorship: A form of government characterized by the concentration of power in a single authority or a small group, often resulting in the suppression of political freedoms and civil rights.
Human Rights Violations: Actions that infringe upon the basic rights and freedoms entitled to all human beings, often perpetrated by governments against their own citizens.
(Trump is in full gallop, who knows where he’ll stop?
Reins are not in his hands, nor feet in the stirrups)
Traumatic turn the world order is taking place in the time of Trump tends not to make much sense unless, from the pandemonium one sifts out a policy statement. Vice President J.D. Vance’s chastisement of Europe at the February 14 speech at the Munich European security conference is one such statement.
Europe’s enemy’s are not Russia or China; the enemy is within” he said. Europe was scared of its own people, its voters who were turning to parties the European establishment was averse too. He made a pointed reference to leaders who had not been invited to this very important conference”.
In ample demonstration of what he meant, Vance went onto meet the leader of Alternative for Germany, the far Right anti immigrant party which, before recent elections, was advancing in the popularity stakes. All other disparate political parties come together to form a wall” against the Alternative for Germany. This is precisely the manoevre to thwart the popular surge, according to Vance. Readers may yawn because Trump has churned the universe with a thousand decisions and indecisions that his next moment will reverse. But Vance’s speech, mark my word, is a marker.
I have revisited the Munich conference with a purposes: it was not a stand-alone outburst by Vance. It was a continuation of a process started by Trump’s ideological mentors, and companions to undermine the European union, promote nationalism” in European nations and puncture the balloon of globalization which weakens the nation state and, thereby, nationalism.
Terrifying tariffs as tactics in the new order were not spelt out, per sey in Vance’s speech which was heard by a hall packed with European grandees with open mouthed wonder.
It was not an off the cuff statement. Trump’s principal philosopher and friend, never mind if he served a brief jail term, Steven Bannon had been criss crossing Europe since at least the first Trump Presidency meeting, promoting, creating a chain of far Right leaders, bringing them in line with what was to emerge in bright silhouette as Trump’s project of remaking Europe as a fulcrum for the new world.
It was all clear as daylight from the start but you did not see it because the western media, the one that the Indian media supinely follows, had switched off its cameras on the story. In 2016, it was in the thrall of Hillary Clinton, front runner against Trump. For that reason, it was a target for Russian interference” throughout the 2016 campaign. How pulpy American democracy looked when the US Deep State was seen wringing its hands on Russians effectively” interfering in elections to defeat Hillary Clinton. And the media was swallowing these yarns hook line and sinker. I watched that story close.
Around 2013, there were two maestros with parallel agendas hopping from one European capital to the other promoting competing visions of the architecture western capitalism should create.
George Soros, the philanthroper was on a contrary path. He was out to strengthen globalization, the European Union in the liberal mode. He did everything possible to block Brexit. His open society”, was not closed” and circular; it leapt out of the stage like a ballet dancer.
Brexit produced panic headlines rather like the ones after Trump’s tariffs. A calamity” screamed the New York Times. Global panic” was the more moderate headline in London.
While Soros lamented Brexit, Steve Bannon was delirious. The Right-Wing Group he had formally registered in Brussel’s in 2017 was named The Movement”, a counter point to Soros’s Open Society.
Hungary’s Victor Orban, Frances’ Marine Le Pen, Italian Mateo Salvini, UK’s Nigel Farage, Netherland’s arch Euro sceptic, Gaert Wilters and a host of others were enlisted.
Some of these leaders are a trifle hesitant because of The Movement’s” American sponsorship. They see a clear contradiction. What kind of hybrid nationalism was being promoted in which Steve Bannon, an American plays a key role. This issue is being sorted out, but the broad ideological line is consistent – anti LGBT, anti abortion, anti immigrants and, strewn around Bannon literature in very small print, anti Islamization”. This last one will be brushed up to help remove the taint of genocide which has stuck on the faces of Netanyahu and his supporters in the US and the Israeli lobby in America. The Alternative to Germany has most tenaciously latched onto this one ever since Angela Merkel, following her instincts as a Vicar’s daughter, humanely opened the door to Syrian refugees fleeing the outside imposed civil war in their country.
Trump minced no words. His high decibel MAGA chant was his anti globalization drive. Hare brained takeovers of Panama, Greenland, Canada were preceded by an even sillier plan some year ago to administer Afghanistan just as the British ran India under a Viceroy.”
Erik Prince, the founder of Blackwater, the world’s biggest supplier of mercenary soldiers, was the author of the scheme which, through Bannon, reached The White House. The Pentagon shot it down.
The hegemon is in decline; he is coming down like a falling star.” This tiresome chant was another irritant to cope against which MAGA came in handy. Before obituaries are written on the old world order Trump has decided to dig out the pitch and initiate a totally new game. There will be no reordering of the world order which, in his mind is now extinct. He is for a world in which the US is more equal than others.
From inside fortress America, its walls ever higher, Trump’s teams will got out to promote nationalism and smash regional or global groupings which are the stepping stones towards globalization. The experience with Europe has been heady.
Wait a minute. Reports suggest that Trump’s demolition work in Europe is causing the nation states to recluster and rapidly:
An India-Sri Lanka direct rail or road link needs just a 25-km-long bridge. The Pamban Bridge, recently inaugurated by PM Narendra Modi, completes a crucial part of a direct train from Chennai to Colombo. Planned by the British, and brought to the drawing table time and again, an India-Lanka rail link would boost both ties and trade.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi last week inaugurated the Pamban Bridge, which replaces the 110-year-old bridge built during British colonial rule. (PTI Image)
Board the Indo-Ceylon Express from Egmore station in Madras (now Chennai), ride through the eastern coastal plains, cross the Pamban Bridge into Rameshwaram, reach Dhanushkodi, the last Indian station, then sail across the Palk Strait to Talaimannar and catch a train straight to Colombo. That’s how most people travelled from Madras to Colombo, Sri Lanka’s capital, before 1964, the year when the Rameswaram cyclone ravaged coastal Tamil Nadu.advertisement
The cyclone of 1964 destroyed the 110-year-old Pamban Rail Bridge, Pamban island’s only link to mainland India. The cyclone bearing winds of over 150 kmph also destroyed the railway line connecting Rameshwaram and Dhanushkodi, just 24 kilometres west of Sri Lanka’s Talaimannar. Since 1964, trains have been terminating at Rameshwaram, instead of Dhanushkodi.
Some past developments, source-based reports, the recent resurgence in celebrating Ram’s heritage, and the AIADMK’s political posturing before the 2026 Tamil Nadu election, all suggest that the dice might be rolling behind closed doors, and a new bridge between India and Sri Lanka isn’t unlikely. The seamless rail connectivity to Rameshwaram offers an opportunity to lay the groundwork for a direct India–Sri Lanka rail link. And that would mean bridging the gap between Rameshwaram and Sri Lanka’s Talaimannar in Mannar Island, including another bridge or tunnel parallel to the Adam’s Bridge, also called the Rama Setu.advertisement
The 1964 cyclone didn’t just disrupt connectivity between India and Sri Lanka, it dealt a blow to a grander vision: a seamless rail link between the two nations and beyond, first envisioned by the British, later proposed by a few multilateral forums, and now, reportedly, a subject of some discussion and buzz.
The island of Pamban, which houses Rameswaram, is connected to the Indian mainland by separate rail and road bridges. Rameswaram and Dhanushkodi, 20 km apart, are connected only by road along a narrow strip of land. The rail line between the two was destroyed in 1964. From Dhanushkodi, Sri Lanka is just 25 km away. (Google Maps)
The 110-year-old bridge served as the only connection to Rameshwaram, apart from ferries, from its commissioning in 1914 until 1988, when a parallel road bridge was constructed. The old bridge has been replaced by the one inaugurated recently by PM Modi.
The 1964 cyclone didn’t just destroy the rail link to Dhanushkodi, it also shattered the dream of a rail link all the way to Sri Lanka.
