Question -Has DRS brought a windfall for Sri Lanka?

July 25th, 2025

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Answer

While Sri Lanka is credited with the initial idea behind the Decision Review System (DRS) in cricket, through the work of Senaka Weeraratna, it’s not accurate to say it has brought a significant financial windfall for the country. The DRS has become a standard feature in cricket, but Sri Lanka hasn’t received royalties or significant financial benefits from its widespread use by the ICC. 

Here’s a more detailed breakdown:

Sri Lanka’s Contribution:

Senaka Weeraratna, a Sri Lankan lawyer, is credited with proposing the concept of a decision review system in cricket, which was later developed into the DRS. 

DRS Implementation:

The DRS allows players to challenge on-field umpire decisions, using technology like ball-tracking and snicko-meter to assist the third umpire. 

Lack of Financial Benefit:

While the DRS has improved the fairness and accuracy of umpiring decisions, Sri Lanka has not received any direct financial compensation for its initial concept, despite the system’s widespread adoption by the ICC. 

Potential for Future Claims:

There are ongoing discussions about the possibility of Sri Lanka seeking royalties or compensation for the use of DRS, but as of now, no such financial windfall has materialized.

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අධ්‍යාපන ප‍්‍රතිසංස්කරණ කමිටුවේ අධ්‍යාපනඥයන් එක්කෙනයි.. අනෙක් අය ව්‍යාරිකයන්..

July 25th, 2025

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

ආණ්ඩුව විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලැබ තිබෙන නව අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ සකස් කළ 25 දෙනාගේ කමිටුවේ සිට ඇත්තේ එකම එක අධ්‍යපනඥයකු පමණක් බවත්, අනෙක් පිරිස අතර ව්‍යාපාරිකයන්, ජාත්‍යන්තර පාස්ල් හිමිකරුවන්, හෝටල් හිමිකරුවන්, IT සමාගම් විධායක නිලධාරින්, පෞද්ගලික විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයක නියෝජිතයකු සහ ලෝක බැංකු නියෝජිතයකු බව පෙරටුගාමී සමාජවාදී පක්ෂයේ අධ්‍යාපන ලේකම් පුබුදු ජයගොඩ චෝදනා කරයි.

මෙහිදි අදාළ කමිටුවේ සංයුතිය සම්බන්ධව අනාවරණය කරමින් ඔහු පවසා සිටියේ 25 දෙනා අතුරින් 6ක් IT සමාගම් වල ප්‍රධාන විධායක නිලධාරීන් සහ සාමාන්‍යාධිකාරින් වන බවයි.

පෙරටුගාමී සමාජවාදී පක්ෂයේ අධ්‍යාපන ලේකම් පුබුදු ජයගොඩ මේ බව සඳහන් කර සිටියේ ඊයේ (24) විද්‍යුත් නාලිකාවක පැවති සජීව දේශපාලන සංවාදයකදීය.

එහිදී දුමින්ද හුලංගමුව – වාණිජ මණ්ඩලයේ උප සභාපති, හර්ෂ අලස් – ගේට්වේ ජාත්‍යන්තර පාසලේ ප්‍රධාන විධායක නිලධාරී, සහ හර්ෂ සුබසිංහ, යසස් තලගල, විරංජ කරුණරත්න , හිරාන් කුරේ, හර්ෂ අතුරුපාන, ආදී ලෙස නම් ලැයිස්තුක් ඉදිරිපත් කළ ඔහු අදාළ කමිටුවේ සිටින එකම අධ්‍යාපනඥයා මහාචාර්ය සිරිමල් අබේරත්න පමණක් බවද පැවසීය.

මහාචාර්ය සිරිමල් අබේරත්න කොළඹ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ ආර්ථික විද්‍යාධ්‍යන අංශයේ ප්‍රධානියා බව පෙන්වා දුන් පුබුදු ජයගොඩ,ලංකාවේ පළමු අධ්‍යාපන පීඨය තිබෙනුයේද කොළඹ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ බවත් එහි අධ්‍යාපනඥයන් රැසක් සිටින නමුත් ඒ කිසිවෙක් මෙකී කමිටුවේ නැති බවද පෙන්වා දුන්නේය.

ජනාධිපතිවරයා පාර්ලිමේන්තු පැමිණ කියා සිටියේ අධ්‍යාපනඥයන් මෙම ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ යෝජනා සකස් කළ බව යැයි සිහිපත් කළ ඔහු ජනාධිපති පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කීවේ බොරුවක් බව මෙම කමිටුව හරහා තහවුරු වන බවද පැවසීය.

තමන් සිදු කරන මෙම අනාවරණය අසත්‍ය නම් ඒ බව තහවුරු කිරීමට ආණ්ඩුවට හැකි බවද පුබුදු ජයගොඩ වැඩි දුරටත් සඳහන් කළේය .

ආර්ථිකය අවදානමක.. ඉදිරි අයවැයෙන් බදු වැඩි කරන්න..- IMF කොළඹ ප‍්‍රධානී

July 25th, 2025

විමුක්ති එස් රුද්‍රිගු උපුටාගැණීම ලංකාදීප

ලබන වසරේ අයවැය ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල මෙරටට ලබාදී ඇති අරමුදල් වැඩසටහනේ කැපවීම්වලට අනුකූලව සකස් විය යුතු බවත් ජනපති ට්‍රම්ප් මෙරට අපනයනයන් සඳහා පනවා ඇති තීරු බද්දෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආර්ථික වර්ධනය මන්දගාමී වීමේ අවදානමක් තිබෙන බවත් ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලේ මෙරට මෙහෙයුම් ප්‍රධානී එවන් පැපජෝජියෝ මහතා (25) ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

2026 වසරේ අයවැය සකස්වීමේදී රජයේ ආදායම ඉහළ දමා ගැනීම සඳහා ශක්තිමත් ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ඇතුළත් විය යුතු බවත් ක්ෂේත්‍ර සඳහා ප්‍රමාණවත් ප්‍රතිපාදන වෙන් කිරීම් එයට ඇතුළත් විය යුතු බවත් ඔහු පැවසුවේය.

බදු නිදහස් කිරීම් ලබාදීම සඳහා වන නීති රාමුව, බදු වලට අනුකූලවන පිරිස ඉහළ දැමීම, බදු පදනම පුළුල් කිරීම සහ රාජ්‍ය මූල්‍යකරණය වැඩිදියුණු කිරීම පිළිබඳව ශක්තිමත් පියවරයන් ලබන වසරේ අයවැයට ඇතුළත් විය යුතු බවද ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

එසේම රාජ්‍ය වියදම් හිඟයක් නැවත ඇතිවීම වැළැක්වීම සඳහා වන පියවර යන්ද අයවැයට ඇතුළත් වීම ඉතා වැදගත් බවද ඔහු පැවසුවේය.

රාජ්‍ය – පුද්ගලික හවුල්කාරීත්වය, රාජ්‍ය ව්‍යවසායන්, ප්‍රසම්පාදනය හා රාජ්‍ය වත්කම් කළමනාකරණය පිළිබඳව ඉදිරියේදී සකසන පනත් කෙටුම්පත් රාජ්‍ය මූල්‍ය කළමනාකරණ පනත හා හොඳම භාවිතයන්ට අනුකූල විය යුතු බවද පැපජෝජියෝ මහතා ප්‍රකාශ කළේය .

මූල්‍ය අවදානම් අවම කිරීමටත්, බලශක්ති ක්ෂේත්‍රයේ මූල්‍ය තිරසරභාවයට සහායවීමටත් විදුලිය හා ජලය ඒකකයක් නිපදවීමට යන පිරිවැයට සරිලන ගාස්තු ක්‍රමයක් ඉදිරියටත් ක්‍රියාත්මක විය යුතු බවද ඔහු පැවසුවේය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඉදිරි ආර්ථික දැක්ම ධනාත්මක වුවත් ඇමෙරිකා ජනාධිපති ඩොනල්ඩ් ට්‍රම්ප් මෙරටින් අපනයනය කරන භාණ්ඩ සඳහා පනවා ඇති ඉහළ තීරු බද්ද මෙරට ආර්ථික වර්ධනය පහළ වැටීමට ඇති අවදානම ඉහළ දමන බවද ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

එසේම මතුව ඇති ගෝලීය වෙළඳ ප්‍රතිපත්ති අවිනිශ්චිතතාව සහ වර්තමාන භූ දේශපාලනයේ නිරන්තරයෙන් සිදුවන වෙනස් වීම්ද මෙරට ආර්ථික වර්ධනය පහළ වැටීමට තිබෙන අවදානම ඉහල දමන බවද ඔහු පැවසුවේය.

මෙම අවදානම් අඛණ්ඩව ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යතාව මෙන්ම මූල්‍ය අවකාශය නැවත ගොඩනගා ගැනීමේ සහ විදේශ සංචිත නැවත ගොඩනගා ගැනීමේ අවශ්‍යතාව පෙන්නුම් කරන බවද ඔහු පැවසුවේය.

මෙතෙක් අමාරුවෙන් දිනා ගත් ආර්ථික ප්‍රගතිය ආරක්‍ෂා කර ගැනීමට සහ මෙරටට එල්ල වන අවදානම් වලට මුහුණ දීමට ඇති හැකියාව පුළුල් කරගැනීමට ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම ඉඩ සලසා දෙනු ඇතැයිද ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

ගෝලීය අවිනිශ්චිතතා හේතුවෙන් මෙරටට එල්ල වන අවදානම ඇස්තමේන්තු කිරීමෙන් පසුව ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල මෙරටට ලබාදී ඇති වැඩසටහනේ පරාමිතීන් තුළ සිට එම අවදානම් අවම කර ගැනීම සඳහා ගන්නා ක්‍රියාමාර්ග තීරණය කරනු ඇතැයි ද ඔහු පැවසුවේය.

මේ රට සාර්ව ආර්ථික ස්ථාවලත්වය පවත්වාගෙන යාම සඳහා මූල්‍ය ආදායම වැඩිකර ගැනීමට තිරසාර උත්සාහයක් ගතයුතු බවද පැපජෝජියෝ මහතා ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

මෙරට දළ දේශීය නිෂ්පාදිතයෙන් සියයට 2.3 ක් වන මැදිකාලීන ප්‍රාථමික ශේෂ ඉලක්කය සපුරා ගැනීම සඳහා සාර්ව ආර්ථික ස්ථාවරත්වය පවත්වාගෙන යාම අවශ්‍ය බවද ඔහු පෙන්වා දුන්නේය.

සියයට 2.3 ක ඉලක්කය මෙරට ණය තිරසාර භාවය ඇතිකර ගැනීම සඳහා ප්‍රධාන අවශ්‍යතාවක් බවද ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

මේ සියල්ලම සිදු කරන අතරතුර දැඩි අවදානමට ලක් වූ පුද්ගලයන් ආරක්ෂා කිරීමද ඉතා වැදගත් බවද ඔහු පැවසුවේය .

මෙරට ආර්ථික වර්ධනය සඳහා මිල ස්ථායිතාවය සහ මුදල් ප්‍රතිපත්තිය කෙරෙහි දැඩි අවධානයක් යොමු කළ යුතු බවද ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

ඉදිරියටත් මහ බැංකුවේ ස්වාධීනත්වය ආරක්ෂා කළ යුතු බවත් අයවැය මූල්‍යකරණයෙන් වැළකී සිටිය යුතු බවත් ඔහු සඳහන් කළේය.

එසේම වංචා හා දූෂණ ඇති විය හැකි අවස්ථා අවම කිරීමට රාජ්‍ය ක්‍රියාකාරී සැලසුමේ ඇති රාජ්‍ය පාලනය පිළිබඳ ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ ක්‍රියාත්මක කළ යුතු බවද ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා බලධාරීන් ආර්ථික ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ වැඩසටහන ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේදී ලබාගෙන ඇති ප්‍රගතිය ප්‍රශංසනීය බවද ඔහු පැවසුවේය.

මෙම වසරේ පළමු කාර්තුවේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සියයට 4.8 ක ආර්ථික වර්ධනයක් ළඟා කරගෙන තිබෙන බවත් එය බලාපොරොත්තු ඉක්මවා යාමක් බවත් ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

රජයේ ආදායම අඛණ්ඩව ඉහළ යමින් පවතින බව ද එයට එකතු කළ අගය මත බද්ද හා ආනයනය කරන වාහන සඳහා පනවා ඇති බදු සහාය වී ඇති බවද ඔහු සඳහන් කළේය

ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලේ මෙරට මෙහෙයුම් ප්‍රධානී එවන් පැපජෝජියෝ මහතාගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් යුත් නියෝජිත පිරිසක් පසුගිය 21 සිට අද (25) දක්වා මෙරට සංචාරයක නිරත විය.

මෑතකාලීන සාර්ව ආර්ථික සංවර්ධනයන් සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අර මුදලේ සහාය ලබන ආර්ථික ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ වැඩසටහන යටතේ ඇති ආර්ථික හා මූල්‍ය ප්‍රතිපත්ති ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේදී ලබාගෙන තිබෙන ප්‍රගතිය සාකච්ඡා කිරීම ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලේ නියෝජිත පිරිසේ මෙරට සංචාරයේ අරමුණ වූවේය.

Lankadeepa

Full list as Sri Lanka waives visa fees for 40 countries

July 25th, 2025

Courtesy Adaderana

To boost their tourism, the Sri Lankan government has taken a major step by giving visa fee waivers to forty countries. 

This sudden change in visa policy is expected to boost the tourism recovery of Sri Lanka. The national policy change also induced the economy of the country.

This visa policy change is expected to attract international visitors to increase the cultural exchange. 

The countries to get this visa fee waived include Germany, India, Indonesia, Japan, China, Australia, Spain, Belarus and many more. 

This reflects the country’s efforts to improve its international standing and create easier access for travellers, boosting tourism and international relations.

Sri Lanka ranks 91st in the global visa index as of 2024, with access to 42 visa-free destinations. This puts the country in a relatively favourable position for travellers.

The visa-free destinations allow Sri Lankan passport holders to travel to multiple countries in Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and Africa without needing a visa in advance.

List of Countries to Receive Visa-Free Entry to Sri Lanka: 

1.            United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

2.            Federal Republic of Germany

3.            Kingdom of the Netherlands

4.            The Kingdom of Belgium

5.            The Kingdom of Spain

6.            The Commonwealth of Australia

7.            Republic of Poland

8.            The Republic of Kazakhstan

9.            The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

10.          The United Arab Emirates

11.          Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal

12.          People’s Republic of China *

13.          The Republic of India *

14.          The Republic of Indonesia *

15.          The Russian Federation *

16.          The Kingdom of Thailand *

17.          The Federation of Malaya *

18.          Japan *

19.          Republic of France

20.          United States of America

21.          Canada

22.          Czech Republic (Czechia)

23.          Republic of Italy

24.          Swiss Confederation (Switzerland)

25.          Republic of Austria

26.          State of Israel

27.          Republic of Belarus

28.          Islamic Republic of Iran

29.          Kingdom of Sweden

30.          Republic of Finland

31.          Kingdom of Denmark

32.          Republic of Korea

33.          State of Qatar

34.          Sultanate of Oman

35.          Kingdom of Bahrain

36.          New Zealand

37.          State of Kuwait

38.          Kingdom of Norway

39.          Republic of Türkiye

40.          Pakistan 

President AKD holds virtual tariff talks with US Trade Representative

July 25th, 2025

Courtesy Adaderana

A virtual discussion was held this evening (25) between President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) Jamieson Greer regarding the further reduction of trade tariffs imposed by the United States on Sri Lankan exports.

The primary objective of the virtual meeting was to discuss the further reduction of proposed trade tariffs on Sri Lankan exports and to further strengthen trade and investment relations between the two nations.

The Secretary to the Ministry of Finance, Dr. Harshana Suriyapperuma, along with senior officials from the Office of the United States Trade Representative, also participated in the discussion.

POLICE INVESTIGATE TWO POLICE SERGEANTS AND A CIVILIAN OVER SHOOTING OF A PREGNANT DEER

July 25th, 2025

Courtesy Hiru News

Police have stated that further investigations are underway regarding the three individuals, including two police sergeants, arrested for allegedly shooting and killing a pregnant deer in a forest reserve in Matale.

The incident occurred early this morning (25), and the suspects were apprehended by a group of local youths.

Residents tied the three suspects to trees and informed the Galkiriyagama Wildlife Office and the Makulugaswewa Police.

Subsequently, a team from the Makulugaswewa Police arrived at the scene, followed by a team from the Galkiriyagama Wildlife Office.

Our correspondent reported that the three suspects were taken to the Makulugaswewa Police Station

ගැබ්බර මුව දෙනකට වෙඩි තැබූ පොලිස් සැරයන්ලා.. කෝප වූ ගම්මු පාරට බසී.. – Hiru News

ගැබ්බර මුව දෙනක් වෙඩි තබා කන්නහැදූ පොලිසියේ අයියලා මහපාරේ දණගැස්වූහැටි උඹලා අපිට මොනවා කරන්නද බලාගමු

 ජේවීපීකාරයින්ට කවදාවත් වෙනස් වෙන්න බෑ….”

July 25th, 2025

SepalAmarasinghe

From Tamilakam to Jaffna: A Factual History of Tamil Migration to Sri Lanka

July 24th, 2025

Shenali D Waduge

The history of Sri Lanka is deeply intertwined with stories of its diverse peoples, among whom the Tamil community is one. Understanding the origins and arrival of Tamils in Sri Lanka is crucial—not only to appreciate the island’s complex cultural mosaic but also to clarify longstanding myths and contested narratives that have shaped political and social discourse creating unwanted animosity. This article explores ten critical perspectives that shed light on the Tamil presence in Sri Lanka, drawing on linguistic evidence, historical records, archaeological findings, and cultural interactions. By examining these facets, a nuanced, evidence-based understanding of how and when Tamils came to inhabit the island, challenges funded versions of history.

This article refutes the claim that Tamils are indigenous to Sri Lanka or that a historical Tamil Eelam” ever existed. Drawing on linguistic, archaeological, genetic, and historical evidence, it shows that Tamil presence came through migration—in waves of traders, medieval invaders, and colonial-era laborers.

There is no record of a Tamil polity predating the Sinhalese Buddhist civilization.

The term Eelam” itself is rooted in Hela” or Elu,” denoting early Sinhalese, not Tamils.

This clarification matters today, as false narratives are used to justify devolution, separatism, and UN interventions. Reclaiming historical accuracy is essential to preserving Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and national identity.

1. Origins of Tamils & their arrival in Sri Lanka

Homeland & Early Contacts

  • Tamilakam as Homeland:Tamils evolved in Tamilakam (modern Tamil Nadu, parts of Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Puducherry).
  • Sangam Literature (c. 300 BCE–300 CE):Classical Tamil poems center on Tamilakam (Madurai, Kaveri delta)—no reference to any Sri Lankan Tamil polity.
  • Early Contacts:From the 3rd century BCE to 5th century CE, small groups of Tamil merchants and mercenaries traded with Anuradhapura but left no evidence of mass settlement.

Colonial Census Term

  • 1911 Census Distinction:British administrative records replace Malabar Tamils” with Ceylon Tamils” (long‑settled) vs. Indian Tamils” (plantation migrants), explicitly recognizing Tamil migrants from India—not indigenous inhabitants. This was done by then Tamil registrar Ramanathan.

Linguistic Evidence

  • Dravidian Roots:Tamil‑Brahmi inscriptions (end of 3rd century BCE) and Ashokan Prakrit loanwords are confined to the Indian mainland.
  • Tamil‑Brahmi Graffiti in Sri Lanka:1st–2nd century CE rock‑shelter graffiti are only personal names, not administrative texts—indicating isolated visitors, not a Tamil state.
  • Old Sinhala Substratum:Sinhala shows only a handful of Dravidian loanwords, consistent with sporadic contact, not co‑equal coexistence.

Genetic & Toponymic Evidence

  • Genetics:Sri Lankan Tamils cluster closely with South Indian Tamils and Telugus, distinct from Veddas and Sinhalese.
  • Place‑Names:Authentic Tamil toponyms (suffixes –ur–kudi) emerge in Northern Sri Lanka only after the 11th century Chola invasions.

Textual & Traveler Accounts

  • Mahāvamsa/Cūḷavaṁsa:Pāli chronicles (5th century CE onward) omit any Tamil‑speaking kingdom until the 11th  Chola invasions, and elsewhere refer to Tamils only as traders or mercenaries.
  • Medieval Travelers:Marco Polo (13th ), Ibn Battuta (14th c.) and Persian merchants describe Tamil merchant enclaves in coastal towns—commercial, not sovereign.

Medieval Tamil Kingdom

  • 1215 CE Arya Chakravarti Settlement:South Indian elites establish the Jaffna Kingdom as a settler polity, paying tribute to Sinhalese monarchs (e.g., Parakramabahu II  1236–1270) and later subdued by Prince Sapumal in the mid‑15th century.

Archaeological Record

  • Urban Capitals (Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa):No Dravidian temple inscriptions or architecture appear until post-Chola
  • Script Continuity:Sri Lankan Tamil inscriptions employ the same South Indian Tamil script, with no unique local evolution.

Summary
All lines of evidence—textual, linguistic, genetic, epigraphic, archaeological, and traveler—unanimously show that Tamils originated in Tamilakam and arrived in Sri Lanka in distinct, migratory waves:

  1. traders/mercenaries in the early centuries,
  2. medieval settlers in Jaffna, and
  3. colonial laborers on the plantations.

There is no indication of an autochthonous Tamil polity predating these migrations.

2.                                           When and how did Tamil settlements in Northern Sri Lanka develop?

  • Chola Military Incursions (993 CE & 1017 CE):
    • In 993 CE, Rajaraja Iinvaded and conquered Anuradhapura, establishing Polonnaruwa as a Chola provincial capital; by 1017 CE, Rajendra I had fully annexed northern Ceylon as part of the Chola Empire
    • In 1070 CE, Vijayabahu I(r. 1070–1110 CE) of Polonnaruwa expelled the Cholas and restored Sinhalese sovereignty over the north and center of the island
  • Pre‑Existing Sinhalese/Buddhist Presence:
    • Kandarodai (Kadurugoda) Monasteryin the Jaffna Peninsula contains Anuradhapura‑era stupas and an inscription of King Dappula IV (r. 923–935 CE), proving a continuous Sinhalese Buddhist presence there centuries before any settler Tamil kingdom.
  • Establishment of the Jaffna Kingdom (c. 1215 CE):
    • Around 1215 CE, Magha of Kalingainvaded, followed by the rise of the Arya Chakravarti dynasty—Tamil‑speaking elites from South India—who founded the Jaffna Kingdom as a settler state, never fully independent of Sinhalese over lordship.
    • Parakramabahu II(r. 1236–1270 CE) of Dambadeniya records campaigns against the Kalinga Magha” invader but notes that Jaffna rulers paid tribute rather than ruled independently.
  • Tributary and Viceroyalty Status:
    • In the mid‑15th century (c. 1449–1453 CE), Prince Sapumal Kumaraya, acting on behalf of Parakramabahu VI(r. 1412–1467 CE), conquered Jaffna and governed it as a viceroy, confirming that the Jaffna elite remained subordinate to the Sinhalese crown
  • Nature of Tamil Settlements:
    • The Jaffna Kingdom was a medieval settler polity, with administrative, religious and social systems imported from Tamil Nadu—it did not evolve from a native Sri Lankan Tamil community.
    • No evidence(inscriptions, chronicle references or archaeology) points to any Tamil‑speaking kingdom in northern Sri Lanka before these 11th–13th  events.

Together, these points—brief Chola occupations, continuous Sinhalese/Buddhist sites, the settler Ayra Chakravarti dynasty, and their tributary/viceroy status—demonstrate that Tamil settlement in the north was always migratory and subordinate, rather than the emergence of an indigenous Tamil state.

3.                                           What evidence exists of Tamil presence before the Sinhalese?

There is no credible evidence—archaeological, linguistic, or historical—that indicates a Tamil-speaking polity or large-scale Tamil settlement in Sri Lanka before Sinhalese or proto-Sinhalese presence.

Supporting Evidence:

  1. Ancient Chronicles & Temple Inscriptions
  2. Mahāvaṃsa and Cūḷavaṃsa(5th century CE onward) make no mention of any Tamil polity until the Chola invasions (1017–1070 CE).
  3. Prior references to Tamils describe them purely as merchants or soldiers—not rulers.
  • Epigraphic and Archaeological Silence
  • Tamil-Brahmi inscriptionsfrom the 2nd century BCE to 2nd century CE have been found in Anuradhapura, Trincomalee, Tissamaharama, and Vavuniya districts—mentioning Tamil householders and traders, but not rulers (e.g. Damedas, Veḷir clan names).
  • Anaikoddai seal, dated to circa 3rd century BCE, bears the word Ko‑ve‑ta” (Tamil for king”), but it appears to belong to asmall chieftain/trader, not a state.
  • Megalithic Culture—Not Tamil Polity
  • Megalithic urn burials, Red & Black Ware pottery, from sites likeKantarodaiManthaiYan Oya, and Ibbankatuwa date from 1000–400 BCE
  • Notably, atKantarodai (Jaffna Peninsula), a cluster of 22 Buddhist stupas and monastery remains predates Tamil arrival—confirming Sinhalese-Buddhist presence before Tamil settlements.
  • Linguistic Substrate in Sinhala
  • Old Sinhala retains only alimited number of Dravidian loanwords (e.g., familial terms such as marumakān → munubara), consistent with occasional interaction, not long-standing Tamil communities.

Summary Table

Evidence TypeEvidence DescriptionInterpretation
ChroniclesNo Tamil kings mentioned before 11th centuryTamil presence limited to traders or soldiers
InscriptionsTamil household names, no administrative textsTamil individuals, not polity
ArchaeologyMegalithic graves, Black & Red Ware potteryCultural influence, not state organization
Buddhist MonumentsKantarodai stupas predate Tamil settlementsSinhalese-Buddhist presence precedes Tamil
Linguistic SubstratumSparse Dravidian loanwords in SinhalaSporadic contact, not Tamil-origin dominance

All available evidence points toward sporadic Tamil presence—as small-scale traders or migrants—prior to the Sinhalese state-building process, but no evidence exists of an indigenous Tamil kingdom, polity, or ruling infrastructure in Sri Lanka before the Sinhalese arrived.

4.                         What is the Origin and Meaning of the Term Eelam”?

  • According to the Madras Tamil Lexicon, the term Eelam” (ஈழம்) is derived from Elu” or Hela,” which are ancient terms referring to the early Sinhalese or proto-Sinhalese peoples of the island. These terms predate Tamil settlement in Sri Lanka and are linguistically and historically rooted in the early Indo-Aryan linguistic sphere of the island.
  • Eelam” originally referred to the entire island of Sri Lanka or its early inhabitants and did not possess an exclusive Tamil ethnic connotation.
  • The modern appropriation of the term Eelam” by Tamil separatists as a reference to a distinct Tamil homeland is therefore a political rebranding, not a reflection of historical reality.
  • Historical inscriptions and archaeological evidence confirm a long-standing Sinhalese presence in the Northern and Eastern regions, including Anuradhapura-era Buddhist ruins in Mannar, Jaffna, and Trincomalee. These further disprove the separatist claim that the North and East were exclusively Tamil.
  • The political use of Tamil Eelam” is thus a modern ideological construct, repurposing a term with early Sinhalese roots to manufacture a narrative of exclusive Tamil indigeneity in the North and East — a narrative that disregards centuries of shared and overlapping habitation, trade, religion, and governance under successive Sinhalese kingdoms.

5.                                           If Tamils were brought by Colonial and Medieval Migrations,

How can they claim indigenous rights?

  • The majority of Tamils in Sri Lanka today descend from two main waves of migration from South India.
    • The first group, later known as Ceylon Tamils” or Jaffna Tamils,” settled during medieval times, particularly from the 13th century onwards, often accompanying South Indian invasions (notably by the Pandyan and Chola dynasties) and through the establishment of the Arya Chakravarti kingdom in the Jaffna Peninsula.
    • The second group, referred to as Indian Tamils” or Plantation Tamils,” were brought to Sri Lanka by the British colonial administration in the 19th and early 20th centuries as indentured laborers for tea, coffee, and rubber plantations.
  • Although these two groups arrived under different historical contexts and centuries apart, both share the same ethnic and geographic origin — Tamil Nadu in South India. As such, neither group can be regarded as indigenous to Sri Lanka in the anthropological or legal sense of the term.
  • The distinction between Ceylon Tamils” and Indian Tamils” is not one of ethnicity but of chronology and colonial classification:
  • Period and Purpose of Migration:
  • Jaffna Tamils arrived mainly through mercantile movement and conquest during medieval times and gradually integrated into the northern socio-political landscape.
  • Plantation Tamils were forcibly relocated by the British for labor exploitation, with little or no prior historical connection to the island.
  • Colonial Census and Categorization:

British colonial records categorized these communities separately:

  • Ceylon Tamils– Long-settled Tamil-speaking communities in the north and east.
  • Indian Tamils– Recent labor migrants concentrated in the central highlands.
  • However, this separation was administrative, not based on ethnic or civilizational difference.
  • No Basis for Indigenous or Sovereign Claims:
  • The fact that both groups are external in origin negates any claim to autochthonous or primordial rights over the land.
  • The concept of Tamil Eelam” as a historical homeland is thus unsupported by archaeological or anthropological evidence. Even the early Jaffna Tamil kingdom was a foreign construct arising after the collapse of local Sinhala authority in the north.

Tamil nationalist claims to indigeneity or territorial sovereignty must be critically reassessed in light of this common migratory ancestry. While the Sinhala people have a continuous civilizational and linguistic presence traceable to the pre-Christian era on the island, Tamil presence — whether medieval or colonial — stems from historically documented movements from the Indian mainland.

6.                                           Why was Thesavalamai Law applied to Tamils in Jaffna?

  • The Thesavalamai law, codified by the Dutch in 1707, was not an ancient or sovereign Tamil legal system. It was a colonial codification by the Dutch VOC for administrative and commercial purposes, particularly concerning land ownership, inheritance, and marriage.
  • Origin and Nature:
    • Thesavalamaiwas not transplanted from Tamil Nadu, nor does it reflect a pan-Tamil legal heritage.
    • It was not a law used in South Indiaand does not appear in Tamil Nadu’s historical legal tradition.
    • The Dutch created this legal code for Tamil settlers in northern Sri Lanka —who had migrated from South India during earlier periods of Chola/Pandya influence and especially during the time of the Arya Chakravarti dynasty.
  • Who did it apply to?
    • It applied only to Malabar (Tamil) inhabitants of the Jaffna region, as defined by the Dutch.
    • The term Malabar” was used by European colonials (Portuguese, Dutch, and British) to refer generally to South Indians,
    • It did not apply non-Malabar Tamils living elsewhere in the island, nor to Sinhala, Muslim, or Burgher communities.
  • Implications for Sovereignty Claims:
    • The very fact that Thesavalamaiwas created by a colonial power undermines the claim that a pre-colonial Tamil kingdom had a structured, sovereign legal system of its own.
    • Had there been an unbroken, independent Tamil kingdom in the North at the time of European arrival (like the Sinhala kingdoms in the South and Kandy), there would have been pre-existing, written, codified laws— as we have in Kandyan Lawand Sinhala customary law.
    • The Dutch did not codify Sinhala law for the Kandyan Kingdom because they recognized existing indigenous sovereignty. The codification of Thesavalamaiinstead reflects colonial administrative control over a settler community, not recognition of a sovereign Tamil legal system.

Should it still exist?

  • Today, Thesavalamai still exists as personal law, applicable to Tamils of Jaffna origin (Malabar heritage only) in matters of property and inheritance.
  • However, its continued application raises legitimate questions:
  • If this law was designed for a settler community of South Indian origin under Dutch rule, what is its relevance in 21st-century Sri Lanka?
  • Why should a colonial law, applicable only to one ethnic group defined by geography and ancestry from South India, continue to have legal standing in a sovereign, unitary republic?
  • If Thesavalamaiis recognized, should similar customary or religious laws for other communities also be revived or maintained — or should Sri Lanka move toward a unified civil code?

The existence of Thesavalamai reflects the Dutch colonial need to manage Tamil settler customs in the Jaffna peninsula, not the presence of an ancient Tamil legal or state system. Its continued use today — despite being tied to South Indian colonial-era settlers — invites debate on legal uniformity, national integration, and the risks of ethnic legal exceptionalism.

7.                                           Was there really a separate Tamil Kingdom when the Portuguese arrived?

  • What is today referred to as the Jaffna Kingdom” was not an indigenous or sovereign Tamil kingdom in the same sense as the Sinhala kingdoms of Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa, Dambadeniya, or Kandy — which had centuries of continuous rule, written chronicles, and cultural foundations rooted in the island.
  • The so-called Jaffna Kingdom” emerged only in the 13th century, following South Indian invasions, notably by the Pandyans and later the Arya Chakravarti dynasty, who were foreign mercenaries or vassals with allegiance to South Indian rulers.
  • When the Portuguese arrived in the early 16th century, they encountered this foreign-established administration in Jaffna, which was swiftly subdued with little or no recorded organized Tamil resistance.
  • In sharp contrast, Sinhalese monarchs in Kotte, Sitawaka, and especially the Kingdom of Kandy mounted fierce and sustained resistance to European colonization, often forming complex alliances and engaging in guerrilla warfare.
  • The quick collapse of the Arya Chakravarti regime in Jaffna suggests it was isolated, lacked deep-rooted local legitimacy, and did not enjoy the widespread cultural and political support typical of a true native monarchy.

The so-called Tamil kingdom” in Jaffna was not a sovereign, indigenous kingdom comparable to the historical Sinhala polities. Its foreign origin, shallow roots, and lack of resistance to colonization challenge any claim of an unbroken Tamil sovereignty on the island. It was a short-lived outpost of South Indian expansionism, not an ancestral Tamil homeland.

8.                         Is there Evidence of Sinhalese presence in the North before and during Tamil Settlement?

Yes. Extensive historical, archaeological, and epigraphic evidence confirms a continuous Sinhalese presence and political authority in the Northern Province — long before and even during the period of Tamil settlement and the establishment of the Arya Chakravarti regime in Jaffna.

  1. Historical Records:
  2. The Mahavamsa, Sri Lanka’s ancient chronicle (compiled in the 5th century CE), records thatKing Devanampiyatissa (3rd century BCE) sent missions to various parts of the island including Nagadeepa (Jaffna peninsula).
  3. King Dutugemunu (161–137 BCE)and King Vijayabahu I (1055–1110 CE) are both recorded to have maintained military and administrative control over the northern regions.
  4. TheCulavamsa (continuation of the Mahavamsa) notes that even during times of South Indian invasions, Sinhalese kings dispatched troops to the North to maintain sovereignty.
  5. During the reign ofParakramabahu I (1153–1186 CE), extensive irrigation and temple restoration were carried out as far north as Elephant Pass and Jaffna, showing that the region was considered part of the Sinhalese heartland.
  • Archaeological Evidence:
  • Buddhist ruins, stupas, and inscriptionshave been found across the Northern Province — in Kadurugoda (Kantarodai) in JaffnaVavuniyaMurunkanNagadipa (Nainativu)Analaitivu, and Mannar.
  • TheKadurugoda Buddhist site, near Chunnakam in Jaffna, includes more than 60 ancient stupas made of coral stone, dating back to the Anuradhapura period (3rd century BCE – 10th century CE). Excavations by P.E. Pieris (1917) and later by the Department of Archaeology confirm their Sinhalese-Buddhist origin.
  • NumerousBrahmi inscriptions in Sinhala Prakrit have been found in the North and North Central regions, dating from 2nd century BCE onward, confirming early Sinhalese literacy, governance, and religious activity.
  • Military and Administrative Control:
  • The Vallipuram Gold Plate (2nd century CE), discovered in Jaffna, records a land grant made byKing Vasabha, a Sinhalese monarch of Anuradhapura, to a Buddhist monastery in the area — demonstrating direct royal patronage and authority in the Jaffna peninsula.
  • King Vijayabahu Irestored temples in the North and appointed Sinhala governors to maintain order after defeating the Chola invaders.
  • Even during the period ofTamil migration and the rise of the Arya Chakravarti dynasty (13th–17th century)Sinhalese kingdoms continued asserting sovereignty, periodically sending military expeditions to the region.

The cumulative evidence — from ancient chronicles, inscriptions, Buddhist monuments, and royal edicts — proves that the Sinhalese were the original inhabitants and rulers of the Northern Province, long before Tamil settlement. Tamil presence, largely resulting from medieval South Indian invasions, did not erase the deep-rooted Sinhala-Buddhist civilization that existed in the North. The narrative of an exclusively Tamil historical homeland in the North is therefore historically inaccurate and politically motivated.

9.                         Were Tamils ever a Buddhist people — or is Tamil Buddhism” in Sri Lanka a Modern Myth?

  • Pre-Hindu Tamil religion revolved around animism and folk deities, not the Buddha, Dhamma, or Sangha. Core Tamil literary texts like the TolkāppiyamAkananuru, and Purananurureflect this indigenous belief system, devoid of Buddhist themes.
  • Buddhism never took root in Tamilakam (South India); its limited presence came through external patronage(e.g., Pallavas) but faded without lasting institutions or lay communities.
  • Any Tamil Buddhist footprint in Sri Lanka was imported through Sinhalese or North Indian channelsand never formed the basis of a Tamil Buddhist state or culture.
  • The Jaffna Kingdom was Hindu Shaivite, not Buddhist, and the temples of the North were not viharas but converted into kovilsunder Hindu rule.
  • Sites like Kadurugoda (Kantarodai)are often misused by Tamil separatists as proof of Tamil Buddhism,” but archaeology clearly attributes them to Sinhalese-Buddhist origins based on Pali and early Sinhala inscriptions—not Tamil.
  • Even leading Tamil historians such as A. Nilakanta Sastriconfirm that Buddhism never deeply penetrated Tamil culture.

There is no historical, religious, or archaeological basis to claim that Tamils were once a Buddhist people or that the North of Sri Lanka was part of a Tamil-Buddhist homeland. This narrative is a modern fabrication aimed at rewriting history to undermine the Sinhalese-Buddhist heritage of the North.

10.         What does this mean for contemporary Tamil Nationalist claims?

  • TheTamil nationalist narrative of an ancient, indigenous Tamil Eelam” homeland in Sri Lanka lacks historical and linguistic foundation.
  • The term Eelam” itself has beenreappropriated for political ends, diverging from its original meaning linked to early Sinhalese inhabitants.
  • Both Jaffna Tamils and plantation Tamils havemigrant origins and cannot claim primordial rights to Sri Lankan land.
  • Sri Lanka’strue ancestral and indigenous identity is closely tied to the Sinhalese and their ancient civilizations.

Do Tamil Nationalist claims to an ancient homeland in Sri Lanka withstand historical scrutiny?

  • The Tamil nationalist claim of an ancient, sovereign Tamil homeland called Eelam” within Sri Lanka is not supported by historical, archaeological, or linguistic evidence.
  • The term Eelam” itself was originally associated with the early Sinhalese (Hela/Elu) people and the island of Sri Lanka as a whole — not with a Tamil nation. Its modern use to denote a separate Tamil state is a political rebranding disconnected from its etymological and historical roots.
  • Both major Tamil communities in Sri Lanka — the Jaffna Tamils (settled via medieval South Indian invasions) and Plantation Tamils (brought by the British in the 19th century) — have documented migratory origins from Tamil Nadu, not indigenous roots in Sri Lanka.
  • Unlike the Sinhalese, whose language, religion (Buddhism), and civilizational identity are organically native to the island for over two millennia, Tamils in Sri Lanka do not possess a continuous, autochthonous cultural lineage grounded in Sri Lankan soil.
  • The absence of an ancient Tamil Buddhist kingdom, the foreign origin of the Jaffna regime, and the colonial categorization of Tamils as Malabars or South Indian settlers all weaken the legal and moral basis of any Tamil claim to sovereignty over part of the island.

Tamil nationalist assertions of a historic Tamil Eelam” are rooted in modern political ideology, not historical fact. The Sinhalese are the indigenous people of Sri Lanka, with an unbroken civilizational presence. Calls for Tamil self-determination based on supposed ancestral rights must be re-evaluated in light of the clear migratory origins of Tamil communities and the fabricated nature of the Eelam narrative.

Have Tamils in Sri Lanka ever fought to defend the island from Foreign Invaders?

  1. Historical evidence shows no major Tamil-led resistance to foreign invasion
  2. When thePortuguese arrived in the early 16th century, the Arya Chakravarti regime in Jaffna capitulated quickly. There is no recorded mass resistance movement or prolonged Tamil-led defense of Jaffna or the North.
  3. In contrast,Sinhalese monarchs — from Sitawaka’s Rajasinha I to King Vimaladharmasuriya and later King Rajasinghe II and Sri Vikrama Rajasinha of Kandy — fought prolonged wars against the Portuguese, Dutch, and British to defend sovereignty.
  4. TheKandyan kingdom, sustained by the Sinhala Buddhist population, was the last bastion of native independence until 1815.
  • During British Colonization:
  • TheUva-Wellassa rebellion (1818) and Matale rebellion (1848) were Sinhalese-led insurrections against British rule, rooted in defense of land, culture, and Buddhism.
  • There isno recorded Tamil uprising against colonial powers in the North or East. Instead, Tamil elites cooperated with colonial administrators, often gaining disproportionately from colonial favoritism in civil service and education.
  • Defending the Nation from Terrorism (1980s–2009):
  • The 30-year war against theLTTE — a Tamil separatist terrorist movement — was fought almost entirely by the Sinhalese-majority Sri Lankan armed forces.
  • Over 95%of the Sri Lanka Army, Navy, and Air Force personnel who sacrificed their lives defending the unity of Sri Lanka were Sinhalese Buddhists.
  • While someTamil and Muslim individuals served in the forces, their numbers were marginal relative to their population share. Most Tamils in the North and East were either supportive of the LTTEintimidated into silence, or passive bystanders — not defenders of Sri Lankan sovereignty.
  • Notably,Muslim Home Guards did defend against LTTE attacks in the East, but this was more out of communal self-preservation than national patriotism.
  • The Principle: One Defends What One Considers Home
  • Historically and psychologically, people fight and die forwhat they consider their own land, identity, and heritage.
  • TheSinhalese have proven this repeatedly — from Dutugemunu’s unification campaigns, to resistance against colonialism, to defeating the LTTE in 2009.
  • Thelack of comparable Tamil-led defense of Sri Lanka at any stage of invasion or conflict calls into question the Tamil nationalist narrative of deep-rooted indigeneity or national belonging.

Tamils in Sri Lanka have no historical record of defending the island from foreign invasion, colonization, or terrorism on a scale that reflects ownership or deep-rooted belonging.

In contrast, the Sinhalese — particularly the Sinhala Buddhist population — have consistently fought, died, and sacrificed to protect Sri Lanka from foreign and internal threats.

This historical pattern is a powerful indicator of who truly sees this land as their ancestral home.

Shenali D Waduge

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (ආ) ඡේදය නිවැරදිව ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවට පරිවර්තනය කරන ලෙස නීතීඥවරුන් 209ක් විසින් ගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමාගෙන් කරන ඉල්ලීම ශ්‍රී ලංකා නීතිඥ සංගමය මගින් බාර දීමට නීතීඥ සංගමයේ සභාපති වෙත ඉල්ලීමක්….

July 24th, 2025

මාධ්‍ය අංශය, වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන 

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (ආ) ඡේදය නිවැරදිව ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවට පරිවර්තනය කරන ලෙස නීතීඥවරුන් 209ක් ජනාධිපතිතුමා වෙත ඉල්ලීම් කිරීමට  2025.07.09 දින සිට දින කිහිපයක් ඇතුළත අත්සන් කර ඇත.

මෙම ඉල්ලීම 2025 ජූලි මස අවසන් සතියේදී ජනාධිපතිතුමා වෙත බාර දීමට දිනයක් සහ වේලාවක් ලබා ගැනීමට ජනාධිපති ලේකම්තුමා වෙතින් ඉල්ලීමක්ද කර ඇති අතර මෙම ලිපිය ජනාධිපති කාර්යාලය වෙත ලැබී ඇති බවත් යොමු අංකය PS/2025/07/22/63322 බවත් ජනාධිපති ලේකම් කාර්යාලය විසින් 2025.07.22 දින දන්වා ඇත.

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂා පරිවර්තනයේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (b) ඡේදය මගින් දැක්වෙන ආකාරයට ජනාධිපති ධූරකාලය හෝ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය වසර 6කට වඩා අඩු කිරීමට ගෙනෙන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයකදී ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පැවැත්වීම වළක්වා ඇති අතර ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් පරිවර්තනයක් ලෙස පළ කර ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව මගින් නියම කර ඇත්තේ ජනාධිපති ධූරකාලය හෝ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය වසර 6කට වඩා වැඩි කිරීමට ගෙනෙන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයකදී පමණක් ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පැවැත්වීමටය. ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (ආ) ඡේදය මගින් දැක්වෙන ආකාරයට ජනාධිපති ධූරකාලය හෝ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය වසර 6කට වඩා අඩු කිරීමට හෝ වැඩිකිරීමට ගෙනෙන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පතකටද ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පැවැත්වීමට නියම කර තිබුණද එය ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් පරිවර්තනයක් ලෙස පළකර ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ නිවැරදිව දක්වා නැත.

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (ආ) ඡේදය මෙසේය.

30 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (2) වන අනුව්‍යවස්ථාවේ නැතහාත් 62 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (2) වන අනුව්‍යවස්ථාවේ විධිවිධාන සංශෝධනය කිරීම හෝ පරිච්ඡින්න කොට ප්‍රතියෝජනය කිරීම හෝ සදහා වූ නැතහොත් ඒ විධිවිධානවලට අනනුකූල වන්නා වූ ද අවස්ථාවෝචිත පරිදි ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ ධූර කාලය සාවුරුද්දක් ඉක්මවා දීර්ඝ කරන්නා වූ නැතහොත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය සාවුරුද්දක් ඉක්මවා දීර්ඝ කරන්නා වූ ද පනත් කෙටුම්පතකට,

ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් පරිවර්තනයක් ලෙස පළ කර ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (b) ඡේදය මෙසේය.

Bill for the amendment or for the repeal and replacement of or which is inconsistent with the provisions of paragraph (2) of Article 30 or of paragraph (2) of Article 62 which would extend the term of office of the President or the duration of Parliament, as the case may be, to over six years,

නීතීඥවරුන් 209ක් ජනාධිපතිතුමාගෙන් නිවැරදි කිරීමට ඉල්ලන ඉංග්‍රීසි ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (b) ඡේදයේ පවතින දෝෂය සම්බන්ධ ඉල්ලීම ශ්‍රී ලංකා නීතීඥ සංගමය මගින් ගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමා වෙත බාර දීම සුදුසු වන හෙයන් එසේ ක්‍රියා කරන ලෙස ඉල්ලා ජනාධිපතිතුමා වෙතින් මෙම ඉල්ලීම කිරීමට මූලිකත්වය ගත් වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහනේ සමායෝජක නීතීඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන මහතා ශ්‍රී ලංකා නීතීඥ සංගමයේ සභාපතිවරයාගේ  අවධානයට යොමු කර ඇත.

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මාධ්‍ය අංශය, වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන දුරකථන 0712063394
(2025.07.25)

A unique Convention on Earth

July 24th, 2025

by A. Abdul Aziz, Sri Lanka Correspondent, Al Hakam, London.8

More than 35,000 delegates from over 90 countries including Sri Lanka are expected to attend the Ahmadiyya Muslim Annual Conference, holding today (Friday 25th July) to Sunday 27th July 2025 at Alton, United Kingdom.

Founder of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community (Jamaát) Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian, The Promised Messiah and Imam Mahdi (peace be upon him) said:

‘’Do not consider this gathering to be the same as other ordinary, worldly gatherings. Rather the case of this is such, that it is founded upon the pure support of truth and the propagation of Islam. The foundation stone of this community has been laid by Allah Almighty Himself, and such nations have been prepared that will soon come and enter its fold. This is because it is the work of that All- Powerful Being, for Whom, nothing is impossible.’’

International Initiation Ceremony.

This three-day Convention includes a world-wide Initiation (Bai’at) Ceremony that is held every year at the time of Annual Convention in which large numbers of people from different countries gather at some places in their respective countries and then via satellite take an oath of allegiance at the hand of the Caliph (Khalifa) of the Ahmadfiyya Muslim Community Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad.  This historical ceremony will be held on Sunday 27th of July 2025 (last day of the Convention) at 5.30 P.M. local time. In Sri Lanka too, Ahmadi Muslims across the country assembling in their mosques situated at Colombo, Negombo, Pasyala Puttalam and Polonnarwa and taking part in this Initiation Ceremony via MTA (Muslim Television Ahmadiyya) – Community’s FREE satellite TV.   

In the Convention site in the United Kingdom, the members of the community form five or seven lines in front of the Khalifa at the ceremony to represent the five/seven continents of the world. Officials of the Community and other people who have worked for the Community or are otherwise selected for this ceremony, are present in these lines. The lines proceed to some extent in an orderly manner after which other members are present. The members and those who want to become members place their hands on the back of the person in their front, as is known from the tradition of the early Muslims at the time of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and so form chains of physical contact with the Khalifa. This physical contact is seen necessary only for those present at the ceremony.

The oath of allegiance or Bai’at is taken by the Khalifa in the following way: first he reads a sentence or a part of a sentence from the oath in English or in Urdu language, which the members of the community repeat after him. Then the same sentence or part of the sentence is repeated by translators in many languages of the world simultaneously and repeated by the members of the community.

 After having gone through the whole text of the oath of allegiance in this manner, the Khalifa leads the members in silent prayers.

Are Asomiyas facing a bleak future in their homeland !

July 24th, 2025

Nava Thakuria

The indigenous population in Assam of northeast India continues getting shocking revelations every alternate day from none other than State chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma. Pursuing a series of eviction drives to reclaim hundreds of thousands of bighas of government lands (including forest and water bodies) during his term as the head of Bharatiya Janata Party-led government in Dispur, Sarma alerted Asomiyas on the fastest changing demography in their localities. The outspoken saffron leader made it public that a conspiracy was hatched to silently change the janagathani (demography) which needs to be halted effectively.
“After demographic invasion in western and middle Assam, today we are seeing the beginning of demographic invasion in eastern Assam. If we could have visualized the demographic invasion of lower and middle Assam in the beginning, we probably could have stopped it. But it has become irreversible now,” said Sarma, adding that evictions in various places to reclaim a huge volume of government lands were aimed at preventing the demographic invasion by the people from a particular community (read Bangladesh origin Muslims). Terming the trend as ‘land jihad’, Sarma proclaimed that the government remains committed to liberate every inch of Assam’s land from the encroachment.
Lately, Sarma has made a stunning revelation that by 2041 the Muslims in Assam will acquire over 50% stakes in its total population. As per the 2011 census 34 percent of the State population (3.12 crore) remains a religious minority and if  3 % are identified as  indigenous Assamese  Muslims the rest (31 %) can be termed as migrated Muslims (from Bangladesh to  Assam). As the Muslims enjoy high birth-rates, the situation will be worse by  2021 or 2031 and they (Bengali- speaking Muslims) will touch  50 % of Assam’s total populace by 2041, he asserted. The situation has already turned horrible for indigenous (Asomiya) people in many districts of Assam like Dhubri, Morigaon, Barpeta, Nagaon,  South Salmara-Mankachar, Goalpara, etc. Once the Asomiyas become a minority in those localities, they have to live under insecurities and constant threats from the Bangladesh-origin Muslim settlers.
The  eviction drives in Barshola, Lumding, Burapahar, Pabha, Batadrawa, Chapar and Paikan localities have resulted  in recovering 1,19,548 bighas of land from the clutches of  illegal settlers. However, Sarma reminded that nearly  63 lakh acres of land remain under encroachment across Assam. It may take another 20 years to make Assam completely  free of encroachment. However, the prime opposition party Congress vehemently opposed the drive and approached State  Governor Lakshman Prasad Acharya with an appeal to halt the ongoing eviction operations. Calling on Governor Acharya, the Assam Congress delegation sought his intervention against the dispossession of tribal, indigenous, minorities and other people from their rightful properties on the pretext of development’.
However, the operations against the encroachers  went on in full swing, even though the situation in Paikan flared up on 17 July as a group of Assam police personnel and forest guards were attacked during their post-eviction works. A large number of evicted individuals including women started stone pelting over the forces, where 21 personnel sustained injuries. Finally to maintain the law & order situation, the police  resorted to firing upon the unruly aggressors. It resulted in one casualty (Shakuar Hussain) and injuries to a few others. Assam police lately arrested over 20 violent agitators from Paikan suspecting their roles in the post-eviction violence.
State Congress president Gaurav Gogoi along with their national president Mallikarjun Kharge and  Parliamentarian Rahul Gandhi attended a party meeting at Chaygaon on 16 July. They all slammed the government for the eviction drives and assured that the displaced families will be allotted land and houses if the party comes to power after 2026 Assam legislative assembly polls. Sarma hit back on them stating that Gandhi came to Assam only to encourage the encroachers to occupy protected forest lands. Gandhi’s  irresponsible rhetoric has directly endangered lives and disrupted peace in the State, he stated. Earlier, All India United Democratic Front and All Assam Minority Students’ Union, Muslim Sangram Parishad, Asom Nagarik Samaj, Raijor Dal, Asom Jatiya Parishad, Communist Party of India, CPI-ML, etc also criticized the government for the eviction drives with separate protest demonstrations.

බි්‍රතාන්‍යයේ අති විශාල ඉස්ලාමීය ජාත්‍යන්තර සම්මේලනය

July 24th, 2025

ඒ. අබ්දුල් අසීස් මාධ්‍ය ලේකම්

ලබන ජූලි මස 25 වන දින බි්‍රතාන්‍යයේ ඒල්ටන් නුවර අහ්මදිය්යා මුස්ලිම් සංවිධානයේ ජාත්‍යන්තර සම්මේලනය ආරම්භ වීමට ඇත. ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ඇතුළුව 35,000 කට අධික ජනගහණයක් මෙම තෙදින සම්මේලනයට සහභාගිවීමට ඇත. බි්‍රතාන්‍ය, අප්‍රිකාණු රටවල්හි නායකයන්, විදේශ රාජතාන්ත්‍රිකයන් සහභාගී වීමට නියමිත මෙම සම්මේලනයෙහි නොයෙකුත් මාතෘකා යටතේ අධ්‍යාත්මික දේශනයන් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට නියමිතය.
මෙම සම්මේලනයේ ’ජාත්‍යන්තර ෙඛෙඅත් නැමැති පොරොන්දු ගිවිසුම¶ ප්‍රධාන අංගය ලෙස මෙම සම්මේලනයේ තුන්වැනි දින එනම් 2025 ජූලි මස 27 වන දින ශ්‍රී ලාංකීය වේලාවට අනුව සවස 5.30 ට සජීවිව පැවැත්වීමට නියමිතය. සම්මේලනයේ දේශනයන් ඉංග්‍රීසි, දමිළ, ප්‍රංශ, අරාබි සහ ලොවේ විවිධ භාෂාවන්ගෙන් එසැණින්ම පරිවර්ථනය කරනු ලැබේ.

ඒ. අබ්දුල් අසීස්
මාධ්‍ය ලේකම්
දු.අ. 077 7753440

Defence Secretary Underscores Regional Resilience at Asian Preparedness Partnership Workshop

July 24th, 2025

Ministry of Defence  – Media Centre

Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha (Retd), gracing the ceremony as the chief guest delivered special remarks at the Reflection Workshop of the Asian Preparedness Partnership (APP), held at the Cinnamon Life at the City of Dreams in Colombo on Wednesday (July 23).

The two-day workshop, held under the theme Sustaining Collaboration: Advancing the Future of National Preparedness Partnerships,” brought together delegates from seven Asian nations: Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, the Philippines, and Sri Lanka.

Commending the APP for its multi-stakeholder framework since its inception in 2016, the Defence Secretary emphasized the importance of building sustainable, nationally owned disaster preparedness systems. He highlighted Sri Lanka’s experience through the Sri Lanka Preparedness Partnership (SLPP), which has effectively connected government, civil society, and the private sector to strengthen early warning systems and community-based action.

The Secretary also highlighted the critical role of disaster risk reduction and climate resilience in national security, noting that natural and man-made hazards pose serious challenges to stability and development.

Under the stewardship of our three co-chairs, the Disaster Management Centre, Janathakshan GTE Ltd and the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce, the SLPP has emerged as a nationally owned, multi-sectorial platform, he said.

Expressing appreciation to the Asian Disaster Preparedness Centre and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation for their leadership and support, he called on participating nations to transform partnerships into enduring systems and ideas into tangible action.

Director General of the Disaster Management Centre (DMC) Major General Sampath Kotuwegoda (Retd) made the welcome remarks. The Executive Director of the Asian Disaster Preparedness Centre, Aslam Perwaiz and Deputy Director of the Emergency Response, Gates Foundation, Dr. Valerie Berno made opening remarks.

This workshop aims to deepen regional collaboration and develop strategies for a safer and more resilient Asia.

NDB Bank Honoured with Eight Prestigious Wins at SLIBFI Awards 2025

July 24th, 2025

National Development Bank PLC

NDB Bank proudly reaffirmed its leadership in Sri Lanka’s Islamic banking sector by securing eight distinguished accolades at the Sri Lanka Islamic Banking and Finance Industry (SLIBFI) Awards 2025, held recently. These wins mark yet another milestone in NDB’s ongoing journey of excellence, innovation, and dedication to inclusive financial services.

The 2025 edition of the awards saw NDB Bank being recognised across both institutional and individual categories, underscoring the Bank’s collective and personal achievements within the rapidly evolving Islamic finance landscape. The honours included four Gold awards and four Bronze and Merit distinctions, showcasing a broad spectrum of accomplishments by the Bank and its team.

In the Entity and Miscellaneous category, NDB claimed the coveted Gold Award for Islamic Finance Deal of the Year, a testament to the Bank’s strategic expertise and its ability to structure innovative, Sharia-compliant financial solutions that deliver value and impact. Complementing this win, NDB also secured a Bronze for Islamic Finance Window/Unit of the Year, and a Merit Award for Islamic Finance Deal of the Year, highlighting the consistent strength and agility of its Islamic Banking Unit, NDB Shareek.

Reflecting the Bank’s deep bench of talent, NDB was also recognised in the Individual Category with a series of outstanding honours. Bahar Nayan, Head of Islamic Banking at NDB, was awarded the Gold for Transformative Leadership, celebrating his visionary leadership and pioneering role in shaping NDB’s Islamic banking journey. The Gold for Rising Personality of the Year (Female) was awarded to Mariam Mubarak, whose exceptional contributions continue to inspire excellence across the Bank. Shah Soodin was named Gold Winner for Branch Executive of the Year, reinforcing NDB’s strength in operational excellence and client engagement at the grassroots level.

Additionally, the Bank received two Bronze recognitions in this category: Ashad Ameen for Rising Personality of the Year (Male) and Aslam Fidha for Islamic Banker / Employee of the Year, further reflecting the collective expertise and unwavering commitment of the NDB Shareek team.

These accolades serve as a powerful reflection of NDB’s continued efforts to uplift Islamic banking practices in Sri Lanka through ethical financial solutions, robust governance, and people-led innovation. The Bank remains deeply committed to providing Sharia-compliant services that not only serve the needs of today’s customers but also build a sustainable foundation for future generations.

As the Islamic banking arm of NDB, Shareek continues to deliver meaningful, inclusive banking solutions tailored to a wide range of individuals and enterprises across the country. With over a decade of experience, the unit remains one of the most respected and agile Islamic finance providers in the industry.

NDB Bank extends its sincere gratitude to the SLIBFI Awards Committee for this recognition and congratulates every team member who contributed to this success. With continued focus on ethical finance, customer empowerment, and transformative leadership, NDB remains steadfast in its mission to support Sri Lanka’s journey toward inclusive economic prosperity.

Soy vs Cow’s Milk: Which is Better? – HealthXchange

July 24th, 2025

Courtesy HealthXchange

Soy vs dairy: Is one better than the other?

Proponents of soy milk tout it as a natural, plant-based source of protein and point to research that shows that soy milk lowers LDL (low density lipoprotein), or bad” cholesterol in the body, thereby cutting a person’s risk of developing heart diseases. Soy critics argue that soy contains phytoestrogens, which are thought to increase risk of certain cancers.

How do you, as a consumer, make an informed choice? To help you, we discuss here some important questions about soy and cow’s milk, namely:

  1. What is the difference between soy and cow’s milk?
  2. Should people with gout avoid soy?
  3. Is soy or dairy better for patients with cancer?

Difference between soy milk and cow’s milk (dairy)

Soy is a good source of low-fat and plant-based protein. It is cholesterol-free, has less saturated fat than cow’s milk and lowers the LDL in the body. Cow’s milk, on the other hand, has more calcium than natural soy. Calcium, as we know, helps to build bones and prevents osteoporosis. Cow’s milk also contains more vitamins, such as vitamin B12 and vitamin D.

These days, however, commercially made soy milk is often fortified to have calcium and nutrients similar to cow’s milk. At the same time, cow’s milk now comes in low-fat versions and these sometimes have lower saturated fat than commercial soy milk (see table below).

Both calcium-fortified soy milk and low-fat milk are good sources of protein and calcium. “However, there is evidence that soy products, together with a diet low in​ saturated fat, can help to lower LDL levels, and hence reduce the risk of heart disease,” shares Ms Joey Ho, Dietitian from the Nutrition and Dietetics Department at KK Women’s and Children’s Hospital (KKH), a member of the SingHealth​ group.

​Nutrient ​​Soy milk​Milk ​
​Per 250ml​Natural​Fortified (High calcium, reduced sugar)​Full cream​Low fat, high calcium
​Energy (kcal)​143​143​175​110
​Protein (g)​10​10​8.3​8.8
​Fat (g)
Saturated fat (g)
​5.5
(0.8)
3.8
(1)
10.6
(6)
2.5
(1)
​Cholesterol (mg)​0​0​29​63
​Calcium (mg)​63​500​280​500

If I have gout, should I avoid soy?

Full Report

Soy vs Cow’s Milk: Which is Better? – HealthXchange

නීතීඥවරුන් 209ක් ජනාධිපතිතුමාගෙන් නිවැරදි කිරීමට ඉල්ලන ඉංග්‍රීසි ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ දෝෂය විධායකය සහ ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකය මේ දක්වා නොදැන සිටියේ ඇයි?

July 24th, 2025

අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන B.Sc(Col), PGDC(Col) නීතීඥ, සමායෝජක, වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන. 

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (ආ) ඡේදය නිවැරදිව ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවට පරිවර්තනය කරන ලෙස නීතීඥවරුන් 209ක් ජනාධිපතිතුමාගෙන් මේ වන විට ඉල්ලීම් කරන (2025.07.09 දින සිට දින සිට දින කිහිපයක් ඇතුළත මෙම ඉල්ලිම් කිරීමට නීතීඥවරුන් 209ක් අත්සන් කර ඇත) අතර මෙම ඉල්ලීම 2025 ජූලි මස අවසන් සතියේදී ජනාධිපතිතුමා වෙත බාර දීමට දිනයක් සහ වේලාවක් ලබා ගැනීමට ජනාධිපති ලේකම්තුමා වෙතින් ඉල්ලීමක්ද කර ඇත.

නීතීඥවරුන් ඇතුළු පුරවැසියන් විසින් අත්සන් කර ඉදිරිපත් කරන මෙම ඉල්ලීම ජනාධිපතිතුමා වෙත බාරදීමට දිනයක් සහ වේලාවක් ලබා ගැනීමට ජනාධිපති ලේකම්තුමා වෙත යොමු කරන ලද ලිපිය ජනාධිපති කාර්යාලය වෙත ලැබී ඇති බවත් යොමු අංකය:- PS/2025/07/22/63322 බවත් ජනාධිපති ලේකම් කාර්යාලය විසින් 2025.07.22 දින දන්වා ඇත.

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂා පරිවර්තනයේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (b) ඡේදය මගින් දැක්වෙන ආකාරයට ජනාධිපති ධූරකාලය හෝ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය වසර 6කට වඩා අඩු කිරීමට ගෙනෙන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයකදී ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පැවැත්වීම වළක්වා ඇති අතර ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් පරිවර්තනයක් ලෙස පළ කර ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව මගින් නියම කර ඇත්තේ ජනාධිපති ධූරකාලය හෝ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය වසර 6කට වඩා වැඩි කිරීමට ගෙනෙන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයකදී පමණක් ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පැවැත්වීමටය.

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (ආ) ඡේදය මගින් දැක්වෙන ආකාරයට ජනාධිපති ධූරකාලය හෝ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය වසර 6කට වඩා අඩු කිරීමටද හෝ වැඩිකිරීමටද ගෙනෙන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පතකටද  ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පැවැත්වීමට නියම කර තිබුණද එය ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් පරිවර්තනයක් ලෙස පළකර ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ නිවැරදිව දක්වා නැත.

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (ආ) ඡේදය මෙසේය.

30 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (2) වන අනුව්‍යවස්ථාවේ නැතහාත් 62 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (2) වන අනුව්‍යවස්ථාවේ විධිවිධාන සංශෝධනය කිරීම හෝ පරිච්ඡින්න කොට ප්‍රතියෝජනය කිරීම හෝ සදහා වූ නැතහොත් ඒ විධිවිධානවලට අනනුකූල වන්නා වූ ද අවස්ථාවෝචිත පරිදි ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ ධූර කාලය සාවුරුද්දක් ඉක්මවා දීර්ඝ කරන්නා වූ නැතහොත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය සාවුරුද්දක් ඉක්මවා දීර්ඝ කරන්නා වූ ද පනත් කෙටුම්පතකට, 

ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් පරිවර්තනයක් ලෙස පළ කර ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (b) ඡේදය මෙසේය.

Bill for the amendment or for the repeal and replacement of or which is inconsistent with the provisions of paragraph (2) of Article 30 or of paragraph (2) of Article 62 which would extend the term of office of the President or the duration of Parliament, as the case may be, to over six years,

නීතීඥවරුන් 209ක් ජනාධිපතිතුමාගෙන් නිවැරදි කිරීමට ඉල්ලන ඉංග්‍රීසි ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (b) ඡේදයේ පවතින දෝෂය විධායකය සහ ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකය මේ දක්වා නොදැන සිටියේ ඇයිද යන්න ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සංවර්ධනය සහ නීතියේ පාලනය සම්බන්ධයෙන් වැදගත් කතිකාවක් පුරවැසියන් අතර ආරම්භ කරනු ඇත.

(මෙවැනි දෝෂ ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් පළ කර ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ තවත් තිබේද යන්න විද්වතුන් විසින් අවධානය යොමු කළ යුතුය.)

http://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2025/07/209.html?m=1

අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන
B.Sc(Col), PGDC(Col) නීතීඥ,
සමායෝජක, වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන. දුරකථන 0712063394   
(2025.07.23)

Ehelepola Nilame: Traitor or Patriot?

July 24th, 2025

Jayantha Herath

These visuals and accompanying content were created with the assistance of Microsoft Copilot.

Comparison Chart: Ehelepola Nilame – Traitor vs. Patriot

PerspectiveKey ArgumentsConsequencesLegacy View
TraitorAllied with British to overthrow Kandyan monarchy; facilitated colonial rule.Helped end Sri Lanka’s last independent kingdom; led to British colonization.Seen by some as betraying national sovereignty.
PatriotOpposed tyrannical king; sought justice after execution of his family.Gained popular support; viewed as a hero by those opposing the king.Seen by others as a tragic hero who resisted cruelty.

A Complex Legacy Ehelepola Nilame remains one of the most debated figures in Sri Lankan history. As the First Adigar of the Kandyan Kingdom, he held immense power and influence. His rebellion against King Sri Vikrama Rajasinha followed the horrific execution of his wife and children—an act that shocked the nation and turned many against the king.

Ehelepola’s decision to ally with the British was pivotal in the signing of the Kandyan Convention of 1815, which ended centuries of Sinhalese monarchy. While some view this as a betrayal that opened the door to colonial rule, others argue that he acted out of desperation and a desire to end tyranny.

His later exile to Mauritius after the 1817–1818 rebellion adds another layer of tragedy to his story. Today, Ehelepola is remembered both as a patriot who stood against cruelty and a controversial figure who enabled colonization

Sri Lanka Has Identified Five Potential Sites For First Nuclear Power Plant

July 24th, 2025

By David Dalton Courtesy NUCNET

Deploying reactor above 600 MW likely to be ‘technically challenging’

Sri Lanka is making progress in establishing nuclear infrastructure and has already identified potential new-build sites as it embarks on the development of its nuclear power programme, according to an International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) review mission.

The follow-up Integrated Nuclear Infrastructure Review (INIR) mission, conducted at the request of the government of Sri Lanka, took place from 14 to 18 July 2025.

The INIR team concluded that Sri Lanka has made good progress to address recommendations and suggestions from an INIR mission in 2022.

Sri Lanka has already identified five candidate sites for the nuclear power plant, established a management structure to oversee the procurement process for nuclear reactors, drafted a comprehensive nuclear law and included nuclear power in its current long-term energy planning for the period 2025-2044.

Sri Lanka is actively working on addressing the recommendations and suggestions from the main INIR mission in 2022,” said mission team leader John Haddad from the IAEA’s nuclear infrastructure development section.

This indicates the level of commitment of Sri Lanka to conduct the required studies and make a knowledgeable decision regarding the nuclear power programme.”

In 2010, Sri Lanka approved the initiation of studies for implementing a nuclear power programme in the country. In 2024, the government decided on further actions” to consider a nuclear power programme, the IAEA said.

Nuclear power is included as an energy source in an energy generation plan for 2025-2044.

But according to the plan, accommodating a nuclear power unit above 600 MW to the Sri Lankan network will be technically challenging due to the network’s condition, projected demand growth, and the generation mix which is expected to be dominated by variable renewable energy sources.

The team said that further work is needed related to the finalisation of strategies and studies in various areas of infrastructure development such as, among others, management, human resource development, stakeholder involvement, radioactive waste management and industrial involvement.

In 2024, press reports in Sri Lanka said the country had received six proposals for construction of a commercial nuclear power station.

බෝම්බ සමග අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් LTTE සැකකරුවන්ගේ KD KILLER KING’S නම් වට්ස්ඇප් ගෘප් එකක් ගැන තොරතුරු හෙළිවේ..

July 24th, 2025

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

වව්නියාව, සෙට්ටිකුලම ප්‍රදේශයෙන් අත්බෝම්බ 86 ක් හා T56 උණ්ඩ 321 ක් සමග අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් සැකකරුවන් සම්බන්ධයෙන් මුදල් විශුද්ධිකරණය වැළැක්වීමේ පනත යටතේ ද විමර්ශන ආරම්භ කර ඇතැයි, පොලිසිය පවසයි.

ඒ, අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් සැකකරුවන්ගේ ගිණුම්වලට අවස්ථා රැසකදී වෙනත් පාර්ශ්වයකින් මුදල් ලැබී ඇති බව හෙළිවීමත් සමගය.

පෙරේදා (21) පස්වරුවේ කිරිබත්ගොඩ ප්‍රදේශයේ පොලිසිය සිදුකළ සෝදිසියකදී ත්‍රිරෝද රථයක ගමන්කරමින් සිටි හිටපු LTTE සාමාජිකයකු T56 ගිනි අවියක් සහ උණ්ඩ 36 ක් සමග අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන තිබිණි.

එම පුද්ගලයා මෝටර් රථයකින් කොම්පඤ්ඤ වීදියේ සිට කිරිබත්ගොඩට පැමිණ ඇති අතර ඔහු පැමිණි මෝටර් රථයේ ඇතිවූ කාර්මික දෝෂයක් හේතුවෙන් ත්‍රිරෝද රථයකින් ගමන්කර තිබේ.

එම සැකකරු තුට්ටුවාකේ, නේරියකුලම පදිංචි කාලියාප්පෙරුමාල් රමේෂ් නැමැත්තෙකි.

අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් රමේෂ්ගෙන් සිදුකළ ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම්වලින් අනාවරණයවූ තොරතුරු මත මන්නාරම පාර නේරියලුකම ලිපිනයේ පදිංචි 22 හැවිරිදි ඇන්ටන් සුවේන්ද්‍රන් වික්‍රම් නොහොත් දේවා නැමැති පුද්ගලයෙකු අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන තිබේ.

ඔහුගේ වව්නියාව සෙට්ටිකුලම් ප්‍රදේශයේ පිහිටි නිවස හා අවට පරීක්ෂා කිරීමේදී, එහි වළදමා තිබූ ජීව අත්බෝම්බ 86 ක් සහ T56 උණ්ඩ 321 ක් පොලිසිය ඊයේ (22) සොයා ගත්තේ ය.

5.5 ජීව උණ්ඩ 03 ක්, ෆ්‍රේගැබ් නැමැති මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය කරල් 5,600ක් සහ අයිස් මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය ග්‍රැම් 10 ක් ද පොලිසිය සොයාගත් භාණ්ඩ අතර වේ.

එම පුද්ගලයාගේ ජංගම දුරකතනය පරීක්ෂා කිරීමේදී කාන්තාවක් විසින් ඔහුගේ බැංකු ගිණුමට වරින් වර මුදල් බැරකර ඇති ආකාරය නිරීක්ෂණය කර තිබේ.

පොලිසිය පැවසුවේ, ඒ අතර අප්‍රේල් මාසයේ වරින්වර රුපියල් 150,000ක්, 190,000ක් 150,000ක් සහ එකොලොස් ලක්ෂ අනූහත්දහසක් ද බැරකර ඇති බවයි.

අත්බෝම්බ සහිත බෑගයක් මීට මාස තුනකට පෙර තවත් පුද්ගලයකු විසින් ඔහුට ලබාදී ඇති බව, 22 හැවිරිදි ඇන්ටන් සුවේන්ද්‍රන් වික්‍රම් නොහොත් දේවා ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම්වලදී අනාවරණය කර තිබේ.

ඒ අනුව එම බෑගය ලබාදී ඇත්තේ නේරියකුලම ගාන්ධි නගර් හි පදිංචි පුද්ගලයෙකි.

ඔහු මුහුදු මාර්ගයෙන් විදෙස්ගත වීමට වැඩි ඉඩක් පැවතීම හේතුවෙන් විමර්ශන නිලධාරීන් මේ වනවිට ඔහු පිළිබඳව නාවික හමුදාව සහ ගුවන් තොටුපොළ දැනුවත් කර ඇත.

මෙම සිදුවීමට ආධාර අනුබල දුන් තවත් සැකකරුවකු අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන තිබෙන අතර ඔහු නේරියකුලම දුටුවායි ප්‍රදේශයේ පදිංචි 24 හැවිරිදි පුද්ගලයෙකි.

වව්නියාව සෙට්ටිකුලමේදී අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් සැකකරුවන් අතර අධිකරණයෙන් වරෙන්තුකරුවකු ද වේ.

අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්නා ලද සැකකරුවන් භාරයේ තිබූ ජංගම දුරකතන විමර්ශන කටයුතු සඳහා ත්‍රස්ත මර්ධන විමර්ශන කොට්ඨාසයට භාර දී ඇති අතර ත්‍රස්ත්‍රවාදය වැළැක්වීමේ පනත යටතේ ඉදිරි විමර්ශන ක්‍රියාත්මකයි.

අත්අඩංගුවට ගනු ලැබූ සැකකරුවන් KD KILLER KING’S යන නමින් වට්ස්ඇප් සමූහයක් පවත්වාගෙන යමින් මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය ජාවාරම්, පුපුරණ ද්‍රව්‍ය සහ අවි ආයුධ ජාවාරම් සිදුකරන බවට ද තොරතුරු අනාවරණය කරගෙන තිබේ.

සැකකරුවන් කිසියම් ත්‍රස්ත සංවිධානයකට සහාය දුන්නාදැයි විමර්ශන කණ්ඩායම් මේ වනවිට විමර්ශනය කරමින් සිටින අතර මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය ජාවාරමට ඇති සම්බන්ධය තහවුරු කර ගැනීම සඳහා පොලිස් මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය නාශක කාර්යාංශය ද විමර්ශන ක්‍රියාවළියට සම්බන්ධ වී සිටී.

මේ අතර කිරිබත්ගොඩදී අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් සැකකරු පැමිණි බව කියන මෝටර් රථයේ සිටි පුද්ගලයන් දෙදෙනාද මේ වනවිට කොම්පඤ්ඥ වීදිය පොලිසිය විසින් අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන ඇත.

69 ලක්ෂයක් ගත් ගෝඨාභයවත් එළෙව්වා නම් 68 ලක්ෂයක් ගත් අනුර එලවන්න මහ වෙලාවක් යන්නේ නෑ..- අරගලයේ මුල්පෙළ සාමාජිකයෝ කියති

July 24th, 2025

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

ජනතාව වීදි බසින තත්වයට පත්කරගන්න එපා යැයි ආණ්ඩුවට පවසන බවත්, මහජන අරගලය යනු ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ පමණක් මෙහෙයවූ අරගලයක් නොවන බවත් අරගලයේ ක්‍රියාකාරී සාමාජිකයකු වූ ජීවන්ත පීරිස් පියතුමා පවසයි.

අරගලයට එක්වූ ජනතාව තවමත් සක්‍රීය බවත්, 69 ලක්ෂයක් ජනතා මනාපය දිනාගත් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂව ගෙදර යැවුවා නම් 68 ලක්ෂයක් මනාප ගත් මෙම ආණ්ඩුව ගෙදර යැවීමට මහ ලොකු වෙලාවක් ගත නොවන බවත් ඔහු පවසයි.

වරදකරු වූ දේශබන්දුට ආපහු පොලිස්පතිකම ලැබෙයිද ? විජේදාස සියල්ල හෙළි කරයි

July 24th, 2025

Dhananjaya Naranbadda

Asking a donkey to do a dog’s homework – I

July 23rd, 2025

By Rohana R. Wasala

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake participated in the inauguration ceremony of the 74th Upasampada Vinaya Karmaya (Rite of Higher Ordination) of the Sri Lanka Ramanna Nikaya held at the Mahaweli Grounds in Galnewa, not far from his native village of Tambuttegama, on the afternoon of June 30, 2025. The  main Upasampada rite was to be conducted at a different venue, namely, the Sri Vidyadhara Maha Pirivena in Kalawewa, Kalakarambewa from June 30 to July 8, organised by the provincial Sangha Sabhas of the North Central Province and the Upasampada Maha Utsava Committee. During his short guest speech of about twenty minutes, the president tried to explain to the distinguished gathering of the clergy and laity invited to attend the important event two principal concerns that occupied his mind: 1) his determination to overcome ‘nationalism’ (interpreted as jaativaadaya/racism) in order to create national unity among the various ethnic and religious communities, and 2) his government’s supportive role in connection with the problem of maintaining discipline within the Sangha Order as well as the issue of amending Sections 42 and 43 of the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance as requested by the Mahanayake Theras.

According to the official President’s Office website (accessed July 7, 2025):

President Disanayake pointed out that certain political groups had exploited nationalism as a tool to regain power. However, he stressed that the true victims of such actions were not the politicians themselves, but the innocent children of parents from both the North and the South. He emphasized the need to reject nationalism and work diligently toward fostering national unity. While affirming that everyone has the right to act freely and democratically, The President emphasized that his administration would not permit nationalism to resurface again. If existing laws are insufficient to suppress it, he stated, they would be strengthened to defeat divisive forces. He reiterated that the goal of his government is to build a society where Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim communities can live together in peace and harmony.

Addressing the matter of disciplinary discussions within the Sangha, President Disanayake expressed the government’s willingness to facilitate any dialogue, provided that the Mahanayaka Theras can reach a consensus on the matter. Until then, he said, the request to amend Sections 42 and 43 of the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance has been submitted to the Minister of Buddhasasana and is already under review by the Legal Draftsman’s Department…..”.

The president was speaking in Sinhala. The two paragraphs quoted above from  the English version issued by the President’s Office express what I think is the gist of his speech at that inaugural ceremony. I listened to the president’s live address in Sinhala as available on the internet and I am in a position to comment on what he actually meant to say regarding the ideas covered in the above two paragraphs from his speech.

First, let’s look at the second paragraph. It contains the incoherent phrase: …..the matter of disciplinary discussions within the Sangha….”, etc. What the president was referring to, using similarly vague vocabulary himself, was actually a ‘Sangha katikawata’. It looks like the English translator in the President’s Office (probably the same person who served during Ranil Wickremasinghe’s successor presidency) does not seem to possess any familiarity with Buddhism or any empathetic understanding of Buddhist monks that would enable him/her  to supply a clear enough translation of the president’s speech in this instance. Both (the president and the translator) didn’t try to make it clear that the higher ordination rite and the Sangha katikawata are two separate things, though they, especially the president, should have known the difference between the two issues.  

A Sangha katikawata is something mooted several times in the not very distant past by some members of the Sangha, but opposed by others including particularly the Mahanayake Theras (of the Malwatte and Asgiriya Chapters of Siyam Nikaya?) as Wijedasa Rajapaksa, a former Justice Minister during the Yahapalanaya years 2015-20, was heard saying in an interview some years ago. The wisdom of this opposition should be clear to anyone with some idea of what could happen to the Sangha Sasana (the Bhikkhu Order) if secular courts were to pass judgement on bhikkhu disciplinary matters that occur within the order, that could have implications outside the confines of that space. In the civil society, outside the monastic order, Buddhist monks are subject to the Roman Dutch law that operates in Sri Lanka, which is normal.

Having said that, introducing or establishing a Sangha katikawata is a complicated subject that will likely require the contribution of civil legal experts as well as specialist elderly monk preceptors. Those who call for a government sponsored katikawata expect it to give enforceability under the normal civil law to punishments like expulsion from the order imposed on monks adjudged guilty of violating vinaya rules by the Mahanayake Theras. An allegation frequently heard is that certain monk offenders (found guilty by the hierarchy of the Sangha Order) are known to continue with their faulty behaviours with impunity, claiming protection in the name of freedom of religion and belief that is guaranteed by the Sri Lankan Constitution.  

The katikawata proposed was presumably to be based on the lines of certain historical ‘katikawatas’. The best known among them (according to the author about to be mentioned) is the katikawata proclaimed by king Parakramabahu I (1153-1186). The late anthropology professor Gananath Obeysekere (in his 2017 book ‘The Doomed King’, p.159) translates the term ‘katikawatas’ as ‘royal promulgations’, which, he writes ‘were mostly devoted to the punishment of dussila (impious) monks by expulsion from the order and other kinds of punishment….’. These punishments, however, never included executions, according to him. Obeysekere, apparently, didn’t care to take an unbiased look at Buddhism or Buddhist history and culture as a native Buddhist could or should have done. I don’t know whether he was a Buddhist or not, but his interpretation of ‘dussila’ as ‘impious’ betrays the conscious or unconscious Christian perspective that he inappropriately adopts in the context mentioned above. The Pali/Sinhala adjective ‘dussila’  in the given situation means morally and ethically wrong (because indisciplined, guilty of breaking ‘sila’, violating rules of moral conduct) in terms of  tenets of bhikkhu discipline. 

Though I had never been impressed by what I thought was his generally eurocentric anthropological take on Theravada Buddhism practiced in Sri Lanka as a conventional religion, that did not diminish my great respect for professor Gananath Obeysekere as a researcher and scholar of utmost intellectual probity in his chosen fields. I sincerely admire his scholarly attempt in the aforementioned book to justly exonerate the last Kandyan King, Sri Vikrama Rajasinha, from the false allegations of ‘cruelty and violence….plunder and destruction’ that the colonial British made against him while being themselves diabolically guilty of those very crimes. It must have occurred to him, or probably he had it at the back of his mind, when he was writing the book, that this criminal act of scapegoating king Sri Vikrama Rajasinha by the British colonial intruders around the beginning of the 19th century for their own villainies and depredations against their victims, is an early instance of what the Western powers are doing today to Sri Lanka that managed, at a stupendous price, to put an end to three decades of mindless armed Tamil separatist terrorist violence. Ironically, Obeysekere also mentions Anagarika Dharmapala (of whom he was not very fond) as ‘the most passionate defender of Sri Vikrama in colonial times..’. Dharmapala is nowadays demonised as the progenitor of the alleged nationalism (wrongly interpreted as jativadaya/racism) that is held to be the root cause of independent Sri Lanka’s inevitable decline to date. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake vowed to ‘suppress’ this alleged evil soon. (I will deal with this in the second part of this article.)

The president, in his speech at the inaugural ceremony, correctly said that dealing with disciplinary issues among the Sangha had better be left to the monks themselves. The other Buddha Sasana related issue that he touched on was the matter of amending Sections 42 and 43 of the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance (1931), which all four Mahanayake Theras had requested of him in writing, as he mentioned. He said that this task was entrusted to Buddha Sasana Minister Hiniduma Sunil Senevi and that the matter had already been referred to the Legal Draftsman’s Department. The president’s intentions could be genuine, but it’s like asking a donkey to do a dog’s homework, for Hiniduma Sunil Senevi cannot be thought to be suitably knowledgeable about Buddhism or sensitive enough to Buddhist sentiments. The reason is that he is a non-Buddhist, a Catholic in fact (to prove which there is pictorial evidence on social media; he himself boasted that his father or grandfather built the Hiniduma church). That is the truth, though according to the official website of the Sri Lanka Parliament his religion is marked as Buddhism. Some senior positions of his administrative staff are also allegedly held by Catholics. He cannot be specifically called ‘Buddhasasana minister’ either. Officially, he is the Minister of Buddhasasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs. In a recent ‘Rathu Ira’ programme on Swarnavahini TV, Colombo, Sri Lanka (July 17, 2025) Hiniduma Sunil Senevi apparently admitted that there was actually no separate ministry for Buddha Sasana, but only a department. What does it mean to appoint a person like this who doesn’t seem to understand the importance of Article 9 that the late Dr Colvin R. de Silva, legendary legal luminary, historian and Marxist politician, included in the original republican constitution of 1972 that he drafted, to look after Buddha Sasana affairs? Article 9, retained in the currently operative second republican constitution of 1978, gives the foremost place to Buddhism.

To be continued

Our 1983 Nakba:  Did the ‘Ethnic Conflict’ Research Industry Mask Cold War Proxy Wars in the Global South?

July 23rd, 2025

Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake

Was the same Playbook to unmake Multiculturalism and stage the Palestine Nakba (catastrophe) for the violent birth of Israel in May 1948 used years later in the July 1983 pogrom and staged riots in Sri Lanka?  Moreover, were the same foreign institutional forces, clandestine actors and networks involved?

Our Sri Lankan Nakba, which included killings, staged riots, forced migration and brain drain to de-develop the country, inaugurated a 30-year cycle of war. The July 1983 pogrom also served to construct a dominant narrative of a perpetually divided people locked in ethno-religious strife in ‘Paradise Lost’. This was much like the disinformation spread about Palestine– a highly multicultural land before the Nakba in which millions were forcibly displaced to invent Israel.

The narrative of ‘perpetual ethnic conflict’ in Lanka belied centuries of multiculturalism, co-existence and intermarriage across generations among Sinhala and Tamil speaking peoples. So too, was Palestine a multicultural and multi-religious mosaic of Arab, Bedouin, Christian, Druze, Jewish, etc. peoples, before organized violence was unleashed to displace non-Jews and birth the settler colonial state of Israel on May 14, 1948.

Israel was born exactly three months after the Crown Colony of Ceylon morphed into a British Dominion on February 14, 1948, with pomp, circumstance and the façade of Independence. The catastrophe staged for the founding of the Zionist state was backed by the occupying colonial power–Britain and an increasingly powerful American Jewish Diaspora. That history of violence repeats today in Gaza and the West Bank as tragedy and genocide. Sri Lanka, thankfully escaped the fate of divided, partitioned and pounded Palestine—for now at least.

The Ethnic Conflict Research Industry

Post July 1983, a dominant narrative of perpetual ‘ethnic conflict’ between the Sinhala and Tamil speaking communities was funded and constructed largely by the Ford Foundation’s ethnic conflict research industry, headquartered at the International Center for Ethnic Studies in Colombo and Kandy. The narrative of perpetual conflict between Sinhalas and Tamils re-inscribed local ethno-nationalist and Mahavamsa historiography, albeit as critique. More often than not, this was inadvertent, but then, the path to hell is often paved with good intentions!

The ethnic conflict research industry was in turn part of Cold War Area Studies grant Programs in the American academy, which were funded by the State Department and USAID. It included human rights, peace building, trauma and reconciliation, literature and film production. The ethnic turn in the social sciences (also to identity politics based Culture Wars), was buttressed by a lost generation of historians, islanded and trapped in the Anglo-Dutch colonial archive, producing Eurocentric, Raj Nostalgia histories of Ceylon, dependent on European Union grants and perks. Replete with Orientalist tropes (such as Slaves in Palenquines, this genre of trendy post/colonial resistance social history remains largely unable to de-island and re-connect Ceylon/Sri Lanka to Global South geopolitical economy and Indian Ocean World history even in the Asian 21st Century.

The perpetual ‘ethnic conflict’ narrative in Lanka built on spurious colonial racial classifications. This was by biologizing fundamentally cultural (i.e. linguistic difference) among Sinhala and Tamil-speaking people who had co-existed and inter-married for centuries across generations. Crucially, the permanent ethnic conflict narrative served to conceal the fact that the armed conflict in the geostrategic island at the center of the Indian Ocean world was really just another Cold War Proxy war, staged between blood brothers and sisters, as ethno-religious identity politics were weaponized by external actors. Hence the title of Harvard Anthropologist, Stanley Tambiah’s book Ethnic Fratricide”.

After the pogrom and staged riots of July 1983, a shadow war was waged across geostrategic Sri Lanka. This, between the India-backed Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), and the Sri Lankan armed forces whose units were being trained and armed by British MI-6 linked Special Air Services (SAS) officers, of the Keenie Meeni mercenaries (KMS), and Israel’s Mossad.

In short, Sri Lanka’s ‘ethnic conflict’ was NOT unique. Rather, it evolved, waxed and waned as a small piece in the larger global jigsaw puzzle of regional Cold War Proxy Wars roiling much of de-colonizing Asia, Africa and South America, including Palestine.  This to protect the security the economic interests of European empires in retreat and pre-empt genuine de-colonization, often led by Communist and Leftist forces.

Military Bases and Gladio in the Global South

With the wisdom of hindsight and new research into de-classified documents it is now clear that Sri Lanka’s so-called internal ‘ethnic conflict was really part of a wider Indian Ocean and South Asia Cold War proxy war. As the Cold War between the Capitalist Western allies and the Soviet Socialist Block led by Russia escalated at the end of World War 2 in Europe, South Asia was drawn into a regional proxy war.

As part of a wider Cold War strategy and the anti-communist global crusade, that also weaponized world religions (Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and Judaism),  to fight ‘God-less Communists’, the British and Americans were keen to establish military bases in geostrategic Sri Lanka at the center of the Indian Ocean. However, India, the regional hegemon, being close to the Soviet Union was dead set against UK and US bases being set up in her backyard.

Hence, various Gladio-style ‘stay behind” clandestine operations were unleashed much as in Europe and other counties in the Global South, often with deep penetration and infiltration of local authorities and national institutions.[i] This, also to protect Euro-American economic, corporate and security interests in the de-colonizing Global South. These took the form of terror attacks, assassinations, croups against Socialist and Leftist de-colonization and national independence leaders and movements; ‘false flag’ operations in order to blame and de-legitimize the Left that were also penetrated, as was the case with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramua uprisings and Dirty Wars of 1972 and the late eighties.

As in Malaysia, Indonesia, Korea, Vietnam, Pakistan, India, Rwanda, Burundi, DRCongo, Chile, Argentina, Yugoslavia, Cyprus, the list goes on and on; tensions among historically multicultural and multi-religious communities were generated and/ or systematically weaponized to greater or lesser degree by mostly Western intelligence agencies and Mossad. This was, of course in collusion with local elites and religious groups by weaponing ethno-religious identity politics as part of Cold War proxy wars against the leftist movements and de-colonial agendas.

The war in Sri Lanka triggered after 13 soldiers were killed in the northern Province of Jaffna, 42 years ago on July 23by a small group of separatists backed by neighbouring India. As the bodies of the soldiers were brought to Colombo for cremation, segments of the J.R. Jayawardene regime and some Trade Unions, (notably at the Colombo Port, the largest in South Asia), that were infiltrated by foreign intelligence agencies carried out the pogrom.

After the pogrom of July 1983 there were attempts to blame leftists. At the time, Inspector General of Police, Rudra Rajasingham, whose request to impose curfew and preempt the pogrom based on Police Intelligence that there were plans to attack Tamil homes and businesses after the funerals were denied by President J.R Jayawardena on the fateful night of July 23, 1983, when Colombo burned.  On several occasions IGP Rudra Rajasingham questioned the attempt to blame the left for the violence that ensued. Later, his first cousin, senior lawyer, Bala Tampoe, the founder of the Ceylon Mercantile Union, defended members of the JVP who were accused of the events of July 1983 in the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka.

The July 1983 Shock Doctrine enabled the entry of British MI-6, Special Air Services (SAS) linked Keenie Meenie mercenaries and Israeli Mossad to establish the desired bases in the Eastern Province. This was purportedly to train Sri Lankan Special Forces (STF) in ‘counter-terrorism’ and paramilitary operations against India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) backed LTTE and other Tamil militant groups.

Militarization also served President J.R Jayawardena’s Neo-liberal economic agenda of setting up free trade zones with attenuated Labour Rights. The island’s national and local political and Business Elites in Sri Lanka were well trained to follow the instructions of their former colonial masters, and later their Development Aid advisors”, and assist the retreating British Raj to protect its economic and security interests.

The endgame of setting up foreign bases, cells, networks and ‘spider webs’ of control within local armed forces and paramilitary units was in sight. Later these would morph into Jakarta Method’ style Dirty War terror and torture house operations by paramilitary groups against the purportedly Leftist JVP, again with British and Israeli ‘advisors”. This included the infamous Batalanda and other Torture Camps in Southern Sri Lanka.

Hidden Hands in Sri Lanka’s Nakba and Dirty Wars

Beneath the official narrative of interminable ‘ethnic conflict’ in Sri Lanka, lurked foreign intelligence agencies, clandestine networks and external forces, skilled in researching ethno-religious identity politics, creating or weaponizing tensions in historically multicultural societies. This included the use of blackmail and honey traps of political elites, like Sri Lanka’s Ranil Wickramasinghe. Some of this is now being revealed in the Jeffrey Epstine case files. [ii]

While the role of India and its intelligence agency Research and Analysis Wing (RAW),  is relatively well known also though the book ‘Assignment Colombo’ by former Ambassador Dixit, the role of Western intelligence agencies in Sri Lanka’s multiple dirty wars (LTTE and Janatha Vimukthi Peramua JVP vs. the State) is less known.[iii]

Parts of that story were revealed in Victor Ostrovsky and Clair Hoy’s book published in Canada in 1990 that became a New York Times bestseller, which the Israeli foreign intelligence agency, Mossad, tried to ban. By Way of Deception: The Making and Unmaking of a Mossad Officer” is the true story of an officer in Israel’s most secret operations, including in Sri Lanka

Other parts of the story of Western Cold War foreign intelligence agency networks involved in Sri Lanka, namely the British colonial office, are revealed in Phil Miller’s book; Keenie Meenie: the British Mercenaries who got away with war crimes”, and resonate with Vincent Bevin’s Jakarta Method:  Washington’s Anti-Communist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that shaped our World. Israel’s Mossad was a proxy for the US Central Intelligence Agency due to India’s opposition to the US intelligence agency in Sri Lanka.

India, close ally of the Soviet Socialist Block led by Russia (USSR), opposed the setting up of US and British bases in its backyard. Hence the British and Americans went to the Chagos Islands, due southwest of Sri Lanka and the Maldive Islands, drove out all its people, who were scattered in Mauritius, Seychelles, and Britain to construct the huge Diego Garcia military base in the early sixties. The British called the Chagos Islands British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT).

Ostrovsky’s revelations about how Mossad trained both the Sri Lanka Special forces (STF), and LTTE, and sold weapons to both have been corroborated by new research on declassified documents, as well as, local sources. These include Phil Miller’s work and Herman Guneratne’s book ‘For a Sovereign State”. Remarkably, Ostrovsky quoted Penny Jayawardena, wife of Ravi Jayawardena, the son of President J.R. Jayawardena who was involved in setting up of the Special Task Force (STF) -Mossad-KMS- training camps on how World Bank Funds that were earmarked for the Mahaweli Development Project were diverted for covert operations and the setting up training bases in the Eastern Province.

Retrospectively it is clear that Ostrovsky’s revelations about Mossad activities in Sri Lanka were buried in a Cover Up Investigation and Commission Report conducted by S.W.P Wadugodapitiya, PC.  The Report dated September 1991, into Mossad’s activities on Sri Lanka was commissioned by President R. Premadasa, who subsequently ordered the exit from Sri Lanka and closure of all foreign military bases, including Mossad and the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF), which controlled the northeast of Sri Lanka between July 1987 and March 1990.

President Premadasa who had also accused Mossad of instigating an impeachment motion against him was assassinated on May 1, 1993. As usual the LTTE was blamed but this does not add up since Premadasa had sought the help of the LTTE to get rid of the Indian Forces.

Development Aid and Foreign Bases: Hand in Glove?

Taken together, it is apparent that the geopolitical Endgame of foreign forces operating in Sri Lanka staging armed conflicts (both the LTTE ethnic proxy war which later split and morphed into the Southern JVP Dirty War violence of 1989-90), were the establishment of foreign military bases, then as now in the geostrategic island at the center of the Indian Ocean world.

The Accelerated Mahaweli Development Project in the Eastern Province was re-designed also to serve as an entry point for Mossad and the British intelligence MI-6 linked Keenie Meenie mercenaries to enable ‘training bases’ once pro-US J.R. Jayawardena (Yankie Dickie was his nickname), came to power in 1977, unseating the Socialist and Non-Aligned Sirimavo Bandaranaike regime. Some of this is detailed in revealing pages by Ostrovsky.

Sri Lanka’s internal war was also punctuated by international peace building efforts. The wars seemed to wax and wane with Cold War developments in Europe and Indian external and domestic (Tamil Nadu) interests, in tandem with internal political developments and the interests of local actors. This is true of both the LTTE ethnic proxy war and the Southern JVP Dirty War violence of 1989-90, in which many of the same actors were involved. After the IPKF arrived in Sri Lanka in with the signing of the Indian Peace Keeping Accords in July 1987, and took over the Northeast Province, the Mossad, British KMS Advisors and STF moved out of the East to Southern Sri Lanka where they set up camp for Dirty War, counter-terrorism and torture house operations that ensured 1988-1993.

Indeed, the late 80 and early 90s period of assassinations and Dirty War operations involving the leftist Janatha Vimukti Peramuna echo US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) ‘Jakarta Method’ operations detailed by Vincent Bevins’ in his The Jakarta Method: Washington’s Anti-Communist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped our World”, published in 2020. It was common knowledge in Colombo circles that the Israelis worked out of a Special Interest Section in the United States Embassy as Sri Lanka had not recognized the existence of the State of Israel, being Non-Aligned and sympathetic to the Palestinian cause.

The coveted Trincomalee Deep Sea Harbor in the Eastern Province to surveil and control Indian Ocean trade, energy and now submarine data cable routes was clearly a prime target of and for Western and Indian intervention. The British and French, not to mention the Portuguese and Dutch had in earlier centuries fought bloody battles to capture and control the Maritime Provinces of Ceylon.

In these times a new scandal involving Israeli ‘tourists’ running Chabard –Lubovich Prayer Houses in the Eastern Province where a mysterious Evangelical Christian Zion Church was even more mysteriously targeted by an Islamic State (ISIS) claimed attack on Easter Sunday 2019 have emerged.

To be continued


[i] Daniele Ganser 2004 NATO’s Secret Armies: Operation Gladio and NATO’s Secret Armies in Europe.

[ii]https://www.researchgate.net/publication/390091892_The_Strategic_Use_of_Blackmail_in_Intelligence_Operations_Analyzing_Mossad%27s_Global_Influence

[iii] https://www.dailymirror.lk/amp/plus/Was-Israeli-intelligence-the-target-of-speculated-Arugam-Bay-attack/352-295335

From Ceylon to Palestine: Ethnic Conflict as Cold War Proxy War -PART 2

July 23rd, 2025

Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake

There are remarkable patterns of history, organized violence, and Disinformation between events leading to the pogrom and forced population displacements in Sri Lanka in 1983, and British occupied Palestine 35 years earlier as the Nakba unfolded amid Cold War escalating in Europe between the Allies and Soviet Union or Axis Powers.

Both, Ceylon and Palestine were British occupied in 1948, and both got faux independence that year as the British officially left but stayed behind – Gladio Style to stage Shocks including assassinations such as SWRD Bandaranaike in 1959 with the CIA as happened to Patrice Lumumba in the Congo and Chile’s Socialist President Salvador Allende in 1973.

While the Crown Colony of Ceylon morphed into a British Dominion with pageantry and pomp for its bemused natives on February 14, 1948, the violent birth of the state of Israel followed exactly three months later on May 14, amid the Nakba in Palestine with thousands killed and millions forcibly displaced.

As the British mandate expired and its military withdrew in May 1948, Zionist militias, many trained by British occupation forces, divided and partitioned a culturally mixed Palestine to consolidate the Jewish State of Israel and expiate Europe’s guilt for its Nazi Gas Chambers and the extermination of six million Jews at the end of World War 2. The violent partition of British India into West and East Pakistan had happened a year earlier in 1947.

By then, the racialization of cultural differences to weaponized ethno-religious identity politics and buttress British claims to racial superiority and government, to divide and rule the post/colony were in place, also to protect the economic and security interests of the retreating Raj. As the Cold War between the Western Allies against God-less Communists and the Axis powers escalated across the de-colonizing Global South, Gladio style operations were staged in countries in Asia, Africa and South America, as much as in Europe against Communists and Socialists.

With the wisdom of hindsight and new research based on de-classified documents, it is clear that both Palestine and Sri Lanka, geostrategic countries at the cross-roads of global trade routes were subject by the same forces and neocolonial secret agencies including British MI-6 and Zionist Mossad networks. Similar Catastrophes and Shock Doctrines — pogroms, staged riots, assassinations, regime change and forced displacement of populations to divide mixed cultural geographies and histories, un-mix populations and construct partitions and divided histories unfolded– of course in collusion with local political elites and their networks. Much of this was accomplished with funds from the International Development Aid gravy train. Sri Lanka still suffers from being a Donor Darling now trapped in IMF’s Spider and the Chabad- Lubovitch ‘Spider Web’.

Ethnic Conflict as Cold War Proxy War: Clandestine Networks and Agents

With the wisdom of hind sight and new research based on de-classified documents available in the British Archives and US National Security Archive it is now clear that Sri Lanka’s so-called ‘internal ethnic conflict’ triggered 43 years ago in July 1983 was part of a much wider geopolitical jigsaw puzzle of Cold War regional Proxy Wars across the de-colonizing Global South. These included both Palestine and Sri Lanka. Of course, July 1983 had elements of the Jakarta Method (1965) adapted to Sri Lanka.

The ethnic conflict research and Human Rights research industry which was part of Cold War Area Studies in the American Academy served, often inadvertently, to promote racialized narratives and islanded colonial and Orientalist histories reeking with Raj Nostalgia, about dark natives engaged in perpetual ethno-religious violence in the post/colony. These narratives of internal” conflict, concealed the external geopolitical forces, actors and networks involved in Weaponizing identity politics, and literally providing weapons and training to local groups, to promote internal ethno-religious violence. This too, is how we were Gaslighted into believing, contrary to our everyday lived multicultural histories, social reality, and mixed cultural geography, in the story of permanent ethno-religious violence in the post/colony and the concomitant superiority of British rule with its mask of liberal democracy and human rights.

Sri Lanka’s 30 year armed conflict waxed and waned between cycles and bouts of international peace building as part of a regional Cold War Proxy War waged between India then close to the Soviet Socialist Block led by Russia and the Western allies, seeking military bases in the geostrategic island nation then as now.

In a nutshell, India set up, trained, armed and funded the Liberation Tigers of Tamil (LTTE), and other Tamil militant groups in the north, after the pro-American J.R. Jayawardena regime came to power in 1977. India then allied with the Soviet Socialist Block feared, then as now the prospect of foreign US and UK military bases in her backyard. The Mahaweli Development Project had already got going in the Eastern Province near the Trincomalle deep sea port.

India was not successful in staving off foreign bases in Sri Lanka. The staging of the July 1983 Pogrom and riots enabled British and Israeli ‘advisors” to set up long desired bases in the Eastern Province of Sri Lanka. This was under the guise of the British Keenie Meeni mercenaries and Israel’s Mossad providing security to the J.R. Jayawardena regime and to fight the LTTE. bases were set up purportedly to fight the LTTE in 1984, under Yankie Dickie’s son Ravi Jayawardena. Much of this history is contained in books by Herman Gunaratne / Malinge Guneratne who worked with the Mahaweli Authority resettlement program in Trincomalee, and corroborated by Victor Ostovsky in his book By Way of Deception: The Making and Unmaking of a Mossad Officer’.[i]

A cover up investigation of the Ostovsky’s book done by a former Justice Wadugodapitiya is demonstrably flawed and contrary to known facts including those revealed a book on Ravi Jayawardena.

Mahaweli Development: Colonialism by Other Means?

Israeli operatives had already started work in Sri Lanka in 1977 in the Agriculture Sector and Mahaweli Development scheme which saw populations transfers setting the stage for massacres in the area and spread its tentacles along with the British MI 6. July 1983, was triggered by clandestine external actors with deep historical knowledge of the country’s cultural diversity and experienced in weaponizing ethno-religious identity politics in collusion with local political elites and their cronies.

Tamil civiliants in Batticalo used to call the British KMS officers Mossadu” as Phil Miller details in his book ‘Keenie Meenie: the British Mercenaries who got away with War crimes”. The 1983 riots had elements of the Jakarta method. Lists of Tamil homes and businesses to be attacked had been complied and some Trade Unions in the Colombo Port and Senior Government Ministers were implicated in the violence.

Skilled in unleashing violence and reigning it in, the unmaking of ties among the Tamils and Muslims of the Eastern province clearly was the handiwork of Mossad operating with and training the Special Task Forces in the Eastern Province.

Subsequently as Indian Peace Keeping Forces moved in and took over the Northeast the British KMS mercenaries and Mossad’s  operations and bases to train the STF moved to Southern Sri Lanka where Dirty War double game operations unfolded with a resurgent anti-Indian JVP in tow. It is now clear that the 1989 period of Dirty Wars with the JVP and STF both penetrated by foreign intelligence agencies with established history in Sri Lanka, ensured prolonging their sojourn in Sri Lanka with terror, tortour house and militias and dissappearences including Batalanda etc.  as the Cold War in Europe reached its apocalyptic end in early 1990. Subsequently, President Premadasa ordered the Mossad out, and he was killed.

Remarkably it is alleged that, Sir Ivor Jennings, the first Vice Chancellor of the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya had earlier suggested the Ceylon may be an appropriate terra nullis for the Zionist settler colony. Ceylon like Palestine was portrayed as more or less empty of people and hence suitable for European Jewish occupation and settlement – then as now given the Chabad houses. After all the colonized dark natives hardly counted, and were eminently disposable in the Colonial administrator’s Orientalist imagination. The British government however chose Palestine, closer home and more geostrategic given proximity to British Oil’s Persian (Iranian) Oil fields and the ‘Holy Land or Jerusalem.  Mercifully Ceylon and her hapless natives were spared but Britain in retreat were intent on ensuring its economic and security interests everywhere.

At this time British and Israeli secret services continue to work together notes Carlos Cruz Mosquesa. Research of investigative journalists from Declassified UK has uncovered that the British government, which claims to be working with Israeli leaders toward a cease-fire, has supported them with a staggering five hundred military intelligence flights over Gaza during the twenty-one months of violence.[ii] That is aside from direct arms supplies to the Israeli Defense Forces who are accused of war crimes. The attempts to halt the genocidal violence unleashed on Palestinians coincide with Western nations’ efforts to protect and support Israel and those responsible for war crimes. While the United States’ unconditional military support remains the most important for Israel, much of the Western world is also complicit.

Given the history of divide and rule, de-colonizing countries often had tensions between majority and minority communities which could be and were negotiated and accommodated over time. The conflicts that escalated into wars were due to external geopolitical actors Weaponzing ethno-religious identity politics to secure their neocolonial interests as happened in Sri Lanka, also through the deep infiltration and penetration of local and national institutions, law and order and investigative institutions under the guise of foreign Development Aid , Training and capacity building programs. The impunity of Zionist Chabad houses operating in all parts of Sri Lanka to service Israeli Defense Forces  despite local protests is indicative that this continues to this day.

With the wisdom of hindsight it is now clear, 42 years after our July 1983 Nakba that the Western veneer of liberal democracy and human rights had us fooled along with the well-funded ethnic conflict research and Raj Nostalgia history industry. This despite expanding NATO military bases around the world, now totaling 750 plus in more than 80 countries to promote Human Rights and Neoliberal Democracy, while supporting clandestine Dirty War operations in the Global South against leftist de-colonization, national Independence and liberation movements. This was much like Gladio Operations in Europe against communists, all of which served to advance the economic and security interests of the Euro-American empire- then as now.


[i] For a Sovereign State and God’s Secret Agent

[ii] https://www.defenddemocracy.press/these-global-south-countries-barred-arms-transfers-to-israel/

බීනා සාර්වාගේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ගැන වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටය, ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ සිංහලට නගයි

July 23rd, 2025

Film News

ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ විසින් ‘ණය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය: ශ්‍රී ලංකාව – සිරස්තලවලින් ඔබ්බට’ යන නමින්  සිංහලට නගා නිෂ්පාදනය කළ, බීනා සාර්වාගේ  ‘Democracy in Debt: Sri Lanka Beyond the Headlines’ අන්තර්ජාතික වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටයේ, එම සිංහල අනුවාදය ප්‍රදර්ශනය කිරීම සඳහා ඇය මේ මස 26 වනදා දිවයිනට පැමිණීමට නියමිතයි. දැනට ඇමරිකාවේ වෙසෙන, පාකිස්ථාන බහු මාධ්‍ය, ජනමාධ්‍යවේදිනියක් වන බීනා සාර්වා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ගැන පසුගිය වසරේදී ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් නිෂ්පාදනය කළ මිනිත්තු 25ක මෙම වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටයට, ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදයේ Pulitzer Center හි අනුග්‍රහය ලැබී තිබිණි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දුරස්ථ ගම්මානයක(දුටුවැව) මෙන්ම කොළඹදී රූගත කරන ලද මෙම චිත්‍රපටය, ආණ්ඩුකරණය, වගවීම සහ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී අභිලාෂයන් ගැන ඇති චිරස්ථායී බලාපොරොත්තු සම්බන්ධ විශ්වීය අභියෝග පිළිබඳ බහු ස්ථර ආඛ්‍යානයක් සපයයි. එය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පමණක් නොව, ඉන්දියාව, බංග්ලාදේශය, ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදය ඇතුළුව ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය සහ වගවීම ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට ජනතාව අරගල කරන ඕනෑම තැනකට අදාළ වේ. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පසුගිය ජනාධිපතිවරණයට පෙර, ශ්‍රී ලංකාව, පාකිස්තානය සහ එක්සත් ජනපදය ඇතුළු රටවල් රැසක මෙම චිත්‍රපටය ප්‍රදර්ශනය කර ඇත. මහාද්වීප පහක, රටවල් 20 කට ආසන්න සංඛ්‍යාවක සහ ස්ථාන 70 කට අධික ප්‍රමාණයක තිරගත කිරීම්වලින් එහි විචාරාත්මක සහ තීරණාත්මක සාර්ථකත්වය පැහැදිලි වෙයි. ඉන්දියාවේ The Wire  මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයේ සිට පකිස්ථානයේ Dawn මාධ්‍ය ආයතනය දක්වා ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරන ලද ධනාත්මක මාධ්‍ය සමාලෝචන එම සාර්ථකත්වය තව දුරටත් තහවුරු කරයි.

මෙය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට වැදගත් වන්නේ, පසුගිය වසරේ ජනාධිපතිවරණය මගින් ඇති කරන ලද සමාජ විප්ලවය සහ දේශපාලන පරිවර්තනය පිළිබඳව මෙම චිත්‍රපටය පුරෝකථනය කිරීමයි. එමෙන්ම, විදේශීය වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටයක් සිංහලෙන් නිෂ්පාදනය කරන ලද පළමු අවස්ථාව මෙයයි.

බීනා සාර්වා බහු මාධ්‍ය, ජනමාධ්‍යවේදිනියකි. එමෙන්ම සංස්කාරකවරියක් සහ වාර්තා චිත්‍රපට නිෂ්පාදකවරියකි. ඇය පාකිස්ථාන මුද්‍රිත හා රූපවාහිනී මාධ්‍යවල කතෘ මණ්ඩලයන්හි ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ තනතුරු හොබවා ඇති අතර, Himal Southasian සඟරාව සහ Panos South Asia ආදී මාධ්‍ය ව්‍යාපාර කිහිපයක ආරම්භක කණ්ඩායම්වල කටයුතු කර තිබේ. ඇය ලන්ඩන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ- ගෝල්ඩ්ස්මිත් විදුහලෙන් රූපවාහිනී වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටය පිළිබඳ ශාස්ත්‍රපති උපාධියක් ලබා ඇති අතර, ඇගේ ජාත්‍යන්තර අධිශිෂ්‍යත්ව අතරට හාවඩ් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ ජනමාධ්‍ය සඳහා වන, Nieman Foundation අධිශිෂ්‍යත්වය  සහ හාවඩ් කෙනඩි පාසලේ මානව හිමිකම් ප්‍රතිපත්ති සඳහා වූ Carr Center හි අධිශිෂ්‍යත්වයද ඇතුළත් වේ. 2011 සිට, බීනා ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදයේ බොස්ටන් ප්‍රදේශයේ පදිංචිව සිටින අතර, ඇය ප්‍රින්ස්ටන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය, බ්‍රවුන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය, හාවඩ් ගිම්හාන පාසල සහ එමර්සන් විද්‍යාලයේ පුවත්පත් කලාව ඉගැන්වූවාය. 2021 අගෝස්තු මාසයේදී, බීනා විසින් සංයුක්ත විශේෂාංග සේවා නිෂ්පාදනය කරන ස්වාධීන මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයක් වන සපාන් නිවුස්” දියත් කරන ලදී. එය, එම වසර මුලදී දියත් කරන ලද ස්වෙච්ඡාදායක ව්‍යාපෘතියක් වන වන දකුණු ආසියානු සාම ක්‍රියාකාරී ජාලය හෙවත් සපාන් (Southasia Peace Action Network,/ Sapan ) හි ආරම්භක අදියර තවත් ඉදිරියට යාමකි.

‘ණය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය: ශ්‍රී ලංකාව – සිරස්තලවලින් ඔබ්බට’ නමින් එහි  සිංහල නිෂ්පාදනය, පරිවර්තනය සහ උපදේශනය සිදු කරන ලද්දේ, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මුද්‍රිත, විද්‍යුත් හා නව මාධ්‍ය පිළිබඳ අත්දැකීම් ඇති, වසර 20 කට අසන්න කාලයක් මාධ්‍යව්දියෙකු ලෙස ප්‍රධාන පෙළේ මාධ්‍ය ආයතනවල කටයුතු කළ ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ විසිනි.
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About Beena Sarwar and the Documentary: Democracy in Debt – Sri Lanka: Beyond the Headlines

Beena Sarwar is a seasoned multimedia journalist, editor, and documentary filmmaker. She has held senior editorial roles in Pakistan’s leading print and television media, and has been part of the founding teams of several influential media initiatives, including Himal Southasian magazine and Panos South Asia.

She holds a Master of Arts in Television Documentary from Goldsmiths College, University of London. Her international accolades include prestigious fellowships from the Nieman Foundation for Journalism at Harvard University and the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School.

Since 2011, Beena has been based in the Boston area, where she has taught journalism at Princeton University, Brown University, Harvard Summer School, and Emerson College.

In August 2021, she founded Sapan News, an independent media outlet offering a syndicated features service. The platform was incubated at the Southasia Peace Action Network (Sapan), a voluntary initiative she helped launch earlier that year.
In 2023, Beena directed a 25-minute documentary titled Democracy in Debt: Sri Lanka – Beyond the Headlines, supported by The Pulitzer Center, USA. Filmed in both a remote Sri Lankan village and in Colombo, the documentary presents a layered narrative that explores universal themes of governance, accountability, and the resilience of democratic aspirations. Its message resonates far beyond Sri Lanka — connecting to broader struggles in countries like India, Bangladesh, the United States, and others where people continue to fight for democratic integrity and transparency.

The documentary premiered at more than a dozen venues in Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and the USA in the lead-up to Sri Lanka’s presidential elections. Its critical success was affirmed by subsequent screenings at over 70 venues across nearly 20 countries and five continents. The film received favourable reviews from major media outlets, including The Wire (India) and Dawn (Pakistan).
A Sinhala-language version of the documentary was later produced, expanding its reach to wider local audiences. The Sinhala adaptation — including translation and editorial consultation — was led by Priyantha Pradeep Ranasinghe, a journalist with over 20 years of experience in Sri Lanka’s print, electronic, and digital media.

Why is this documentary significant for Sri Lanka?
For one thing, the film predicted the social revolution and political transformation brought about by the presidential elections last year. Secondly, it is the first time that a foreign documentary has been produced in Sinhala.
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බීනා සර්වා සහ වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටය ගැන (ණය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය: ශ්‍රී ලංකාව – සිරස්තලවලින් ඔබ්බට)

බීනා සාර්වා බහු මාධ්‍ය, ජනමාධ්‍යවේදිනියකි. එමෙන්ම සංස්කාරකවරියක් සහ වාර්තා චිත්‍රපට නිෂ්පාදකවරියකි. ඇය පාකිස්ථාන මුද්‍රිත හා රූපවාහිනී මාධ්‍යවල කතෘ මණ්ඩලයන්හි ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ තනතුරු හොබවා ඇති අතර, ්Himal Southasian  සඟරාව සහ Panos South Asia ආදී මාධ්‍ය ව්‍යාපාර කිහිපයක ආරම්භක කණ්ඩායම්වල කටයුතු කර තිබේ.

ඇය ලන්ඩන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ- ගෝල්ඩ්ස්මිත් විදුහලෙන් රූපවාහිනී වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටය පිළිබඳ ශාස්ත්‍රපති උපාධියක් ලබා ඇති අතර, ඇගේ ජාත්‍යන්තර අධිශිෂ්‍යත්ව අතරට හාවඩ් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ ජනමාධ්‍ය සඳහා වන, Nieman Foundation අධිශිෂ්‍යත්වය  සහ හාවඩ් කෙනඩි පාසලේ මානව හිමිකම් ප්‍රතිපත්ති සඳහා වූ Carr Center හි අධිශිෂ්‍යත්වයද ඇතුළත් වේ.

2011 සිට, බීනා ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදයේ බොස්ටන් ප්‍රදේශයේ පදිංචිව සිටින අතර, ඇය ප්‍රින්ස්ටන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය, බ්‍රවුන් විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය, හාවඩ් ගිම්හාන පාසල සහ එමර්සන් විද්‍යාලයේ පුවත්පත් කලාව ඉගැන්වූවාය.

2021 අගෝස්තු මාසයේදී, බීනා විසින් සංයුක්ත විශේෂාංග සේවා නිෂ්පාදනය කරන ස්වාධීන මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයක් වන සපාන් නිවුස්” දියත් කරන ලදී. එය, එම වසර මුලදී දියත් කරන ලද ස්වෙච්ඡාදායක ව්‍යාපෘතියක් වන වන දකුණු ආසියානු සාම ක්‍රියාකාරී ජාලය හෙවත් සපාන් (Southasia Peace Action Network,/ Sapan) හි ආරම්භක අදියර තවත් ඉදිරියට යාමකි.

පසුගිය වසරේ, ඇය ‘Democracy in Debt: Sri Lanka Beyond the Headlines’ නමින් ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටයක් (මිනිත්තු 25) නිර්මාණය කළ අතර, එයට ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදයේ Pulitzer Center හි අනුග්‍රහය ලැබී තිබිණි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දුරස්ථ ගම්මානයක(දුටුවැව) මෙන්ම කොළඹදී රූගත කරන ලද මෙම චිත්‍රපටය, ආණ්ඩුකරණය, වගවීම සහ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී අභිලාෂයන් ගැන ඇති චිරස්ථායී බලාපොරොත්තු සම්බන්ධ විශ්වීය අභියෝග පිළිබඳ බහු ස්ථර ආඛ්‍යානයක් සපයයි. එය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පමණක් නොව, ඉන්දියාව, බංග්ලාදේශය, ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදය ඇතුළුව ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය සහ වගවීම ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට ජනතාව අරගල කරන ඕනෑම තැනකට අදාළ වේ. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පසුගිය ජනාධිපතිවරණයට පෙර, මෙම චිත්‍රපටය ශ්‍රී ලංකාව, පාකිස්තානය සහ එක්සත් ජනපදය ඇතුළු රටවල් රැසක මෙම චිත්‍රපටය ප්‍රදර්ශනය කර ඇත. පසුව, මහාද්වීප පහක, රටවල් 20 කට ආසන්න සංඛ්‍යාවක සහ ස්ථාන 70 කට අධික ප්‍රමාණයක තිරගත කිරීම්වලින් එහි විචාරාත්මක සහ තීරණාත්මක සාර්ථකත්වය පැහැදිලි වෙයි. ඉන්දියාවේ The Wire මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයේ සිට පකිස්ථානයේ Dawn මාධ්‍ය ආයතනය දක්වා  ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරන ලද ධනාත්මක මාධ්‍ය සමාලෝචන එම සාර්ථකත්වය තව දුරටත් තහවුරු කරයි.
පසුව,ිණය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය: ශ්‍රී ලංකාව – සිරස්තලවලින් ඔබ්බට’ නමින් එහි සිංහල අනුවාදයක් නිෂ්පාදනය කර අවසන් කෙරුණි.

සිංහල නිෂ්පාදනය, පරිවර්තනය සහ උපදේශනය සිදු කරන ලද්දේ, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මුද්‍රිත, විද්‍යුත් හා නව මාධ්‍ය පිළිබඳ අත්දැකීම් ඇති, වසර 20 කට අසන්න කාලයක් මාධ්‍යව්දියෙකු ලෙස ප්‍රධාන පෙළේ මාධ්‍ය ආයතනවල කටයුතු කළ ප්‍රියන්ත ප්‍රදීප් රණසිංහ විසිනි.

මෙය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට වැදගත් වන්නේ ඇයි?
එකක් නම්, පසුගිය වසරේ ජනාධිපතිවරණය මගින් ඇති කරන ලද සමාජ විප්ලවය සහ දේශපාලන පරිවර්තනය පිළිබඳව මෙම චිත්‍රපටය පුරෝකථනය කිරීමයි. දෙවනුව, විදේශීය වාර්තා චිත්‍රපටයක් සිංහලෙන් නිෂ්පාදනය කරන ලද පළමු අවස්ථාව මෙයයි.

Colombo, Supreme Court recognises religious title for Buddhist nuns

July 23rd, 2025

by Arundathie Abeysinghe Courtesy PIME Asia News

The word ‘Bhikkuni’ will appear on identity cards, allowing female religious figures in Sri Lanka to enjoy a range of civil rights. According to the Supreme Court, refusing to use the title in documents violated constitutional rights. This is the first time that the formal existence of the female community ordained in the Buddhist Sangha, which numbers thousands of women in Sri Lanka, has been recognised.

Colombo (AsiaNews) – The Supreme Court of Sri Lanka has taken a historic decision, officially recognising the right of Buddhist nuns to be identified on their national identity cards as ‘Bhikkhuni’, i.e. fully ordained religious women.

The ruling, issued on 16 June, has been hailed as a ‘milestone’ for religious and gender rights, marking a profound change in the legal and cultural recognition of the female Sangha within Theravada Buddhism.

The case was brought in 2013 by Venerable Welimada Dhammadinna Bhikkhuni, with the support of Venerable Inamaluwe Sri Sumangala Thero, mahanayaka (spiritual leader) of the Rangiri Dambulla Chapter, who had already promoted women’s ordination in Sri Lanka in 1998. For over a decade, Dhammadinna had been denied the opportunity to register as a Bhikkhuni”, having to settle for the title Sil Matha”, used for lay devotees and not for nuns.

According to the Court, this refusal violates Articles 12 and 14 of the Constitution, which guarantee equality before the law and freedom to practise one’s religion individually or in community. Judge E.A.G.R. Amarasekara, with the consent of the President of the Court, Murdu N.B. Fernando, ordered the State to bear the legal costs and the Department of Registration to immediately issue correct identity cards to all Bhikkhunis.

The issue was not merely bureaucratic, but had practical implications: without a document stating their correct religious status, thousands of nuns – around 8,000 in Sri Lanka today – were unable to vote, obtain a passport or access higher education. Today, around 3,000 Bhikkhunis live in 237 monasteries across the country, following the monastic rules of the Vinaya, the Buddhist discipline” that applies to monks and nuns.

The controversy also arose from a conflict with the male religious authorities. Some ahanayaka of the dominant male brotherhoods had in fact expressed their opposition to the issuance of documents to nuns, stating that the Sangha of Bhikkhuni, i.e. the female sangha (community), no longer existed, and further argued that its recognition would violate both the vinaya and Article 9 of the Constitution, which requires the State to ‘protect and promote the Buddha Sasana,’ scholars Dharmasri Kulendra, Pramodhi Sirimanne and Sashikala Tennakoon explained to AsiaNews

.However, for the Venerable Inamaluwe Sri Sumangala Thero, the ordinations initiated in 1998 are valid and legitimate. Over the years, the Bhikkhunis have already received official documents such as passports and academic results. Only the identity card was missing.

“Although the ruling specifically concerns the national identity card in Sri Lanka, this decision provides a legal and institutional basis for policy reform in all public institutions, from education to counselling and temple governance. The ruling is a legal milestone and a moral turning point. The petition translates into official recognition, not only for Venerable Dhammadinna but for thousands of Buddhist nuns around the world,” the academics emphasised.

GMOA: New circular a ruse to entice masses into buying medicine from private sector

July 23rd, 2025

Courtesy The Island

Dr. Sugathadasa

The Government Medical Officers (GMOA) has said it will soon seek a meeting with Health Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayathissa and the Director General of Health Services (DGHS) to discuss the rapid deterioration of health services at government hospitals.

GMOA Secretary Dr. Prabath Sugathadasa yesterday (22) said that instead of taking tangible measures to address the worsening shortage of medicine and equipment at government hospitals, the NPP government tried to hoodwink the public by creating an environment for patients to procure required medicine and equipment from the private sector.

The recently issued circular was meant to encourage patients to depend on private sector suppliers for urgently needed medicine and equipment, he said.

Dr. Sugathadasa said so after concerned parties, including medical specialists, met at the GMOA main office on Monday (21) to discuss the controversial circular. They unanimously agreed that the circular caused further problems, within hospitals, and weakened their efforts to maintain services under severe difficulties.

Quoting those who attended Monday’s meeting, and reports from hospitals, Dr. Sugathadasa said the circular is impractical and couldn’t be adhered to under the present circumstances.

Dr. Sugathadasa pointed out the absurdity in patients having to secure approval from hospital to obtain medicine and equipment from outside owing to the governnment’s failure to meet the requirements.

According to him, the decision-making executive committee of the GMOA, following deliberations yesterday, decided that the Ministry circular further curtailed the free health services and burdened the public (SF)

බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍යාංශය අහෝසිද? – ඒකීය රටක් වෙනුවෙන් අපි එකමුතුව ජනපති අනුරගෙන් අසයි..

July 23rd, 2025

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

හිනිදුම සුනිල් සෙනෙවි අමාත්‍යවරයා  විසින් ඉකුත් දා රූපවාහිනී වැඩසටහනක දී බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍යංශයක් දැන් නැති බවට කරන ලද ප්‍රකාශය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඒකීය රටක් වෙනුවෙන් අපි එකමුතුව විසින් ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා වෙත ලිපියක් යොමුකරමින් ඒ පිළිබඳව විමසීමක් කර ඇත.

 අදාළ ලිපිය පහළින්..

ගරු ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා,

ජනාධිපති කාර්යාලය,

කොළඹ 1.

ගරු ජනාධිපතිගේ අවධානයට,

බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍යාංශය අහෝසිද?

පසුගිය දිනක ගරු. මහාචාර්ය. හිනිදුම සුනිල් සෙනෙවි ඇමතිතුමා විසින් මධයේ ප්‍රකෂවූ බුද්ධශාසන අමාත්‍යංශය අහෝසි බාව යැයි ජනතාව අතර මතයක් ඇතිවී ඇති අවස්ථාවක, අප විසින් බුද්ධශාසන අමාත්‍යංශයේ වෙබ් පිටුව පරික්ෂා කිරීමේදී, එදා, තිබුණු බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍යංශය වෙනුවට බුද්ධශාසන, ආගමික හා සංස්කෘතික කටයුතු අමාත්‍යාංශය” වශයෙන් සඳහන් වේ.

ඉදිරියට සොයා බැලීමේදී, මේ වෙබ් අඩවියට පිවිසීමේදී අප දුටු දෙයක් වනුයේ, මේ වෙබ් පිටු 2025 අප්‍රේල් මාසයේ නැවත සංස්කරණය කොට ඇතිබව පෙනේ.

නමුත්, මෙහි සඳහන් අනෙකුත් පිටු පරීක්ෂණ වෙනුවෙන් සඳහන් ලින්ක් සොයා බලද්දී පෙනී ගියේ “බෞද්ධ කටයුතු පිළිබද දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව” සහ “හින්දු ආගමික සහ සංස්කෘතික කටයුතු දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව” සඳහන් වෙබ් පිටු වසා හෝ මෙය හිතා මතා කගේ වුවමනා වකට විය හැක. මෙය ඔබගේ පක්ෂයේ උවමනාවකට විය හැකිය.

මෙවැනි වෙබ් අඩවියක් පවත් වන්නේ, ඕනෑම පුද්ගලයෙකුට හෝ විදේශිකයෙකුට මේ මගින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඉතිහාසය සහ බෞද්ධ කටයුතු, බෞද්ධ ස්ථාන ගැන දන ගැනීමට පිණිස වේ.

මේ අවස්ථාවේ, මේ පිටු වසා ඇත්නම්, මොවුන්ට මේ විස්තර වලට පිවිසීමට භාදාවක් නොවේද? මෙය සිත මත කල දෙයක් බව හැගේ. මේ පිටු වල ඇති විස්තර වසාදැමීම රජය විසින් සිත මතා හෝ කට හෝ කඩේ යන බව හැගේ.

එම නිසා, වහාම ක්‍රියාත්මක වන පරිදි මේ වෙබ් පිටු කාලීනව සකසන්න.

මේ රටේ උතුරේ සහ නැගෙනහිර ප්‍රදේශවල අවුරුදු 2000 වැඩි ඉතිහාසයක් ඇති, ඓතිහාසික උරුමය මහාවංශය වැනි පුරාණ වංශකථාවල සඳහන් වන්නේ දේවානම්පියතිස්ස රජු (ක්‍රි.පූ. 3 වන සියවස) මෙම ස්ථානයේ හෝ ඒ ආසන්නයේ මුල් තිස්ස මහා විහාරය ආරම්භ කළ බවත්, එය උතුරු ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සැලකිය යුතු මුල් බෞද්ධ විහාරස්ථානයක් බවට පත් කළ බවත්ය. මේ තිස්ස මහා විහාරය සතු අක්කර 15ක් සහ මුල් පන්සල් අඩිපාර අක්කර ~1.25 බව සඳහන් වේ.

එදා බුදුරජනන්වනස ලංකාවට වැඩමකළ නාගදීප විහාරය ඉතිහාසයේ සඳහන් වේ, එමෙන්ම, 1980 ගණන්වල දෙමළ අන්තවධින් විසින් මේ නාගදීප විහාරය කඩා දැමු බව මතකද?

පුරාණ වංශකථාවල සඳහන් වන්නේ අවුරුදු 2000 ඉහතදී මේ රටේ විශිෂ්ට රජෙකු වූ, දුටුගැමුණු රජුගේ පියාණන් විසින් ඉදිකළ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ නැගෙනහිර පොතුවිල් ප්‍රදේශයේ අක්කර 264 ඉදිකළ  “මුහුදු මහා විහාරය” සඳහන් වේ. අද අන්තවධින් විසින් බලහත් කාරයෙන් මේ විහාරයට අයිති ඉඩම් අත්පත් කරගෙන සහ 1951 රජයේ ගැසට් එකට අනුව අක්කර 72 වුවද 2023දී මෙය අක්කර 56 බව සඳහන් වේ.

මෙයට අමතරව මහනුවර රජ දවසේ, මහා නුවර දළදා මාලිගාවට පුජා කළ අක්කර 85 භුමිය අද අනෙකුත් පුද්ගලයින් විසින් පරිහරණය සහ එම භූමියට අයත් කොටස් වල අන්‍යාගම් ඔවුන්ගේ පල්ලි සතුව ඇත.

රජය, හිතාමතා මේ වෙබ් පුටුවලින්, මේ බෞද්ධ උරුමයන් සහ අනෙකුත් දේ වසා මේ කරන්නේ දෙමළ ඩයස්පෝරාවට කඩේ යැමක්ද? එසේ නොමැති නම්, විදේශ බලවේග සහ අන්‍ය ආගම් වලට සහය දැක් වීමක්ද? එසේ නොවේ නම් නිරගාමී පිළිවෙතක් ද? මේ බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍යංශය අහෝසි කොට  බුද්ධශාසන, ආගමික හා සංස්කෘතික කටයුතු අමාත්‍යාංශය” වශයෙන් වෙනස් කිරීම කගේ උවමනා වකටද?

එම නිසා, වහාම ක්‍රියාත්මක වන පරිදි මේ වෙබ් අඩවිය නැවත පිළිසරණ කොට, අපේ බෞද්ධ උරුමයන් සඳහන් විස්තර ඇතුලත් කරන්න. මේ රටේ බෞද්ධ සංස්කෘතිය, බෞද්ධ උරැමයන් මහා වංශයට අනුව සකස් කරන්න.

2025 අප්‍රේල් මස සංස්කරණ කල මේ වෙබ් අඩවිය අදට මාස 3කට කාලයක් ගතවී ඇතත්, මේ දක්වා මෙය සකස් නොකොට කරන්නේ, ලෝකය හමුවේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බෞද්ධ කටයුත් සහ බෞද්ධ ඉතිහාසය වසා දැමීමක් නොවේද?

මේ අවස්ථාවේ, කැනඩාවේ ඩයස්පෝරාව විසින් උතුරු නැගෙනහිර වෙන් කරන මෙන්, ඔබ ජනාධිපති වී බලයට ආ විගස ඉල්ලා

ඔබ වෙත ඉල්ලමින් ලිපියක් ඒවා තිබුණු අතර, මේ සනාථ කිරීමටද? විදේශයට පෙන්වීමට ද? මේ  බුද්ධශාසන, ආගමික හා සංස්කෘතික කටයුතු අමාත්‍යාංශය” වෙබ් පිටුවෙන් බෞද්ධ ඉතිහාසය මකා දැම්මේ කුට උපක්ක්‍රමයක් හෝ රජයේ උවමනාවට මේ රටේ බෞද්ධ උරුමයන් වසා දැමීමේ පිළිවෙතක් ද?

මේ රටතුළ, ජාතිභේද, අගම්භේද, ජතිවධින් අවශ්‍ය නොවේ. මේ රට, ඒකීය රටක්තුළ සැමටම එකසේ ජිවත්වීමේ ක්‍රම වේදයක් සහ නීති පද්ධතියක් සදහන් කරන්න.

මේ රට රැක ගැනීම, මේ රටේ ජනතාව පත් කරන රජයන් සහ ආණ්ඩු වල වග කීමක්. සියලුම පාලකයින් බලයට පැමිණ දිවුරුම් දෙන්නේ මේ රටේ බෞද්ධ උරුමයන් සහ බුද්ධ ශාසනය රැක ගන්නවා බවට සහ සියලුම ජාතින්, ආගම් ආරක්ෂා කොට රට රැක ගන්න බවය.

අපි බෞධයන් හැටියට ඉල්ලා සිටින්නේ මේ වෙබ් පුටු සියල්ලම නිසි පරිදි සකසන්න, එමෙන්ම බුද්ධ ශාසන අමාත්‍යංශය නැවත ස්ථාපනය කොට සහ අනෙකුත් ආගම් කටයුතු සහ සංස්කෘතික අමාත්‍යංශ එක අමාත්‍යවරයෙක් වීම ගැන කිසිදු වරදක් නොවේ.

මෙයට, ඒකීය රටක් වෙනුවෙන් අපි එකමුතුව.

ජයන්ත වෙදසිංහ.

අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ අවසන් ලියවිල්ලක් සකස්කර නෑ.. හරිනි කරන්නේ පවර්පොයින්ට් ප්‍රසන්ටේෂන් එකක්.. – බිමල් කියයි

July 23rd, 2025

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ සම්බන්ධයෙන් අවසන් කෙටුම්පතක් හෝ නිශ්චිත යෝජනාවලියක් මෙතෙක් සකස් කර නොමැති බව සභානායක සහ අමාත්‍ය බිමල් රත්නායක මහතා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී අද (23) ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ පිළිබඳව හෙට (24) පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පැවැත්වෙන විවාදය ගැන විපක්ෂ නායක සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා යොමු කළ ප්‍රශ්නයකට පිළිතුරු දෙමින් අමාත්‍යවරයා මේ බව සඳහන් කළේය.

අධ්‍යාපන අමාත්‍යවරිය විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලබන ‘පවර් පොයින්ට්’ ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමක් හෝ වෙනත් ලියවිල්ලක් මත පදනම්ව දැනට සාකච්ඡා සිදුවෙමින් පවතින බව අමාත්‍ය රත්නායක මහතා පැවසීය.

අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ සකස් විය යුත්තේ අධ්‍යාපන විශේෂඥයන්, විෂය ප්‍රවීණයන් සහ විවිධ සමාජ කණ්ඩායම්වල අදහස් මත පදනම්ව බවද ඔහු අවධාරණය කළේය.

Current deputy Defence Minister maintained deafening silence on Zahran’s activities as then Eastern Commander: MP

July 23rd, 2025

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, July 23 (Daily Mirror) – Dropping a bombshell in Parliament, opposition MP Nizam Kariapper today said current Deputy Minister of Defence Aruna Jayasekera who was one time Security Force Commander in the east neglected prior information received on activities of Zahran who led the Easter Sunday attacks since 2015.

MP Kariapper said the B report submitted to the Colombo magistrate by the CID had revealed all this information. The B report was hidden for years but we have managed to find it,” the MP said.

Former President dismissed former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe from his post on October 26 2018. Aruna Jayasekera who was the chief of the intelligence unit in Batticaloa was appointed Security forces commander in the East in November 2018. The attack on policemen at Vavunathivu took place during the same month. A drama was created to show that Ajanthan, an interpreter for Sub Inspector Wijenayake was behind the attack on policemen in Vavunathivu. This interpreter ended up in jail while the military personnel who neglected their duty ended up in Parliament,” the MP said.

This is a verdict of King Kakille ,” the MP said.

Aruna Jayasekera was attached to the counter insurgency unit in 1989 and then he worked as Army intelligence chief in the East. He was then appointed as SF commander in the east. He retired in 2019 and formed an association of ex-military men,” he added.

Meanwhile the MP said CID has recommended that passports of five intelligence officers who were charged with negligence be impounded. This recommendation has been made in April this year. Who is the big boss who is preventing action in this regard?” he questioned.


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