Kandy, Sri Lanka, is facing a disturbing labour rights crisis that goes far beyond ordinary workplace grievances. Women employees in several shops and private businesses are being compelled to work late into the night, often until 10 pm or beyond, without safe transport or fair wages. Investigations and worker testimonies reveal unsafe commuting conditions, twelve‑hour continuous duties, untimely salary payments, and pressure to resign — all of which undermine the dignity and safety of women workers.
The situation is worsened by the lack of public transport after 10 pm in Kandy town. With bus services ending early, women are left stranded, vulnerable to harassment, or forced to rely on costly private transport. Employers who schedule women for late shifts without providing safe commuting arrangements are not only violating labour law but also exposing their staff to immediate danger.
One of the most heartbreaking cases involves a woman who is not only an internationally recognized Asian Medley medal holder but is now working as a security guard due to economic hardship. She has been forced into longer shifts and, with no transport available, must walk home on foot in bad weather conditions. During the last government‑declared red alert disaster days, she was still walking home alone, braving dangerous conditions simply to reach her family. Her suffering is compounded by the emotional pain of questions from her own guardians: Why are you doing sports if no one gives you money?” Such remarks cut deeply, undermining the pride of her achievements and exposing the harsh reality that women athletes, despite bringing international recognition to Sri Lanka, are left unsupported in their economic lives.
Most of the time, these violations are visible in clothing stores and other retail outlets along Peradeniya Road, where shops openly operate until late at night to boost purchasing activities. Many of these establishments align their operations with twelve‑hour shifts, forcing women into extended duty hours. Disturbingly, several of these shops are directly related to sports clothing retail, profiting from the very culture of athletics while exploiting women workers — including an athlete who once brought medals home to Sri Lanka. This contradiction is a national shame, as it mirrors exploitative labour conditions seen in Gulf countries where women are trapped in long domestic duties without dignity or fair treatment.
Adding to this injustice, some shops provide day facilities such as changing rooms located dangerously close to high‑power generator areas. Men and women are forced to change their clothes together in consecutive cages, exposing them to indignity and unsafe conditions. These cramped and poorly designed spaces demand urgent inspection. The Labour Deputy General should investigate the narrow facilities provided under dog‑eyes” supervision and review the building design that disregards basic standards of privacy and safety.
Shop owners have also shown bias against women with graded qualifications, preferring to exploit vulnerable workers rather than recognize or reward skill and achievement. This discrimination reflects a wider failure in valuing women’s contributions — whether in sports, education, or professional life.
Sri Lanka’s Shop and Office Employees Act and Wages Board Ordinance guarantee fair working hours, timely wages, and safe conditions. Forcing women into unsafe night shifts without transport violates these protections. Moreover, Sri Lanka’s commitments under international conventions such as CEDAW demand that women’s dignity and safety be upheld.
This is not only a labour dispute but a human rights crisis in daylight. When even internationally recognized athletes face exploitation, it signals a systemic failure to protect women’s dignity. Therefore, it is strongly urged that all women workers who have been forced into unsafe night shifts or excessive hours submit their cases to the Women’s Affairs Division in the relevant department. Such submissions will ensure that violations are formally recorded, investigated, and acted upon.
This article is written in multiple awareness states — as a warning to the community, as a call to employers, and as a demand to government. It must proceed beyond Kandy and reach the attention of the Ministry level. Highlighting labour issues in the private sector can raise the standard of women’s rights across both government and private institutions. Following up with shops, companies, and even multimillion‑rupee businesses will transform individual grievances into national reform, ensuring that Sri Lanka protects the dignity of its women workers.
Authored by:
A Human Resources Director with more than 20 years of experience in the highest category of HR cluster leadership, bringing professional expertise and credibility to this call for reform.
By Palitha Ariyarathna
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The Malimawa government has been in power only for about one year. So, we cannot say that they are not competent or able to develop the country, or that they are corrupt or less corrupt compared to the Yahapalanaya” or the Rajapaksa Regimes whose records within their initial years were not dissimilar”.
The Yahapalanaya Govt., and the Rajapakasa government in their initial years (and in fact through out) had to face various natural and other disasters.
In 2005 Rajapaksas were still dealing with the December 2004 Tsunami, and the onslaught of the LTTE, attempted assassinations of Fonseka and Gota, followed by the Mavil Ara sluice-gate closure and the launching of the Eelam -IV war. Key natural disasters during their period included the following.
2006 Floods: Sri Lanka experienced floods during both the first inter-monsoon season and the second inter-monsoon season.
2008 Floods: More flood events were recorded, particularly in November, affecting thousands of people.
2010 Floods: Heavy monsoon rains in May caused flash floods, high winds, and landslides across 13 districts.
January 2011 Floods: This was a major event where heavy monsoon rains affected an estimated 1.8 million people and destroyed vast amounts of agricultural land, including rice fields. President Rajapaksa could not visit the affected areas due to the severity of the floods.
2012 Drought and Floods: A drought starting in late 2011 and lasting through 2012 dried water reservoirs and safe drinking water availability for around 1.8 million people. This was followed by floods.
2013 and 2014 Landslides and Floods: These years saw more heavy rainfall, floods and landslides killing dozens of people due to early-warning system failures. A major landslide in October 2014 in the Meeriyabedda. This was also a period when Ven. Ratana, Channa Jayasumana and others were becoming very active in undermining the agricultural sector with their hair-brained ideas.
The government established the Disaster Management Act of 2005, No. 13. It helped to better prepare for such events, although implementation faced challenges.
When Yahapanaya came to power, the tropical Storm Roanu brought heavy monsoon rains and caused the worst flooding in Sri Lanka in 25 years. The disasters resulted in over 100 deaths, left many missing, affected nearly half a million people, and damaged over 58,000 houses. The economic damage was substantial, particularly to agriculture and infrastructure. Then the
A second major disaster occurred in May 2017, worsened by the precursor to Cyclone Mora. This disaster affected 15 districts, killed over 200 people, and displaced hundreds of thousands.
So, climate disasters hitting Sri Lanka has become the new normal at least since 2005, and no government can excuse itself saying, “we didn’t expect it”.
Today, the country is in dire straits after the Ditwah cyclone. Curiously enough, the Malimawa faced with Ditwah did not implement the Disaster management mechanism (2005, Act.13) set up in 2005.
Today the Malimawa hands are tied down by the IMF agreements that they have been forced to accept (and here there was no other option as no country came forward to provide an over-arching loan). So, Sri Lanka is like a log caught by the forces of international trade and carried along by the current, with no independent strength of its own (because of JRJ’s open economy which boosted the wealth, but at the same time squashed the rise of local industries).
A significant worry is that the Malimawa government has not launched or even proposed any long-term development projects of any consequence, except for mere cursory statements at the manifesto level. This is the worrying thing that Sri Lankans need to look at.
However, it could be argues that the current government SHOULD be encouraged to stay in power (instead of pulling it down) because elections are very costly, disruptive, and even if a new government comes in, they still have to follow the IMF and World-Bank dictated policies that hit Sri Lanka after the declaration of bankruptcy during Gotabhaya’s time.
It could also be argued that if the Malimaawa continues to govern, then if will mess up things even more. If that be so, it may ensure their doom in the next round of elections.
A new government at any time will take another year or even more to learn the ropes, and one may ask if the country could afford that. Public opinion seems to hold that the old leaders (of the UNP, SLFP, or Pohottuwa) are now like spend tea, rotten, useless, and cannot and should not be brought back, even though the strong corruption charges leveled at them by the Malimawa leaders during the election have not led to court cases. The leaders in waiting, like Sajith or Namal, are not yet seen to be inspiring the public in any significant way.
People who can influence the government should try to help it launch some long-term projects that could fall into place as the IMF-controlled period wanes. This is true, irrespective of which government is in power, given the current circumstances facing Sri Lanka.
That is, there are things that the private sector alone cannot do, that only a government can do.
For instance, (i) Planning to achieve self-sufficiency in energy by developing alternative energies, biofuels etc. (ii) Planning to achieve self-sufficiency in basic food stuffs, establishing an infrastructure for their distribution and sale. (iii) Exploitation of critical minerals available in the country but requiring significant capital investments and overcoming complex environmental issues. (iv) Re-development of infrastructure (power grid, roads, high-speed railways instead of the old snail rails of the British era), taking account of the fact that the country must be ready for future weather disasters of much higher magnitude than Ditwah. This last need is presumably being considered by the government right now, and one may say it will take months to do new land surveys of the damage and create new plans. Finding the money may take longer. However, the plans must come before the funding.
Is the Malimava government capable of rising to the occasion, or has it lost the compass and drifting in the doldrums, is a question that one cannot easily answer. Unfortunately, the general levels of optimism and enthusiasm of the public towards the government seem to have decreased significantly and the government must wake up to the reality.
Chandre Dharmawardana
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National Development Bank PLC (NDB) has entered into a landmark Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Toyota Lanka, reinforcing the Bank’s commitment to offering customers convenient, flexible, and affordable leasing solutions for some of the world’s most trusted vehicles.
This partnership brings together two institutions known for their unwavering focus on service excellence, NDB as a leading financial solutions provider and Toyota Lanka as the exclusive dealer and distributor of Toyota and HINO vehicles in Sri Lanka. Through this collaboration, customers will benefit from attractive leasing facilities designed to make vehicle ownership easier and more accessible, supported by NDB’s expertise in personalised financial advisory and Toyota’s reputation for quality, durability, and innovation.
Under the MoU, NDB will extend a range of customised leasing options for Toyota vehicles, ensuring customers enjoy competitive rates, faster processing, and a seamless financing experience. The partnership also strengthens NDB’s growing portfolio of mobility-focused financial offerings, aligning with the Bank’s long-term strategy of empowering individuals, professionals, and businesses with practical and future-ready solutions.
Commenting on the partnership, Sanjaya Perera – Senior Vice President Personal Banking & Customer Experience stated. at NDB, our focus has always been to empower customers with meaningful financial solutions that elevate their lifestyles while ensuring long-term value. Our partnership with Toyota Lanka strengthens this commitment by enabling individuals and businesses to access trusted mobility solutions through flexible and customer-centric leasing facilities. Together, we look forward to supporting Sri Lanka’s mobility ecosystem with greater affordability, convenience, and confidence.”
Reflecting his sentiments Manohara Atukorala – Managing Director / Chief Executive Officer of Toyota Lanka, stated, At Toyota Lanka, we are committed to enriching lives through sustainable mobility. Our partnership with NDB strengthens this mission by enabling more customers to experience the quality and reliability of Toyota vehicles with greater ease. Together, we strive to advance our shared vision of promoting safer, smarter, and more accessible mobility for all Sri Lankans.”
Toyota Lanka, established in 1995, is a fully owned subsidiary of Toyota Tsusho Corporation (TTC), Japan, and a key member of the globally respected Toyota Group. As the pioneer of the ‘one-stop-shop’ automobile model in Sri Lanka, the company continues to set industry benchmarks by providing integrated mobility solutions—from passenger cars and SUVs to commercial vehicles, trucks, and advanced material handling equipment.
Through this partnership, NDB reinforces its commitment to empowering customers with meaningful financial solutions that enhance convenience, reliability, and long-term value. As mobility evolves, NDB remains dedicated to enabling access to trusted global brands, supporting both individual and business aspirations across the country.
NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Digital Bank for SMEs at the Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2025 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising its capital market subsidiaries, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank continues to empower the nation through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by modern digital banking solutions.
NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Digital Bank for SMEs at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2025 and was awarded awards Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Islamic Banking Initiative of the Year – Sri Lanka at the Asian Banking & Finance Retail Banking Awards 2025. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.
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The streets are glowing with Christmas decorations; the familiar colours of the season spread across shop windows and city centres. Joy and smiles fill people’s faces, and of course, you can’t ignore the Christmas sales and advertisements. A single visit to Central London, or any busy London street, makes it clear that Christmas has arrived.
But what is Christmas? What exactly is being celebrated? Do Muslims celebrate it, and if not, why?
One million Sri Lankans will enter the job market in the next decade
Poverty has increased, public servants real incomes dropped
Since spending is capped at 13% of nominal GDP, growth becomes absolutely critical
The government now has a spending cap that it must stick to
Sri Lanka stands out compared to its South Asian peers in its ability to deliver health and education services
Revenue collection a tough balance
World Bank Lead Economist for Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka, Arvind Nair and Country Economist for Sri Lanka, Ms Shruti Lakhtakia, shared their views on the status of the economy in an interview with Daily Mirror. However, the interview was taken in the pre-disaster context, and slightly modified after. Excerpts
QDo you agree with the government’s view that the economy has stabilised? What does that mean for growth going forward?
Shruti: We broadly agree with that assessment. Since the crisis in 2022, things have settled quite a bit. There have been improvements on both the fiscal and external fronts, which we see as a good sign. And really, for any kind of growth, that’s the first step – we need stability before we can think about achieving higher and more sustained growth, and before the private sector can invest.
We also need to make sure that stability continues. That means staying on the fiscal path and making sure the exchange rate adjustments continue.
When it comes to growth, though, it’s important to recognise the need for much higher growth. At the moment, both the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank project growth at around 3 to 4 per cent. That’s enough to keep debt sustainable — if we define debt sustainability as reaching a debt to GDP target of 95 per cent by 2032, as outlined under the IMF programme. In fact, you can technically reach that target even with 3 per cent growth.
But that level of growth is not enough to achieve the aspirations of the Sri Lankan people. And achieving those debt targets with only 3 per cent growth means the government has to maintain a very high level of fiscal austerity. That kind of austerity, as we know, is hard to sustain for a long period. The government also needs room to respond to unanticipated shocks, like the devastating natural disaster that we just experienced with Cyclone Ditwah.
So if we want to ease the pressure on the government—and on the people—we really do need higher growth, at least 5 per cent and above.
Arvind: Just to add a bit more colour there on the jobs side—we’ve said before that about a million Sri Lankans will enter the workforce over the next decade. And if growth rates continue the way they are, the number of new jobs created will be significantly lower than the million needed. So we are looking at a real jobs gap if growth remains slow. That’s why we need the private sector to invest and create jobs.
There’s also the issue of welfare. If you look at poverty, the rate has basically doubled since the crisis. And to reverse that, growth is a prerequisite. So growth becomes essential—not just from the angle of fiscal, but also for jobs and improving people’s living standards.
That’s why it’s absolutely critical that growth goes up towards the 7 per cent target.
QCould you elaborate a bit more on this fiscal austerity that is needed to stimulate growth?
Shruti: So there are many things that the government can do to support growth—some require resources, and some do not—and all of it needs to be done in a way that still allows the debt targets to be met.
For context, we need to remember that in the past, the government spent beyond its means. For example, a lot of the borrowing was at high interest rates, which contributed to the crisis. So we can’t completely reverse track on fiscal discipline. We need to be careful about when and where we expand fiscal spending.
This has three implications for how the government can support growth.
First, even though the government needs to do more to boost growth, that doesn’t mean that the government can simply spend more. Indeed, under the new Public Financial Management Law, the government spending is capped at 13 per cent of GDP. That’s a very tight ceiling, so there isn’t much room to increase spending overall.
Second, because the budget is limited, the real question is how the government can spend more efficiently. For example, over the last decade, there were a lot of public investment projects where the returns were not clear, even though a lot of money was spent. So improving the quality of spending is crucial. The Sri Lanka Development Update we released in October has a special chapter called ‘Better Spending for All,’ which has many ideas on how to improve the quality of the spending on wages, welfare programmes, public investment, and more.
Third, there are a lot of structural reforms that can help growth and don’t require extra fiscal spending. For example, reforms in trade, investment, and SOE governance, as well as steps to improve the overall investment climate. These reforms don’t cost the budget money. Of course, they have other kinds of costs which we need to be mindful of.
Arvind: Just to add to that—on public investment, fiscal space is very limited.
While efficient spending is important, we also need to crowd in private investment where possible. We know there is an ongoing discussion around a Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) law, and having a transparent, clear framework for PPPs will be important as fiscal space tightens.
As for structural reforms, these don’t necessarily have fiscal implications, but they do have significant growth benefits. These are reforms aimed at boosting private sector growth. Many of these reforms were also touched upon in the budget speech: on the trade side, on investments, as well as improving the management of State Owned Enterprises (SOEs).
QThere’s been some concern that spending allocations announced in the last budget haven’t really moved. How do you view this situation?
Shruti: Coming out of a crisis, there’s a lot of pressure on the government to spend more. For example, poverty has increased, creating an urgent need to support people who are struggling. Many public servants have also seen the real value of their incomes decline over time—once you factor in inflation, their real wages are actually lower than they used to be. This means the government has to invest in public sector wages.
At the same time, because of past fiscal issues, the government now has a spending cap that it must stick to. So, it’s a very delicate balance to strike.
The government has to manage spending very carefully going forward—whether it’s increasing salaries or looking at pensions, the question is how to do it in a way that doesn’t create longer-term pressure on the budget.
On service delivery, Sri Lanka stands out compared to its South Asian peers in its ability to deliver health and education services. But the crisis saw a lot of skilled workers leaving, who were essential to delivering these services. The challenge now is how to maintain the quality of health and education with fewer workers.
Overall, it’s really about the right allocation and the right quality of spending. Are we putting enough into health and education rather than expensive infrastructure? We have seen good signs in this budget on that front.
The second part is the quality of spending. When we do a project, are we able to realise its benefits adequately? For wages, improving quality means establishing a pay commission to review and rationalise pay structures and modernising payroll systems to improve efficiency and transparency. For public investment, it means focusing on projects that fill real infrastructure gaps, addressing stalled projects, and strengthening investment management in line with the new Public Financial Management Act. And for transfers and subsidies, it means better-targeted support—aligning eligibility with real deprivation, expanding the social registry, enhancing administrative data quality, and, over time, moving away from universal subsidies, particularly for fertiliser and water.
So, as we mentioned before, we hope the focus on the right allocation and quality of spending continues.
Arvind: And to add to that, since spending is capped at 13% of nominal GDP, growth becomes absolutely critical. Higher growth means a slightly bigger spending envelope without breaking the cap.
On allocations, one area we highlight in our report is the maintenance of existing public assets. Sri Lanka has historically under-invested in maintenance, just 0.05% of GDP—much lower than peer countries and far below what is needed to maintain the actual capital stock. Current levels are about 13 times lower than recommended.
So, prioritising maintenance over building new expensive assets is critical. It’s a way of making sure we get the most out of what we already have.
QThe government’s revenue collection has improved. It is going to be 16 per cent this year, even better than the target. But much of this is coming from import duties, which also drain foreign reserves. How do you see this trade-off?
Shruti: Honestly, it’s a tough balance. The government needed quick wins on revenue—and this has been done well. But when you tax trade heavily, you make Sri Lankan goods more expensive abroad. That hurts competitiveness.
And that’s the trade-off.
So while the revenue numbers look good, their sustainability is not guaranteed, because they rely on measures that may not hold over time. That’s why we recommend shifting to a more sustainable revenue mix.
Our (World Bank’s) Public Finance Review from September highlights three priorities,
First, move away from indirect taxes like VAT and import duties to direct taxes like income and corporate taxes. Because indirect taxes fall heavily on households and reduce consumption and spending.
Second, improve tax administration. Make compliance easier, strengthen IRD systems and make processes fairer. The government has started working on this, but there’s a long road ahead.
Third, improve tax morale. People are paying more taxes at a time when poverty is higher, so every rupee matters to households.
On trade, again, the government can do a lot more to reduce its reliance on trade tariffs, including the para tariffs that discourage trade and make it more costly. The global environment in terms of trade is also quite uncertain right now. Any steps that the government can take to diversify trading partners, put in place bilateral or multilateral trade agreements, and facilitate exports would also help revenue.
Ultimately, Sri Lanka needs to think beyond year-to-year fixes and move toward a more stable three-to-five-year revenue strategy. A more medium-term, sustainable approach is what we recommend.
QThe government, in the budget, proposes to lower the VAT threshold. What impact will that have, especially on the cost of living and small businesses?
Arvind: I think there’s always a balancing act. We know that in the budget, there was a target for moving towards more direct taxes over the medium term. But in the short term, it’s harder to rely on direct taxes alone, so measures like lowering the VAT threshold are brought in.
As more small businesses are brought into the VAT system, it’s crucial that compliance processes are simple and efficient and that administrative costs are low.
In the medium term, it is still important for Sri Lanka to shift toward more direct taxes. One key area is improving the corporate income taxes, as Sri Lanka’s corporate tax revenue as a share of GDP is low compared to peers.
Improving corporate tax collections requires actions to enhance compliance among existing corporate taxpayers. It also calls for a new approach to providing tax incentives. We have seen some positive changes, particularly in reducing the number of channels through which incentives can be provided. But going forward, a comprehensive tax incentives framework would be helpful. Such a framework can clearly and transparently balance the fiscal costs of these incentives with the benefits they provide. Both the costs and benefits need to be made much more transparent.
Shruti: Just to add a bit of context, Sri Lanka had very low tax thresholds for a long time. When the thresholds were raised in 2019, a large number of taxpayers were lost from the tax base. And even after the tax changes in 2022-23, the number of registered taxpayers is still below to pre-2019 levels. So, part of the challenge is bringing those taxpayers back into the net, and importantly, thresholds today are already comparable to other countries.
Q The World Bank has repeatedly said that Sri Lanka has an untapped export potential of about US $10 billion. How have you assessed it?
Arvind: When we did this analysis, the export potential was calculated by looking at the existing export basket and the actual versus potential exports within that basket, based on characteristics of Sri Lanka and its trading partners, such as size, distance, etc.
But there is a gap between actual and potential. If we look at actual exports as a share of GDP, Sri Lanka has seen a large decline—from 39% in 2000 to about 20% in 2024. That’s a sharp drop over a 20-25 year period and reflects declining competitiveness driven by rising tariffs and less openness.
Improving competitiveness will allow Sri Lanka to close the gap and reach the country’s full potential. And get the country closer to achieving the export target of $36bn by 2030 and create more jobs.
QHow can Sri Lanka improve its export competitiveness?
First is more openness. The new national tariff policy is encouraging. Implementing it is a key signal of openness. It will lower costs for exporters, who are also importing intermediate goods and raw materials.
Second is customs reforms and trade facilitation. Reducing the cost and time involved in trade makes a big difference for growth.
Third is modernising the legal and institutional framework for investments. We’ve talked about this in our report as well. This will enable the country to increase investment, boost FDI flows, which are also critical for technology and knowledge transfer.
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Colombo, Dec. 16 (Daily Mirror) – The National People’s Power (NPP) will take disciplinary action against former Speaker Ashoka Ranwala if he has cheated on his doctorate, Health Minister Nalinda Jayatissa said.
He said during a talk show on a private TV channel that the party has not decided what action to be taken against him in such an eventuality.
The Minister said people who voted and not voted for the NPP have talked about the matter and said that their opinion must be considered when taking action.
Jayatissa said MP Ranwala had promised the party that he would submit the certificate soon, but he had not done it so far.
“I once told the Cabinet briefing that Ranwala would submit the certificate soon. I said what Ranwala had told the party at that time. However, he has not submitted it so far,” he said.
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The Japanese government decided to extend an emergency grant of $2.5 million to cyclone-hit Sri Lanka, Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi said Tuesday.
The emergency grant will be used to provide humanitarian assistance through international aid agencies, including food and other daily necessities.
Landslides and floods caused by a cyclone that hit the island nation in late November have killed more than 600 people.
Motegi told a press conference that Japan intends to continue providing seamless support to our long-time friend, Sri Lanka, to ensure the earliest possible recovery and reconstruction of the affected areas.”
The minister also said a disaster relief medical team returned from Sri Lanka earlier Tuesday after handling 1,250 treatments in about two weeks.
Source: KYODO NEWS
–Agencies
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‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’
400th Weekly Edition
e-Con e-News 7-13 December 2025
Who offered to suddenly call off ‘in 45 minutes’ the self-styled aragalaya, which the merchant media had been pumping up, which had been spouting hot air for months, and was now at the gates of parliament in July 2022? Who offered to crown a mere parliamentary speaker as Executive President? Is it the forever-leaving-but-never going US envoy Julie Chung or long-gone-but-forever-haunting Indian envoy Gopal Baglay? Is the former Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena a gallant, for refusing such a poisoned chalice, and upholding parliamentary decorum? Or was Abeywardena, a ‘grotesque mediocrity’ playing ‘a hero’s part’? Yet, does it matter who took on the role of undiplomatic peon delivering the instructions of their controllers in Washington &/or Delhi?
The merchants’ media can’t seem to make up their mind if it was one or the other or both, or if it matters. Whoever it was, seemed to be able to deploy both the paramilitary Special Task Force (STF) at the Speaker’s residence (to threaten or protect him, we are not told), or to assure the Speaker that such a grab for power would gain acceptance by the ‘strugglers’ (merchants, moneylenders, GNGOs, church, anarchists, nihilists, etc), a nod by the wielders of the state monopoly of violence (private & public), and thumbs up by the state monopoly of consent (the media, private & public).
‘The Moving Finger writes; &, having writ,
Moves on: nor all thy Piety nor Wit
Shall lure it back to cancel half a Line,
Nor all thy Tears wash out a Word of it.’
– Omar Khayyám
The question of who wore the outer raiment of the rainmakers on that fateful day July 13 in 2022 was given new life with the publication of a book by the then-soon-to-be-next ‘unelected’ President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s media advisor Sunanda Maddumabandara. The author appears to be a hand who writes, and yet his hand is moved by other hands. (Incidentally, this week saw the US embassy’s Chamber of Commerce (AmCham SL), sit together with Wijeya Newspapers and Unilever’s Chartered Institute of Public Relations (CIPR), to ‘Narrate Sri Lanka’s Story’,see ee Who’s Who) Maddumabandara, as unreliable a narrator as ‘media advisors’ tend to be, claims the Speaker himself has told him it was the Indian envoy, Baglay. Maddumabandara’s master Ranil Wickremesinghe, the recovering Anglican, has been flying in all directions (except Moscow & Beijing), visiting Red Forts & diverse Hindu temples. Wickremesinghe too is heroically portrayed as having refused a poisoned chalice and upheld parliamentary decorum, and attended the book launch, though the ousted President Gotabhaya Rajapakse did not, and has chosen not to comment on the matter in his biography.
The JVP appears to have been the main (temporary) beneficiary of the aragalaya’s strivings, and was also baying at the gates of parliament that day. They were apparently not the first choice of the imperialist conspirators, though they now seem to be following the Wickremesinghe script. Wickremesinghe’s writ, which appears to echo the demands of the imperialist hegemon, sees his will being done, even if by remote control. The Island’s Shamindra Ferdinando (see ee Focus) highlights the claim made by nationalist analysts that it was the US Envoy who secretly made such demands. Ferdinando wonders who deceived the nationalists into claiming it was only the US Envoy, though all agree the ouster of a democratically elected President was a joint US-India project. The version in the Sinhala Divaina of the Ferdinando essay omits his assertion that the nationalist analysts were deceived. Anyway, such speculations ultimately appear to be diversions.
After over 500 years of imperialist invasion & intrigue, it is more than time to shed illusions. The wars in Asia (West, East, North & South), and in Africa (again, in all its compass directions) are being led and coordinated by the USA. The wars in the Ukraine & on Palestine are led by the USA, with all their running dogs in tow and on cue. The USA is now the conductor of the Concert of Europe, with its white settler territories seeking to spread their ‘occupying’ tentacles.
While much is being made of Russian President V Putin’s visit to India, the situation is fluid. While there are forces that seek a newer & better world, India was the largest English department in the world, and there are powerful interests, legacies of colonial vintage, in all our countries, who serve the imperialist hegemon’s desire for manifest destiny, as presumably ordained by their white god (see ee Quotes). The US in order to assert its dominance as the sole superpower is stalking & striding the world, seeking belligerent allies (Europe, Japan), suicidal proxies (Ukraine, Israel), fake enemies & asymmetrical foes, threatening confrontation and, when thwarted, unfurling chaos through their ‘grey channels’.
Now President (ee Agriculture, Who sowed the cyclonic wind…?)
*
Sri Lanka’s tea industry not impacted by Ditwah, traders’ body says
– see ee Agriculture
While media argues back & forth about whether early warnings about the flooding (including from India, BBC, Al Jazeera etc, always sure to send mixed messages) and conspiracy theorists (divine & secular) abound regarding extra-special seedings of clouds, by imperialists in Asia, the tea trader chose to declare their deforested plantations were untouched, even as plantation workers insist that they too suffered inundation.
In Sri Lanka, the US & Indian militaries bearing ‘gifts’ (which inevitably have to be paid back with exorbitant interest) have stomped their boots on the ground, while proclaiming to bring relief to the country. The best relief or the best aid these tax-avoiding philanthropists could give, as former PM Sirimavo Bandaranaike once quipped, is to leave the country alone. For what is given by one hand is usually taken by innumerable other hands.
While Indian companies have been handed the production of electronic ID cards, the US’ Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT aka Murder Inc) claims to have developed an information system to collect Ditwar-related data ‘free of charge’. US’ Microsoft will provide ‘the necessary technical support’; and another US Embassy outfit called GeoAI, combining AI & Geographic Information Systems (GIS) promises ‘to strengthen early warning systems, improve emergency response and enhance long-term planning.’ This is the same USA that has openly opposed (via their World Bank, and innumerable economists) and quietly subverted long-term economic planning by the Sri Lankan state (see ee Random Notes). What has happened to the numerous equipments installed in the country to supposedly early-warn us, even as they appear to be dual-use, collecting information on us & the seas around us? (see ee Who’s Who, Japan’s Doppler)
*
The new Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, packaged as a heavy-metal head-banging rock&roller, shows where she obtains her real cultural & political tunes from, by threatening to deploy even heavier metals – missiles in Taiwan against China. Warwick Powell discusses the backdrop: the paranoia (see ee Focus) the US exhibits against any North Asian alliance between Japan, China, Russia & Korea, and Japan’s purported anxieties of an ageing population, midst rising food & energy insecurity (this is what prompts their need for Sri Lankan workers in labor-intensive operations). Warwick also describe the manoeuvres of US & Europe speeding into overdrive to prevent any coming together of India, Africa, China, Russia, which they seek to blockade & strangle, like what they are doing in Cuba & Venezuela etc. Warwick doubts any major nuclear confrontation:
*
‘What’s the likelihood that
Washington will sacrifice Washington,
or put at risk Washington, New York,
Boston, Los Angeles, San Francisco,
Miami, & every other city in between,
in the name of defending Tokyo, or Seoul,
or Taipei, or Manila for that matter?‘
Warwick wonders if Japan is ready to take on the role of an Asian Ukraine, ‘to go & fight & die for the USA’. And while the USA’s vassals in Europe, Africa & Asia seek to somehow become honorary whites or equals at least, the US plan seems to be to carve out ‘geo-economic blocks’, demanding their allies ‘cut themselves off from important centers of power like China and to commit themselves solely to the USA.’
*
Should Japan have invaded Sri Lanka first, rather than attack the USA in Hawaii’s Pearl Harbor? is the subject of an extended dissertation in the LankaWeb (see ee Quotes). The Sri Lankan author Senaka Weeraratna laments, ‘Day after day we are constantly bombarded with propaganda against the Japanese & the Germans despite the end of the war 80 years ago’. The argument for Japan invading Sri Lanka first is based on the work of a Japanese militarist & prolific author of such books as How China Started the 2nd Sino-Japanese War: Why Should Japan Apologize to China? There is no mention of Japan’s colonization of China, Taiwan, or Korea, or of the massacres of 100,000s in Nanjing, etc. Weeraratna mentions DS Senanayake, Dudley Senanayake & JR Jayawardene (Ceylon) as friends & admirers of Japan. JR is credited with foregoing demands for reparations from Japan at the infamous Treaty of San Francisco in 1951, which turned Japan into a colonial US military base, with the US inscribing its constitution. JR curiously stated:
‘We in Ceylon were fortunate that we were not invaded,
but the damage caused by air raids, by the stationing of
enormous armies under the SE Asia Command,
& by the slaughter-tapping of one of our main commodities,
rubber, when we were the only producer of natural rubber for
the Allies, entitles us to ask that the damage so caused should
be repaired. We do not intend to do so, for we
believe in the words of the Great Teacher [Buddha]…’
The USA’s 1951 San Francisco Treaty,opposed by the USSR because China was excluded from the Conference & it violated China’s sovereignty over Taiwan, studiously gave no guarantees against theUSA’s revival of militarism in Japan, now on full display.
*
This week’s ee continues examining how socialism defeated fascism, even as the English & US hedged their bets, hoping the USSR with China & Germany with Japan would all destroy each other. It was the Red Armies of the USSR & China that held off & vanquished the brunt of the fascist attacks. Again, Roy Singham delivers incredible statistics on the sacrifice made. The Nazi Yellow Stars that Jews were later forced to wear were preceded by forcing Communists to wear Red Triangles:
*
‘Before fascism turned outward to conquer nations,
it perfected mass murder at home. Fascism’s first
victims were domestic communists from 1931-45’
It was communists arrested in the 1,000s who filled the first concentration camps. Here in this ee Focus you can read of the love affair between the USA’s Henry Ford & the Nazi leader Adolf Hitler: ‘Western leaders did not just know – they applauded’. US media praised Hitler’s anti-communist violence as ‘necessary housekeeping’, revealing ‘capitalism’s preference for fascism over socialism.’ Again, fascism itself had its roots in the colonization of much of the world, and particularly in the practices of the settler colonies.
*
The development pattern of the white settler colonies is the focus of Chapter 4 of SBD de Silva’s classic The Political Economy of Underdevelopment. This ee Focus concludes this chapter, which seeks to also explain the seeming exceptions in the Congo & IndoChina (Vietnam), to SBD’s division of the world into settler & non-settler colonies. While exhibiting certain advanced features, the Congo & IndoChina’s basically colonial status prevented their advance into the ranks of developed countries. The settler colonies focused on their home markets & developed their societies, while non-settler colonies are constantly told to focus on exports, giving over our home markets to multinational corporations (MNCs) like England’s Unilever in Sri Lanka. The settler colonies fought major battles with their European governments even as they repressed the indigenous peoples.
This ee discusses more fully the example of Vietnam’s economy, which was subject to genocidal wars waged by the Japanese, French & US governments. SBD discussed how industrial development took place in Indochina before WW2, due to ‘adventitious factors’ such as being far from France, and a ‘balcony on the Far East’. Large numbers were employed in a range of industries. SBD de Silva, however, examines what ‘made the French Parliament & industrialists willing to finance Ferry’s conquest of Tonkin’. He also detailed the 3 devices France used ‘to pre-empt the Indochinese market’. He noted how Indochina’s exports to France were regulated, while ‘French goods could enter Indochina freely’.
*
ee Focus also continues Gustavus Myers’ 1917 History of Tammany Hall. Here Myers, even as he drearily narrates the system of organized bribery in New York involving the monopolies – traction, railroad, telephone, electric lighting, industrial & other financial interests – finally highlights the criticism by US socialists, of so-called ‘anti-corruption campaigns’:
‘The political ‘bosses’ were only the tools of the great financial
& industrial magnates; & that where the political ‘bosses’
gathered in their millions, the magnates accumulated their 10s
or 100s of millions of dollars as their individual fortunes.
Why, queried the Socialists, concentrate attention on the instruments?
Why not, said they, attack the power of the whole social, political
& industrial system of which the political ‘boss’ was merely one
expression? This system, according to the Socialist party, was the
capitalist system for the overthrow of which they declared & agitated.’
It makes most of us inquisitive to know, how the routine use of AI would impact the way the learners go about their learning process, acquire necessary cognitive skills, etc. A new report published by Oxford University Press says that AI makes students gain speed but lose depth in thinking.
Many students say that the AI helps them think faster and solve difficult problems. However, the experts in the field say that this fluency comes at a cost. Further, the authors say that the students are now getting used to think alongside machines and gain fluency and speed in processing data but losing the depth that comes from pausing, questioning, and thinking independently.
This situation reminds us of the case where the ability of mental math, which many in the older generations used to hold as a valuable skill, faded away with the introduction of the calculators. Did we lose anything in this major technological shift? While calculators bring efficiency and accuracy, this technological shift has led to a trade-off where some of the fundamental cognitive skills and intuitive understanding of mathematics are less developed in newer generations. Similar trade-offs are inevitable with the introduction of AI too.
The authors of the above report added that, “The true challenge ahead is not mastering technology but safeguarding the depth of human thought in an age of synthetic cognition and artificial intelligence.”
What is ‘synthetic cognition’? Before trying to understand what ‘synthetic cognition’ is, let us examine the meaning of ‘cognition’. Cognition is defined as the mental action or process of acquiring knowledge and understanding through thought, experience, and the senses. As one would appreciate the emphasis here is on thinking, experiencing and sensing. These are deliberate actions to be undertaken by the learners. However, the ‘synthetic cognition’, as Oxford researchers call it, reflects a new kind of thinking emerging among what they dub as the “AI-native generation” — teenagers who have grown up learning side by side with algorithms. Algorithms are known as processes or sets of rules to be followed in calculations or other problem-solving operations, especially by a computer. In summary, the cognition which is generally understood as a deliberate effort by the learner is now relegated to a process that is dependent on rules that are set for and by a computer (synthetic cognition).
Artificial intelligence (AI) has become an integral part of daily life, streamlining everything from search queries to complex decision-making. While AI tools offer convenience and efficiency, they also raise concerns about cognitive offloading—the process of delegating cognitive tasks to external aids. As reliance on AI grows, experts warn that it could diminish critical-thinking skills and alter fundamental cognitive processes. It is not about avoiding its use entirely; the incorporation of AI is essential for the advancement of our societies. However, it is advisable to learn how to use it properly and in a balanced manner.
INFLUENCE OF AI ON critical thinking
Recent studies investigating how the use of AI influences cognitive abilities bring several important issues to light. Studies observed a negative link between frequent AI use and critical-thinking skills, indicating that people who depend heavily on automated systems may find it harder to think independently. One reason for this is cognitive offloading. This means regular AI users tend to engage less in deep, analytical thought and instead opt for quick answers produced by AI.
The studies also looked at how age and education affected reliance on AI. Younger participants showed greater dependence on AI tools and performed worse on critical-thinking tests than older individuals. In contrast, those with higher levels of education maintained stronger reasoning skills even when exposed to AI. Moreover, greater trust in AI-generated material lowered the likelihood that users would verify information themselves, contributing to a drop in healthy skepticism.
A further concern raised in the studies involve algorithmic bias and how it shapes the information users encounter. AI systems often present content based on past user behavior, which can reinforce existing beliefs and reduce access to differing viewpoints. Notably, the studies report a non-linear connection between AI use and cognitive effects—moderate use did not significantly weaken critical-thinking abilities, but overreliance resulted in declining cognitive performance.
EFFECTS ON education and decision-making
Research findings raise important concerns about how AI influences both education and professional decision-making. In classrooms, AI tools can make learning more efficient, but they may also reduce students’ motivation to practice problem-solving and analytical thinking. When learners rely on AI-generated answers instead of working through challenges themselves, their cognitive flexibility and ability to evaluate information may decline.
Educational researchers highlight the above issue, noting that essential intellectual skills must be cultivated from early childhood—particularly during adolescence. They emphasize that educators have a responsibility to ensure that young people actively engage in meaningful cognitive effort.
In professional environments, excessive dependence on AI can similarly weaken analytical skills. The problem is compounded by algorithmic biases, which can lead users to accept AI-generated recommendations without questioning the assumptions behind them. A careful balance is needed between leveraging AI tools and maintaining strong human judgment.
(Dr. Gamini Padmaperuma is a Chartered Professional Engineer, Honorary Fellow Member of the IESL, former Director, Academic Affairs at Saegis Campus and Senior Lecturer at OUSL. He holds a PhD in Instructional Design for Computer-Based Learning from the University of Canterbury, New Zealand and can be contacted at gamini_pad@hotmail.com)
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The first successful human implant of a 3D-printed cornea made from human eye cells cultured in a laboratory has restored a patient’s sight.
The North Carolina-based company that developed the cornea described the procedure as a ‘world first’—and a major milestone toward its goal of alleviating the lack of available donor tissue and long wait-times for people seeking transplants.
According to Precise Bio, its robotic bio-fabrication approach could potentially turn a single donated cornea into hundreds of lab-grown grafts, at a time when there’s currently only one available for an estimated 70 patients who need one to see.
This achievement marks a turning point for regenerative ophthalmology—a moment of real hope for millions living with corneal blindness,” Aryeh Batt, Precise Bio’s co-founder and CEO, said in a statement.
What a privilege it was to connect with Dr. Ruwan M. Jayatunge, M.D. PhD. We spoke about the nature of suffering, Buddhism, happiness, Dostoyevsky, Tolstoy, Nietzsche, and his work across the globe, treating patients with PTSD. I promise you that if you listen to this conversation with an open mind and with good intentions, you will walk away a better person. I hope you enjoy today’s episode of the Max Depth Podcast.
Colombo, Dec. 15 (Daily Mirror) – Sri Lanka could face an economic crisis by the Sinhala New Year 2026, fueled by Cyclone Ditwah as it has been predicted by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, United National Party (UNP) Deputy General Secretary Harin Fernando said today.
Sri Lanka is moving towards a forex crisis. Remember what I said today (December 15 2025) and you will understand it on April 15 2026,” the UNP Deputy General Secretary said.
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Red landslide warnings have been issued by the National Building Research Organisation (NBRO) to residents of several Divisional Secretariat divisions in the Kandy District.
The warning issued by the NBRO will remain in effect until 4:00 p.m. tomorrow (16).
Accordingly, red landslide warnings remain in effect for Udadumbara, Dolosbage, Minipe, Medadumbara and Ganga Ihala Korale Divisional Secretariat divisions in the Kandy District.
Additionally, the National Building Research Organisation has issued level two landslide warnings for several other divisional secretariat divisions.
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A total of 640 schools in the Uva, Central and North Western provinces will not reopen tomorrow, the Secretary to the Ministry of Education, Nalaka Kaluwewe has announced.
Schools that were closed due to the disaster situation caused by Cyclone Ditwah are scheduled to reopen island-wide tomorrow (16).
Accordingly, the Ministry of Education convened principals, teachers, and non-academic staff today (15) to undertake necessary preparations for the reopening of schools.
Secretary Nalaka Kaluwewe noted that 640 schools affected by the disaster in three provinces will be unable to resume academic activities tomorrow.
A total of 524 schools in the Uva Province, 111 schools in the Central Province and five schools in the North Western Province will remain closed.
The Ministry of Education further announced that a relaxed policy will be implemented with regard to school uniforms for students, as well as academic and non-academic staff, in areas affected by the disaster.
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As a result of the ‘Ditwah’ disaster, 6,164 houses have been completely destroyed, and another 112,110 houses have been partially damaged.
Meanwhile, as of December 14, 72,911 individuals are residing in 796 safe locations.
Furthermore, 15,000 houses have been identified as being located in current high-risk zones.
These figures were revealed yesterday (15) during a meeting of the National Council for Disaster Management, chaired by the President.
During the meeting, a Cabinet memorandum was presented regarding the establishment of a National Integrated Disaster Management Mechanism and proposed amendments to the Sri Lanka Disaster Management Act, No. 13 of 2005.
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COLOMBO, December 15, 2025: The World Bank Group has expressed deep sorrow over the devastation caused by Cyclone Ditwah in Sri Lanka.
In response to the Government’s request, the Bank is making up to US$120 million in emergency support available by repurposing funds from ongoing projects. This assistance will help restore essential services and infrastructure—including healthcare, water, education, agriculture and connectivity—in the areas most severely affected.
The International Finance Corporation (IFC), the private sector arm of the World Bank Group, will continue strengthening the private sector through advisory support and strategic investments in key sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing and logistics, including support for MSMEs, to create jobs and drive economic recovery.
To guide recovery efforts, a Global Rapid Post-Disaster Damage Estimation (GRADE) assessment is already underway in partnership with the Global Facility for Disaster Risk Reduction (GFDRR). This rapid assessment will provide credible estimates of disaster impacts to inform early decisions and better target response and recovery efforts.
The Bank is also working closely with the Government as it prepares broader recovery measures, including the Rebuilding Sri Lanka” Fund and the next phase of post-disaster needs assessments.
Our hearts go out to every Sri Lankan affected by Cyclone Ditwah. We are inspired by how communities across the country have come together to support each other during this difficult time,” said Gevorg Sargsyan, World Bank Group Country Manager for Sri Lanka and Maldives. The World Bank Group is committed to helping Sri Lanka restore livelihoods, accelerate economic recovery and rebuild stronger, safer and more resilient communities.”
Looking ahead, the World Bank Group stands ready to work with the Government to mobilise additional resources based on GRADE assessment findings and the financing needs for recovery and resilient reconstruction. We will also make necessary adjustments in our future programs to accommodate the impacts of this crisis.”
The World Bank Group emphasised that support will be delivered quickly, transparently and effectively, with strong oversight mechanisms in place alongside implementing agencies and local authorities.
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Cyclone Ditwah has come and gone, leaving a trail of extensive damage to the country’s infrastructure, including buildings, roads, bridges, and 70% of the railway network. Thousands of hectares of farming land have been destroyed. Last but not least, nearly 1,000 people have lost their lives, and more than two million people have been displaced. The visuals uploaded to social media platforms graphically convey the widespread destruction Cyclone Ditwah has caused in our country.
The purpose of my article is to highlight, for the benefit of readers and the general public, how a project to establish a Doppler Weather Radar system, conceived in 2007, remains incomplete after 18 years. Despite multiple governments, shifting national priorities, and repeated natural disasters, the project remains incomplete.
Over the years, the National Audit Office, the Committee on Public Accounts (COPA), and several print and electronic media outlets have highlighted this failure. The last was an excellent five-minute broadcast by Maharaja Television Network on their News First broadcast in October 2024 under a series What Happened to Sri Lanka”
The Agreement Between the Government of Sri Lanka and the World Meteorological Organisation in 2007.
The first formal attempt to establish a Doppler Radar system dates back to a Trust Fund agreement signed on 24 May 2007 between the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO). This agreement intended to modernize Sri Lanka’s meteorological infrastructure and bring the country on par with global early-warning standards.
The World Meteorological Organisation (WMO) is a specialized agency of the United Nations established on March 23, 1950. There are 193 member countries of the WMO, including Sri Lanka. Its primary role is to promote the establishment of a worldwide meteorological observation system and to serve as the authoritative voice on the state and behaviour of the Earth’s atmosphere, its interaction with the oceans, and the resulting climate and water resources.
According to the 2018 Performance Audit Report compiled by the National Audit Office, the GoSL entered into a trust fund agreement with the WMO to install a Doppler Radar System. The report states that USD 2,884,274 was deposited into the WMO bank account in Geneva, from which the Department of Metrology received USD 95,108 and an additional USD 113,046 in deposit interest. There is no mention as to who actually provided the funds. Based on available information, WMO does not fund projects of this magnitude.
The WMO was responsible for procuring the radar equipment, which it awarded on 18th June 2009 to an American company for USD 1,681,017. According to the audit report, a copy of the purchase contract was not available.
Monitoring the agreement’s implementation was assigned to the Ministry of Disaster Management, a signatory to the trust fund agreement. The audit report details the members of the steering committee appointed by designation to oversee the project. It consisted of personnel from the Ministry of Disaster Management, the Departments of Metrology, National Budget, External Resources and the Disaster Management Centre.
The Audit Report highlights failures in the core responsibilities that can be summarized as follows:
· Procurement irregularities—including flawed tender processes and inadequate technical evaluations.
· Poor site selection
—proposed radar sites did not meet elevation or clearance requirements.
· Civil works delays
—towers were incomplete or structurally unsuitable.
· Equipment left unused
—in some cases for years, exposing sensitive components to deterioration.
· Lack of inter-agency coordination
—between the Meteorology Department, Disaster Management Centre, and line ministries.
Some of the mistakes highlighted are incomprehensible. There is a mention that no soil test was carried out before the commencement of the construction of the tower. This led to construction halting after poor soil conditions were identified, requiring a shift of 10 to 15 meters from the original site. This resulted in further delays and cost overruns.
The equipment supplier had identified that construction work undertaken by a local contractor was not of acceptable quality for housing sensitive electronic equipment. No action had been taken to rectify these deficiencies. The audit report states, It was observed that the delay in constructing the tower and the lack of proper quality were one of the main reasons for the failure of the project”.
In October 2012, when the supplier commenced installation, the work was soon abandoned after the vehicle carrying the heavy crane required to lift the radar equipment crashed down the mountain. The next attempt was made in October 2013, one year later. Although the equipment was installed, the system could not be operationalised because electronic connectivity was not provided (as stated in the audit report).
In 2015, following a UNOPS (United Nations Office for Project Services) inspection, it was determined that the equipment needed to be returned to the supplier because some sensitive electronic devices had been damaged due to long-term disuse, and a further 1.5 years had elapsed by 2017, when the equipment was finally returned to the supplier. In March 2018, the estimated repair cost was USD 1,095,935, which was deemed excessive, and the project was abandoned.
COPA proceedings
The Committee on Public Accounts (COPA) discussed the radar project on August 10, 2023, and several press reports state that the GOSL incurred a loss of Rs. 78 million due to the project’s failure. This, I believe, is the cost of constructing the Tower. It is mentioned that Rs. 402 million had been spent on the radar system, of which Rs. 323 million was drawn from the trust fund established with WMO. It was also highlighted that approximately Rs. 8 million worth of equipment had been stolen and that the Police and the Bribery and Corruption Commission were investigating the matter.
JICA support and project stagnation
Despite the project’s failure with WMO, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) entered into an agreement with GOSL on June 30, 2017 to install two Doppler Radar Systems in Puttalam and Pottuvil. JICA has pledged 2.5 billion Japanese yen (LKR 3.4 billion at the time) as a grant. It was envisaged that the project would be completed in 2021.
Once again, the perennial delays that afflict the GOSL and bureaucracy have resulted in the groundbreaking ceremony being held only in December 2024. The delay is attributed to the COVID-19 pandemic and Sri Lanka’s economic crisis.
The seven-year delay between the signing of the agreement and project commencement has led to significant cost increases, forcing JICA to limit the project to installing only one Doppler Radar system in Puttalam.
Impact of the missing radar during Ditwah
As I am not a meteorologist and do not wish to make a judgment on this, I have decided to include the statement issued by JICA after the groundbreaking ceremony on December 24, 2024.
In partnership with the Department of Meteorology (DoM), JICA is spearheading the establishment of the Doppler Weather Radar Network in the Puttalam district, which can realize accurate weather observation and weather prediction based on the collected data by the radar. This initiative is a significant step in strengthening Sri Lanka’s improving its climate resilience including not only reducing risks of floods, landslides, and drought but also agriculture and fishery.
Based on online research, a Doppler Weather Radar system is designed to observe weather systems in real time. While the technical details are complex, the system essentially provides localized, uptotheminute information on rainfall patterns, storm movements, and approaching severe weather. Countries worldwide rely on such systems to issue timely alerts for monsoons, tropical depressions, and cyclones. It is reported that India has invested in 30 Doppler radar systems, which have helped minimize the loss of life.
Without radar, Sri Lanka must rely primarily on satellite imagery and foreign meteorological centres, which cannot capture the finescale, rapidly changing weather patterns that often cause localized disasters here.
The general consensus is that, while no single system can prevent natural disasters, an operational Doppler Radar almost certainly would have strengthened Sri Lanka’s preparedness and reduced the extent of damage and loss.
Conclusion
Sri Lanka’s inability to commission a Doppler Radar system, despite nearly two decades of attempts, represents one of the most significant governance failures in the country’s disastermanagement history.
Audit findings, parliamentary oversight proceedings, and donor records all confirm the same troubling truth: Sri Lanka has spent public money, signed international agreements, received foreign assistance, and still has no operational radar. This raises a critical question: should those responsible for this prolonged failure be held legally accountable?
Now may not be the time to determine the extent to which the current government and bureaucrats failed the people. I believe an independent commission comprising foreign experts in disaster management from India and Japan should be appointed, maybe in six months, to identify failures in managing Cyclone Ditwah.
However, those who governed the country from 2007 to 2024 should be held accountable for their failures, and legal action should be pursued against the politicians and bureaucrats responsible for disaster management for their failure to implement the 2007 project with the WMO successfully.
Sri Lanka cannot afford another 18 years of delay. The time for action, transparency, and responsibility has arrived.
(The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the policy or position of any organization or institution with which the author is affiliated).
By Sanjeewa Jayaweera
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The Most Venerable Denmark Meththawihari Thero, born as Jacub Jacobson, a pioneering figure in digital Buddhism and education, passed away on Sunday night, December 7, 2025, at the age of 80.
The Venerable Monk had been receiving treatment for cancer in Denmark while under the care of his sister at his home in Denmark. His passing is regarded as a significant loss to the global Buddhist community, particularly in Sri Lanka, where he spent much of his monastic life.
Funeral and Memorial Services
Final Rites: According to the Dharmavahini Foundation, his final rites and funeral ceremonies will be conducted in Denmark.
Sri Lanka Memorial: A memorial Paṁsukūla (merit-sharing) offering was held on Monday, December 8, 2025, at the Narada Buddhist Center in Colombo 7, organized by the Ajahn Brahm Society of Sri Lanka.
Legacy and Contributions
Originally born as Jacub Jacobson in Denmark, he was a successful businessman for nearly two decades before being drawn to the teachings of the Four Noble Truths and ordaining as a monk. He is best known for revolutionizing the dissemination of the Dhamma through modern technology:
Digital Buddhism: He founded metta.lk, one of the world’s first online Buddhist databases, which digitized the Tripitaka (Buddhist scriptures) in three languages.
Media Foundations: He was the founder of the Dharmavahini Channel, Sri Lanka’s first Buddhist television channel, and served as an advisor to the Saddhammavahini Channel.
Educational Impact: In response to the 2004 tsunami’s impact on education, he launched LearnTV, a 24-hour educational channel developed in collaboration with the Sri Lankan Ministry of Education to support rural students.
Cultural Support: He was a dedicated supporter of the Light of Asia Foundation, advising on projects like the Siddhartha movie and the establishment of the Sakya Kingdom.
Despite his extensive service to Sri Lanka, it was noted by associates that his application for distinguished citizenship had been rejected during his lifetime; however, he continued his work with humility until his final days.
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Finally, former Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena has set the record straight with regard to a controversial but never properly investigated bid to swear in him as interim President. Abeywardena has disclosed the circumstances leading to the proposal made by external powers on the morning of 13 July, 2022, amidst a large scale staged protest outside the Speaker’s official residence, situated close to Parliament.
Lastly, the former parliamentarian has revealed that it was then Indian High Commissioner, in Colombo, Gopal Baglay (May 2022 to December 2023) who asked him to accept the presidency immediately. Professor Sunanda Maddumabandara, who served as Senior Advisor (media) to President Ranil Wickremesinghe (July 2022 to September 2024), disclosed Baglay’s direct intervention in his latest work, titled ‘Aragalaye Balaya’ (Power of Aragalaya).
Prof. Maddumabandara quoted Abeywardena as having received a startling assurance that if he agreed to accept the country’s leadership, the situation would be brought under control, within 45 minutes. Baglay had assured Abeywardena that there is absolutely no harm in him succeeding President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in view of the developing situation.
The author told the writer that only a person who had direct control over the violent protest campaign could have given such an assurance at a time when the whole country was in a flux.
One-time Vice Chancellor of the Kelaniya University, Prof. Maddumabandara, launched ‘Aragalaye Balaya’ at the Sri Lanka Foundation on 20 November. In spite of an invitation extended to former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the ousted leader hadn’t attended the event, though UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe was there. Maybe Gotabaya felt the futility of trying to expose the truth against evil forces ranged against them, who still continue to control the despicable agenda.
Obviously, the author has received the blessings of Abeywardena and Wickremesinghe to disclose a key aspect in the overall project that exploited the growing resentment of the people to engineer change of Sri Lankan leadership.
The declaration of Baglay’s intervention has contradicted claims by National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa (Nine: The hidden story) and award-winning writer Sena Thoradeniya (Galle Face Protest: System change for anarchy) alleged that US Ambassador Julie Chung made that scandalous proposal to Speaker Abeywardena. Weerawansa and Thoradeniya launched their books on 25 April and 05 July, 2023, at the Sri Lanka Foundation and the National Library and Documentation Services Board, Independence Square, respectively. Both slipped in accusing Ambassador Chung of making an abortive bid to replace Gotabaya Rajapaksa with Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena.
Ambassador Chung categorically denied Weerawansa’s allegation soon after the launch of ‘Nine: The hidden story’ but stopped short of indicating that the proposal was made by someone else. Chung had no option but to keep quiet as she couldn’t, in response to Weerawansa’s claim, have disclosed Baglay’s intervention, under any circumstances, as India was then a full collaborator with Western designs here for its share of spoils. Weerawansa, Thoradeniya and Maddumabandara agree that Aragalaya had been a joint US-Indian project and it couldn’t have succeeded without their intervention. Let me reproduce the US Ambassador’s response to Weerawansa, who, at the time of the launch, served as an SLPP lawmaker, having contested the 2020 August parliamentary election on the SLPP ticket.
I am disappointed that an MP has made baseless allegations and spread outright lies in a book that should be labelled ‘fiction’. For 75 years, the US [and Sri Lanka] have shared commitments to democracy, sovereignty, and prosperity – a partnership and future we continue to build together,” Chung tweeted Wednesday 26 April, evening, 24 hours after Weerawansa’s book launch.
Interestingly, Gotabaya Rajapaksa has been silent on the issue in his memoirs ‘The Conspiracy to oust me from Presidency,’ launched on 07 March, 2024.
What must be noted is that our fake Marxists, now entrenched in power, were all part and parcel of Aragalaya.
A clandestine meeting
Abeywardena should receive the appreciation of all for refusing to accept the offer made by Baglay, on behalf of India and the US. He had the courage to tell Baglay that he couldn’t accept the presidency as such a move violated the Constitution. In our post-independence history, no other politician received such an offer from foreign powers. When Baglay stepped up pressure, Abeywardena explained that he wouldn’t change his decision.
Maddumabandara, based on the observations made by Abeywardena, referred to the Indian High Commissioner entering the Speaker’s Official residence, unannounced, at a time protesters blocked the road leading to the compound. The author raised the possibility of Baglay having been in direct touch with those spearheading the high profile political project.
Clearly Abeywardena hadn’t held back anything. The former Speaker appeared to have responded to those who found fault with him for not responding to allegations, directed at him, by revealing everything to Maddumabandara, whom he described in his address, at the book launch, as a friend for over five decades.
At the time, soon after Baglay’s departure from the Speaker’s official residence, alleged co-conspirators Ven. Omalpe Sobitha, accompanied by Senior Professor of the Sinhala Faculty at the Colombo University, Ven. Agalakada Sirisumana, health sector trade union leader Ravi Kumudesh, and several Catholic priests, arrived at the Speaker’s residence where they repeated the Indian High Commissioner’s offer. Abeywardena repeated his previous response despite Sobitha Thera acting in a threatening manner towards him to accept their dirty offer. Shouldn’t they all be investigated in line with a comprehensive probe?
Ex-President Wickremesinghe with a copy of Aragalaye Balaya he received from its author, Prof. Professor Sunanda Maddumabandara, at the Sri Lanka Foundation recently (pic by Nishan S Priyantha)
On the basis of what Abeywardena had disclosed to him, Maddumabanadara also questioned the circumstances of the deployment of the elite Special Task Force (STF) contingent at the compound. The author asked whether that deployment, without the knowledge of the Speaker, took place with the intervention of Baglay.
Aragalaye Balaya
is a must read for those who are genuinely interested in knowing the unvarnished truth. Whatever the deficiencies and inadequacies on the part of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration, external powers had engineered a change of government. The writer discussed the issues that had been raised by Prof. Maddumabandara and, in response to one specific query, the author asserted that in spite of India offering support to Gotabaya Rajapaksa earlier to get Ranil Wickremesinghe elected as the President by Parliament to succeed him , the latter didn’t agree with the move. Then both the US and India agreed to bring in the Speaker as the Head of State, at least for an interim period.
If Speaker Abeywardena accepted the offer made by India, on behalf of those backing the dastardly US backed project, the country could have experienced far reaching changes and the last presidential election may not have been held in September, 2004.
After the conclusion of his extraordinary assignment in Colombo, Baglay received appointment as New Delhi’s HC in Canberra. Before Colombo, Baglay served in Indian missions in Ukraine, Russia, the United Kingdom, Nepal and Pakistan (as Deputy High Commissioner).
Baglay served in New Delhi, in the office of the Prime Minister of India, and in the Ministry of External Affairs as its spokesperson, and in various other positions related to India’s ties with her neighbours, Europe and multilateral organisations.
Wouldn’t it be interesting to examine who deceived Weerawansa and Thoradeniya who identified US Ambassador Chung as the secret visitor to the Speaker’s residence. Her high-profile role in support of the project throughout the period 31 March to end of July, 2022, obviously made her an attractive target but the fact remains it was Baglay who brought pressure on the then Speaker. Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena’s clarification has given a new twist to Aragalaya’ and India’s diabolical role.
Absence of investigations
Sri Lanka never really wanted to probe the foreign backed political plot to seize power by extra-parliamentary means. Although some incidents had been investigated, the powers that be ensured that the overall project remained uninvestigated. In fact, Baglay’s name was never mentioned regarding the developments, directly or indirectly, linked to the devious political project. If not for Prof. Maddumabandara taking trouble to deal with the contentious issue of regime change, Baglay’s role may never have come to light. Ambassador Chung would have remained the target of all those who found fault with US interventions. Let me be clear, the revelation of Baglay’s clandestine meeting with the Speaker didn’t dilute the role played by the US in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s removal.
If Prof. Maddumabandara propagated lies, both the author and Abeywardana should be appropriately dealt with. Aragalaye Balaya failed to receive the desired or anticipated public attention. Those who issue media statements at the drop of a hat conveniently refrained from commenting on the Indian role. Even Abeywardena remained silent though he could have at least set the record straight after Ambassador Chung was accused of secretly meeting the Speaker. Abeywardena could have leaked the information through media close to him. Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe, too, could have done the same but all decided against revealing the truth.
A proper investigation should cover the period beginning with the declaration made by Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s government, in April 2022, regarding the unilateral decision to suspend debt repayment. But attention should be paid to the failure on the part of the government to decide against seeking assistance from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to overcome the crisis. Those who pushed Gotabaya Rajapaksa to adopt, what they called, a domestic solution to the crisis created the environment for the ultimate collapse that paved the way for external interventions. Quite large and generous Indian assistance provided to Sri Lanka at that time should be examined against the backdrop of a larger frightening picture. In other words, India was literally running with the sheep while hunting with the hounds. Whatever the criticism directed at India over its role in regime change operation, prompt, massive and unprecedented post-Cyclone Ditwah assistance, provided by New Delhi, saved Sri Lanka. Rapid Indian response made a huge impact on Sri Lanka’s overall response after having failed to act on a specific 12 November weather alert.
It would be pertinent to mention that all governments, and the useless Parliament, never wanted the public to know the truth regarding regime change project. Prof. Maddumabandara discussed the role played by vital sections of the armed forces, lawyers and the media in the overall project that facilitated external operations to force Gotabaya Rajapaksa out of office. The author failed to question Wickremesinghe’s failure to launch a comprehensive investigation, with the backing of the SLPP, immediately after he received appointment as the President. There seems to be a tacit understanding between Wickremesinghe and the SLPP that elected him as the President not to initiate an investigation. Ideally, political parties represented in Parliament should have formed a Special Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to investigate the developments during 2019 to the end of 2022. Those who had moved court against the destruction of their property, during the May 2022 violence directed at the SLPP, quietly withdrew that case on the promise of a fresh comprehensive investigation. This assurance given by the Wickremesinghe government was meant to bring an end to the judicial process.
When the writer raised the need to investigate external interventions, the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) sidestepped the issue. Shame on the so-called independent commission, which shows it is anything but independent.
Sumanthiran’s proposal
Since the eradication of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009, the now defunct Tamil National Alliance’s (TNA) priority had been convincing successive governments to withdraw the armed forces/ substantially reduce their strength in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. The Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK)-led TNA, as well as other Tamil political parties, Western powers, civil society, Tamil groups, based overseas, wanted the armed forces out of the N and E regions.
Abeywardena also revealed how the then ITAK lawmaker, M.A. Sumanthiran, during a tense meeting chaired by him, in Parliament, also on 13 July, 2022, proposed the withdrawal of the armed forces from the N and E for redeployment in Colombo. The author, without hesitation, alleged that the lawmaker was taking advantage of the situation to achieve their longstanding wish. The then Speaker also disclosed that Chief Opposition Whip Lakshman Kiriella and other party leaders leaving the meeting as soon as the armed forces reported the protesters smashing the first line of defence established to protect the Parliament. However, leaders of minority parties had remained unruffled as the situation continued to deteriorate and external powers stepped up efforts to get rid of both Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe to pave the way for an administration loyal and subservient to them. Foreign powers seemed to have been convinced that Speaker Abeywardena was the best person to run the country, the way they wanted, or till the Aragalaya mob captured the House.
The Author referred to the role played by the media, including social media platforms, to promote Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s successor. Maddumamabandara referred to the Hindustan Times coverage to emphasise the despicable role played by a section of the media to manipulate the rapid developments that were taking place. The author also dealt with the role played by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in the project with the focus on how that party intensified its actions immediately after Gotabaya Rajapaksa stepped down.
Disputed assessment
The Author identified Ministers Bimal Rathnayaka, Sunil Handunetti and K.D. Lal Kantha as the persons who spearheaded the JVP bid to seize control of Parliament. Maddumabanda unflinchingly compared the operation, mounted against Gotabaya Rajapaksa, with the regime change operations carried out in Iraq, Libya, Egypt and Ukraine. Asserting that governments loyal to the US-led Western block had been installed in those countries, the author seemed to have wrongly assumed that external powers failed to succeed in Sri Lanka (pages 109 and 110). That assertion is utterly wrong. Perhaps, the author for some unexplained reasons accepted what took place here. Nothing can be further from the truth than the regime change operation failed (page 110) due to the actions of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Mahinda Yapa Abeywardana and Ranil Wickremesinghe. In case, the author goes for a second print, he should seriously consider making appropriate corrections as the current dispensation pursues an agenda in consultation with the US and India.
The signing of seven Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) with India, including one on defence, and growing political-defence-economic ties with the US, have underscored that the JVP-led National People’s Power (NPP) may not have been the first choice of the US-India combine but it is certainly acceptable to them now.
The bottom line is that a democratically elected President, and government, had been ousted through unconstitutional means and Sri Lanka meekly accepted that situation without protest. In retrospect, the political party system here has been subverted and changed to such an extent, irreparable damage has been caused to public confidence. External powers have proved that Sri Lanka can be influenced at every level, without exception, and the 2022 ‘Aragalaya’ is a case in point. The country is in such a pathetic state, political parties represented in Parliament and those waiting for an opportunity to enter the House somehow at any cost remain vulnerable to external designs and influence.
Cyclone Ditwah has worsened the situation. The country has been further weakened with no hope of early recovery. Although the death toll is much smaller compared to that of the 2004 tsunami, economic devastation is massive and possibly irreversible and irreparable.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
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The German Dharmaduta Society (GDS) recently held a book donation event for the children of Udaragama Primary School, a remote school located in the Medirigiriya District of Polonnaruwa. The donation included exercise books and CR books, essential for the students’ education.
The event was spearheaded by Ven. Pelane Dhamma Kusala Thera, the Chief Monk of Das Buddhistische Haus (Berlin Maha Viharaya) in Germany, with funding collected from his international donors, known as dayakayas. This marks the second annual book distribution event initiated by Ven. Dhamma Kusala Thera, with the first taking place at a different school in Polonnaruwa in December 2023.
The distribution event was coordinated by Keminda Silva, the long-serving Administration Secretary of the GDS. The guests at the ceremony included Senaka Weeraratna (Secretary, GDS), Priyanka Denukedeniya (Principal, Udaragama Primary School), WAS Wejarthna (Principal, Mahinda Maha Vidyalaya, Medirigiriya), Peggy Moeller (German National and Buddhist Social Worker), Wickrama Jayawickrema (TV and YouTube Programme Producer), S Dhammika Silva (wife of Keminda Silva), and the Members of the Udaragama Primary School teaching staff.
As part of the welcoming ceremony, the school children performed several musical items. Refreshments, including a traditional plant-based vegetarian lunch, were served to all attendees.
During the event, Senaka Weeraratna delivered a speech and donated copies of the recently published book 100 Years Das Buddhistische Haus,” which commemorates the centenary of the founding of Das Buddhistische Haus (1924–2024), to the Principals of Udaragama Primary School and Mahinda Maha Vidyalaya, Medirigiriya.
A large number of students and parents were present to witness the occasion. A group photograph captured the officials of the German Dharmaduta Society alongside the staff of Udaragama Primary School.
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The Ministry of Industries and Enterprise Development has announced that a total of 13,698 businesses across the country have been affected by the recent emergency disaster situation.
Information regarding these affected enterprises has been received by the Industry Disaster Support Centre (IDSC).
Of the 13,698 businesses impacted, 5,639 are micro-scale, 4,636 are small-scale, 2,986 are medium-scale, and 437 are large-scale enterprises.
The Ministry is urging all affected industrialists to submit their details to the data system as quickly as possible. The deadline for submitting this information is 2:00 p.m. on December 16.
Information can be entered via the Ministry’s website at www.industry.gov.lk.
To facilitate the process, the Ministry has introduced the telephone number 0712666660 for industrialists to provide information regarding their affected industries.
Support can also be obtained from the relevant Ministry officials at the Divisional Secretariat and District Secretariat levels where the business is located.
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The World Fellowship of Buddhists (WFB), which was founded by Dr G.P Malalasekare and was originally headquartered in Colombo, celebrated its 75th anniversary with a general conference in Bangkok earlier this month, attended by about 500 Buddhists from across Asia and some from the West. But, disturbingly, the memory of Dr Malalasekare and even that of Sri Lanka, is being systematically wiped out, projecting the WFB as a Thai organization led by Thais.
This has happened because of inactivity by Sri Lankans within the WFB for over a decade, and also a desire by the Thais to project the organization as a Thai-led global Buddhist fellowship project. At the opening session of the conference an AI-generated glossy video presented the history of the WFB that only had a passing reference to Sri Lanka as where it originated, but no mention of its founder Dr Malalasekare. The video gave focus to the adoption of the 6-colour Buddhist flag as a global icon of Buddhism. It would have been a decent thing to do to pay some homage to Dr Malalasekare for his untiring efforts to make it so.
At a formal session of the general conference, when the Vice Presidents of WFB were given the floor to speak, Japanese, Korean and Chinese spoke, but Sri Lanka was missing. This reflects a monumental failure of Sri Lanka, in the past decade, to give itself a voice within WFB, and assertively resist attempts to marginalize its role within the organization. Just getting your name into a standing committee and taking a trophy” picture with the president at the end of the conference is not the way to go.
An article transmitted by the Malaysia-based Buddhist Channel[1], a few days before the WFB conference, gave a scathing account of the rot that has set in at the WFB. A shadow has fallen over our shared ‘World Buddhist’ spiritual home’, the article noted. For some time now, whispers and then shouts have echoed through our global community, pointing to a deep-seated malaise within the very organization entrusted with nurturing the Buddha’s teachings.”
Allegations of corruption, financial opacity, favouritism, and a profound inactivity in the face of our mission are no longer deniable,” the article went on to explain the malaise, pointing out that the organization is now shunned by both the Thai Royalty and the Government. They asked: How do we, as followers of the Buddha, address such profound failure?”
After failing to secure the presence of a member of the Royal family to grace the opening of the 75th anniversary conference, an official of the cultural ministry delivered a short message from the Palace. This year, there was no message from the President of Sri Lanka, as traditionally done to acknowledge WFB’s origins.
Dissatisfied with the organization and its lack of transparency, many long-time members of the WFB did not turn up at the anniversary meeting. But, many others within the organization, who are concerned, including some members of the executive committee, have formed a transformational committee” led by a Nepali, Mr Padma Jyoti in March. He presented to the conference a strategic framework for transforming WFB”.
The framework advocates engaging the existing members more actively and attracting young members to WFB by leveraging digital platforms for content generation, outreach, and building a closely-knit fellowship. It has also called for a more professional secretariat, and setting up information dissemination networks among members via the secretariat. These are some of the main recommendations among many that addressed the lack of transparency, financial accountability, and space for members to discuss issues.
As pressures grow across South and Southeast Asia, Buddhist communities face increasingly political challenges, while climate change is becoming an existential threat, especially for largely agrarian populations now exposed to deeper poverty, predatory micro-credit, and aid-driven evangelical conversion. In its current state, the WFB is not equipped to respond,” argues Mr Thusitha Perera, ACBC (All Ceylon Buddhist Congress) representative to the WFB conference.
The World Buddhist University (WBU) is the affiliate body of the WFB that should tackle these issues as a Buddhist think tank. But, it is defunct at the moment, since the departure of its rector about a year ago over a dispute with the President about financial accountability issues.
I was involved with its former director of research Dr Tavivat Puntarigvivat in 2018 where I researched the issue (Mr Perera pinpointed) in Sri Lanka and published a book title The Scourge of Poverty and Proselytism”. We had planned to do follow up reports on Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar. But, after Dr Tavivat left WBU over a dispute with the President, the research unit collapsed and no funds were available for such research.
The WFB secretariat, located in a prime real estate in the center of the city in Bangkok, is a White Elephant. It has two good auditoriums, a meeting room, a museum and a library, all gathering dust. They hardly organize activities there. The WFB constitution doesn’t have proper guidelines on how to manage and protect this asset.
At the general conferences, members hardly get an opportunity to speak and air their views. But, this time, space was given, but at the very last session of the conference. That was after both the Malalasekare Foundation (MF) and ACBC wrote to the secretary general before the conference, pointing out a constitutional clause, we demanded the five-minute speaking slots allocated there as a right and not a privilege. I spoke on behalf of MF and Dr Palitha Kohona spoke from ACBC. Such voices of Sri Lankans from the podium were lacking in recent WFB meetings.
In my presentation, I emphasized that the WFB is an international NGO and does not belong to any one country, and that the President and the Secretary General need not be Thai. I also pointed out, that there is no need for a physical headquarters building these days for an international body like this in the Cyberspace age, where meetings could be conducted via platforms like Zoom. But, periodical physical conferences like this are important for fellowship.
ACBC nominated Dr Khona to a Vice President post to liaise with the UN system, and MF supported the nomination. The secretary general informed us before the conference that 6 vice presidents’ posts will be up for election, but at the conference they said the current VP’s term will end only at the next general conference in 2 years. Instead, elections were held for 8 positions for the executive council, but it lacked transparency, and no independent scrutineers were present at the counting. Thus, no Sri Lankan was able to get elected. It is doubtful if all the Sri Lankan delegates voted for their own.
There are a number of Standing Committees (SC) at WFB where there are some Sri Lankan representations. But, these SCs are a joke. They appear and disappear between general conferences after the photo opportunities are over. Hardly anything worthwhile is done in between. The transformational committee has recommended a streamlined system to bring them into the mainstream of WFB work.
There are serious issues regarding transparency, with the WFB being run like someone’s private company. The budget presented was not available for detailed discussion. It needs to be circulated in advance, so that it can be carefully studied by members,” notes Dr Kohona.
The budget was presented as a slide projected to the screen during a plenary session, and it was for 2022-2023. The ACBC questioned an allocation of 1 million baht for Sri Lanka in the budget, and no clear explanation was given.
Management needs to be more transparent,” argues Dr Kohona. Too many things are decided and done privately without the involvement of the members”.
This is exactly the concern of many dissatisfied members, and even a number of office bearers of WFB, I privately spoke to. But, many feel that it is not Buddhist to confront. However, the Buddha has encouraged questioning, if you are not sure, as he prescribed in the Kalama Sutra. So, when transparency issues are there, should Buddhists be quiet?
* Dr Kalinga Seneviratne is the international affairs consultant to the Malalasekare Foundation and a Research Fellow at Shinawatra University in Bangkok. He has monitored the activities of the WFB closely over the past decade, and has visited the secretariat often for discussions with the President and Secretary General as an independent Asian Buddhist.
The television documentary Udumbaragiri – Dumarakka Pabbatha, Dimbulagala, Palatiyawa unfolds as a cinematic journey into one of Sri Lanka’s most sacred landscapes. Directed and produced by Sri Lanka National Artiste Athula Srilal, the film is both a historical retelling and a cultural awakening, weaving together royal chronicles, Buddhist monastic traditions, and indigenous voices.
The story opens with the dream of Queen Mahasundara Devi, who envisions the Waduga Nayakkar royalty of Senkadagala in regal attire. Her devotion is remembered in chronicles that describe her offering of five hundred stone cells and images to the Sangha at Dimbulagala, a gesture that ensured the continuity of Buddhist practice. The film also recalls King Pandukabhaya, the first monarch to unify Anuradhapura, who recognized the Vedda people as part of the kingdom’s social fabric. His reign established shrines and settlements that honored indigenous traditions, bridging myth and nationhood.
At the heart of the narrative lies Dimbulagala, historically known as Udumbaragiri, a ridge that has served as a monastic citadel for centuries. Here once stood the Kassapa Pirivena, a great university of Buddhist learning. Historical records suggest that monks and even princes from abroad, including Thailand, studied at this site, where eighteen languages were taught. Today, the Pirivena lies in ruins, but its stones still whisper of a time when Sri Lanka was a hub of international scholarship.
The film also traces the eighteenth‑century revival of the Upasampadā ordination, when Sri Lanka’s monastic order had declined. With the guidance of Weliwita Sri Saranankara Thero, King Kirti Sri Rajasinghe invited monks from Thailand. The arrival of Upali Maha Thera re‑established the higher ordination, giving birth to the Siam Nikaya and securing the survival of the Sangha.
Filmed across Dimbulagala and Polbadda Wadda, the documentary honors the Wanniyala‑aetto, Sri Lanka’s first people. Their presence in caves, rituals, and oral traditions is woven into the narrative, reminding audiences that the island’s heritage is not only royal and monastic, but also indigenous and ancestral.
The production brings together a distinguished team. Photography was led by Ananda Deegala, Jayakody, Rajanayake, and Pasindu Navaratna. The cast includes Athula Srilal, Sheren Malsha, Kalhari Savandi Malsha, Thakshila Dilrukshi, Siriyawathie, Ratina, Alexander, Sudeshani Karunaratna, and Desapriya. Religious authority is provided by Venerable Dibulagala Mahanayaka Vijithalankara Thero, Chief Incumbent Siriyalanka Thero, and Honour Ariyawansa Thero. My own contribution as film editor and post‑production editor included archival recovery, audio and video remastering, final arrangement, and creative advice, alongside music and flute composition for the songGi Tharuwa Oba.
Udumbaragiri – Dimbulagala Legacy preserves the sacred history of Sri Lanka’s kings and queens while honoring the Vedda natives, including the first native Buddhist monk, son of Appuhami Uruwalge. It is both a documentary and a cultural act of remembrance. Looking ahead, we are preparing to film Gabina, a new heritage project with a larger budget and expanded production scale, which will deepen the exploration of indigenous voices and historical memory, positioning Sri Lanka’s heritage on the global stage.
Special thanks are extended to the indigenous community of Polbadda Wadda, to Siriyawathie as the first representative actress, and to all members of the community who contributed to this cultural legacy.
Janaka Perera saw action against JVP communist insurgents in 1971 and steadily rose through the ranks being promoted Lt Col in 1986 and later, as a Colonel was the chief instructor at the Sri Lanka Military Academy. During the second JVP insurgency of 1987-89 he headed an operation which resulted in the capture of the JVP leader and he was promoted to Brigadier in 1989.
On 28 June 1995 Tamil Tiger forces launched an attack on four army camps near Weli Oya using female suicide bombers as the spearhead. Perera, the local commander, led a disparate group of reservists, national guardsmen and support troops and routed the insurgents killing over 300 for the loss of only two Government troops. The control of the battle was a masterpiece of combined operations with the rebels attacked by both strike aircraft and fast patrol boats.
Soon afterwards, Perera took command of the elite Reserve Strike Force and later 53rd Division which was responsible for the recapture of the Jaffna Peninsular from Tamil Tigers. Initially advancing on a narrow front to minimise civilian casualties, as the battle developed, he committed three brigades to attack the enemy from different directions leaving them unable to coordinate a defence.
Promoted to Major General in 1996 a series of high-level appointments followed culminating in Chief of Staff of the Army in 2000. Overlooked for promotion to Army Commander, Perera retired the following year and was made High Commissioner to Australia while Several hundred Tamils protested outside the Parliament building in Canberra protesting against the appointment of a man they regarded as a war criminal. Four years later, he was appointed High Commissioner to Indonesia.
On retirement from the Diplomatic Service, he turned to politics with the United National Party. On the 6th of October 2008 a suicide bomber targeted the UNP office in Anuradhapura where Major General Janaka Perera and his wife were killed in the blast.
The government put the entire blame on the LTTE but the truth remains that it was a plot within the Army to oust him being becoming more popular and powerful than many within the higher ranks.
(“Voice for Truth” by Professor Nishan C Wijesinha.)
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QDo you agree with the government’s view that the economy has stabilised? What does that mean for growth going forward? 
