· Student of HungryBrain becomes child prodigy before reaching 2 years
Hitansh Singh, whose one-of-a-kind talent has finally brought him to the spotlight where he belongs, is proof that age is just a number. This boy from Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, entered his name into the India Book of Records for having created 100 paintings at the age of 1 year and 11 months. Hitansh was recognissed as the “Super Talented Kid” on November 11, 2021 (he was 11 months old then) by the International Book of Records’ “World Records of Excellence” for correctly identifying a variety of flashcards. Thanks to being groomed at HungryBrain, a Mumbai-based company offering brain development solutions for newborns, infants and toddlers, Hitansh was able to accomplish so much at such a young age.
Skilling those below 3 years is a massive challenge and HungryBrain’s uniquely self-developed set of programs ensure that a kid’s grasping power and analytical thought-processes are way ahead of others their age. Ranging from New born to 24 months, HungryBrain has a unique program or course for each kid that includes Early Brain Stimulation Program, Thinking Stimulation Program, HungryBrain Math program, Country Flags Flashcards Program, Lifeskill Development Program as also an Early Reading Program. Also on offer are a Sensory Stimulation Set for Newborn Baby and Courses for parents like ‘Yes Parenting’ and ‘Raising a smart child.’
Scores of children in India and around the world who HungryBrain has trained as toddlers and preschoolers have gone on to be honored by the Kalam Book of Records, the India Book of Records, Asia’s Book of Records, and the World Book of Records for their extraordinary gifts in observation and artistic expression. Thousands of parents and their children worldwide have significantly benefited from HungryBrain’s programs and courses.
Ms Hemali Gada, CEO and founder of HungryBrain, “Our USP is sensory stimulation for newborns, early thinking stimulation for infants, and life skill development for toddlers. We have been leaders in early brain stimulation for over 20 years and have assisted lakhs of parents in witnessing their children’s developmental milestones.” Hemali is proud of the fact that the original group of HungryBrain children are now 8 years old and are significantly ahead of and different from their peers. Their childhood exposure to early learning allowed them to stand out for their qualities.
Research has shown that early Brain development is most robust during the first three years of life and that planned stimulation can help a baby reach its developmental milestones by benefiting its motor skills faster in its first few months and years.
HungryBrain’s courses and programs are highly popular among educated, new-age parents as they are not just about sensory stimulation through flash cards, flags, pictures or puzzles but are scientifically devised to make a kid understand better and faster. Adds Hemali, Our next goal is to have one million preschoolers reading and doing math problems independently by the time they turn three.
Hemali is a Think Buzan’ Licensed Instructor (TLI) as well as a renowned ‘Mind Map’ Trainer and was trained by Tony Buzan himself, inventor of the world-renowned Mind Map technology. For further info call on +918879757537/36 or email to support@hungrybrain.in or log onto www.hungrybrain.in
Erina Haque, Researcher, Human rights activist, and freelance columnist.
Gun violence has once again afflicted USA in Louisville, Kentucky. On Monday morning, a gunman killed at least five people and injured nine more at Old National Bank in downtown Louisville, Kentucky. The gunman was identified later as Connor Sturgeon, an employee at Old National Bank, according to interim Louisville Metro Police Chief Jacquelyn Gwinn. He was killed by police after a shootout with authorities. There have been at least 146 mass shootings, including the attack at a school in Nashville, where three children and three adults were killed, and the mass shooting in Kentucky on Monday.
Gun Violence and Mass Shooting
Gun violence is a contemporary global human rights issue. Anyone can be affected by firearm violence worldwide, but the rising trend of gun-related injuries in several states is alarming in the USA. The country is witnessing a surge in gun violence as the gun purchase rate has reached its highest level in 2020 and 2021. Last year, the mass shootings decreased compared to previous years, but it is rising horribly in 2023. Even the number of U.S. kids dying by gunfire keeps rising.
In the last three years, there have been more than 600 mass shootings, almost two a day on average. While the US does not have a single definition for mass shootings,” the Gun Violence Archive defines a mass shooting as an incident in which four or more people are injured or killed. More than 500 people die every day because of violence committed with firearms. It is not only having lasting impacts on victims and their families but also deteriorating the overall human rights situation in the country.
Numerous observers claim that the US government’s unilateral activities have brought up new humanitarian problems worldwide. The US government is prioritizing gun ownership over fundamental human rights. This issue is a highly political one, pitting gun control advocates against people who are fiercely protective of their right to bear arms. Despite the vast number of guns in circulation and the sheer number of people killed by guns each year, there is a shocking lack of federal regulations that could save thousands. The governmental bodies in the United States are ignoring the connection between gun violence and the violation of human rights, resulting in more casualties every year.
Why does gun violence in the US need to be stopped?
Among wealthier and developed countries, the USA is an outlier regarding firearm violence. The US government seems to have allowed gun violence to become a human rights crisis. Comprehensive access to firearms and loose regulations lead to more than 39,000 men, women, and children being killed with guns each year in the USA. Due to the gun culture, the USA has topped in civilian firearms owing in the top. It now has 120 guns per 100 population, even higher than Yemen, a country currently in one of the worst civil wars of recent times.
An estimated 2,000 people are injured by gunshots daily, and at least 2 million people live with firearm injuries around the globe. Among them, the United States has a far greater rate of gun violence than other nations, mainly developed nations. Millions of people suffer the severe and long-term psychological effects of gun violence on individuals, families, and their wider community. While focusing a lot on data, statistics, and ranking, we often forget the tragic stories behind each number. Each life matters, and everyone has a different story.
Gun violence is not stopping just by killing a person or mass shooting; instead, it is becoming a vicious cycle where the growing number of gun violence creates insecurity in peoples’ minds, which result in buying new guns to ensure their safety. The ever-increasing gun suicide rate also reveals the vulnerability inside the country. The availability of guns and other factors contribute to the increasing rate of gun violence.
Given that the right to life is an essential human right, whether the US can effectively curb gun violence should be an important yardstick for the international community to measure its human rights. The US authorities should work more on improving the security situation by taking effective gun control measures before the situation gets out of hand. Besides, they should also establish a victim support mechanism to help the survivors and victims’ families to overcome the grief of losing their loved ones.
Way forward:
US President Joe Biden said that gun violence must be tackled, but repeated shootings indicate that the problem is only worsening. Effectively implemented gun regulation and violence prevention projects can stop the carnage. As a first step, states should recognize firearm violence as a threat to people’s human rights, particularly their rights to life, physical integrity and security of person, and health. For this, strict legislation and enforcement are required. The US administration should concentrate on fixing the situation in its own country first rather than offering counsel or advice to others.
The USA must maximize the protection of human rights, creating the safest possible environment for most people, especially those at the most significant risk. If a state does not exercise adequate control over the possession and use of firearms in the face of persistent gun violence, it could breach its obligations under international human rights law. It is yet to make a very progressive decision regarding stricter laws. So, the US should focus on its domestic condition while promoting the same policy in its human rights and foreign policy.
If the Vesak festival diminishes in its importance, it will be a dark era like Amavaka–Venerable Elle Gunawamsa Thera
The Prime Minister held a discussion on holding next month’s Vesak festival at Temple Trees on 10.04.2023 with the participation of venerable Theras representing Colombo Shasanarakshaka Bala Mandala and officials from Buddhist associations and government institutions.
The Prime Minister in his speech said;
This discussion is being held as a program to guide our young generation to celebrate Vesak meaningfully. We are approaching a time when the missionary movement of propagating Buddhism can be directed to a new transformation. It is necessary to join hands together and work in achieving that goal.
Our great kings and ancestors have contributed to make the Vesak festival a success. Arrangements have already been started to celebrate the Vesak festival in the temples in Colombo. Government institutions and private institutions should support the temples in preparing a suitable environment for organizing these meritorious deeds.
The Venerable Thera in-charge of Colombo Shasanarakshaka Bala Mandala is present here today. Venerable Elle Gunawamsa Thera, who provides religious leadership to Bauddhaloka area, managed to resolve all the hindrances in celebrating Vesak in previous years through negotiation. Even today Vesak is celebrated amid many obstacles. But let us determine to lead the country towards this massive transformation in the face of those obstacles”.
Venerable Elle Gunawamsa Thera explained,
Our Vesak festival has a long history dated back to the reign of King Devanam Piyatissa. Later, each and every king of Anuradhapura era has celebrated the Vesak festival. They celebrated Vesak and were crowned at the end. That is how it is mentioned in our history. However, today the importance of Vesak festival has diminished. We also celebrated Buddhist festivals such as Vesak, Poson, Esala and Nikini. These festivals mean togetherness, harmony and everyone’s commitment to work. Only Vesak and Poson are left from the history of Buddhist celebrations at present.
If the Vesak festival diminishes in its importance, it will also be like Atawaka and Amavaka the darkest days of the month. Vesak is celebrated with colourful decorations. That decoration should be illuminated. When Vesak is approaching, it is not good that laymen and clergy alike to issue announcements asking them to give priority to Buddhist principles. Due to the Vesak festival, many electrical technicians, musicians, craftsmen, painters and actors have been discovered. Many leading actors and singers of this country have come forward through Vesak plays and singing events including Bhakthi Geetha. The origin of many artistes and dramatists are also the same. It is the duty of the government and the Buddhist people to protect this festival.
National unity can be created through this. Vesak decorations can be done with the involvement of people who follow any other religion in the country. They can come and eat at our Dan -salas. I appreciate the Prime Minister’s endeavor to protect this festival. Making Vesak lanterns is another good deed practiced during Vesak. No one commits sin while making a Vesak lantern. Everyone in the house spends an hour or two without resorting to sin. It is also an event to showcase different opinions and creativity.
Government intervention is needed to protect Vesak festival. Tourists from foreign countries like Thailand, Myanmar and Cambodia visit to this country to witness Vesak celebrations. They are surprised to see our Dan-salas. It’s not just about giving away. We live with an amazing cultural history where even a beast is not allowed to go hungry”.
Venerable Theras representing Colombo Shasanarakshaka Bala Mandala, State Minister Dr. Suren Raghawan, Yadamini Gunawardena MP, Prime Minister’s Secretary Anura Dissanayake, Ministry Secretaries, Colombo District Secretary K. G. Wijesiri, Municipal Commissioner Bhadrani Jayawardena, Divisional Secretaries representing Colombo District, Inspector General of Police C.D. Wickramaratne and many representatives from Buddhist organizations and Tri-Forces participated in the discussion.
The preliminary draft of the report of the National Committee on Delimitation of Divisions for Local Government bodies was handed over to Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena today (11.04.2023).
Demarcation of constituencies based on geographical size and population have been listed in the preliminary draft and the said draft is to be forwarded to District Secretaries and political party secretaries shortly.
Religious leaders and various organizations have already submitted proposals to be included in this report. Committee Chairman Mr. Mahinda Deshapriya stated that the proposals being received for inclusion in the report will be considered until April 30th since the time until then is granted to prepare the final report.
The Secretary of the Ministry of Public Administration,Home Affairs, Provincial Councils and Local Government K. D. N. Ranjith Ashoka, members of the committee, Jayalath Ravi Dissanayake , W.M.M.R. Adhikari , K. Thavalingam and I.A. Hameed and Legal Officer Gayani Premathilaka were also present on this occasion.
Gov’t to consider sending 100,000 toque macaques to China per request
matter under discussion with DWC, Agri Ministry
Committee to be appointed to study matter after Cabinet approval
Authorities of the Department of Wildlife Conservation (DWC) and the Ministry of Agriculture are currently discussing the provision of 100,000 toque macaques (a reddish brown coloured Old World monkey endemic to Sri Lanka and known as the ‘rilawa’) to China, considering a request made by the latter to the same effect.
Speaking to The Daily Morning, the Media Director of the Ministry, Dharma Wanninayake said that a group of Chinese representatives has submitted a request to the Ministry to provide Sri Lankan toque macaques to zoological gardens in China. He said that a special meeting was held at the Ministry yesterday (11) to discuss the possibility of providing 100,000 toque macaques to China under the first phase of the programme. The meeting was attended by officials from the DWC, the Zoological Gardens Department, and the Attorney General’s Department.
During the meeting, Agriculture Minister Mahinda Amaraweera said that steps should be taken to appoint a committee consisting of officials from the relevant institutions to study the legal situation regarding the matter. He said that a proposal would be presented to the Cabinet of Ministers seeking approval for the appointment of the said committee.
The Ministry has meanwhile stated that the toque macaque population of the country is close to three million at present. A survey conducted by the Hector Kobbekaduwa Agricultural Training and Research Institute has confirmed that the highest intensity or severity of crop damage has been reported due to toque macaques. According to surveys conducted in 250 agricultural development areas, toque macaques have caused complete damages to crops in 110 areas, severe damages in 235 areas and partial damages in 155 areas.
The toque macaque is listed as endangered by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature due to habitat destruction and hunting, and also for the pet trade. Much of the original forested habitat of the toque macaque has been lost, between 1956 and 1993. Plantations and deforestation have been the main drivers of habitat loss.
The revival of the LTTE has been on the radar of the investigation agencies for long. The National Investigation Agency (NIA) recently seized a huge cache of cash, gold bars, digital devices, drugs and documents, along with other incriminating material during the raids and searches conducted at Chennai.
In a release the NIA said that the raids were conducted at residential and business premises of eight suspects in an Indo-Sri-Lankan illegal drugs and arms trade racket aimed at reviving the LTTE. The agency had initiated the investigations into the case in July 2022.
During the raids the NIA arrested one person, taking the total number of arrests to 14, with 13 being arrested in the month of December last year. Raids were conducted in 21 locations in Tamil Nadu following the registration of the case.
Investigations into the case have shown that the proceeds of drugs and arms trade in Sri Lanka were received in India through Hawala agents, including one Shahid Ali of Chennai. It was further found that the Hawala transactions to obtain the process of Drugs and Arms trade were done through hotels and businesses based in Mannadi, Chennai, the NIA release also Sid.
The latest seizure included Rs. 68 Lakhs Indian currency and 1000 Singapore Dollars, 09 Gold Biscuits (total 300 gram) from the shop of Shahid Ali. The NIA has also recovered Rs. 12 Lakhs in Indian currency from the Hotel – Orange Palace at Chennai.
The suspected arrested following yesterday’s searches was identified as Ayyappan Nandhu. He has been found to be managing the drug trade on behalf of Muhammed Asmin, a Sri Lankan refugee and a drug trafficker who had conspired with other accused to revive LTTE through drugs and arms trade, the NIA also said.
Sources tell OneIndia that the LTTE has been trying to revive itself.Some former operatives based in Europe were trying to withdraw money and use it to revive the outfit.
The source also added that in the past couple of years, these former operatives had funded webinars to speak about the importance of reviving the outfit. They have been targeting people in the rural areas and they have also roped in several NGOs to arrange such events. The probe also revealed that the money that has been lying in the accounts went into several crores of Rupees. While this amount remained untouched for long, attempts are now being made to withdraw the same, the source cited above said.
All this came to light following the arrest of a Sri Lankan national, Letchumanan Mary Franciska (50) from the Chennai Airport. The police said that the arrest was made as she was holding a fake Indian passport. She had entered India in December on a tourist visa in 2019, which was valid for one year. She stayed back in India citing the COVID-19 outbreak.
She then got herself an Indian passport using an LPG connection. She was however arrested when she tried to fly into Bengaluru, following which the case was transferred to the NIA. The NIA is currently probing the larger conspiracy into the case.
Sri Lanka has been struck by a catastrophic economic and humanitarian crisis sparked by years of mismanagement and the raging pandemic.
The World Bank has assured crisis-struck Sri Lanka of continued support to stabilise the island nation’s economy and enhance its economic recovery, State Finance Minister Shehan Semasinghe has said.
State Finance Minister Shehan Semasinghe, who is in Washington to attend the 2023 Spring Meetings of the World Bank Group and the International Monetary Fund, said that the global lender extended its support to Sri Lanka, the Colombopage news portal reported on April 11, 2023.
Mr. Semasinghe, along with Central Bank Governor P. Nandalal Weerasinghe and Secretary to the Treasury K. M. Mahinda Siriwardana, met the Managing Director of Operations of the World Bank, Anna Bjerde, on Monday.
According to the report, the Minister said the discussion focused on how Sri Lanka’s reform agenda will support its economic recovery.
After the discussion, Mr. Semasinge took to Facebook and said, Great to note the continued support of the World Bank to strengthen the social safety nets and economic stabilisation.” Good meeting with State Minister of Finance @ShehanSema, @CBSL Governor P. Nandalal Weerasinghe and Secretary to the Treasury K. M. Mahinda Siriwardana to discuss how we can support #SriLanka as it implements economic stabilisation, steps up social protection and revives growth,” Bjerde tweeted.
Mr. Semasinghe said he also interacted with the World Bank team that specialised in the social safety net interventions, cash transfer programmes and developing effective delivery systems, the NewsFirst news portal said.
According to the report, the state minister also held discussions with the Executive Director of IMF, Dr Krishnamurthy Subramanian on Monday regarding the island nation’s ambitious reform agenda and its commitment to completing the IMF programme.
Sri Lanka has been struck by a catastrophic economic and humanitarian crisis sparked by years of mismanagement and the raging pandemic.
The Sri Lankan government in May last year declared a debt default on over USD 51 billion in foreign loans — a first in the country’s history.
The debt-struck country received USD 333 million dollars, the first tranche of the USD 3 billion IMF bailout programme last month to overcome its economic crisis and catalyse financial support from other development partners.
The IMF bailout, the 17th in Sri Lanka’s history, was approved following prolonged discussions held up over Colombo’s unsustainable debt.
The role of colonialism in determining global politics has come in for overdue analysis in recent years. Post colonialism studies the manner in which societies, governments and peoples of previously colonised regions across the globe experience international relations. It was during the era of ‘new imperialism’ of the late 19th century that Britain acquired its substantial Indian Ocean Regional holdings. The legacy of an empire still influences the current British diplomacy. The manner of the United Kingdom’s relations with its former island colonies such as Mauritius, Seychelles, Sri Lanka, the Maldives and Réunion differs a great deal from one island to another.
Global powers from outside the region also have an interest in maintaining the ocean’s security. Trade play a significant diplomatic role, permitting the UK to extend its soft power to the five Indian Ocean islands with which it does business. . The evolving geopolitical landscape of the IOR ( Indian Ocean Region) has driven these island states to form closer links with the Commonwealth.
The concept of soft power is more effective and efficient in contemporary global politics. It is a power that attracts and convinces in contrast to coercion to alter and influence the preferences of other people and nations. In this regard, the paper provides an analysis of the politics of identity maintenance in a former colonial power in Indian Ocean Region.
Two Centuries of British –Sri Lanka Relations
After the Kandyan war of 1815, Ceylon became a crown colony and was ruled by Britain until 1948. Marked by a shared British colonial heritage across many areas the bilateral relations formed between Sri Lanka and Britain span over more than two centuries. The Donoughmore Commission made far-reaching recommendations to Sri Lanka in the late 1920s .The Soulbury Constitution replaced the Donoughmore Commission granting Sri Lanka dominion status and later full Independence in 1948. During the British era, the structure of Sri Lanka’s agricultural sector had changed under colonisation. Each cultivation in Sri Lanka has a distinctive notable story .Sri Lanka’s tea exports bring US$ 1.3 billion a year while the tea industry provides direct employment to over one million persons. In addition, the island nation has made almost US$ (United States dollar ) 900 million annually by exporting rubber products. Tea and Rubber were prominent plantation crops introduced to the country by the British. Over the decades, since independence in 1948, Sri Lanka’s relationship with Britain has stood the test of time. Britain enjoyed a very close economic relationship with Sri Lanka in the early eighties. Since independence, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II visited Sri Lanka on two occasions; in 1953 and 1981. A milestone that further strengthened bilateral ties between the two countries was the landmark visit to Sri Lanka in November 2013 by King Charles III (then the Prince of Wales) and Prime Minister David Cameron. Britain has become one of the top trading partners of Sri Lanka with over 200 UK companies operating on the island and having a two-way turnover reaching £1.3 billion (Department for International Trade, 2022). Great Britain and Sri Lanka should look to target future investments in new growth areas.
British influence in The Maldives
The status of the Maldives as a British protectorate was officially recorded in an 1887 agreement in which the sultan accepted British influence. Since becoming a protectorate, the British were involved in the domestic affairs of the Maldives and had to be consulted on matters of succession to the throne. The first written constitution was adopted on December 22, 1932. During the Second World War, in 1941 Britain established military bases on Gan island and Addu atoll. From the 1950s, the political history of the Maldives was mainly influenced by the British military presence on the islands. The British were stationed in Dhoonidhoo near Malé and in Haa Alif Kelaa. After 77 years as a British protectorate, the Maldives gained independence from the British on July 26, 1965. As a nation, the Maldivians fondly remember Her Majesty’s visit on 13 March 1972. In 2022, total trade in goods and services (exports plus imports) between the UK and Maldives was £381 million while total UK imports from Maldives amounted to £ ( British pound) 248 million, an increase of 93.8% from 2021.
British Diplomacy : Mauritius and Seychelles Islands
Mauritius was a Crown colony off the Southeast coast of Africa. As a former French colonial empire, the British possession of the island was by the Treaty of Paris in 1814. One of the most important acts was the abolition of slavery on 1 February 1835. The Mauritian island was under British rule for 158 years before it gained independence in 1968. In March 1972, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II visited Mauritius. . In 2022, total trade in goods and services (exports plus imports) between the UK and Mauritius was £760 million. (Department for International Trade, 2022).
In 1814, Seychelles came under British rule when France formally withdrew its claim. The island became a Crown Colony in 1903. In the 19th century Seychelles was ruled by Great Britain according to the 1814 treaty of Paris. In 1970, Seychelles implemented a new constitution and later became an independent republic in 1976 with Queen Elizabeth II represented at the independence ceremony.
Seychelles has a mixed culture representing French and African cultures. Seychelles remained neutral in foreign affairs. In 1984 Seychelles linked up with Mauritius and Madagascar in the Indian Ocean Commission (IOC). Seychelles is the UK’s 132nd largest trading partner (Department for International Trade, 2022).
The French Réunion
In 1665, the French East India Company established a port Réunion which remained a French colony until 1946. Following the fall of the House of Bourbon in France in 1793, Until 1946 the island was ruled as a French colony, except for a five-year period from 1810 when it was snatched by the British. Réunion, an overseas department and region of France is an island in the Indian Ocean. It is governed by French law under Article 73 of the Constitution of France.
British, French Diplomatic Footprint
Both Indian Ocean Regional powers such as Britain and France have an interest in maintaining their presence in the heart of the Indian Ocean particularly with former island colonies such as Mauritius, Seychelles, Sri Lanka, the Maldives and Réunion. The soft power of the United Kingdom, France and the Commonwealth certainly act as a unifying force within five Indian Ocean islands.
About the author:
Dr. Srimal Fernando received his PhD in International Affairs. He was the recipient of the prestigious O.P. Jindal Doctoral Fellowship and SAU Scholarship under the SAARC umbrella. As a Lecturer, he focuses on the comparative politics of Small Island Developing States (SIDS). Dr. Fernando is a specialist in International Relations and an adviser on New Regional Diplomacy. He has received accolades such as the 2018/2019 ‘Best Journalist of the Year’ in South Africa, (GCA) Media Award for 2016 and the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA) accolade. He is the author of ‘Politics, Economics and Connectivity: In Search of the South Asian Union’.
We have a difficult question before us. On either side of us are two emerging superpowers, already in the top five of the strongest economies in the world. The problem is that these two nations do not see eye to eye on a number of issues. It is helpful to note though, their differences have not stopped them from engaging with each other with the most important aspect of a bilateral relationship – trade.
China is India’s biggest trading partner. This has remained consistent despite the skirmishes over boarders, war of words or India banding with other nations in an open bid to thwart China’s emergence. In fact, China is the biggest trading partner of all these nations that are opposed to China’s rise.
This brings forth an important criteria in successful bilateral relations. That is, regardless of every other issue, strong countries do not allow other concerns to affect trade ties. A strong country’s decision to remain friends with another depends on a number of factors, as to whom that country maintains friendly relations with and if those relations are mutual. However, these egotistic differences are independent of the trade engaged.
Even in instances, when trade sanctions or similar barriers against another country is contemplated, it is done with a sharp eye on the impact such a move would have on own economic interests. The US’ repeated failed attempts to dilute its dependency from China’s manufacturing industry is a case in point.
Why Neutral Policy Fails?
This fixation on trade is unfortunately missing from our foreign policy. Our concerns lie in a different dimension. We are more focused on staying friends with all without antagonising any. We fear that antagonising any power could lead to destabilisation in the country politically, economically and/or in terms of security.
However, as our own experiences also would attest, bilateral relations do not work in this order. As noted above, countries want to have relations with nations that maintain bilateral relations with mutual partners with shared goals.
This insistence that friendship is only possible if relations are only with other countries with mutually agreeable partnerships divides the world into distinct camps. This has been the reality since the early 1900s.
For instance, the US and China mended fences in the late 1960s after Chinese relations with Russia soured over differences in security, ideology and development. Likewise, India’s and China’s disagreements over shared boarders are historic. Nevertheless, India’s main issue in contemporary history with China is not so much the boarder issues but China’s close partnership with India’s nemesis – Pakistan.
India’s issue with Sri Lanka too is with the partners Sri Lanka chooses to keep. In the 1980s, India used their influence over Sri Lankan Tamil youth in the North and East as leverage to put pressure on Sri Lanka’s friendship. The present issue India has with Sri Lanka is our partnership with China. However, if China falls out with Pakistan, would India make peace with the friendship between Sri Lanka and China? If only foreign relations were that simple.
Relations between the US and China began to slide long before China and Russia began to see eye-to-eye again in 2022. Until the 2008 global recession, the US was very comfortable with China. In 2005, the US recognised China as a responsible stakeholder” and applauded China’s influence over countries the US did not as North Korea, Sudan and Iran. China used her clout to bring these countries to the table of global recognition.
However, the US felt the first pangs of anxiety when China increased her defence budget by 18 per cent in 2007. Matters did not improve when China surpassed Japan to become the US’ largest debt holder in 2008. This economic imbalance is the US’ real contention with China. Everything else, from China’s alleged human rights violations, espionage, piracy of intellectual property and concern for Hong Kong’s and Taiwan’s autonomy stems from this concern.
This brief snapshot of history challenges our misconception that the US’ foreign policy vis-à-vis Sri Lanka is dictated by Sri Lanka’s partnership with China. The US had been using the carrot and stick tactics with Sri Lanka as far back as 2002.
With the world growing smaller as technology advances, the demand to choose a camp becomes increasingly aggressive. As such, Sri Lanka too has been under tremendous pressure to choose a side.
Sri Lanka’s attempt by (then) President Mahinda Rajapaksa to engage with whichever country most willing to make direct investments for the sole purpose of strengthening Sri Lanka’s economy failed during his second term. The response Sri Lanka got from major global players was a regime change, during which the country’s political setup was totally perverted.
Can Sri Lanka Afford to Choose a Camp?
However, these camps are virtual and not built in concrete. This is the hardcore fact that Sri Lanka should not overlook. As China’s experience with US relations showcases, joining a camp alone is insufficient to keep good relations. If the ‘pecking order’ is disturbed, the days in the camp can get numbered very fast.
This is a valuable lesson for those who believe that Sri Lanka need to be in India’s orbit. India will only tolerate Sri Lanka if Sri Lanka stays subservient to India in terms of military and economic strength.
In that sense, we have much to learn from India’s foreign policy. India is determined not to return to the days of British forced occupancy and allow another nation to decide for India the nature of foreign relations India may entertain. Therefore, employing clever manoeuvres, India has become an important but unpredictable partner in global affairs.
While allowing the US to woo India, our neighbour has stayed faithful to Russia. India today holds the deciding vote as to who would win the race to supremacy – the US or China. Hence the reason for the US to build two security partnerships – QUAD and AUKUS to reinforce the geopolitical position in the Asia-Pacific region.
The former partnership works closely with India and allows other smaller nations to piggyback on it. The latter however is an exclusive partnership the US has with the UK and Australia. The US has categorically denied any other nation, including France, into this partnership.
Reviving Sri Lanka’s Most Successful Foreign Policy
Many believe Sirima Bandaranaike’s 1970s government had the best foreign policy. It did not. It was a policy that in the name of nationalism-stoked foolishness. We alienated the West and damaged our economy.
The best foreign policy we had was during 2006-9. We worked with all nations towards a common goal, which was to eradicate terrorism. Instead of confining ourselves to our traditional bilateral partners, we expanded our world to include the Middle East as well.
In this endeavour, we did not envelop ourselves with blanket policies as nonaligned or neutral. We worked with individual nations, one on one. This gave us the space to address unique concerns of each party and for a proper dialogue without interruptions from others.
It is unfortunate that once the common goal, eradicating terrorism, was accomplished, this foreign policy was not maintained. Given the numerous variables that dictate how countries view each other and the speed with which these parameters change, foreign policy must also be flexible. Foreign relations are very much akin to moving tectonic plates. If not managed astutely, earthquakes and tsunamis are to be expected.
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), comprising countries from Europe and North America, has informally sought a partnership with India, in an effort to contain Russia and China.
Apart from 32 full members, NATO has 40 partners around the world in Asia, Africa, South America and Oceania. Though India is a strategic partner of the US, receiving equipment and intelligence from Washington, NATO does not consider India a Non-NATO ally”.
However, both the US and NATO see India as a bulwark against authoritarian China and Russia and want it to be a major Non-NATO ally eventually.
This wish was verbalised by the US Ambassador to NATO, Julianne Smith, earlier in April, while speaking on strengthening relations with South Asia and the Indo-Pacific. She stated that though there were no plans to expand NATO to be a broader global military alliance, it does seek different kinds of partnerships with countries outside it.
Such partnerships envisage political engagement, inter-operability of the armed forces and equipment standardisation.
On India, specifically, Ambassador Smith said membership was not being opened to anyone in the Indo-Pacific or Asia-Pacific region. But paving the way for a partnership with India, she said: We both at NATO and United States, welcome what India has been able to do for the people of Ukraine. We are very grateful for the humanitarian assistance that India has been able to provide which is critical right now and those needs are only growing. Certainly, appreciate calls coming from India for some sort of immediate end to the war in Ukraine. That’s important. And we have been in constant communication with India about what more we can do together to hold Russia accountable, and we have done that and worked with India, spoken with India several times since Russia started this war inside Ukraine.”
She acknowledged that the US and India did not always share exactly the same policy approaches, but the two countries did share a commitment to upholding the rules-based order and ensuring that the key principles particularly as they relate to sovereignty and territorial integrity, those principles are respected.
Smith pointed out that NATO had been turning its attention to India as seen in references to the Asia-Pacific and the Indo-Pacific regions in its strategic documents.
The reason for this shift is, obviously, the mounting challenge posed by a rising China. India’s troubled border with China and its claims over the Indian State of Arunachal Pradesh make it a suitable candidate for recruitment to the NATO’s stable. Since 2017, China has been renaming dozens of places in that State which China says is South Tibet”. China is also saying that the Indian Ocean” is not Indian”.
Now the question whether India should have a partnership with NATO arises. There are arguments for and against it, put forward by Indian strategic thinkers. The entrenched view is that any close tie-up with NATO could end up in India’s becoming a part of the global War on Terror” with all its commitments – commitments India cannot undertake.
On the other hand, Dr. C. Raja Mohan, writing in the Journal of the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University, Singapore, in July 2022, says that while India has not formally welcomed NATO’s growing outreach to the Indo-Pacific, it should have no reason to shun it.
Any additional pressure on China from Europe and NATO cannot but serve India’s interest in balancing Beijing,” he posits.
And yet, NATO is still taboo in New Delhi. The view in Delhi appears to be that any close relationship with a military grouping goes against India’s traditional non-aligned” status that had given it much elbow room in foreign affairs as well as international respectability. Joining NATO even peripherally will go against India’s time-tested policy of not going in for military alliances. And NATO is essentially a military alliance.
For example, in 1970-71, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had politely told her Soviet allies that India could not accept their offer of a military alliance ahead of the Bangladesh war. Instead, she got them to sign a Treaty of Friendship. India managed to get arms from the Soviets to fight that war without signing a military pact as such.
The present Modi-Jaishankar duo in New Delhi has put India on the path of multi-alignment” that is driven by national interest” rather than by predetermined relationships. Thanks to this policy, New Delhi has bought oil at a 30 per cent discount and S-400 batteries from Russia, defying US sanctions.
Dr. M.A. Muqtedar Khan, Professor of International Relations at the University of Delaware, warns that if India develops a very close relationship with NATO, it will join Taiwan to be a frontline State in any Sino-American war. Given India’s dislike for stationing foreign troops on its soil, India will have to fight China with its own men (though with arms given by the US and NATO).
Dr. Khan also said if India became a critical partner of NATO, which unlike the Quad is an explicitly military alliance, it will thoroughly alienate traditional friend Russia, which has locked horns with Ukraine over the latter’s bid to join NATO. It will be stab in the back for Russia which has been selling oil to India at a concessional rate.
Khan added that Sino-Indian relations, already fragile over the border issue, will be further exacerbated. And if China and Pakistan were to collude, India may have to face a two-front war on the Eastern and Western fronts with deleterious consequences for its bid to become an economic power. Further, India will have to bear the consequences of becoming a client State of the US (like Pakistan) and losing its hard-won independence.
Dr. C. Raja Mohan, on the other hand, takes a positive view of a tie-up with NATO. An India-NATO dialogue would simply mean having regular contact with a military alliance, most of whose members are well-established partners of India,” he writes in the Indian Express.
India has military exchanges with many members of NATO — including the US, Britain, and France — in bilateral and mini-lateral formats. Why, then, is a collective engagement with NATO problematic? If Delhi does military exercises with two countries with which it has serious security problems — China and Pakistan — under the rubric of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), why should talking to NATO be anathema?” he queries.
He points out that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is bringing about a change in the outlook vis-à-vis Europe. Joining the Franco-German Alliance for Multilateralism in 2019 and the Rafale deal with France are examples. Modi has been invited by France to attend Bastille Day. Modi’s first summit with Nordic nations in 2018 was recognition that Europe is not a monolith, but a continent of sub-regions.
NATO is riven with factionalism. Türkiye, one of its earliest members, has been a continuous problem for NATO with President Erdogan striving to follow an independent foreign policy. He had not been seeing eye to eye with the rest of NATO on human rights and the Kurdish rebellion in his country. Türkiye had opposed the entry of Sweden and Finland into NATO. Türkiye got sanctioned by the US for ordering S-400 from Russia and was punished for financing terrorism by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). But despite differences, Türkiye has not quit NATO, nor has there been a call from other NATO members to sack it. It still houses US bases.
India could follow the Türkiye example of being in NATO in some ways and for some reasons, and yet have an independent foreign policy, some say.
What India will do eventually is not clear. But India would certainly think it through very carefully so that it changes its policies even as it sticks to its core values such as national independence, sovereignty and dignity. Its primarily goal is to pursue its national interest and not be a lackey of some other power.
Dr. Khan rules out India joining NATO, but for limited purposes (for say, technical modernisation and intelligence gathering and sharing) it could have arrangements with NATO, he said.
Approximately, 2,074 registered trade unions are in Sri Lanka, of which 54.5 per cent are in the public sector, 27.5 per cent in public corporations and 18 per cent in the private sector. The number of members covered by the trade unions amounts to 9.5 per cent of the total workforce of Sri Lanka.
The Sri Lankan Constitution grants a fundamental right for every person to join a trade union, while the Trade Union Ordinance permits any seven people to form such an organisation.
As per International Labour Organization (ILO)on trade unions; Article 1[1] For the purpose of the application of this Law, the following terms and expressions shall have the meanings assigned against each: Trade Unions: An organisation that is established as per the articles of this law by a number of workers in a specific organisation, specific sector or specific activity.
Illegal trade union actions
Trade union actions highly affect the economy of any country. Therefore, some unfair trade union actions are prohibited by Law. Labour Laws of Sri Lanka have cited some situations where trade union actions are illegal. Some of those are mentioned below; According to Section 32 of the Industrial Disputes Act, it is illegal to commence, continue, or participate in, or do any act in furtherance of, any strike in connection with any industrial disputes in any essential industry which is declared by the Minister of Labour without giving prior notice of at least 21 days before the commencement of the strike. According to section 40 of the Industrial Disputes Act, it is a punishable offence to commence, continue and participate in or to any act in furtherance of a lock-out or strike in any industry after an industrial dispute has been referred for the settlement to an Industrial Court or settlement by Arbitration.
It is a punishable offence to challenge any award given by such Court or Arbitrator or to change or cancel or alter the terms in a collective agreement or any strike in breach of a collective agreement. Also, according to Section 40 of the Industrial disputes act, it is a punishable offence to commence, continue, participate in, or do any act in furtherance of a strike while pending a settlement by an Industrial Court or by an Arbitrator in breach of a collective agreement. Amerasinghe (2009) emphasised that the Courts upheld the right to strike in the private sector of Sri Lanka only subject to the restrictions in the Industrial Disputes Act.
Trade Unions as political actors
Modern trade unions act in two arenas: the State and politics on the one hand, and the labour market and collective bargaining on the other. The relative importance of their economic and political activities differs between countries and world regions, as well as historically and between types of unions. So do the way and the extent to which union action in the two arenas is coordinated. Most unions no longer claimed a right or reserved the option to overthrow the Government of the State through a political strike. In this, they paid tribute to the superior legitimacy of free elections, as compared to the ‘direct action’ of the organised working class. Today, more or less explicit constitutional law makes it illegal for unions in most liberal democracies to call a strike in order to put pressure on the elected Parliament, and most trade unions have accepted this as legitimate. In return, liberal democratic States allow unions within the limits of usually complex legal rules to strike in the context of disputes with employers and in pursuit of collective agreements on wages and working conditions.
As political actors within the constitutional framework of liberal democracy trade unions can use various channels of influence. The most important of these are still unions’ traditional relations with political parties. In all democratic countries unions are in some form of alliance with a major political party.
Unions in the political process
Trade unions may achieve political influence by converting ‘industrial’ into political power. Political exchange of this sort occurs where centralised unions command strong bargaining power; where the outcomes of collective bargaining are decisive for macroeconomic performance, in particular with respect to monetary stability and employment; and where the political survival of the government depends on such performance. Also, unions may insert themselves in the political process through privileged links with an allied political party, which may enable them to achieve their industrial objectives more effectively and efficiently through political instead of industrial means.
With the dawn of the millennium, most State-owned enterprises (SOEs) and private sector organisations inherited modern employee welfare activities and modern human resource development concepts. The whole process of recruitment, training, remuneration, promotion and transfers are all done to a written code of ethics. If any queries or ‘bubble out’occurred, they were solved in the best possible ways without affecting the employees, therefore employees begin to think thata union is not needed.
The last nail in the coffin was the politicisation of the trade unions. All the political parties started unions. This resulted in a split among the employees. The noble concepts of the unions are blown away and they have been cited as the places to sell political propaganda.
However, the truth is that even though is lost, still the need for the union does exist, as the employees need backup against any false charge and for disciplinary actions. Still, the unions are for the employees to protect them from injustice, for high payee taxes, salary hikes to match the cost of living and for rights like pensions and provident funds.
Disruption and Sabotage of essential services
But, It is imperative to see trade unions in Sri Lanka over a period of time have taken citizens as a shield and for ransom to fulfil their political agenda. They have put the citizens in discomfort in the form of disruption and sabotage of essential services like health, water, electricity, food, etc. Further, trade unions have created disruptions against restructuring SOEs without considering the macro benefits Sri Lanka could have for the future generation.
Disruptions in the essential supply of fuel, electricity and water will no doubt have a direct impact on the day-to-day functions of industries and the livelihood of citizens. Further, this will give a negative signal to foreign investors and tourists who are already in the country and who intend to visit Sri Lanka as an unsafe place to spend their stay and money. These are aspects which we cannot compromise when we are in an economic crisis.
It is by and large a major threat toNational Security, whichhas a Militarydimension and a Non-Militarydimension. Therefore, considering the seriousness of essentials needed for citizens, the Non-military dimensional componentis considered as health, food, energy, communication security etc., The government is solely responsible for its citizens to ensure an uninterrupted supply by any means. Therefore,the government will have to use its full potential in exercising the law andorder to ensure a smooth supply of essentials in order to keep the country alive.
Conclusion
Countering threats on Citizens, National security, whether it is military or non-military should be the sole responsibility of the government to take prompt action. This applies to successive governments, too. Further, Human rights activists should support what is right always, keeping in mind the larger picture for the benefit of Citizens in Sri Lanka.
Prof.Rasheen Bappu, Anthropologist with security studies insights and Intelligence data scientist expressed his views in a forum
The Election Commission says, for the second time, it is compelled to postpone the 2023 Local Government polls, scheduled to be held on April 25.
In a special media release published today (April 11), Commissioner-General of Elections Saman Sri Ratnayake said the decision was reached due to reasons beyond the control of the election body and the inadequacy of funds to go ahead with the preparations for the Local Government polls.
Thereby, the Returning Officers, after seeking the consultation of the election body, are expected to decide on a date for the polls, based either on the availability of funds or the court order pertaining to the matter.
Ratnayake, in the press release, assured that the Election Commission would continue to take all necessary measures, as it has done thus far, to hold the Local Government polls at the earliest possible.
Following the 2018 Local Government polls, which saw the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) securing a majority of the seats, the next election was originally scheduled to be held last year.
However, the local elections were deferred indefinitely due to the exacerbated economic situation and the political instability in the country, while the term of office of local government bodies was extended for a period of one year.
Eventually, the election was planned to be held on March 09, and the Printing Department and the Election Commission made repeated requests from the Treasury, seeking funds to prepare for the Local Govt polls. However, printing of ballot papers stalled without sufficient funds.
Accordingly, the election was put off to April 25 only to be deferred once again.
Against this backdrop, the Supreme Court, on March 03, issued an interim order, preventing the Treasury Secretary Mahinda Siriwardana from withholding budgetary allocations made for the Local Govt election.
Later, several government MPs including Premnath C. Dolawatte alleged that the Supreme Court’s interim order on the Local Government elections is a breach of parliamentary privileges. However, the move attracted widespread criticism, with many deeming it an attempt to postpone the election on the part of the government.
Meanwhile, the term of office of 340 out of the 341 local government bodies, which was extended by one year, expired at midnight on March 19.
After the tenure of the local government bodies expires, the authority of 29 municipal councils will be transferred to the municipal commissioners, while the authority of the 36 municipal councils and the 275 local councils is transferred to the secretaries of relevant institutions.
Sri Lanka Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ali Sabry says he does not agree with certain points included in the proposed Anti-Terrorism Bill.
Speaking during TV Derana’s 360°” programme last night (April 10), he emphasized that all members of the government are of the common opinion that the bill needs to be amended.
There are some things in general that I cannot agree with. I mentioned them in the Cabinet.”
The first thing is that I don’t agree with allowing a DIG to issue detention orders. It cannot be allowed. Either it should be vested with the Minister or at least that power should stay with the Defense Secretary”, he said.
When the definition is considered…giving a broad definition to this is very dangerous. It can be misused.”
Minister Sabry pointed out that they are all of the opinion that this should be implemented as a law which can be used as a line of demarcation and only on instances of terrorism, but not to be used as a generally accepted law.
In response to a question whether Sri Lanka has granted permission for China to establish a radar base in the Southern Province, as reported by certain sections of foreign media, the Minister claimed that no such request has been made from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs so far, and that therefore, any such approval has not been granted to China by the ministry.
Meanwhile, responding to another question as to under which provisions the IMF programme is going to be tabled in the parliament for a vote, he mentioned that parliament is the representation of the public in a representative democracy, due to which their consent will be sought.
Then in the parliament, the people’s representatives can present their consent whether they like the programme or not, and if they are against it they need to present any alternatives.
Commenting further, he also spoke on whether he will join President Wickremesinghe for his future political career.
I’m not usually the one to leave the camp. But I don’t see anyone else for the leadership at the moment [except President Wickremesinghe]”.
I have not worked with him. I have continuously worked against him. Now I am working with him for the first time. While working with him, I see that we had a wrong understanding about him…”
The senior Mission Chief of the International Monetary Fund has stressed that Sri Lanka needs to achieve inclusive growth and stability. The concept of inclusive situation is a vital aspect of Sri Lanka as the culture of the country has not promoted the concept of inclusive conditions for various concerns of development such as education, health and many other areas. Inclusive condition is widely used by Europe concerning various matters such as education, health and other services. (Inclusive growth is economic growth that is distributed fairly across society and creates opportunities for all. )
The culture and practices of Sri Lanka don’t give priority to the inclusive concept, which associates with values in society. Religious developments in Sri Lanka are concerned with the concept of values, which is a limited quality of human life that should be promoted to achieve equity in growth. Left politicians were talking about creating an equal society and religious preaching excluded the promotion of values activating in society despite preaching that has not been practically achieved instead of sending ideas to air.
The International Monetary Fund has focused on and directed the inclusive growth concept to policymakers in Sri Lanka and the economic stability in the country could not be achieved disregarding inclusive growth which means the areas were neglected by policymakers such as disabled people, poor people without support, people under the poverty line cannot disregard but they must include to development activities. If the policymakers of Sri Lanka consider inclusive growth it would be the best achievement.
Genetically modified (GM) foods, also known as genetically engineered (GE) foods, are foods produced from organisms that have had their genetic material (DNA) altered in a way that does not occur naturally through mating or natural recombination. This genetic modification is achieved by introducing new or altered genes into the organism’s DNA using various techniques, including biolistics, electroporation, and Agrobacterium-mediated transformation.
The purpose of genetically modifying foods is to enhance their nutritional value, improve their resistance to pests and diseases, and increase their tolerance to environmental stress. For example, some GM crops have been engineered to produce higher yields, be more resistant to herbicides or insects, or have a longer shelf life.
The safety of genetically modified foods has been a topic of debate and controversy. Some people are concerned that genetic modifications could have unknown health effects, or that they could have unintended ecological consequences if the modified organisms were to escape into the environment. However, the consensus among scientific organizations such as the World Health Organization and the American Medical Association is that GM foods are safe for human consumption and that they have the potential to provide significant benefits to both agriculture and public health.
Genetically modified (GM) foods have the potential to provide several benefits, including:
1. Increased crop yields: GM crops are often engineered to be more resistant to pests, diseases, and environmental stress, which can lead to higher crop yields.
2. Reduced use of pesticides: GM crops can be engineered to produce their pesticides, which can reduce the need for farmers to apply chemical pesticides.
3. Enhanced nutritional value: GM crops can be engineered to contain higher levels of essential nutrients, such as vitamins and minerals, which can help improve the nutritional content of food.
4. Improved food safety: GM crops can be engineered to be more resistant to pathogens and toxins, which can reduce the risk of foodborne illnesses.
5. Reduced food waste: GM crops can be engineered to have a longer shelf life, which can help reduce food waste and improve access to fresh produce in areas with limited refrigeration.
6. Environmental benefits: Some GM crops are engineered to require fewer resources, such as water and fertilizer, which can help reduce the environmental impact of agriculture.
Overall, GM foods have the potential to improve food security, reduce poverty, and enhance public health, particularly in developing countries where access to nutritious food is limited.
The long-term effects of consuming genetically modified (GM) foods are still being studied, and there is some uncertainty about their potential risks.
Some potential concerns include:
1. Allergies: Genetic modifications could introduce new proteins into food that may cause allergic reactions in some people.
2. Antibiotic resistance: Some GM crops are engineered to be resistant to antibiotics, which could contribute to the development of antibiotic-resistant bacteria.
3. Environmental impact: There is a risk that GM crops could escape into the environment and potentially disrupt ecosystems or harm non-target species.
4. Gene transfer: There is a possibility that genetic material from GM foods could be transferred to other organisms, either through cross-breeding or other means, with unknown consequences.
5. Unknown long-term effects: Since GM foods are a relatively new technology, there is still much to learn about their long-term effects on human health and the environment.
It is important to note, however, that the vast majority of scientific research conducted to date suggests that GM foods are safe for human consumption and do not pose significant risks to the environment.
The World Health Organization, the American Medical Association, and other scientific organizations have stated that GM foods are safe for human consumption and that they have the potential to provide significant benefits to agriculture and public health.
Nonetheless, it is critical to continue studying and monitoring the long-term effects of GM foods, as well as ensuring that they are developed and regulated responsibly and transparently.
Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena said that the role played by our Venerable Nayaka Theras is most significant at a time when the whole world is searching for Buddhism. He stated this when he visited the Chief Incumbent of Vidyalankara Parivena and Director Venarable Valamitiyawe Gnanarathana Thera who was appreciated and awarded the position of Chief Sanghanayaka of Colombo and Chilaw Divisions with the honorary title of Dharmakirthi Sri Tripitaka Vagiswaracharya.
The Prime Minister at the occasion said,
“Awarding such an honorary title for our Nayaka Thera is a milestone in the history of Buddha sasana. We are taking steps to provide all necessary support for the services you render to the society.
I wish that you will have the strength and courage to carry on those duties for the further development of Vidyalankara Pirivena and for the Buddha Sasana.
At a time when the whole world is looking for Buddhism, the role played by our Nayaka Thera in guiding those endeavours is significant.
Our farmers have been very successful in this Maha season’s harvest. The next few years should be devoted to building an agricultural economy.”
Venarable Valimitiyawe Gnanarathana Thera said;
“Vidyalankara Pirivena is not a strange place for you. When you study Vidyalankara history, you can better understand Mr. Philip Gunawardena’s relationship with this Pirivena and the respect he had for the former Nayaka Theras.
The whole world now accepts Sri Lanka as the center of Theravada Buddhism.
It is a time when many intelligent people are exploring the essence of Buddhism.
However, I wish to point out that there is no proper place to search for Buddhism yet. We submitted a proposal to build a museum containing investigative information on Buddhism and its philosophy.
Theravada Buddhism is written in Pali. It should be translated into English and published as books.
The current economic crisis can be coped by appreciating local things.
Tourists have started arriving by now. I think the government will work to further improve the tourism sector.
The government’s effort on building an agricultural economy is to be commended.” Nayaka Thera concluded.
State Minister Sisira Jayakodi and Yadamini Gunawardena MP also joined this event.
The country’s transport minister said that he would not arrest any Russian aircraft.
Sri Lankan transport minister Bandula Gunawardana pledged not to arrest any Russian-flagged aircraft as part of talks for a new agreement between the two countries. The announcement comes nine months after an incident involving the grounding of an Aeroflot aircraft. Let’s take a closer look at the incident and see what the agreement entails.
The Aeroflot incident
An Aeroflot Airbus A330-300 was grounded by air traffic control at Colombo’s Bandaranaike International Airport (CMB) in June of last year due to a commercial dispute which later turned out to be a court order demanding the immediate seizure of the aircraft. The incident took place rather abruptly after passengers had already boarded. Everyone onboard the aircraft was asked to disembark and were put up in hotels.
The reason for the court order ultimately ended up being a request for an injunction by the Irish owner of the aircraft following the termination of its lease in response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The government of Russia retaliated by summoning the Sri Lankan ambassador to Moscow and suspending flights to the South Asian country for four months. Aeroflot has since resumed service to Sri Lanka.
The practice of suspending lease agreements is one that became increasingly common during the early days of the war in Ukraine as foreign lessors terminated contracts with Russian airlines. Airbus and Boeing even went so far as to cut off manufacturing and maintenance for Russian operators. As a result, such carriers were forced to cannibalize older aircraft for spare parts to conduct routine service and maintenance.
Russian tourists constitute a significant proportion of travelers to Sri Lanka, with almost 92,000 visitors in 2022. Russia also recently overtook India and the United Kingdom to become the top source market for tourists in Sri Lanka.
Other airlines offering service between Sri Lanka and Russia include Azul Airlines and Red Wings Airlines. It is worth noting that between the two carriers, only Azul Air flies to Colombo; Red Wings, on the other hand, flies to Hambantota.
It is only first step of a long journey, way too early to celebrate
Our core problem is the twin deficit problem
I personally believe it will take a little bit longer than four years for the country to get to growth
Leading economist Prof. Rohan Samarajiva, who is also chair of LIRNEasia, spells out the way forward for the country in the aftermath of the arrangement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Excerpts of the interview:
Q Sri Lanka celebrates the arrangement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). But, there is a long way to go since debt restructuring has to be done, and the reform agenda implemented. Isn’t it too early to celebrate?
It is the first step. It is way too early to celebrate. It is a time for sober reflection and to understand that this is the first step of a long journey. There are many other countries which have taken such loans. Zambia, for example, got the (IMF) board approval. But, they have not got debt restructuring done. We have also set very ambitious targets. In the latest IMF news conference, somebody asked Peter Breuer about the most difficult of these. He said the target for a positive primary balance is very, very ambitious. The primary balance is that we must bring in more money every year to the government than we spend, excluding all loans and interests. We have not done this in 75 years, except for 4-5 years. We have set ourselves this target. But, there are many difficult things in order to achieve this. If we fail to do that, we will fall. That is that the IMF benchmark will not be met. The next tranche will not be given. People will say this country cannot get its act together.
Q In your assessment, how long and challenging is the journey?
This is a four-year programme. I personally believe it will take a little bit longer than four years for the country to get to growth. Our objective must not to go back to where we were in 2019. Our objective must be to get on the growth path. Let’s be optimistic! I would say five or six years to really get on the path. If you look at the projections of growth, they are not very high. There are many, many difficult things to be done. For example, the property tax. It is an extraordinarily difficult thing to calculate. We don’t have an active property market in this country. But, we are going to tax it. I am thankful that they have been realistic about it and said they will do it in 2025. Between now and 2025, we have to do a lot of work to achieve those objectives.
Q We hear some voices in political circles critical of the IMF arrangement. They sometimes say no country has emerged from their crises after deals with the IMF. But, India and Thailand are good examples to prove otherwise. How do you look at the issue in that context?
I think Prof. Premachandra Athukorale said it best. He said Asian countries that go to the IMF generally don’t go again. But, African countries go to the IMF repeatedly. While we are physically located in Asia, we have been behaving like an African country. I liken it to people taking antibiotics. If you take antibiotics, you have to complete the dose. If you stop it half way through, it has no effect. Furthermore, it actually harms you. We are a people that has not taken the full dose all this time. This time, we have a rigorous dose. It is not a simple matter. Because of that, we have to be very, very diligent and committed as a country to achieve that. Otherwise we will slip back.
Q In the context of political uncertainty hanging around,how optimistic are you?
Let me put it this way! I am somebody who chose to come back to Sri Lanka from a tenured job in the United States. Number one, I have to be optimistic. Secondly, we put up a discussion document back in February 2022 and in June 2022, called a common minimum programme. We said two things. An all-party approach is necessary to get through this crisis. Secondly, we said, for two years, it could be good if we don’t have elections. I even said let’s get the provincial council elections out of the way, and proceed with the all-party arrangement. There were disagreements. Mr. Karu Jayasuriya who I was working with on all these matters said two years was too much. He said one year. Those are debatable matters. But, we really have to work together to achieve this. Now we have not achieved that objective. The first step would have been like a wartime Cabinet. I used the analogy of Winston Churchill. Churchill was the prime minister. His deputy prime minister was from his opposition – the Labour Party during World War II. We did not get that. Then, we had the other idea, Plan B. Whether it is possible for the opposition MPs not to join the government formally but work with the government through the committee system in Parliament. Mr. Jayasuriya had put in place something called sectoral oversight committees when he was Speaker. They have been revived. We were hoping that the oversight committees would play an active role. We came close. Again, everybody knows it did not quite work as we envisaged.
We are now in the plan C. I believe honestly that there are people in the opposition who are cooperative. I believe the government is also open to some suggestions. They could be more conciliatory. In a way, they are less conciliatory now than when the process started. I am sorry about that. What we would like to do is to have at least an effective Plan C.
Q Sri Lanka still has to get out of the way without depending on loans. What is your view?
We have to depend on loans. I am going to say something contrary. We have to get out of this crisis. Still, we have to get loans. I just have an objection to wrongly taken loans.
Q Yet, our debt burden is high as a percentage of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Isn’t it?
I am interested in role of ideas and the impact of those ideas on the world. I went back to December, 2006 or January, 2007. We had a development dialogue. I had quoted in some of my writings Dr. Sarath Amunugama, then Deputy Minister of Finance. He said, We have new partners. We don’t want these condionalities’. In 2007, the taking of International Sovereign Bonds (ISB) started. In 2007, large-scale borrowings from China started. ISBs don’t require anything – feasibility study or anything. Chinese also don’t require a lot of technical conditions to be satisfied. No conditionalities. That is where we started. The article I wrote at that time was called ‘Chinese conditionalities’. We are not getting these conditionalities. If you work with the World Bank, you have to get environmental clearance, feasibility studies etc. With the Japanese, it is even more complicated and time consuming. Using the example of the Katunayake expressway, I showed what the original estimate and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) upper limit estimates were, and what we spent by taking a loan from China. That is the cost of Chinese conditionality. We are spending way more. We have to be very careful about those kinds of loans. My favourite example is the Lotus Tower. There was no business case for it. But, we built it on loans. We have to take necessary loans, not these kinds of loans.
Q Sri Lanka needs to boost its foreign reserves, though. What is the strategy you propose?
Very clearly, we have to increase exports. I have this diagram. We have all these imports – super diesel, Octane 92, wheat, grain, cellular phone and so on. These boxes are scaled to show how much we are spending. I showed this to people. Generally speaking, there is nothing here that can be cut. So we have to export in order to be able to bring in these essential imports. Here, we have exports (Refers to another diagram). You can see we have not diversified.
We have to diversify. There is no question about that. We have to diversify not only what we export but also the markets. We have to diversify to Asia. Today, we are selling to the United States and Europe. We have to reduce that reliance and sell more to Asia. How do we do it? The answer comes in three parts.
In the short term, the Export Development Board (EDB) has got a national export strategy. If you want, do a quick update of that. But, they have committees already in place to implement the national export strategy. The government does not export. The government provides goods and services to people here. The private sector is the one that engages in export. Because the private sector exports, we have to listen to them. In each of these areas, I would bring people to a series of meetings to discuss. That can quickly identify and remove the barriers that are being experienced. Secondly, we have to look at people who like to export to Asia and other places. We have to identify the barriers they face and remove them. Trade negotiations going on at the moment are a good vehicle for doing it. We always look at trade agreements in terms of how do we protect our markets from foreigners. We have the second question. You want to export. What are the problems these trade agreements can help you with? Then, we go to our trading partners – India, China and Thailand – and ask them to address these issues. That would be the medium term solution. In both cases, we are dealing with industrialists who have some international exposure and experience in exporting. Now, there are longer term opportunities.
I am told we generated US $ 1.7 billion from software and business process outsourcing sector. That is higher than what we expected. I personally believe the BPO industry is a sunset industry. We really don’t have a long time to go with that industry. Software industry is a stronger sector where we have the potential. We have to really think about machine learning and related areas – call it Artificial Intelligence. We have to have this conversation to identify the barriers that prevent us from becoming an AI-intensive country. We complain about our young people leaving. If we plan things properly, we can attract them back.
Q What are the lessons which we can learn from Thailand and India which went for successful arrangements with the IMF?
I had the benefit of listening to the Thai Central Bank governor from that time. The Thai crisis took a very different form, originating as it did in a crash in the banking sector. The Indian case is similar to ours. Our core problem is the twin deficit problem. We have been running fiscal deficits for most of the past 75 years. Our exports are anemic. Everybody who looks at the goods exports will say that is the problem. I am a person who looks at the service sector. Service sector is my area of expertise.
We have to get rid of the barriers holding back the export of goods and services. Government has announced that para tariffs will be phased out. We have to make the necessary structural reforms. If we do what is necessary to eliminate the twin deficits, we will not have to go back to the IMF. Like India and many other countries, we can get ourselves on a growth path and create a country our people will want to come back to.
During his address to the Economic Dialogue – IMF and Beyond”, the President declared that Sri Lanka is at a crossroad and it was the nation’s last chance to forge ahead or fail (Daily FT, 31, 2023). Now that Sri Lanka has committed itself to the terms and conditions stipulated by the IMF to get out of its debt crisis, Sri Lanka has no option but to live by the commitments made.
The stated reason for canvasing the assistance of the IMF was to seek relief from the debt crisis. If this was the one and only compelling reason, why did the government not explore other options? For instances, several commentators have drawn attention to the existence of US $ 40 to 50 billion outside Sri Lanka belonging to exporters and importers. No attempt was made by the government to approach them and work out a deal, even to pay part of the annual installments of the debt payment in a manner that would have met their concerns as well as the interests of the country. Despite such recommendations being made and promoted by interested parties the Government stayed mute. Nor was any attempt made by the government to revise the Exchange Control Act to deter the provisions of the Act being abused. The fact that such strategies were not explored must mean that the IMF option had more to do than only addressing the debt crisis.
One such possibility is the importance of structural reforms needed for the long term. Without such external intervention, no government could, on its own, secure political support for tax increases; a fact that is evident from the protests, despite it being part of IMF conditions. Therefore, the deal with the IMF is expected to impact the short term in respect of the debt, and the long term with the introduction of structural reforms.
BEYOND the IMF DEAL
Now that Sri Lanka finds itself at a crossroads, the issue for the Sri Lankan nation is to decide which road should it take. The issue is whether it should be decided by the President as has been done in the past, or is there a way for the People to decide which road to take? The President has said, What I am aiming for in the next two years is to lay the ground work for highly competitive social market economy. We have to be competitive … emphasizing the opportunities in multiple sectors including agriculture, manufacturing and services…”. With all due respect to the President, even if what he wants is right for the nation at this moment in time, it remains that this is what this particular President wants for the Sri Lankan nation.
Since independence Sri Lanka has lived with what previous Presidents and other leaders wanted, and taken the good with the bad, the net effect of their visions being what the nation is facing today; a record that Sri Lanka cannot be proud of. On the other hand, if the notion is that the People of Sri Lanka do not have what it takes to decide which road to take, and therefore have to live by what is handed down from top, is flawed. The irony is that it is the same unsophisticated people who in the final analysis decide on whether to change the very character of the nation embodied in Article 83 of the Constitution through the will of the People expressed in referenda.
Whoever decides which road Sri Lanka should take, it has to operate and function within the contextual framework of global developments. The two overriding global developments are 1) the economic uncertainties that the world is witnessing daily have caused deep insecurities among Peoples that today have taken the form of political unrest to the point of threatening the security of nations and its Peoples, and (2) bilateral trade among major nations being undertaken in their currency of choice without any regard to recognised currencies that had dominated global trade for decades. For instance, Sri Lanka and India are trading in Indian rupees and India is buying oil from Russia in Indian rupees. China and Brazil have decided to conduct their massive trade and financial transactions directly exchanging renminbi for Riyals, and vice versa.
It is in such a beleaguered and uncertain landscape that Sri Lanka has to decide which road to take. If it chose to engage in competitive market economies, as suggested by the President, what would be the consequences? Competitive economies relating to manufacturing would involve importing raw materials which would be victims of global economies and currency fluctuations. On the other hand, competitive economies based on local inputs as with agriculture would be in a better position to be unaffected by global developments. This would be the case with the service sector as well. Therefore, Sri Lanka should focus on areas of economic activity that would be independent of external inputs. Adopting such an approach would mean that the government gives the highest priority to encourage the public by giving every possible opportunity for the development of an agriculture-based economy in order to reduce agricultural imports and encourage every form of organically based exports for Sri Lanka to develop a competitive export driven economy.
AGRICULTURE-BASED COMPETITIVE ECONOMY
A report in The Daily Mirror of March 30 refers to the successes achieved by farmers in the Ampara District. The report states, Ampara farmers cultivated using eco-friendly methods for three main seasons and achieved a successful harvest. According to the Department of Agriculture, farmers were able to achieve a yield of 5800 kg per hectare from the 4,880 hectares cultivated in the Ampara district using biofertilisers. This is an increase of 27.8% compared to the average yield of 4,540 kg per hectare using chemical fertilisers in Ampara over the past five years …. In addition, several agricultural lands have achieved remarkable outcomes from organic farming, and are even exporting their products. For instance, the Dankotuwa Lunuwila Farmers Organization in the North-West Province is successfully managing over 110 acres of paddy fields with the cooperation of more than 100 farmers. They harvest the paddy from these fields, process it into rice, and export it. Each farmer in the project was able to achieve a yield of 110 bushels per acre from 8 acres of organic farming”.
If one District-Ampara, can conclusively demonstrate that export quality paddy could be grown, the government should publicise the news and give national recognition to those engaged in the endeavour. Furthermore, the government should give all the encouragement needed for the achievements at Ampara to be repeated in the remaining 24 Districts. This would boost the incomes of the farming communities and become an impetus for others engaged in paddy production to follow suit. Starting with paddy the entire gamut of activities associated with agriculture such as paddy, fruits, vegetables, flowers, ornamental foliage, fertiliser, packaging and storage should be undertaken in each of the Districts using local materials at every stage of the manufacturing chain, for which the government should introduce incentives and inducements.
The byproducts of such a national venture would be to boost rural incomes and guarantee food security, and both of them would contribute to insulate Sri Lanka from global developments in other countries. Since nearly a third of Sri Lanka’s population is engaged in Agriculture in one way or another, a concerted impetus given to agriculture would mean a balanced income distribution. Given the choice, this is the road the people should opt for.
CONCLUSION
The President has declared the Sri Lanka is at a crossroads. His proposal for the next two years is to lay the groundwork for a highly competitive social market economy” in sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and services. Of the three sectors, what is advocated herein is to opt for agriculture as the road of choice not only because it assures food security but also because Agriculture is primarily based on local inputs, Sri Lanka would be in a better position to insulate itself from the uncertainties and instabilities affecting most countries. Furthermore, since nearly a third of Sri Lanka’s population is associated with agriculture incomes generated would help to minimise income disparities.
When giving agriculture the primacy of place, the government should give all the encouragement needed by way of incentives for People to develop new Agricultural products for export. In this regard, the lesson to be learnt from the farmers of the Ampara District is to grow paddy for export using indigenous technologies. The government must take the opportunity to give these farmers the national recognition they deserve and be humble enough to introduce such technologies in the other 24 Districts.
Agriculture is much more than just a way of livelihood. It is a way of life that lives by cherished civilisational values that made pre-colonial Sri Lanka a nation that was respected and one that the People were proud of. The keystone of pre-colonial civilisational values was self-reliance and pride in striving to achieve cherished goals. That spirit was deliberately undermined throughout the colonial period so much so that even chilies, onions and products used in indigenous medicine are today imported. Notwithstanding that past, those who have stayed engaged with Agriculture should be recognized and honoured by the nation because they protected and nurtured the civilisational values integral to their heritage, despite the distractions heaped on them. Therefore, the opportunity presented should be seized upon to rekindle and revive the spirit of the civilisational values that the Sri Lankan nation was once identified with. This then should be the new beginning, and the road for Sri Lanka to take.
In comparison to the provisions in the Anti-Terrorism Bill to confer on Magistrates the discretionary power to place terrorist suspects in custody, the provision for judicial review in the amendment to the PTA passed last year appears to be a much more practicable alternative because it is the Supreme Court and the Appeal Court that has been accorded the power to review detention orders. Judges of the higher judiciary live in the Capital, in much more secure environments than the local Magistrates and it is easier to provide extra security to members of the higher judiciary and to insulate them from any threats coming from terrorists.
The government has gazetted an Anti-Terrorism Bill to repeal and replace the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) of 1979, and it is to be presented to Parliament in the coming several weeks. This is an altered version of the 2018 Counter Terrorism Bill of the yahapalana government. The government should give serious thought to the implications of some of the changes proposed in this Bill. During the most important operational period of the existing Prevention of Terrorism Act, issuing detention orders on terrorist suspects was the preserve of the Executive branch. It was only in 2022 that judicial review of detention orders issued under the PTA was allowed. However, under the provisions of the proposed Anti-terrorism Bill, the judiciary becomes an integral part of the counter-terrorism mechanism in the country.
Under Section 28 of the Bill, a suspect under arrest has to be produced before the nearest Magistrate within 48 hours. If by that time, a Detention Order has been issued, the Magistrate is obliged to make an order to give effect to that Detention Order. (Detention orders are issued by a Deputy Inspector General of Police and may initially be issued for a period not exceeding three months.) If a Detention Order has not been issued, the Magistrate has the discretion to decide whether the suspect is to be remanded or granted bail. If a detention order is to be extended beyond three months, the Magistrate is once again given the discretion to decide either way. If he decides not to extend the detention order, he will have to consider whether there are grounds to continue to hold the suspect in remand. If he decides there are no such grounds, the suspect can be released on bail.
By vesting Magistrates with such powers over terrorism suspects, the Anti-Terrorism Bill seeks to place the local Magistrates right at the forefront of the fight against terrorism. ‘Judicial supervision’ sounds nice, but is it feasible? We have experienced outbreaks of terrorism in the form of the attempts at seizing state power in 1971 and 1987-89, the protracted campaign of separatist terrorism in the North and East between 1970-2009, and in the run-up to the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings by a Kattankudy-based terrorist group.
We have to consider the situation that would inevitably have arisen at that time if the local Magistrates had been vested with the exclusive power to remand/detain or release terrorist suspects. Terrorists have no interest in an independent judiciary. Their only aim is to force everyone to toe their line. We have all heard of the way the Kattankudy terrorists summoned even the powerful politicians of the area and imposed various conditions on them. In such circumstances, one cannot prevent Magistrates who hold complete authority over remanding/detaining or granting bail to terrorist suspects from becoming prime targets of the terrorists.
In 1987-89, the JVP killed the Grama Niladharis at every opportunity that presented itself on the accusation that the latter were representatives of the government. One can well imagine the situation that would have arisen at the time if it had been the local Magistrate who was vested with the sole discretion to either remand/detain or release the JVP suspects. Nobody seems to have given much thought to such practical issues. Members of the executive branch such as military and police units barricade themselves behind walls of sandbags and checkpoints when they operate in terrorist-infested areas. But the Magistrates cannot do that. They have to hear cases in open court and to go about in the community attending to various duties.
Vulnerable civilian officials such as Magistrates are hardly in a position to play a frontline role in combating terrorism. Someone may argue that Magistrates routinely remand even murder suspects, drug dealers and other dangerous criminals, therefore adding terrorists to the list will not be a problem. However, dangerous criminals are more often than not, presented before a magistrate for non-bailable offences and the Magistrate has little discretion, if any, in deciding whether to remand/detain the suspect, and criminals know this. In such circumstances, remanding a suspect does not turn the Magistrate into a target.
If, however, the Magistrates are vested with exclusive discretionary power to decide on either remanding/detaining or granting bail to all criminal suspects brought before them, then the criminals too will begin to zero in on the local Magistrates. Like the Magistrates, the police also live in the community they serve, but unlike the Magistrate, all policemen are armed, and work with armed colleagues.
They live in barracks or secured compounds and given the spirit de corps within the service, an attack on one member will bring down on the criminals the wrath of the entire service, and therefore the police are not a soft target for organized criminal gangs or terrorists to take on. Under the 1979 PTA, the power to detain terrorism suspects was vested in members of the Executive who carried arms and could resist force. One has to seriously consider how practical it would be to vest that power in an exposed, vulnerable civilian judicial official.
In comparison to the provisions in the Anti-Terrorism Bill to confer on Magistrates the discretionary power to place terrorist suspects in custody, the provision for judicial review in the amendment to the PTA passed last year appears to be a much more practicable alternative because it is the Supreme Court and the Appeal Court that has been accorded the power to review detention orders. Judges of the higher judiciary live in the Capital, in much more secure environments than the local Magistrates and it is easier to provide extra security to members of the higher judiciary and to insulate them from any threats coming from terrorists.
Fast-tracked release for terrorism suspects
Under Section 71 of the anti-Terrorism Bill, the Attorney General may suspend and defer the institution of criminal proceedings against a suspect for a period not exceeding twenty years if death or grievous hurt has not been caused to any person; or the security of the State and the people of Sri Lanka has not been seriously compromised or affected by the conduct of that suspect. In return, the suspect is expected to fulfill one or more of a set of conditions including the expression of remorse for his deeds, provision of reparations to victims, participation in a rehabilitation programme, public undertaking not to commit crimes in the future, engaging in community service, etc. Under Section 77, at any time before the judgment is given by the High Court, if the charges in the indictment do not relate to causing death or grievous bodily injury to any person; or endangering the security of the State and the people of Sri Lanka; or causing serious harm to property, the Attorney General may, withdraw the indictment against the accused on the basis of the same conditions mentioned above.
These provisions give rise to two questions. Firstly, if death or grievous hurt has not been caused to any person, and the security of the State and the people of Sri Lanka has not been seriously compromised or affected, and property has not been damaged, why should a given suspect be indicted before the High Court, at all? Secondly, even to file charges against a suspect, there has to be sufficient evidence to show that the person concerned has caused death or grievous hurt to some person or that he has endangered the security of the state or caused damage to property.
The difficulties encountered in gathering enough evidence to secure a conviction under the normal law of the land with regard to terrorism related offences is well known. Very often there are no witnesses, or laboratory evidence that can link a suspect to a particular terrorist attack is not available. Even if weapons and explosives are found on the suspect, charges can be filed only for the possession of the same and very often investigators are left with a lot of unproven allegations.
The reason why even the most dangerous LTTE terrorists held under the PTA were released from time to time was because in many cases sufficient evidence could not be found to secure a conviction or even to file charges. Thus, in most cases, terrorism suspects will become eligible for release without prosecution under Sections 71 and 77 of the Anti-Terrorism Bill. Under the provisions of the proposed new legislation, terrorism suspects can be detained only for one year. After filing charges, the period given to conclude cases against a terrorism suspect is also one year. If the case is not concluded within this period, the suspect has to be granted bail except in exceptional circumstances where the High Court can order that he be kept in remand for a further period not exceeding three months at a time.
In circumstances, where there is an ongoing terrorist issue in the country, provisions such as these will become a serious problem. Today, we are able to release even the most dangerous LTTE cadres because the LTTE was eliminated many years ago and these terrorists no longer have a terrorist movement to return to. But had the LTTE still been active in Sri Lanka, releasing even long-term PTA detainees would not have been feasible.
When it comes to terrorists, only the very naïve will believe any talk of expressing remorse and undertaking to refrain from committing offences in the future. Dissimulation is the very stock in trade of the terrorist. Given what we have experienced over the past several decades, the last thing that anybody in this country should be doing is to give out the signal that terrorists will be given special privileges not available to ordinary criminals. However, that is exactly what the proposed Anti-Terrorism Bill does by creating special pathways to enable terrorism suspects to obtain early release without prosecution.
The Transport and Highways Ministry will seek foreign investments to reconstruct the British-era rail track from Nanu-Oya to Ragala via Nuwara-Eliya, a Minister said.
The 31-kilometre narrow-gauge rail track was constructed during the British time. However, it had been dismantled later by the British rulers, apparently due to lack of commercial viability.
Minister Bandula Gunawardana told Daily Mirror that the government would call for an Expression of Interest from prospective foreign investors to reconstruct this line under the BOT (Build, Operate, Transfer) model.
He said the sixth highest altitude railway station of the world is located on this line in Kandapola.
There is a lot of potential for tourism development,” he said. (Kelum Bandara)
A card system will be introduced this year to enable passengers to obtain tickets for Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB) buses instead of using money, Transport Minister Bandula Gunawardena said.
Accordingly, a new technical solution will be introduced for passengers to obtain bus tickets using a QR code.
https://youtu.be/X7MEDweUjt4
Minister Gunawardena said this while participating in the distribution of new buses to SLTB depots in the districts of Nuwara Eliya and Kandy through the loan assistance scheme of the Indian Government.
The ceremony was held at the grounds near the Gregory’s Lake in Nuwara Eliya yesterday (9).
26 new buses were distributed to seven SLTB depots in Nuwara Eliya yesterday.
“The aim is to use the new buses to run on the plantation and rural roads, thereby strengthening the public transport service on the internal roads of the rural and plantation areas, thus providing regular transport facilities to the people,” the Minister said. (Chaturanga Pradeep Samarawickrama)
The government has decided to allow the entry of three foreign companies to sell fuel below the prices set by the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) for the benefit of the government as well as the people, Finance State Minister Ranjith Siyambalapitiya said.
“We still face the main problem of making fuel available all the time. We need USD 450 million per month to import fuel.
“We still have to issue fuel with a certain level of control due to lack of foreign exchange,” he said.
While giving permission for the incoming companies to sell fuel at prices lower than the CPC prices, it will provide the people with the profits from the competition created by getting rid of the existing monopoly.
Any company can provide fuel at a lower cost and increase their sales. That benefit will go to the people.
Instead of the billions of dollars in losses by selling fuel, the government would be able to gain a fixed tax or income from those companies.
Therefore, the restructuring of public institutions is a good sign for the government as well as the people in the country,” Siyambalapitiya added. (Chaturanga Pradeep Samarawickrama)
President Ranil Wickremesinghe directed officials to develop a formal plan aimed at maximizing the contribution of the Nuwara Eliya District, a major tourist city, to the Sri Lankan Government’s program to establish a stable economy within a four-year timeframe.
During a discussion held at the Nuwara Eliya District Secretariat this morning (10), the President instructed officials to work on a formal plan to maximize the contribution of the Nuwara Eliya District, the President’s Media Division reported.
The discussion also included the unveiling of the Nuwara Eliya New Town Development Plan and the Nuwara Eliya Tourism Plan, which were attended by political authority and government officials from the Nuwara Eliya District.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who spoke at the occasion, highlighted that despite the belief of many that the country’s economy could not be rebuilt, the agreement reached by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Government, provides an opportunity for fresh hope on the country’s economy.
The President emphasized the importance of developing the Nuwara Eliya District as a striking city that can attract tourists throughout the year, targeting both local and foreign tourists.
The President stressed the importance of preparing the development plans while considering the needs of tourists. He explained that the plans should prioritize creating a pleasant environment for tourists to relax, rather than focusing on constructing large buildings.
He also pointed out that the absence of a formal system for rainwater drainage in Nuwara Eliya City is a longstanding issue, and he urged officials to implement an urgent program to address this problem. Additionally, he directed special attention to solving the problem of drinking water in the area.
Mr. Wickremesinghe further explained that buildings in the Nuwara Eliya City should be done according to a proper plan, rather than constructing buildings haphazardly. He emphasized that the city has suffered due to the construction of large buildings and that officials should consider whether to turn it into a bustling metropolis like New York or maintain its identity as Nuwara Eliya.
The President highlighted the likelihood of an increase in tourist arrivals to Nuwara Eliya with the completion of the Central Expressway and stressed the importance of developing facilities in accordance with a proper plan.
He also emphasized that no party or investor should be allowed to damage the resources of the Nuwara Eliya District, and that all development should be environmentally friendly and well-planned.
Furthermore, Mr. Wickremesinghe called for government officials and political authorities to work in a well-coordinated manner in these matters. He encouraged everyone to think beyond the traditional framework and align themselves with the new program needed by the country.
Following the Sinhala and Tamil New Year, President Ranil Wickremesinghe expressed his intention to meet with all the secretaries of ministries, chairpersons of authorities and commissions, as well as heads of departments in order to obtain their contribution to realize the targeted 2025 development plan.
During the discussion, there was a widespread focus on developing the Nuwara Eliya District through sustainable and environmentally friendly practices.
There was a detailed conversation regarding the development activities to be carried out in the city under the Nuwara Eliya City Development Plan, as well as the development of Nanu Oya as a sub-city.
Plans were also made to develop Nuwara Eliya as a green city by preserving forest conservation areas, and five suburbs were earmarked for development with Nuwara Eliya as the central hub. Additionally, the establishment of a university in Nuwara Eliya and the construction of a Ramayana Center were also discussed during the meeting.
The President issued instructions to modernize the Nanu-Oya Railway Station and establish a high-quality economic centre nearby. The aim is to enable farmers to pack their vegetables and transport them safely and conveniently to Colombo.
The development of the racecourse and the lake, improvement of parking facilities, and speedy implementation of a formal water management program in Nuwara Eliya were given special attention during the discussions.
In addition, a program to increase the income of local residents and improve their lives was discussed at length.
The event was attended by Minister Jeevan Thondaman, Nuwara Eliya District Members of Parliament S.B. Dissanayake, C.B. Ratnayake, V.S. Radhakrishnan and M. Rameswaran, President’s Secretary Saman Ekanayake, Nuwara Eliya District Secretary Nandana Galabada, and other government officials.
Minister of Foreign Affairs Ali Sabry convened a briefing on current developments in Sri Lanka for the Colombo-based diplomatic corps on Monday (10 April).
Minister of State of Foreign Affairs Tharaka Balasuriya, Chief of Staff to the President Sagala Ratnayaka and Foreign Secretary Aruni Wijewardane were associated with the briefing, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said.
Opening the meeting, the Minister thanked the international community for the support extended to Sri Lanka towards economic recovery and briefed on progress made in this regard. He also requested countries to review their travel advisories to reflect the stability in the country which would further encourage tourist influx.
The Minister also highlighted initiatives taken by the government for reconciliation including the convening of the All-Party Conference by the President in December 2022 and January 2023 and the appointment of the Cabinet Sub-Committee on Reconciliation chaired by the President.
He also briefed on the government’s position on the 13th Amendment and the proposed counter-terrorism legislation. He provided an update on ongoing efforts to set up a Truth and Reconciliation mechanism, and thanked the Government of South Africa for facilitating a working visit in March to study the country’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).
President’s Chief of Staff Sagala Ratnayaka briefed on developments related to the government’s structural reform process in the context of IMF, World Bank and ADB programmes, and highlighted the measures taken, inter alia, towards debt sustainability, fiscal oversight, social protection for the vulnerable segments, good governance and addressing corruption.
Foreign Secretary Wijewardane outlined Sri Lanka’s continued engagement with the UN mechanisms including Sri Lanka’s recent participation in the 4th Cycle of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR), the 6th Periodic Review under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the 52nd Session of the Human Rights Council (HRC).
She added that Sri Lanka also submitted its 9th Periodic Report to the Committee on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in April 2022 and has started the consultation process among relevant stakeholders.
The Foreign Secretary also highlighted the government’s initiatives to proactively engage with Sri Lankans overseas including through the recently established Office for Overseas Sri Lankans Affairs.
Following the briefing members of the diplomatic corps engaged in a discussion on several pertinent issues, including investment promotion, reconciliation, good governance, and anti-corruption. They also thanked Minister Sabry for providing regular briefings to the diplomatic corps on relevant developments in Sri Lanka, the statement said.
Former Central Bank Governor Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy said that foreign creditors would want to get the debt restructuring exercise over with as quickly as possible.
He noted that it wouldn’t be in the interests of foreign creditors to put the local banking sector into crisis.
He added that macroeconomic indicators had improved in excess of the projections made by the IMF and other multilateral institutions.
When asked about the potential delaying of processes due to demands of further domestic debt restructuring Dr. Coomaraswamy said, his understanding is that most of the creditors want to get this done quickly.
He went on to explain that there must be equitable treatment amongst debtor groups.
Dr. Coomaraswamy was speaking at a recent NDB Securities Rupee Round Table discussion.
On the extent of a voluntary domestic debt restructuring, Dr. Coomaraswamy noted that the impact on the financial system could not exceed the cost of funds deposit-taking institutions will face in the period ahead.
